The use and management of water resources in the realm of agriculture can be

understood by dividing it into three time periods; pre colonial period, colonial period, and

post independence period. These periods have different water use mechanisms and

management strategies. Prior to colonial period, when local knowledge was the best way

to tap water in sustainable manner, resource was community managed. In colonial period,

for economic gains, the British rule made huge investments for irrigation from canals

which were although public but the ownership rights were embedded in the British

government. Further, in post independence, with the advancement in technology with

modern vision the state followed colonial development strategy and took over the

community water resources. Various irrigation and drinking water projects were

launched. However, failure of such projects led the social scientists to rethink upon the

development and management strategy. Cernia (1991) while exploring the cause behind

failure found that in development, econo-centric and techno-centric (hardware) aspects of

the project has acquired main core whereas socio-cultural dimensions (software) of the

project has been completely neglected. Focus has been on establishing hardware and their

operation and maintenance while the social and institutional framework has been

neglected. Moreover, operation and maintenance of water bodies also raise questions and

are the reasons for scarcity of water. However, Later realising the ignorance of

community in managing water resources, state has adopted the participatory user

management strategy through the formation of user association and management rights

are given to them to foster timely and regular supply of water and its equal distribution

among the farmers.

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The present chapter traces out the role of state in development interventions and

involvement of community on the other in managing water resource. However, the

present chapter is divided into three sections. The first section attempts to trace the

history of development of irrigation facilities along with its disparities in Eastern, western

and central regions of Uttar Pradesh. The section two deliberates upon the specific

irrigation development intervention by the state i.e. Sarda Sahayak canal Irrigation

System and Uttar Pradesh Water Sector Rehabilitation Project (UPWSRP). Section three

aims at tracing out traditional systems of water use and their management along with the

reasons of their decline. Section four reflects upon current status of irrigation in the

district Raebareli and Tiloi block.

I

Irrigation Development in Uttar Pradesh: Role of State

Arrival of British in India and expansion of Indian economy for profit making led

to public investments in irrigation. Thereafter, in post independent India, state made

various development interventions in various sectors including water. Mega water

projects such as Hirakund dam, Sardar Sarovar dam, Rihand dam, Bhakhra Nangal dam

etc. were constructed keeping infrastructural development in view. Major objectives of

construction of these dams were increasing agricultural productivity along with

production of electricity. Simultaneously, various canal construction and river diversion

projects also emerged. However, the welfare state in the name of development started

managing common property resources including water. It created dependency of

community on state. Gradually, community was totally marginalised in managing these

resources, while failure of state in managing these resources grew apathy in people

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towards state. Recently, the state has realized the significance of community’s role in

managing water and other natural resources. Therefore the state has adopted participatory

approach in management of water resources particularly surface water such as in

management of canals and tanks. Moreover, the state with an intention of effective

management is aiming at handing over water bodies direct to the community for

operation and maintenance. However, involvement of community in managing water

resource is a spontaneous process and participation of community is dependent on many

factors such as attitude, leadership, self interests and motives. Therefore, implementation

of participatory planning has also been encountering problems at ground. UPWSRP has

been launched by state of UP to rehabilitate Sarda Sahayak Pariyojna and it has also

introduced Water User Associations for operation and maintenance of canal. Although, it

has been found that WUAs are not working properly in the study area, state’s initiatives

of development of water resources cannot be ignored. Therefore, state led development

interventions in water in UP (Since the study is conducted in two villages of UP) have

been recorded here.

Development of Canals

Major source of surface water in the state are rivers flowing from southeast to

southwest direction. Major rivers include Ganga, Yamuna, Ghagra, Gomti, Gandak, Sone

and Sarda. Therefore, first major investments in irrigation in what is now UP were made

in the canal systems during the mid-nineteenth century. These canals, the eastern Yumna,

the Ripper and lower Ganga and the Agra Canal were built between 1830 and 1880, and

covered the Meerut, Rohilkhand and Agra Divisions which, as noted above, comprise

what is now West UP. The canals were built in this region partly because of the ease with

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which the water resources could be tapped, but more importantly because it was

anticipated that they would show a good return on the investment. This was because the

region was characterized by low rainfall and was at the same time populated by

enterprising peasant cultivators who possessed a relatively large resources base in terms

of land and finance and who could be expected to obtain the maximum benefit in terms

of increased production. Furthermore, the impact of irrigation would be to encourage the

cultivation of commercial crops such as sugar-cane, cotton, and indigo, which could be

exported to the British (or European) market, and cultivation of wheat which could also

be exported. Thus, from the point of view of the then government, canal construction in

this region looked highly advantageous (Whitcombe 1971)

However, in the central (Raebareli was a part of it) and eastern regions of UP, the

same advantages would not be forthcoming. The greater pressure of population on the

land, and the deadening effect of the prevalent zamindari system (as in Oudh), meant that

the returns in terms of increased marketing of commercial or food crops would be small.

In any case, when a proposal for a canal was first mooted in the 1870's, it was opposed

by the taluqdars in Oudh who were satisfied with things as they were. It was only after

the severe droughts and famines of the late nineteenth century and the consequential

agrarian unrest that the taluqdars relented. Thus, the Sarda canal, covering mainly the

central region, was eventually completed in 1926. But it is interesting to note that this

canal was, and still is, regarded as protective rather than productive. In other words, the

motivation behind its construction was for protection against drought (and hence famine)

rather than to enhance production (Singh and Mishra 1965).

