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Affordable Housing, Housing Strategies and

Growth Management in Flanders (Belgium):Facts, Policy and Discourses

Jef Van den Broeck, ProfessorInstitute of Urban and Regional Planning

University of Leuven

Han VerschureInstitute of Urban and Regional Planning

University of Leuven

Paper prepared for:

International Planning Symposium onIncentives, Regulations, and Plans

The Role of States and Nation-States in Smart Growth Planning National Center for Smart Growth Research and Education, University of Maryland

Habiforum Foundation, The Netherlands

Maryland Department of PlanningSeptember 30 October 1, 2004


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Affordable Housing, Housing Strategies and

Growth Management in Flanders (Belgium):Facts, Policy and Discourses

1. Introduction

Affordable housing and growth management are both key issues in Flanders, the

Dutch-speaking region of Belgium. Owing to Belgiums federal structure, each of the

federal regions (Flanders, Wallonia, Brussels) have full political and legal competence in

matters such as spatial planning including growth management, urbanisation, housing and

the environment.

The surface of the Region is about 13.522 sq. Km. It has approximately 5,94 million

inhabitants(2000) and a density of 439 inhabitants/sq. km. The Belgian Central

Area(about 4000 sq. km) is a dense galaxy(1100 inh./ sq. km) with three main cities

Brussels (the European Capital), Antwerp and Ghent and about 4 million inhabitants. We

can call it an urban region comparable with other polycentric regions as there are the

Ruhr area and Rijn- Mainz in Germany, the Randstad Holland and Lille- Roubaix-

Kortrijk, a cross- border region in France and Belgium.

Fig. 1: Flanders in Belgium and Europe


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In the paper we describe the current position with regard to housing and spatial

planning, and in particular the relationship between these issues. This connection is

neglected which is strange because housing besides economical development, nature and

infrastructure, is influencing the structure of space fundamentally. The policies on the two

issues are not directly related to each other and are not integrated, partly due to the sector-

based institutional organization of the regions (which means they are the responsibility of

different departments and different ministers). We describe the current status,

characteristics and policy in relation to these two issues and the present strategies trying to

ensure a supply of affordable housing. We will raise the issue in how far the spatial

policy, expressed in the Spatial Structure Plan for Flanders, is giving an answer to the

affordable housing needs taking into account the specifics demands of different

population groups and the characteristics of the housing stock. In our view affordable

refers not only to the cost of housing to individual households, but also the cost to society

as a whole. Affordable housing also means sustainable housing as part of a sustainable

spatial planning context.

Unfortunately few empirical research about the relationship is existing today and only

few statistical data are available. This means that this paper will be partially based upon

qualitative interpretation of the reality. However the present policies and strategies

concerning planning and housing are clear: (a) a policy and strategy to concentrate

housing in chosen settlements served by public transport (de-concentrated bundling), (b) a

policy and strategy to promote housing in main centres by developing strategic urban

projects in existing urban areas, (c) a policy and strategy to realise public housing projects

in urban areas, (d) a policy and strategy supported by the EU for the protection of valuable

natural areas and landscapes, and (e) the real policy and strategy to give a direct answer

to the demand by creating plots in rural and new- rural areas, a policy which could be

considered as contradictory with the spatial policy and the principles of sustainable

development.

A key question is in which way these different policies are influencing each other and

possibly can be integrated/ incorporated. The paper will try to illustrate facts, policies and

strategies with some cases.

Finally the paper will formulate some suggestions for the improvement of the

relationship between the housing policy and the goals, objectives and concepts of the

Structure Plans on the different policy levels (region, city). These plans which can be


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considered as the expression of what sustainable development spatially means in Flanders.

Hereby we have to mention that the concept smart growth is not usual in Belgium nor in

Europe and even is criticised.

2. Spatial C haracteristics, Dynamics and Policies

2.1 A Fragmented Space

A glance at a satellite picture (fig.2) is sufficient to understand the fragmented and

splintered character of Flanders, a tight patchwork of smaller and larger settlements,

villages, towns and cities and their connecting built-up strip developments.

