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A
C O N T R I B U T I O N T O T H E H I S T O R Y O F T H E
VILLANCICO DE NEGROS
by
N A T A L I E
Y O D O Y O Z O Y A
A T H ES IS S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F
T H E
R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F
M A S T E R O F A R T S
i n
T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S
(Department of Hispanic an d Italian Studies)
W e accept this thesis as
conforming
to the
required
standard
T H E
U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R IT I SH C O L U M B I A
October
1996
© N a t a l i e Vodovozova, 1996
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In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced
degree at the University of British
Columbia,
I agree
that
the Library shall make it
freely available for reference and study. further
agree that
permission for extensive
copying
of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my
department or by his or her representatives. It is understood
that
copying or
publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written
permission.
Department of M Sp^^C
M a ^ ^ ^
The
University of British Columbia
Vancouver,
Canada
Date Oc-6o
^W.
JQ
7
<?9
DE-6
(2/88)
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A B S T R A C T
The villancico originated as a Spanish popular song. The cultivated
poets
of
Spain
started to explore the artistic possibilities of the villancico from about
the second half of the fifteenth century. From the end of that century date
the earliest religious compositions known to us in the form of a villancico.
In the
course
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the religious
villancico developed into a genre musically and poetically distinct from the
secular compositions of the same title. The new genre combined the qualities
of a song and a minor theatrical form, undergoing the influence of various
poetic, musical and theatrical genres, both native and foreign.
Among
the
characters contributed to the villancico by the Spanish theatre is the figure
of the Negro.
This
study is a contribution to the history of the villancicos put in the
mouths of black Africans. Black slaves and freedmen played a conspicuous
role in the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century economic and social life of
Spain, Portugal and Spanish America. After an outline of the history of the
black
African presence
in these areas, and the use of black speech modes in
Peninsular and Spanish American
letters,
we study the existing printed and
ii
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manuscript sources of the preserved villancicos de negros, and then offer a
philological and linguistic study of a selection of sixty-eight negros that have
been collected for this work.
The
earliest
negros
we know about had been performed in the last two
decades of the sixteenth century in the
Capilla
Real in
M a d r i d .
The earliest
surviving negros
are those by Luis de
Gongora, while
the
latest date
from
the end of the eighteenth century, both in
Spain
and in
Spanish America.
Villancicos
negros
have the same structure as other types of
religious
villan-
cico
of the time.
They
were written for all
principal
church celebrations, and
contain
numerous
allusions
to contemporary social habits. The speech modes
of the negrillas—lingua de pretos and habla de
negros—represent
a mixture
of realistic observation and stereotyping. For instance, distorted
Spanish
or
Portuguese forms may alternate
with correct
ones in one and the same com
position. Moreover, while some of the represented grammatical features of
black
speech modes run parallel to those
found
in now existing Iberian-based
C r e o l e s , others—like the
ceceo
of eighteenth-century
negros—betray
insuffi
cient linguistic accuracy.
iii
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T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S
Abstract • ii
Table
of Contents iv
Acknowledgement v
I N T R O D U C T I O N , ' , 1
Chapter One The Secular villancico 5
T he Religious villancico 9
Chapter Two Black Africans in the Iberian Peninsula and Spanish America 24
Chapter Three Black
Portuguese
and Spanish in Hispanic
Letters
38
Chapter Four Negros 45
Chapter Five Description of the negritos Used in this Study 53
Chapter Six Analysis of the
negrillas
71
Chapter Seven The
Language
of the guineos 108
Conclusion 125
Bibliography
128
Appendix An Anthology of villancicos de negros 146
iv
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A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T
I
wish to
express
my deep gratitude to my thesis director, Professor Derek
C . Carr, for suggesting to me the topic of this study, for his genuine interest
in the progress of my work, scholarly counsel, the care he took in helping me
to prepare the final draft of the thesis, and for his trust. I also wish to thank
Professor Arsenio Pacheco Ransanz for his advice,
helpful
discussions and
comments, and his generosity with his time. I also
express
my gratitude to
the staff of the Interlibrary Loan department of the UBC Library—Patrick
D u n n ,
Cheryl
Niamath, Patrick Patterson, and
D a v i d
Truelove—for their co
operation and patient understanding, and to the Faculty of Graduate Studies
of the University of British
Columbia
for granting me a University Graduate
Fellowship for 1995-96.