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Later Sarda Sahayak Pariyojana (SSP) was initiated in 1968 with the purpose of

more productive results over a larger area. Simultaneously several smaller canals were

constructed in Bundelkhand, Allahabad, and other places too. It can be seen that, after

Independence, the agriculture of the west and central regions was highly dependent on

canals for irrigation while the eastern region was even more dependent on sources other

than canal. Whereas in the west, over half of the irrigated area was served by canal, in

the east nearly 90 per cent of the irrigated area was served by wells and other traditional

sources such as tanks, ponds, and lakes. This difference in the source of irrigation has

important implications for the transformation in irrigation capacity which began in the

mid 1960s. It is apparent that, in the decade following 1963-64, the western region has

undergone a drastic increase in irrigated area. To a lesser extent, this has also been

evident in the central region. But the increase in the eastern region has been marginal

though significant (Clift 1977)

Furthermore, the fact that, after 1970-71, the same pattern of growth as in the

years prior to 1970-71 is maintained, although at a slower rate, shows that there has been

no tendency for the eastern region to behave as a laggard, repeating the experience of the

western region after a number of years. On the contrary, it appears that the slow rate of

growth in irrigation has more deep-seated roots than a mere tendency to lag behind. In

the eastern region one or more of the factors causing growth in the western region seems

to be absent. Yet, the central region, in spite of beginning from a lower base than eastern

UP, has exhibited considerable dynamism and has reduced the disparity between itself

and eastern UP (ibid).

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Presently, Upper Ganga Canal, Eastern Ganga Canal, Lower Ganga Canal,

Narainpur Pump Canal from the river Ganga, Jarauli Pump Canal from the river

Yamuna, Kanhar Sinchai Pariyojna from the river Kanhar, and Sarda Canal from river

Sarda and Sarda Sahayak Canal from the rivers Sarda and Ghaghra are the major canals

which irrigate the fields of Uttar Pradesh alluvial plains involving eastern, western and

central Uttar Pradesh.

However, despite of huge public investments made in canal irrigation systems,

canals could not achieve the set target for irrigation. It is evident from the statistics that

nearly 80 percent of the public investment is made on major and medium irrigation

which ultimately irrigate 31 percent of the total irrigated area. During ninth plan 83.81

percent of the total public investment in infrastructure was incurred for medium and

major irrigation such as canal irrigation. The public investment on minor irrigation has

declined drastically from 14.52 percent in 1998-99 to 1.37 percent in 1999-2000 and

finally it kept at 8.23 percent of the total by the end of the 9 th plan and up to 7 percent in

10th plan (Nayak 2003).

Analyzing of causes underlying such failure of irrigation projects, Cernia (1991)

argues that in development, econo-centric and techno-centric (hardware) aspects of the

project has acquired main core whereas socio-cultural dimensions (software) of the

project has been completely neglected. Focus has been on establishing hardware and their

operation and maintenance while the social and institutional framework has been

neglected. There is ignorance of people’s needs, concerns, forms of social organization

and culture. Economists, technocrats and bureaucrats were initially the authors of these

development projects, who reduced them to cost and benefit analysis. Quite insensitive

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towards people’s needs and unaware of local socio-cultural dynamics, they assumed that

if physical infrastructure with high technology is provided, the benefits will automatically

trickle down to poor. (Cernea 1991; Dick and Mendoza 1996). Another significant

dimension of the project which was neglected was technological suitability to region’s

natural environment. However, dealing with econocentric and technocentric aspects is not

completely flawless. It involves issue of the size and design of canal such as small,

medium or large, which reduces the risk of over expenditure and misuse of funds; poor

operation and maintenance due to lack of coordination between the various departments

of bureaucracy. For instance the task of providing water to the farmers in command area

is assigned to the irrigation department and collection of water charges is a duty of

revenue department. In this situation none of the departments takes the accountability of

availability of water to the users. Simultaneously, there is inequality in distribution of

water among users at head reach, middle and tail ends. All these conditions lead to low

rate of recovery of revenue from beneficiaries which in turn adversely affects the

working of canal. Further due to poor management of canals for a long period, water

logging, and salinity problems arise. The beneficiaries of Sarda Sahayak canal in

Raebareli district have encountered same problems. Similarly, “as commercial

profitability cannot be a guide to the economic and social choice of an infrastructural

public investment irrigation project like the Main Western Gandak Canal Project in Uttar

Pradesh, it is not until income distributional considerations are brought into the picture

that social profitability of the project reaches a level at which the project's selection

becomes justifiable from a social angle” (Singh 1994).

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Significantly, mere development intervention in an area cannot ensure equal

benefits to all section of society. An empirical study conducted in four states

Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh argues that the on-farm benefits

from a unit of irrigated area need not rise with the size of a farm holding. Small farmers

can gain, acre for acre, as much benefits from irrigation as do large farmers. Therefore,

the surest way to eliminate the access-related tilt is to work towards an equalisation of

land holdings, the old formula. Both land redistribution and strongly tilling public

irrigation allocation in favour of small farmers are eminently suited for equalising

incomes and gains from irrigation. Such an egalitarian policy for agriculture can generate

fresh productive forces in the economy (Dhawan 1985).

Tube well Irrigation in Uttar Pradesh

History of irrigation development in Uttar Pradesh remains incomplete without

outlining the very significant development of tube well Irrigation in UP which

commenced in the 1930's after the installation of hydroelectric generation at the head of

the Ganga Canal by government. The first drillings were made in Meerut and

Rohilkhand divisions of western UP. By 1936, 742 tubewells were installed; by 1939,

1,474, by 1946, 1,847; and by 1950, 2,305 tubewells were irrigating about 300,000

hectares. Of the tubewells operating in 1951, 96 per cent were in the western region, and

58 per cent were confined to the districts. As in the case of canal irrigation, the tubewells

were installed first where they could be expected to show the highest returns in terms of

low cost of construction (including provision of electricity) and in terms of maximum

expected benefit through increased production and hence maximum revenue obtainable

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from the cultivators. To this end, the tubewells were located in positions giving the

largest command area, and in areas away from canal and other sources of irrigation.

After 1950-51, the number of state tubewells continued to increase at a high rate

and furthermore the geographical concentration was largely rectified. Of nearly 4,000

tubewells installed during the 1950's, 1,500 were in the western region, 350 in the

central region, and 2,100 in the eastern region. As a consequence, by 1960-61, the

western region accounted for only 58 per cent of the tubewells and the eastern region for

35 per cent. In the following decade, the number of tubewells increased to over 10,000

by 1971, and the proportion in the western region declined further to 54 per cent. The

eastern region accounted for 40 per cent and central region for only 6 per cent (Dhawan

1971; Clift 1977). Thus it can be seen that the west-east differential is quite small and it

is the central region that has been overlooked in the expansion of state tube-wells (Clift

1977).