Fig. 2: Built up area in Flanders/ Belgium

The historical town pattern dating from the Middle Ages can still be identified on the

picture but the background - many growing smaller towns and rural villages and most of

all a galaxy of sprawled buildings - is becoming increasingly prominent and resulting in a

kind of peripheral condition with little regard for spatial coherence(De Meulder et al,

1999) (Loeckx, 1999) (Kesteloot, 2001) (Van den Broeck, 1994) . An explanation for this

situation can perhaps be found (fig. 3) in the historic structure of Flanders, the libertarian

attitude of Belgian society and the laissez-faire, laissez-passer policy (Van den Broeck,


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1994, 2003). But as in many places, of course, a number of global trends and dynamics

also influence this sprawl and fragmentation: changes in transport modes and attitudes, the

growing network society and the footloose economy and the changing factors governing

choice of location, changing lifestyles influencing housing conditions and choice of

housing location, and last but not least the metamorphosis of the countryside (Gulinck et

al, 2001) (Meert, 2002) (Borret, 2002) (Ryckewaert, 2002).

Fig.3: Origins of sprawl

Growing individual mobility influenced the structure and functioning of urban areas; it

multiplied peoples personal activity range around a hundredfold. According to Harvey

(1989) the permanent revolution in the world of transport is leading towards a shrinking

world or a destruction of space by time.


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Fig. 4: Travel time in different cities in different periods

(Ausubel, Marchetti, Meyer, 1998)

The historical hierarchical relationship between central places (Christaller, 1933) is

eroding, older central locations are losing importance while new centres, sometimes

referred to as urban fragments, with a totally different character are developing

spontaneously at alternative locations related to infrastructure networks: close to

motorways, main access roads, railway stations, airports, etc. Increased mobility has

meant greater freedom in decisions about the location of dwellings and business areas,

resulting in a kind of nomadic lifestyle (Mitchell, 2001). Here the notion nomadic may

not be understood as people regularly moving from one place to the other. On the contrary

the dwelling place of families remain quite stable but the mobility pattern of each family

member is more flexible and directed towards many different places in an urban area,

sometimes characterised as a criss-cross use of space. Certainly in urban regions as the

Belgian central area this phenomenon is happening (Spatial Structure Plan Flanders,

1997:36-45).

On the other hand, businesses with specific activities will always opt for specific

locations. This choice, either for a more suitable setting or for an urban peripheral or rural

location, is often taken on pragmatic grounds where the cost of land or road accessibility

is important. Despite the present vastly increased mobility opportunities, the choice of

settlement location by households is not entirely free. Their choice depends on several

factors: the socio-demographic characteristics of the family, the presence of certain

amenities and services - schools, shops, nursery schools, babysitting facilities, etc. - or


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even emotional aspects. There is also a demand for a wide range of different residential

environments. It is interesting that households tend to be home-fast: people prefer not to

move house and would rather travel to work or to visit relatives and friends. This is made

possible by the fairly dense road network and the short distances involved.

The rural regions are also undergoing a fundamental transformation. The traditional

production function (agriculture, forestry, etc.) is losing significance while new functions

are gaining importance and vying for space: nature protection, water management,

recreation, tourism, even housing and the landscape (Gulinck et al, 2001).

2.2 Policy

In 1997 a Spatial Structure Plan (SSP) for Flanders was passed (Albrechts 1999). It

was a reaction against the degradation of space characterized by sprawl and fragmentationcaused by the uncontrolled spatial dynamics. The existing land-use plans (1/25 000), a

type of legal master plan for the whole country legalised in the seventies, had proved

inadequate to stop the sprawl and fragmentation (Van den Broeck, 2003) (Spatial

Structure Plan, 1997). The SSP is a plan formulating the directive policies/ strategies and

contains also a part which is binding for all authorities. The core principles of the SSP

(fig. 6) focus on more sustainable development and are aimed at the concentration of

development in urban areas, the protection of nature and open areas, and the concentration

of industrial activities around main ports and optimum access routes.