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I N T R O D U C T I O N
Th e
villancico as a literary and musical
genre
was cultivated in Spain
for at
least
four hundred years, from the second half of the fifteenth century
to the second half of the nineteenth. Although the complete history of the
villancico is
still
non-existent, the tradition has been studied in numerous
works of a more or less partial nature. Some of them
treat
purely literary
aspects of the villancico, others, only its musical
characteristics,
while a few
studies combine the two approaches.
The philological studies comprise Sanchez Romeralo's monographic treat
ment of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century villancico, and St. Amour's dis
sertation on the evolution of the secular villancico into a Christmas carol.
Later
stages
of villancico history are covered in a more sketchy way in in
troductory studies by Rodrigues Lapa, Mendes dos Remedios, Mendez Plan-
carte, J. I. Perdomo Escobar, M. Alvar, and C. Bravo-Villasante to their
editions of certain selections of villancicos—villancicos
gallegos
from the Na
tional Library in Lisbon, villancicos from the Library of the University of
Coimbra,
villancicos by Sor Juana
Ines
de la
Cruz,
villancicos from the Cathe
dral of Bogota, villancicos from Malaga, and villancicos from the collection of
1
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villancicos
published
by
Alonso
Cortes.
In most of the quoted studies, the selection of the villancicos is made on
a "geographical" basis. However, the study of Tejerizo Robles concentrates
on
the villancicos written for a specific feast (Christmas), while the work of
Rodrigues
Lapa, Os vilancicos. 0 vilancico
galego
nos
seculos XVII
e XVIII,
centers
around a certain "ethnic" villancico group. The study by Rodrigues
Lapa can be taken, in a
sense,
as a starting point for this dissertation, devoted
to yet another type of the villancico: villancicos en habla de negros.
Although
villancicos de
negros
have
scarcely
been studied in their proper
context—as
a subgenre of the religious villancico
—,
they did attract the at
tention of various scholars, for various
reasons.
J. Lipsky in Latin-American
Spanish (104-07)
and W. Megenney in
"Rasgos
criollos"
(163),
regard them
as written manifestations of seventeenth-century black Spanish. For V. Men-
doza ("Algo del
folklore
negro en Mexico"
1101-03),
they form
part
of A fr ican-
American folklore.
For the compilers of the anthologies of black poetry (Man-
sour, Albornoz), they form
part
of the poetic tradition
that
culminated in
the poetry of N.
Guil len.
The
most
valuable study of the
villancicos
de ne
gros,
however, was written by a musicologist, R. Stevenson. His article "The
Afro-American
Musical Legacy to 1800" combines musical, historical, and
3
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philological
approaches to this branch of the villancico tradition
(486-98).
In
this dissertation we try to
bring
together what is currently
known
about
the Baroque villancico (Chapter One), and to situate the sixty-eight villan
cicos
used in this study in the
context
of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-
century religious villancico (Chapters Four, Five, and Six). No music has
been studied, and no manuscript sources used. We give the description of
the contents of the selected villancicos de negros, then analyse the histor
ical and social data they provide (Chapter Six), and study the linguistic
modes in which they are written (Chapter Seven). To correlate the "socio-
historical"
data contained in the villancicos with what we know about the
history of black Africans in Europe and the Americas, a brief outline of
the black
African
presence in the
Hispanic world
is offered in Chapter Two.
Chapter Three provides an introduction to the use of black speech modes in
Hispanic letters.
4
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C H A P T E R O N E
T H E S E C U L A R VILLANCICO
1.1 From the second half of the fifteenth century, Spanish Cancioneros
began to include popular songs by the side of the cultivated ones. The
interest towards the popular might have originated in the court of
Alfonso
V
in
Naples, whence
it
was communicated
to the
courts
of
Aragon, Navarra
and
Castilla (Sanchez Romeralo 50).
One
composition
in the Cancionero
de
Herberay
des
Essarts
(compiled
between 1461 and 1464), receives the name villancillo. A related term, vil-
langete, occurs in the Cancionero
de
Stuniga (thought to have been compiled
in
Naples after
1458).
Both terms
are
used
to
designate songs
to be
sung
by
villanos,
or
peasants, and both
antedate yet
another related term,
villan
cico, first documented in the Cancionero musical de la Biblioteca Colombina
(compiled before 1490) on fol. 53r over Pedro Lagarto's "Andad, pasiones,
andad"
(Stevenson,
Spanish
Music
252).