Various scholars (Dhawan 1982; Bardhan 1984; Pant and Rai 1985; Shah 1993;

Pant 2004, 2005) argue that socio-structural set up was decisive to access to this source,

large and middle farmers had better access to these tube wells. It is evident that whatever

tubewell development took place was out of reach of small farmers because in case of

public tube wells due to economic and political reasons and prevailing power theory of

distribution small farmers are last to receive water (Pant and Rai 1985; Shah 1993; Pant

2004). In addition, free boring scheme whose origin can be traced back to 1984 could

also not prove to be decisive for SC/ST and figures presented in favour of achievements

were exaggerated. Moreover, there is vast difference between the free boring supplied

by the District and State level authorities (Pant 2004).

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Green revolution introduced HYV seeds and fertilizers etc. to farmers and thereby

increased productivity of the soil and promoted growing cash crops like sugarcane,

paddy etc. on large scale which reinforced need of more irrigation access. Further more,

farmers could have also practiced a new cropping pattern involving two- three crops a

year. In this situation, the state of Uttar Pradesh experienced growth of private tubewells.

It is evident from empirical evidences that due to heavy installations, huge investment

was required for private tube wells and because of their more appropriateness to farmers

with large land holdings most early adopters of tube well technique were large and

medium farmers. Thus water was again out of reach of small farmers (Shah 1993, Pant

and Rai 1985). Small and marginal farmers had to be dependent on them. Later on,

spacing and licensing norms enhanced the opportunities of early entrants to become

water lords. The late entrants have lost for ever their right to sink their own tube wells as

the area was already monopolized by early WEMs owners (Shah 1993). This further

increased the disparity between the resource poor and resource rich farmers.

Significantly, sick public tube wells hit by power shortage and the string propensity of

the system towards corruption, mechanical defects and declining discharge in water the

dominance of powerful, arbitrary behaviour of the tubewell operators on the one hand

(Pant and Rai 1985; Pant 2004; Shah 1993) and increasing demand for timely and

adequate amount of water due to introduction of HYV seeds and greater productivity of

crops on the other compelled the farmers to use purchased water from nearby private

WEM Owners. Therefore, despite being several times more expensive, Uttar Pradesh

experienced stupendous growth of private tube wells from about 3000 to 1951 to 600000

in 1977 and to 1.05 million in 1980 (Dhawan 1982).

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This gave rise to emergence of water markets, a new institutional set up at village

level. Evidence suggesting such preferences has been recorded by several researches in

UP, Mellor and Moorti (1971) and Pant (1984, 2004) (Shah 1993, 2001). Gradually these

water markets grew very competent in nature and WEMs owners started freely sell water

to neighbours at a price high enough to cover their full economic cost of pumping.

However, evidences reveal that these markets are playing crucial role in providing water

to small and marginal farmers (Pant 2004).

Later on with irregular, erratic, disrupted supplies of electricity farmers switched

over to use of diesel pumps. Introduction of flat rate (FR) power tariff was a significant

step in line of subsidies in electricity. Electricity board introduced flat rate power tariff

instead of already prevailing PR (pro rata) power tariff. But a switch from PR to FR

resulted in increased ground water overdraft. REC made a study on large scale in the

early 1980s revealed increased pumping as well as increased number of WEMs. Since

electricity boards could not recover appropriate costs for electricity, the process

ultimately ended with increased power tariff. For instance, in Gonda district of eastern

UP, several cases were noticed where electric WEM owners, either switched to diesel

WEM or turned water buyer due to increased FR from rs.21.5hp per month to rs.30 hp

per month in 1986 in UP by state electricity boards (Shah 1993). In 1998, a study

conducted by Shah, Indu and Paleja, presents a classic example how subsidies meant to

support the poor ruin them or their local economy. Uttar Pradesh was first to provide

subsidized supply of electricity at no or very low flat tariff. But neglect of maintenance

and upkeep of the rural power supply infrastructure and scheduling of power supply to

agriculture have made it impossible for farmers to make its appropriate use for irrigation.

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The study shows that the net effect of power subsidies was the progressive rural de-

electrification of Uttar Pradesh from 1985-1995 evidenced by the large scale switch of

farmers from electric to diesel pumps and gradually, with rural de-electrification,

dieselization of tube well technology took place.

II

Sarda Sahayak Pariyojna: A River Diversion Project

Sarda Sahayak Pariyojana (SSP) was initiated in 1968 with the objective to

irrigate a culturable command area (CCA) of 16.77 lac hectares with 70 percent irrigation

intensity, effective irrigated area thus being 11.69 lac hectares. The initial cost estimates

were Rs. 64.84 crores. The project was ultimately completed in June 2000 with an

estimated cumulative cost of around Rs. 1300 crores. However, in the process the project

underwent considerable changes in terms of its design and the revised estimate of the size

of the CCA has been worked out to be 19.25 lac hectares. These figures suggest the unit

cost of irrigation per hectare to be Rs. 6753. Such a unit cost compares well with those of

some of the big irrigation projects being carried out right now. For example, cost of

creating irrigation potential for 1 hectare of cultivated land under the Sardar Sarovar

Project in Gujarat is estimated at Rs. 172000. The corresponding figure for Indira Sagar

Project in Madhya Pradesh stands at Rs. 123740. Sarda Canal Project (SCP) emerges

from Upper Sarda Barrage located at Banbasa village of Nainital district in Uttranchal

state. It was commissioned in 1926 for providing protective irrigation to fifteen districts

of central and eastern Uttar Pradesh (UP). Besides, it provided basic irrigation support to

ten north central districts of UP. After four decades of SCP’s installation, in late 1960s,

there was a dramatic spurt in demand for irrigation owing to the onset of green revolution

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in India, in general and in the command area of Sarda Canal, in particular. In a study,

conducted by irrigation department of UP in 1967, it was found that SCP was able to

provide irrigation to only 19 percent of its command area. Hence a new project, called

Sarda Sahayak Pariyojana, was conceived and formulated in 1968 for providing canal

irrigation to those un-served areas of SCP’s command.