Fig. 6: Principles of the Spatial Structure Plan for Flanders


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It is too early to assess the performance of the Plan, although certain results have been

achieved. The classification of the road network for instance was introduced and became a

basis for infrastructure planning on all policy levels (region, province, municipality) (fig.

7).

Fig.7: Classification of the road network (SSP)

On the other hand, some actors are already calling for changes or adaptations to the

Plan; some of these calls are motivated by a desire for a better and faster response to the

need for more housing and industrial areas and more flexibility in the choice for locations.

Indeed the policy is based on concentration of development in urban areas and

densification. Others are motivated by more speculative tendencies. Recently a more

fundamental critic is raised by Saey and Van Nuffel. Using recent research they argue that

the reading of the dynamics and the urban structure of Flanders possibly is correct but

based upon wrong grounds and misinterpretations. They agree that the Christaller theory

indeed doesnt represent anymore reality and that the dichotomy between urban and rural,remaining more or less a basic principle of the spatial policy, should not be anymore a

leading spatial principle. They plead for the introduction of a new spatial structuring

principle in spatial policy: the regionalisation of the dwelling market referring to the

complex process of and the need for the differentiation of the dwelling environments in

an interweaved urban and rural space(Saey, Van Nuffel, 2003). If this principle should be


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accepted as well as a different definition of the notion urban area, which in the SSP as

said before remain a bit Christallian, a much more differentiated structure could appear.

Question remains if a policy founded exclusively upon the housing market and for

instance not upon the protection of nature, the natural and landscape structure and the

structure of public transport will be sustainable.

3. Characteristics of the Housing Stock and Housing Policies

3.1 A decent house with a garden in the rural area

Historically, housing policy in Belgium has always been based on promoting home

ownership by providing subsidies and cheap, state-guaranteed loans for the building of

new homes. Inexpensive season tickets for train and tram were introduced to make

commuting to rural areas and smaller towns and villages easy. The objective behind this

anti- urban policy was the creation of social, political and, in the past, even religious

stability by tying people to their family, land and house.

Almost 74% of the housing stock today is owner-occupied (44.7% detached), with

only 19% being rented housing (55.7% in apartments) from a private person or firm and 6

% rents from a public housing company. Our close neighbouring country, the

Netherlands, for example, has the opposite proportion: 65% rented and 35% owner-

occupied. About 80% of the Flemish households is living in a one family house and 20%

in apartments.

There is no denying that this policy has over the years led to the creation of a housing

stock that is quite young 25% dates from the last 20 years and 67% is build after 1960-

spacious and of good quality. The average amount of rooms(living/ sitting/ sleeping

rooms and kitchen) per dwelling is 4,8. The comfort of the dwellings is improving year by

year : 71% have central heating and 96,5% a bathroom. The majority (60%) of the

dwellings doesnt need any reparation. In 13% a minor problem exist and in 10% an

important reparation is necessary (Pickery, 2004).

Compared with our neighbours France, Germany and the Netherlands, the building

costs - which are related to floor area - remain modest. The average cost (total private and

public housing, excluding exclusive villas) for a dwelling is around EUR 100,000 (2003)

(fig. 8).


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Fig.8: Evolution of the selling price of dwellings and building plots in FlandersSource NIS, DS Infografiek

According ERA, an international real estate co-operation, the average cost of a

dwelling in Belgium (2003) was EUR 117 700 which is rather low compared with France

(EUR 157 000), Germany (164 000), The Netherlands (206 300) and UK (233 300).

On the other hand, the figure of around 300,000 substandard dwellings is not

decreasing, demand for affordable housing (including public housing) is growing and the

costs of both building plots and dwellings are rising. According to the construction

industry, the rising costs are caused by an overly strict spatial planning policy based on

urban renewal objectives and the concentration of housing development in towns and

central villages with good public transport access. The protection of areas of natural value

is of course another factor that restricts development. A further reason may be that the

changing face of the construction industry, with an increasing number of largercontractors and developers taking over the building production from individual

commissioners (private households), fewer building activities being carried out by the

commissioners themselves as has traditionally happened in the past, etc.