Formerly,
it was
thought
that the
name villancico
had
occurred earlier, namely,
in the
title
of the
composi
tion
"Villancico
. . . a
tres
hijas suyas," written around 1445 and vari
ously attributed to Suero de Ribera and the Marques de Santillana. Sanchez
5
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Romeralo shows, however, that since this poem is known only through its two
sixteenth-century versions, the name villancico might have been attached to
it later, when the term became common (Sanchez Romeralo 35).
1.2
Well into the first quarter of the sixteenth century villancico appears
to have been a
rather
broad term. It could mean, for instance, a song with
an
initial refrain. In the Cancionero
musical
de Palacio
that
contains com
positions dating from the 1430s to 1521, 425 out of the surviving 458 songs
receive this denomination. As R. Stevenson says, "the original indexer [of the
CMP] calls everything in Spanish with a prefatory refrain a villancico. He
also gives this name to a Spanish song if any individual section in it, not nec
essarily the first, is repeated" (Spanish Music 252). Villancico could mean a
song that used popular verses and tunes, especially the refrains of the popular
villancicos separated from their popular strophic development (glosa). The
above-mentioned poem attributed to Santillana was called villancico because
it included four such refrains. Finally, the refrains of the popular villancicos,
separated from their popular
glosas
were also called villancicos.
1.3 The "classic" sixteenth-century villancico is a
well
defined literary-
musical
form that may be described as follows:
(a) poetic form. An
initial
refrain of two to four lines (lines 1-3 in the
6
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example below)
is
followed
by one or
more coplas
of
seven lines,
the
first
four receiving
the
name
mudanza
(lines
4-7
in
the
example given),
the fifth
line constituting
the enlace
(line
8),
and
the
remaining two
the vuelta
that
returns to the rhyme of the refrain (lines 9-10). The refrain is repeated
after
each
copla:
(1)
Mas vale trocar
(2)
plazer por dolores
(3)
que
estar
sin amores.
(4)
Donde
es
gradecido
5)
es
dulce
el
morir:
(6) bivir
en olvido,
(7)
aquel
no es bivir.
(8) Mejor es sufrir
(9)
passion
y
dolores
(10)
que estar sin amores.
. . .
(Encina
109)
(b) musical form.
The
refrain
has its
own music;
the
four lines
of the
copla have their own music, too; the last three lines of the copla return to
the music
of the initial
refrain, which
is not
repeated.
In other
words,
the
musical villancico, although in itself tripartite, retains only two sections of
the literary
villancico
(Pope, "Development"
12; Rubio, Villancico polifdnico
17-19; Alonso Cortes 19-20).
This is the
form used for their
villancicos
by Juan del Encina and Lucas
Fernandez, the early important contributors to the popularity of the genre. It
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is also the form that may be traced in all major sixteenth-century song-books
containing villancicos: Cancionero de Medinaceli (mid-sixteenth century),
Cancionero de Upsala (published 1556), Recopilacion de sonetos y villancicos
by Juan Vasquez (published 1551), and Canciones y villanescas espirituales
by Francisco Guerrero (published. 1589).
1 4 The form of the secular villancico did not change in the 17th century,
despite the many vicissitudes endured by its religious counterpart (see below).
Such 17th-century composers as Pedro Rimonte and Juan Bautista Comes
composed both kinds of the villancico, keeping them structurally distinct.
Because of their growing popularity, the villancicos a lo divino soon became
the only kind of composition to be designated by this name. The secular
villancicos were now called
tonos
or
tonos
humanos
(Stevenson, Vilancicos
Portugueses viii).
1 5 The origin of the literary-musical form described in 1.3 is still being
debated. Included among its
antecedents
are: kharchas—borrowed popular
songs inserted by cultivated Hebrew and Arabic poets as a conclusion, or
final
strophe,
to the
muwaSs'ahas
(the
earliest
kharchas date
from
the
mid-
eleventh century); a few troubadour songs in the
Galician
Cancioneiros of
the thirteenth century; many of the Cantigas de Santa Maria collected for,
8
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or composed by, Alfonso X towards the end of the thirteenth century; finally,
a couple of songs included by Juan
Ruiz
in the Libro de Buen Amor (four
teenth century). Certain points of contact also exist between the villancico
and Galician-Portuguese cantigas de amigo, the Italian frottola, the French
virelai, the Arabic zejel, as
well
as with the form generically called frauenlied,
or feminine song, that stands at the beginning of all European
folk
poetry
(Sanchez Romeralo 315-80; Pope, "Development" 13-15; Pope, "Form" 208).