Being one of the premier river diversion based irrigation projects of India, SSP

provides canal irrigation to sixteen districts of central and eastern UP. The 260 Km. long

Feeder Channel of SSP emerges from the banks of Sarda River, located in Sarda Nagar

village of Lakhimpur Khiri district. Five major canals, viz. Dariyabad, Barabanki,

Pratapgarh, Allahabad and Hydergarh arise from the Feeder Channel that provide

irrigation to lakhs of farmers in 150 development blocks of 16 districts in UP. The total

length of SSP based canals, including minors and distributaries, comes to approximately

15,000 Km. A lion’s share of the feeder channel’s water is drawn from Ghaghra River

through a link canal of 28.7 kms that has the discharge capacity of 480 cumecs. The link

canal emerges from Girija Barrage, in Bahraich district and falls in the Sarda River at

Sarda Nagar.

This project was installed with the discharge capacity of 23,000 Cusecs and

culturable command area (CCA) of about sixteen lac hectares to augment and extend

irrigation in the lower reaches of Sarda Canal System. The project envisaged diversion of

supplies from rivers Ghaghra and Sarda by constructing barrages across and linking the

two. SSP provides very exhaustive irrigation to six districts of Allahabad, Rae Bareli,

Sultanpur, Barabanki, Jaunpur and Pratapgarh but provides below 20 percent of the

districts’ total demand for irrigation services in the (five) districts of Ambedkarnagar,

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Faizabad, Mau, Sitapur and Varanasi. However, the districts of Ballia, Gazipur and

Lucknow get barely 20 percent of the total irrigation through the SSP.

Uttar Pradesh Water Sector Restructuring Project (UPWSRP): Convergence of State and Community in Managing Water

The state of Uttar Pradesh though is endowed with plentiful water resources both

surface and underground with vast fertile tract of land but its ever increasing population

and the challenges being faced in mostly disjointed and unorganized sectoral

development and management process in various use sectors e.g. drinking, agriculture,

industrial etc., the development and management of this precious resource is now

becoming a matter of concern. The State adopted a progressive water policy in 1999 to

ensure that the development and management of water resources would meet the overall

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development perceptions of the state. To achieve the objectives of the state water policy,

Government of Uttar Pradesh has received a credit from IDA towards the cost of

UPWSRP through Government of India. The UPWSRP envisages a comprehensive

programme of reforms in management of state water resources in general and irrigation,

drainage and ground water in particular.

The project began with an aim of development of agricultural potential to boost

the economy and for upliftment of the farmers. Declining performance of the agriculture

sector is in the state of Utter Pradesh and large productivity gaps between achievements

and potential were main motivation to start the project. Against a desired growth rate of

three percent, the growth rate in agriculture sector is of the order of one percent

only.  Irrigated agriculture is expected to be the vehicle of growth. For providing

dependable irrigation, the canal delivery system will have to be modernized.

Simultaneous improvement in drainage network will also be needed to prevent

degradation of land. The development objectives of the UPWSRP were:

(i)    To set up an enabling institutional and policy framework for water sector reform

in the State for integrated water resources management; and

(ii)   To initiate irrigation and drainage sub- sector reforms in the State to increase and

sustain water and agricultural productivity.

The Government of Uttar Pradesh has received a credit from the IDA for

implementation of the UPWSRP covering, among other components, rehabilitation and

modernization works of irrigation, drainage, water conservation structures and building

construction in the project area which falls in Haidergarh & Jaunpur Branch Sub basins,

and is elongated in East – West direction under Barabanki, Raibareli, Pratapgarh,

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Sultanpur and Jaunpur districts bounded in the North by Gomti and in the South by Sai

rivers.

The first phase of the UPWSRP started in 2002 and closed on 31-10-2010. The

project was implemented through structured components for the water sector and

irrigation and drainage sub-sector reforms initiatives. Within the ambit of water sector

reforms apex water institutions namely State Water Resources Agency (SWaRA), State

Water Resources Data Analysis Center (SWaRDAC) and UP Water Management and

Regulatory Commission (UPWaMReC) were established. Jaunpur Branch Sub-Basin

Development and Management Board (JBSDMB) was also established. In addition,

social and environmental assessment of the delineated Ghaghra Gomti Basin along with

environmental management plan was also formulated. A Decision support system was

developed for optimal water allocation, considering parameters, on a basin/sub basin

concept. The irrigation and drainage sub sector reforms initiatives focused on all issues

related to irrigation and drainage services. Capacity building of UPID for modernization

of its technical, administrative and managerial capacity, restructuring of the department

for its efficient functioning and down sizing to improve fiscal performance along with

modem tools for its business process were broadly achieved. Community participation for

system evaluation and finalization of physical implementation proposals were a new and

special feature of the project.

The executed works included rehabilitation and modernization of existing

irrigation and drainage infrastructure including 143 km of main and branch canal, 857 km

of distributaries, 1518 km of minors, 950 km of black top roads on the left bank of branch

canals and distributaries, 3923 km drains of Sarda Sahayak system and construction of

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new works, office buildings, and water conservation structures in the Haidergarh &

Jaunpur Branch Sub-basin extending up to drainage boundaries of the sub basin.

A major management process change has been introduced by initiating

participatory irrigation management concept for which a new Act and rules were

introduced. Agriculture intensification and diversification along with plans for

conjunctive use of water have shown very encouraging results both in terms of

productivity and diversification in the demonstration fields. Social development for

women and management of ground water by way of self help groups were of added value

to the project operations.

Augmentation of natural water resources through Rain Water Harvesting

structures and development of Wetland/water bodies has received community

appreciation. A system of monitoring and evaluation of the project and its impact

assessment with World Bank guided financial management and procurement was a

special feature. However, the works executed under the project reflected loopholes in the

functioning of UPWSRP. Participatory Irrigation Management (PIM) also not seemed to

be successful in achieving its objectives at the village level.

Evidences from the Field

During the study, it was found that although in the village Nasratpur the canal

water has been beneficial for very poor landholders but increase in sodic land due to

water logging has caused a large chunk of land less productive leading to growing only

wheat and paddy and proved not to be in favour of medium and big landholders while

Bhelai reflects complete mismanagement and insensitivity of water department making

poor landholders landless by forcing them mortgage or sell their lands to brick kiln

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owners due to unaffordability of tubewell water.