It is interesting that recent statistics relate housing data with spatial categories. In the

SSP a difference is made between major city-regions, regional city-regions, small cities,


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structure supporting cities and the rural area. Obviously ownership is predominant(about

81%) in the rural area and less present (about 60%) in major cities. Tenants in the private

and public sector are mainly living in main city regions. Dwellings with shortcomings are

mostly situated in private rented buildings in main cities. In these buildings also Moroccan

and Turks are concentrated. The general satisfaction with the dwelling environment is,

also obvious, quite larger in the rural area and smaller cities. On the other hand the

availability of services is appreciated more in main, regional and smaller cities (Pickery,

2004).

Possibly the spatial policy already has a certain effect. The internal (Belgians)

emigration from the major cities (Antwerp, Brussels) to the rural area decreased between

1995 and 2001. In Ghent it stopped even. The external (foreigners) immigration gives a

positive result in the three cities. In the periphery of the major cities there was since years

a considerable immigration. To date their is a balance between emigration and

immigration which seems logic because building areas become scarce (Pelfrene, 2004).

3.2 A Continuing Policy

The present policy continues the promotion of home ownership. In its recent policy

statement the new Flemish government (June 2004) espouses the same policy:

a. more citizens should have access to affordable ownership; therefore more buildingplots should be created;

b. public agencies will be encouraged to bring the land they own on to the market;c. taxes on building plots will be reduced on the condition that a dwelling is built on

it in the short term;

d. public housing agencies must step up their activity; they will receive moreresources for this; where possible they should sell their stock to incumbent tenants;

e. subsidies for home rental and grants for renovation will be increased.

Obviously this a hybrid policy promoting development in the rural area on the one

hand and stimulating urban renewal on the other. Certainly for weaker population

categories, including immigrants, but also for singles and one parent families, mainly

woman with children, this policy will not be an answer to their needs. As well the SSP, as

the official urban policy on Flemish, Federal and European level(see 4) and the Habitat

Platform- a forum of organisations dealing with housing and society- are pleading for a


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more affordable housing policy much more related with the spatial and urban policy. The

SSP calls for a larger and divers housing offer in well equipped and accessible urban

areas. The urban policy focuses on the realisation of urban projects in major cities. The

Habitat Forum (2004) recommend a powerful and efficient policy with following

objectives:

a. an active land policy directed to payable housing in mixed surroundings;b. differentiation of housing typology;c. stimulation of the renewal of private housing stock;d. the protection of specific population categories;e. an integrated housing policy related to sustainable development, urban

development and social services;

f. a more adequate financing and organisation of the public housing sector (PlatformWonen, 2004).

4. The Notion of Affordable Housing

As stated earlier, affordable housing was and is an important social and political issue.

In the Housing Code affordable housing is described as a right for every citizen. But the

question of what affordable housing really means in this context is not sufficiently

explored.

In our paper we distinguish between three dimensions of affordability. The most

common dimension is the cost of the dwelling for an individual or household. Looking at

the present situation in Flanders, it could possibly be said that 85% of the population can

afford a decent dwelling. To do this, however, they have to pay back a loan over a period

of 20 or 25 years, something which in many cases is only possible in households with two

persons earning a regular income. Divorce or illness or unemployment on the part of one

of the partners could logically mean that many households would eventually be unable to

afford the loan repayments.

A second dimension concerns the capacity of our society to ensure decent housing for

everyone. Here we have to address the question of what decent housing means in

todays circumstances, and of whether the state (either directly or indirectly from the

public coffers) can afford it, especially as the trend during the last 40 years has been

towards a demand for ever larger homes (sometimes to house a shrinking household) on

larger plots (average size of new plots in 1994: 1350 sq.m), preferably in a rural area but


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close to all services. In the current situation the state is on the one hand delegating the task

to individual members of the public by making available building plots and encouraging

them to build. On the other hand, the government is increasingly looking to the private

sector to build affordable owner-occupied and public housing - by no means an obvious

solution given the high quality - and costs - of private-sector developments. The quality of

the present public housing stock is high - possibly too high in the light of the financial

capacity of households and the state. More and more households are finding they can no

longer afford the rents and are having to look for substandard solutions in the private

sector or even moving to campsites.

Although the private sector is the main direct actor (and claims to be better in the

provision of housing), the state is generally expected to provide the necessary

infrastructure. With such a division of tasks, the private sector reaps the benefits, while

the public carries the burdens. This is of course only possible with a high indirect tax base

to fund all these public investments.

A final dimension usually left out of the fundamental discussion that have taken place

so far in Flanders, concerns the sustainability of housing developments: their location,

environmental impact, typological diversity, their economic use of energy, water, land,

etc. It is already being argued that our spatial utilisation capacity(spatial footprint) has

reached its limits, that we have to conserve energy in order to achieve the Kyoto norms,

and that water is becoming an increasingly scarce resource. Several of these issues have

been raised and modest remedial steps have been initiated, but as yet a fundamental

rethink, let alone the real political will to solve long-term problems, has still to emerge

and be placed on the agenda as a top priority for society. The same applies in many other

countries, of course.

5. Strategies for the Provision of Affordable Housing

In practice, several different - sometimes contradictory - strategies are employed. Part

of the reason for this is of course the existence of different views and basic attitudes

among the public.


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Fig 9. Strategies for the provision of affordable housing

5.1 De-Concentrated Bundling, Task-Setting, Boundaring and Bookkeeping

The Spatial Structure Plan for Flanders is a legal document that tries to put forward an

integrated vision of spatial development and that deals with housing needs and the

desirable location of developments. The Plan espouses the provision of housing at

sustainable locations. It aims to achieve this through the implementation of different

strategies mentioned in the above tittle. However, the Plan lacks an implementation

strategy which is related to budgets and financial means.

De-concentrated bundling means in practice that the SSP indicate the settlements were

development can be stimulated within a certain boundary. As mentioned above the list is

criticised and in practice the Flemish government decided, hereby adapting the SSP, to

give more possibilities for plot creation in almost every existing settlement. This is

contradictory with the task-setting for settlements which is also a strategy from the SSP.

It means that each settlement depending of its cate gory(main, regional, small city or main

village), should realise a specific amount of dwellings within the period 1992- 2007. The

bigger cities couldnt realise this objective because to build in urban areas is more


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complex than in rural even if land is available. Indeed many actors are needed to develop

an urban project and often a nimby reaction is raising against concentration and

densification. All this is a reason for a more pragmatic policy : the creation of plots in the

rural areas, villages and smaller cities.

Boundaring was and remains a main strategy however it is also criticised. The

essential objective of this strategy was to concentrate and stimulate development in urban

areas and to protect natural and agricultural valuable areas. To date this operation is

almost finished as for the main and regional cities(fig.9) . In our view the critics are not

fundamental except for the arguments raised by Saey and Van Nuffel. These arguments

however are not related to the concept of boundaring but concern the intended spatial

structure. In many cases boundaring was stimulating the debate about the future of the city

and leading to an integrated vision and even the choice of strategic urban projects.

5.2 Urban Projects

A promising strategy is the Stedenbeleid or Urban Policy on Flemish level, which

has been in place for eight years. The policy objectives fit in with the Spatial Structure

Plan and envisage the development of mixed, multifunctional and integrated urban

projects, mainly on brow nfield sites, abandoned railway yards (urban voids), neglected

urban neighbourhoods, etc. The strategy, which is backed by sound scientific research,

appears to have a major influence on urban planning policies. The strategy is also in line

with the Federal policy and the EU Urban programme, which has the same objectives. A

Withe Book (Boudry, et al, 2003) recently published gives a conceptual frame as well

for an urban policy, as for decision making and for research. It is meant to give a

direction to a broad palette of actors and activities (Uitermark, 2004:61). Within the

scope of this policy the Flemish government installed different groups of experts to guide

thirteen cities in their effort to realise complex urban projects. Another initiative of the

responsible administration is the organisation of a series of master classes(September-

December 2004) bringing all involved administrations together with the project managers

of the chosen projects in the different cities.