The responsibility of operation and maintenance of Nasratpur minor of Sarda

Sahayak Pariyojna is under the jurisdiction of the executive engineer of the water

department, Haidergarh Division. The maintenance of the canals was carried out by the

department through licensed contractors, inviting tenders. As the system was poorly

maintained, water availability to farmers was seriously constrained. The absence of

proper field channels also prevented water from reaching fields situated away from the

spout. The time schedule for water distribution was fixed by the canal committee, which

consists of the assistant engineer, president and members of the local panchayat and one

representative of the beneficiaries. Often, the timetable fixed by the canal committee for

water distribution was not to the satisfaction of the farmers. However, irrespective of the

fact whether they received water or not, farmers were forced to pay the water costs.

Participatory Water Management is comparatively a new phenomenon which

aims at involving community for operation and maintenance of water bodies, thus

reducing conflicts and promoting equality in water distribution. Group of farmers called

Water Users Associations (WUAs) was formed to realize that goal. WUAs are so

designed to ensure access to water to small and marginal farmers belonging to lower and

middle castes and women farmers in the villages. Particular emphasis is drawn on those

farmers falling in tail reach of the minor. In its organizational structure association ensure

membership from scheduled castes and women. Unfortunately the present study finds

them complete failure and not functioning in the village. It is reflected from the study that

no one is aware about existence of such group in the village. Being asked about who

solves the conflict and takes the responsibility of repairing and maintaining canal and

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access to water, the respondents stated that conflict is either resolved by mutual

discussion and consent only in some of the cases, while often the weaker group or the

farmer let the dominant one to irrigate his fields first, waits for his turn. In such

condition, sometimes their fields remain unirrigated and canal is closed. Sometimes some

influential person favoured by both the groups intervene in the matter and finds some

middle path such as letting the weaker section to irrigate his fields in between other

party’s water because it owns lesser land and requires lesser water, secondly it can not

afford water from tubewell. Farmers mention that repairing and maintenance task is not

taken care of by any authority or the group. Generally the farmers do the required

possible repairing of the canal but on individual basis. Shramdan is a significant

phenomenon to such activities, which is not visible in this case.

The present study finds them complete failure and dysfunction of Water User

Associations (WUAs) in the village. It is reflected from the study that there is no

awareness about existence of such group among common masses in the village. While

Elections for membership in WUAs has become an arena of local politics and are

characterized with dominance of politically and economically powerful people. Therefore

in turn, forgetting its purpose of ensuring maintenance of canal, ensuring timely and

regular supply of water, fair distribution of water among all sections of farmers and

conflict resolution, it has aggravated the problem.

III

Managing Water: Role of Community

Prior to advent of ‘modern means of irrigation’1 in central Uttar Pradesh,

particularly in district Raebareli, wells provided probably the single most important

155

means for tapping this water for irrigation on a year-round basis (Baghel 1976; Benett

1877). It was a common sight in fields, a long rope passing over a pully and with

attached leather bag which was called as pudh at one end and a pair of bullocks at the

other. It is found that the bags used in the district were small because the bullocks were

small, they could lift about twelve gallons of water and if worked well could lifted about

600-700 gallons of water per hour. Hence, it almost used to take eight days to irrigate an

acre through this method as some of the water fell back into the well in the effort to hand

the bag, and much of it was lost by soakage and evaporation before it could reach to the

crop (Benett 1877). This system of irrigation was called Pudhwahi in local dialect.

Discussing about the cost of irrigation from the wells, Benett wrote, A man and a pair of

bullocks could be hired in the station of Raebareli for five annas per diem which counted

for the cost of irrigation for one acre Rs. 2.80, or fro Rs. 15 to Rs. 20 per season; but it

was hired labour, and the cost to cultivators, who had their own bullocks, could not be

calculated at this rate (ibid).

Kuchcha Wells

When water was found close to the surface, a rough, temporary well locally called as

kuchcha well could be dug which lasted only for a season. They had no proper interior

supporting walls or chambers below the water level, but wells were also called there were

chambers made of potters bricks, wood or twig fascines. The cost of making varied from

two or three to thirty rupees and over. For these a dhenkli (lever) was usually employed

where the water is close to the surface the pot and pulley system was also adapted (Benett

1877; Baghel 1976).

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Pucca Wells

The pucca wells were those having chambers of kiln burnt bricks and mortar, but

the wells with chambers made up of kiln burnt bricks and joined with clay were also

considered as pucca well. The cost of construction of pucca wells varied from Rs. 50 to

Rs. 200. For construction of masonry wells, a circular ‘dahal’ is commenced of a

diameter considerably larger (for convenience of working) than that of the intended well.

This excavation is carried on until the moist nature of the earth reached showing sign of

water being near. The ‘niwar’ or a circular rim of wood of the proper size was then

lowered down and placed on the ground and on this as a foundation is commenced the

brick work or ‘girgaz’ of the well which in the first instance was only raised to a certain

height so as to weight the niwar and now the excavation proceeded with but within the

cylinder or girgaz just constructed, and the niwar with the brickwork sunk down at the

extent of depth; excavated at the same time the water which generally at this stage of

work came out plentifully, had to be constantly drawn away. The excavation continued

and again the niwar sunk and thus the operation was repeated until the spring was

reached. In case of sandy soil where there was a possibility of cracking the earth, two

niwars used to be sunk one smaller to the other and girgaz was erected on it followed by

the similar process as above. Such well was called as do-band or double- walled and the

cost also doubled. There could be about six pudh wells (Benett 1877).

For irrigating the field, the wages were paid in grains. It is found that the labourer

at the lift in jhil irrigation was paid 3 sers per day if at work before dawn. Besides, with a

dhenkli, or a ghara, a pakka bigha could be watered in from six to nine days. The cost of

irrigation from wells including wells, bullocks and gear varied from Rs. 1 to Rs. 2.40 per

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bigha. The ordinary cultivator having gear etc. at his disposal merely paid in grains his

hired labourers. The task of watering fields through pudhwahi was carried out in groups

by asamis, each man’s holding watered by turns, the pudh not the land irrigated formed

the basis of their calculations (ibid).