The European Urban programme has a longer tradition already and can present

results on the field as for instance in the city of Antwerp.


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5.3 Area-Specific Integrated Approach

More and more areas are adopting an area-specific integrated approach, initiated by

provinces or groups of municipalities. This initiative is being taken because of the need to

address urgent problems needing a direct solution or because some opportunities demand

fast intervention. The approach is based on co-operation between the actors involved and

is intended to help create a long-term perspective for the area concerned and to establish a

concrete action plan committing the actors to its implementation. Urban pacts - binding

contracts between the stakeholders - are used as a tool to guarantee their real (financial)

involvement. In Flanders we find a success story in this field: the Ghent Canal Area

project(Van den Broeck, 1996, 2001)( Albrechts, Van den Broeck, 2004).

5.4 Public Housing

With about 135 000 dwellings for rent, public housing never was a priority in

Flanders. Our neighbouring countries have about 10-15% instead of 6,1%. Of course the

ownership policy is a main reason: cheap land, cheap loans guaranteed by the state,

fiscal advantages, self-building, etc. For a long time public housing was meant for the

average labourer and the lower employee. The allocation policy applied by the housing

companies which were strongly influenced by political parties (social-democrats and

socialists) was based on clientism by favouring party members. A turn came in the

nineties when a Dwelling code was accepted in the parliament and from then public

housing was seen as a way to house weaker population groups(De Decker, 2002).

Unfortunately this turn has negative financial consequences for the budget of the housing

companies because the present group of tenants often cannot pay the rents anymore while

land and building costs are rising. Another consequence is the growing need because the

housing companies doesnt have the means anymore to enlarge their stock which is also

ageing.

5.5 The Real Policy: a Compromise

To date, however, the reality of the present Flemish spatial and housing policy and

strategy as described earlier in many ways contradicts both the newer strategies mentioned

above. In response to the demand on the part of the construction industry and also the

apparent needs of people, the creation of building in the countryside is continuing, as is


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the policy of sprawl and invasion of open areas. Private car mobility and road transport is

still highly favoured, despite efforts and incentives to promote public transport.

5.6 Conclusions

The strategy for the realization of public housing is under discussion. The government

wishes to work together with the private sector in PPP structures to meet the obvious

needs. To date the results have been poor, however, and governmental housing agencies

have claimed this task. The standards to be aimed for also remain an issue: should the aim

be minimum standards, as at present or maximum standards, a more diverse typology,

mixed programmes, etc.

An even greater challenge will be to redirect policies towards more sustainable spatial

living patterns, for example with a return to the tradition of fairly dense urban livingaccessible for public transport with more modest individual dwellings, but enhanced by

contemporary comfort norms and adequate public amenities.

The strategy for reducing energy consumption will have to focus not only on more

energy- efficient constructions, but also on a more fundamental lifecycle analysis-based

assessment of the entire construction sector, with a rethink of conventional road-

dominated transport systems, consolidation and regrouping of open spaces, reusing

reconversion areas, etc. In fact it will have to be directed towards a search for another

(not a new urbanism).

What can the notion smart growth in Flanders mean (Van den Broeck, 2003)? The

answer is based upon in-depth interviews of different actors:

a. Improving the accessibility through the connection of the different public transportnetworks on the different levels (local-local, regional-local) and the co-ordination

of the management;

b. development of mixed housing projects linked with public transport nodes;c. protection of valuable natural areas in order to strengthen the natural structure;d. landscaping as a mean to create a new coherent and agreeable image and better

living environments;

e. a sustainable energy production and use.

Using our definition of affordable housing in short term their will not be enough

supply at all. Their should be developed an active integrated policy to create a larger offer


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of housing of different types at the right locations. The principles of the SSP can be kept

except from the intended spatial structure which should be revised taking into account

new knowledge about the regionalisation of the housing market. The urban policy,

standing for an integrated approach, also is a good model for sustainable development and

affordable housing.


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Christaller,W., (1933),Die Zentrale Orte in Sddeutschland, eine untersuchung ber die

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