Hardiman (1998) in his study of well irrigation found out use of similar water

extraction devices however pronounced with different name. For example ‘pudh’ of the

studied area was called ‘Ko’ in Gujarat. He also observed that wells were in fact known

by the number of kos they could accommodate at one time. In Ahmedabad district in

1827, it was reported that almost all wells were for two or more kos and that four-kos

welIs were common-"

The records show that total cost of rs. 19760 was spent in construction of pucca

wells in the district during the year ending 30 th September 1870 by different caste groups

in which Chhatris and Brahmins were exceeding.

Built By Wells CostChhattris 27 5,805Brahmins 21 4,400Bhats 2 300Muslims 10 2,140Kurmis 3 575Baqqal 3 960Lodh 3 300Kayasths 4 1,000Ahirs 19 2,980Pasis 2 250Muraos 6 950Barhis 1 100Telis 1 150European (Captain Bunbary) 1 250Total 104 19,760

Source: Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, 1877

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There were also rahats, or persian wheels, manually-operated water-raising

machine which consisted of a wheel five meters in diameter which was suspended

vertically on four poles, with a rope ladder around the rim on which were tied with

buckets. The wheel was turned by human power: men sat on the cross-beams and turned

the wheel with their hands and feet and it was not hard to move the apparatus. The pots

emptied into a trough, and the water flowed from thereto the fields. Hardiman also found

the use of same device in Gujarat and pointed out that this device appears to be similar to

the ancient water-lifting apparatus known in Sanskrit as 'araghatta' where as Irfan Habib

(1982) distinguishes them clearly with Persian wheels which were according to him,

imported from west. Habib has argued that whereas it was more efficient to lift water

from relatively shallow wells using the leather bag technique, the device which used a

wheel, rope and pots came into its own when the well was very deep. The evidences of

installation of Persian wheels or rahat for irrigation in the study area are recorded from

1951 when during 1951-1967, 2,617 Persian wheels were installed followed by 239 in the

year 1967-68 and about 300 in 1968-69.

Reservoirs or tanks ‘talab’ were important not only for direct irrigation, but also

because they allowed water to percolate into the soil and top up surrounding wells.

Irrigation from tanks these reservoirs was done by lifting water by means of baskets

locally called beri or dugla. It was worked by two men standing on either side of a

narrow cut open towards a water supply and dammed at the other hand. The number of

lifts of water used to depend upon the height of field above the water level. (Baghel

1976) The labour was really hard and generally preserved in from early dawn to sunset,

with the intermission of about one hour at noon. In November 1868, fifty one men were

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employed irrigating some fields near Katghar in the Dalmau pargana. This gang

managed to irrigate two and half acres per diem and wage of one anna and a half per

man was paid thus accounting for Rs. 2 per acre. About seven gallons of water raised

about the process can be repeated by men working easily at least six hundred times

which gave over four thousand gallons per hour (Benett 1877).

In case of wells, water rights were very clear and were seldom called in question.

With regard to artificial reservoirs, normally two classes existed; first, those in case of

which the excavator or his heir was living and in possession and second, those in which

all rights had lapsed. In the former case, after taking as much water as his purpose

requires, the owner usually allowed the privilege of irrigation to such cultivators of the

village or neighbouring villages as he pleased. In the latter case, however, it is usual for

the lord of the manor to first irrigate his lands, afterwards, those cultivators whose lands

were situated within reach of the water, appointed a committee to estimate the contents

of the reservoir, and the amount of land which it is proposed to irrigate. The amount of

water to which each man was entitled was than apportioned in ‘dauris’. The dauri

contained about five gallons and the dugla rather more than twice as much.

Distribution of water by ‘bachh’ system extensiely prevailed in this district and

being regulated by assort of standing panchayat, tended to reconcile malcontents who

would otherwise come into court. The patwari was ordinarily ex-officio member of

panchayat, the remaining three or four members being zamindars, muqqaddams, or

other respectable residents. Evidences are recorded for selling of water in that period

too. The non resident (Pahikast) cultivators requiring the water were made to pay 8

annas per diem for each ‘rik’ or raising station which they worked.

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Management of Water Bodies

The ancient records related to the selected area under present research, reveal that

there were no intermediaries between raja and cultivators. The raja or the king used to

take a part of the produce of the village and in return ensured protection and peace to the

village. During this period the joint practice of cultivation and use of water bodies such

as tanks and wells other than pastures and forests was common. These were constructed

and maintained collectively by village administration. A number of cultivators pooled

their lands, implements, bullocks and labour for a season or two for growing crops to

make the tasks of ploughing, sowing, irrigation, harvesting and threshing easier. In this

era, community wells were common which generally used to be built by king of Tiloi

with labour from the villagers. Later, under zamindari system prevalent in the area the

maintenance of water bodies was taken care by zamindars who used to collect a land tax.

On July 1st 1952, zamindari was abolished through the UP Zamindari Abolition and Land

Reforms Act 1950, and the act also established Gaon Samajs for the maintenance of

wells and tanks along with other village commons like forests, pastures, hats etc. Every

Gaon Samaj was a corporate body with all adults in the village as its members and had a

land management committee to look after its property. The functions of the Gaon Samajs

are now performed by ‘Gram Sabhas’ through land management committee.

However, it is argued that traditional water harvesting structures have been

disappearing. Whitcombe (1971) in her study of the effects of British canals on

agriculture in Uttar Pradesh (UP), shows that once the canals were built and canal-water

became available, irrigation-wells were neglected and soon collapsed. Bela Bhatia

(1992) in her excellent study of irrigation in Gujarat argued that modem technology is the

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chief culprit. In the past, wells hardly ever dried up entirely, even in years of severe

famine. Only during the 20th century has it become possible to bore deep tube-wells, and

to pump the water out using submersible pumps. At the same time, an insatiable demand

for water has been created by the green revolution agrarian technology, involving high-

yielding hybrid crop varieties which need a massive amount of watering. The demand is

satisfied by those who have sufficient resources to construct tube-wells and pump out and

sell water to their neighbours. This has led to a gross over-exploitation of this natural

resource, and very quickly, a collapse of the whole ecosystem. The phenomenon appears

to provide striking evidence to justify Garett Hardin's well known 'tragedy of the

commons' thesis that uncontrolled access to a common resource leads inexorably to its

degradation.

There are three important reasons for the decline of tanks. First, till the abolition

of zamindari system the zamindars used to maintain these systems because they had the

capital resources and had a vested interest in doing so. Tenants were required to pay

gilandazi (improvement of irrigation works) charges. After the zamindari abolition there

are no regular budgeted funds for the repair of this system. The only possible avenues of

repair are hard manual labour in MNREGA which can spend some planned funds in the

name of renovation of these systems. Second, a large number of alternatives have come

before the farmers during the post-independence period in the form of new canal schemes

and tubewells. With the passage of time some of the shallower ponds were brought under

the plough or filled up with silt. Their importance as a source of irrigation gradually

diminished as government provided liberal assistance for construction of pucca wells and

sinking of tubewells and canals.

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The third reason for the diminishing role of tanks in irrigation of the study area is

non-integration of these systems in the new diversion schemes undertaken by the

irrigation department of UP after the independence. After draining networks established

after 1985 all ponds were attached to these drains leading to rivers. Consequently, the

ponds have lower levels of water and easily dry up in the summers. There are provisions

to fill the tanks through canal water but it seems always insufficient for irrigation leading

to no question to filling the tanks. Pant (2004) also mentioned similar reasons for decline

of ahars in south Bihar.

The district level data regarding irrigated area over a large span of time shows the

gradual disappearance of use of wells and tanks for irrigation. In 1872, nearly 47 percent

of the total irrigated area was watered from well and 53 percent from tanks and a

negligible area from the other sources. In 1893, the area irrigated from wells increased to

63.4 percent of the total irrigated area and there was a corresponding fall in the area

irrigated from tanks, it being only 35.8 percent. In 1903, the area irrigated from wells

increased to 66.8 percent as against 32 percent from tanks. In 1921-22 the area irrigated

from wells was 77 percent while only 23 percent of area was irrigated from tanks along

with other sources. Since 1928, water from Sarda canal made available for irrigation and

in 1931-32, 58.2 percent of area was irrigated through wells as against 29.5 percent from

tanks and lakes and 12.3 percent from canals. After commencement of SSP, in 1968-69,

the largest proportion of irrigated area was irrigated through canal (51.4 percent), as

against 35.6 percent from wells, 9.3 percent from tanks and 3.7 percent from tubewells

(Baghel 1976).

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The data regarding Maharajganj Tehsil of which the selected area under study was

a part, shows predominance of canal irrigation in 1968-69, as out of total irrigated area of

37356 hectares, 20973 hectares (56.1 percent) was irrigated through canals as against

12,325 hectares (33 percent) from wells, 2635 (7.1 percent) hectares from tanks and 1017

hectares (2.7 percent) from tubewells and 405 hectares (1.1 percent) from other sources.

Evidences from the Field

In the villages under present study, prior to construction of Sarda Sahayak Canal

Irrigation System, wells and ponds were the main sources of irrigation. More than five

masonry wells were located nearby the fields of both the villages under study. These

were pucca wells made of bricks and pudhwahi method of water extraction was followed.

These wells were generally built by thakurs who were working for raja of Tiloi. Two

wells were built by a thakur who was a daroga of raja of tiloi, about 150 years ago and

another was built by a thakur who was a converted Muslim. Construction of these wells

was funded by raja of Tiloi. Number of the pudh also varied according to the size of the

wells. Other wells were either built by rich farmers or gram panchayat. Two pudh well

was found in Nasratpur which is comparatively huge in size. After construction of Sarda

Sahayak canal, use of these wells declined.

However, a masonry well was found in the field that was earlier used for

irrigation, nearby Bhelai Khurd. However, at the time of present study it was observed

that it was still in use at the time of scarcity of water in canals, but technology to use the

well has changed. Water was extracted through pumps and supplied through PVC pipes

to the fields unlike earlier water extraction mechanisms of pudhwahi and rahat. Ponds

which were another source of irrigation in both the villages were also not in use at the

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time of the study. Therefore, it can be argued that as observed by Whitcombe (1971) and

Agrawal and Narain (1997) that advanced and modern water use systems have led to the

collapse of traditional water resources such as wells and tanks, the present study also

reveals the same. However, the scarcity of canal water and unaffordability of expensive

tubewell water has motivated the marginal and poor farmers to use tanks which have

been revived to some extent under MNREGA activities.

Owner-Water Extractor Relationship

Traditional forms of irrigation used to involve intensive manual labour. It was a

source of employment for the labourers. It used to establish intimate relationship with

labourers engaged in extracting water and owner of the fields. Poor peasants used to

irrigate their field through these wells by taking permissions from the owner of the well.

The labourers were paid in kind and they were provided sattu prepared from roasted

grains such as oats and grams, gur i.e. jaggary and water during the task. Brick kilns are

found abundant in the selected area. Though nowadays ground water fulfills the need of

water for making bricks and diesel engine and pump sets are the only device to extract

water. This technology includes no human labour, therefore there is no water driven

relationship between labour and owner. The relationship which is shared by labour and

owner is formal and he is paid in cash depending upon the nature of task such as molding

the bricks, there storage and collection of clay etc. performed by him at the kiln. There

are no primordial loyalties as between owner and labourer. Earlier extracting water from

wells through pudhwahi used to be an important activity for the brick kilns as well as

agriculture. Generally the labours for each owner in both the cases used to be fixed which

was followed in more than one generations. Gradually it used to develop loyal, emotional

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and supportive relationship between water extractor and owner. Owner used to help them

in their times of needs such as in there lean periods, at the time of social functions like

marriage, childbirth, and death etc. But after advent of modern technologies of water

extraction this relationship converted into formal and competitive.

Reflections of Local Knowledge

The local knowledge related to agriculture and irrigation is reflected though

various proverbs and sayings which inherently reveal farmers application of age old

traditional techniques in agricultural practices in general and irrigation in particular to

secure good productivity. The impact of climate is crucial to agriculture and decisive to

irrigation too. Based on humidity in air the seasons have been decided by farmers

according to the irrigation needs of a particular crop.

Aghan mein sarwa bhar, phir karwa bhar

Irrigating the crop in the month of aghan is more fruitful than irrigation in any other

month for the crop.

Teen Kiyari terah gor, tab dekho ookhi ki por

The productivity of sugarcane is much higher with three times of irrigation and thirteen

times of gudai.

Sarse arsi, nirse chana

Alsi should be sown in wet fields while chana (gram) in dry fields.

Purwa mein jin ropo bhaiya, ek dhan per solah paiya, Adra dhan punarvasu paiya, gaya

kisan jo bowai chiraiya

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Dhan (paddy) should be sown in adra nakshatra while sowing paddy in purwa, puarvasu

and pushp nakshatras is useless as the productivity of paddy is almost negligible.

Chana chittara chauguna swati gehun hoye

Chana (gram) should be sown in chittara nakshatra while Gehun (wheat) should be sown

in swati nakshatra.

Gehun bhawa kahe, asharh ki do bahein, Gehun bhawa kahe sola bahein nau gahein.

The productivity of gehun (wheat) increases with two times of ploughing in the month of

asharh, even increases a lot with sixteen times of ploughing and nine times of leveling.

However, with technological innovations and mechanization in agriculture, these

practices are not much is use. Although seasons are followed in case of sowing crops,

irrigation patterns, and ploughing patterns have undergone substantial changes. For

example, use of tractors for ploughing has completely replaced the concept of sixteen

times of ploughing and nine times of leveling of wheat cropping. Further, the cropping

pattern has changed over a period of time as canal has provided easy access to irrigation

in the villages. Gram is suitable for dry fields and used to be a prime crop before modern

irrigation means such as canal and tube wells, but it is almost not sown in both the

villages. Similarly, millets (jowar, bajra) require lesser quantity of water and availability

of water has replaced such crops with wheat and paddy. Paddy which is a water intensive

crop has become the primary crop in both the villages Nasratpur and Bhelai Khurd. Even,

a large chunk of fields (more than fifty bigha) of Nasratpur was under only paddy

cropping as these areas were intensively water logged due to seepage until canal

rehabilitation under UPWSRP took place about five years back.

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It is also noteworthy that even Bhelai Khurd which is heavily deprived of cheap

canal water after inefficient and insensitive efforts of UPWSRP, the farmers are not

switching to growing gram and others lesser water requiring crops. Instead those who can

afford have switched to expensive tube well irrigation and are engaged in growing

vegetables and flowers which is completely an outcome of market oriented cropping.

Moreover, absence of cheap irrigation from canal has led the poor to mortgage their lands

to brick kilns and switching over to labour works. It is found that there is a lack of

readiness over practicing lesser water intensive crops such as gram and others on account

of absence of demand in local markets.

IV

River System and Water Resources in Raebareli

The district is drained by the Ganga, the Sai and their tributaries although some of

them join the main stream after passing the confines of the district. The Ganga, which is

the only river of any magnitude in the district touches it near the villages of Gadumau in

the extreme west of pargana Sareni in the tehsil Dalmau and Sai

river, a tributary of the Gomti, rises in the Hardoi district and for a considerable portion of its

course separates the districts of Lucknow and Unnao. Bending south and passing to the west of

the town of Raebareli, it turns east, striking the southern border of the old cantonment in the city.

It passes out Raebareli at village kanhpur in pargana Salon. The total course of the river in the

district is about 100 kms. in length. The banks of Sai are and in many places precipitous. There

are six tributaries of the river:

Kathwar Naiya: This stream rises in the north east of village Johwa sarkiin tehsil

Raebareli, near the southern boundary of pargana Bachhrawan.

168

Maharajganj Naiya: This stream rises in the jhil tract of pargana Kumharawn in the

north of the district and takes a winding course generally in the southerly direction.

Nasirabad Naiya: This stream, also known as only naiya, Rises on the confines of the

Mohanlalganj and Rokha jais pargana & flows south past the village of Nasirabad, after

which it is named.

Basaha: This stream takes it origin in a series of swamps in pargana Khiron. Like the

other streams, it is dry during the hot weather, but in the rainy season it assumes rather

formidable proportion.

Soh: It is small stream which has its origin in the lakes in the south of pargana Maurawan

in the district Unnao.

Semrauta Naiya: In northern part of the district there is a small stream known as the

Semrauta Naiya, a territory of the Gomti. It forms the boundary between pargana

Semrauta on the west and pargana Inhauna on the east.

Raebareli district has a large network of canals as well as large number of public

and private tubewells. Irrigation in the district is provided under Sarda sahayak System

by Sarda Sahayak feeder canal system, Dalmau pump canal system and Sarda canal

purwa branch system. In Raebareli district, 48.44 percent of total irrigation is done by

canals in comparison to ground water contributing 51 percent of total irrigation and 0.11

percent through ponds during 1999-02. In 1999-02, 1.23 lakh ha of agriculture land was

irrigated through ground water (tubewells) including 1.16 lakh hectares through private

tubewells and 0.06 lakh hectares through government tubewells. Canals irrigate 1.59 lakh

hectares of agriculture land. In summary, 1.15 lakh hectares of land out of total cultivated

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area i.e. 2.98 lakh hectares in the district is irrigated through 2755.09 long Sarda Sahayak

Canal irriagtion system. (Irrigation Department, Raebareli)

Irrigation Profile of the block Tiloi

In block Tiloi, 70.6 percent of area out of net cultivated area was net irrigated

including 9.6 percent from canals and 89.9 percent from tube wells. It is noticeable that

total length of the canals in the block is 181 kms constitution only 9.6 percent of net

irrigation. Total number of tubewells in the area is 2698. (Statistical Diary 2008, Tiloi)

Based on the above, it can be argued that UP including study villages are a part of

wet ecology. They lie in fertile Gangetic plains endowed with rich sources of water.

Although state has made utmost efforts to develop them and manage them for the benefit

of society. However, ignorance of community in their operation and maintenance and

more focus on its economic – technological aspects could not yield desired results. The

present study articulates the need of active community leadership and participation in

managing water in hierarchical rural structure to ensure fair distribution of water among

farmers.

170

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