T H E RELIGIOUS VILLANCICO
1
1.6 The earliest religious villancicos known to us are modeled on the sec
ular ones. One of the earliest writers of religious villancicos, Fray Ambrosio
Montesino, used
to
write new words
to the
tunes
of
preexisting secular vil
lancicos (St.
Amour
103, Frenk 60-63). The Franciscan monk Fray Ifiigo de
Mendoza directs the
following
villancico to the Christ-Child in his play Vita
Christian. 1480):
Eres nina y has amor,
ique haras cuando mayor?
by changing
"nina" to
"nifio" (Sanchez Romeralo
16-17). The
procedure
was common in those days; sometimes entire books could be converted a
1
This
is the sense in which we shall employ the word villancico for the rest of this study.
9
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lo divino, such
as
Sebastian
de
Cordoba's
Las
obras
de
Boscdn
y
Garcilaso
trasladadas en
materias Christianas
y religiosas (Granada 1575).
St.
Amour
suggests that originally the villancicos a lo divino could be
sung in the liturgical drama. She bases this hypothesis on the
following
reasons:
(a)
there
is evidence of the use of songs in the early liturgical drama;
(b) at times, the songs could take the form of a villancico, appropriate to
be sung by shepherds, whose participation in the Christmas cycle is based
on
the Gospel
account
of the
Nativity (Luke
2: 8-20).
Besides, villancicos
were familiar to the audiences of the contemporary secular
theatre.
After the
villancicos became equally familiar to the audiences of religious plays, they
could
be
performed
apart
from
the
plays,
as
religious compositions
in
their
own
right
(St.
Amour
118-19).
O f
major importance for the further development of the villancicos was
their introduction into the Church service itself. Originally, they were per
formed in
the
place of the responsories
at
matins that had traditionally been
sung
in
Latin. The credit
for
this innovation
is
given
to
Fray Hernando
de
Talavera, the first Archbishop of Granada. It is worth repeating here the
oft-quoted passage by Talavera's first biographer:
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E n lugar de responsos hacia cantar algunas coplas devotisimas,
correspondientes a las liciones. Desta manera atraia el santo
varon a la gente a los maitines como a la misa. . . . En aquesto
tambien, como en otras cosas que adelante se dira, fue este sefior
murmurado, que viendo el enemigo cuanto desta manera era nue-
stro Senor servido e por consiguiente el desamparado, movio a
algunos que dixesen que [no] era bien mudar la universal costum-
bre de la Iglesia, y que era cosa nueva desirse en la iglesia cosa en
lengua castellana; y murmuraban dello fasta decir que era cosa
supersticiosa; pero viendo este varon eminente cuanto de lo dicho
nuestro Senor era servido y cuanto el pueblo animado y conso-
lado, tenia
estos
ladridos por picaduras de moscas y por
saetas
echadas por manos de niiios (qtd. in Lopez Calo, La musica 254).
Fray
Jose
de Sigiienza, one of his later biographers, adds:
de donde quedo la costumbre en toda Espaiia de hacer
estas
fiestas
y regocijos de musica en los maitines y oficio
divino
(Historia de
la Orden de San Jeronimo; qtd. in Lopez Calo, La musica, 255).
1 . 7
Whether Talavera indeed was the initiator of the novelty with which
he has been credited is likely to remain an open question. What is certain
is that from the mid-sixteenth century it became the annual duty of choir
masters
to compose music for a certain number of villancicos for well-defined
occasions.
2
These villancicos were to be performed only once and only in the
institution
for which they had been written.
3
In reality, however, this con-
See the
f o l l o w i n g
l i n e s f r o m the p r o l o g u e of F r a n c i s c o de G u e r r e r o to his
Viaje
a
Jerusalem:
Y
c o m o
tenemos los
deste
of i c i o [=maestro de c api l la] por m u y p r i n c i p a l o b l i
g a t i o n
c o m p o n e r
changonetas y
v i l l a n c i c o s ,
en l o o r d el
s a n t i s i m o n a s c i m i e n t o
de Jesucristo
. . y de su
s a n t i s i m a m a d r e ,
la
v i r g e n M a r i a n u e s t r a S e n o r a
(qtd. in St.
A m o u r
113).
3
See,
for
i n s t a n c e ,
the
f o l l ow i n g
excerpt
f r o m
the
Memorias del Cardenal D.
Diego
de
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dition was
never
wholly fulfilled.
Because
the
villancicos became exclusive
property
of
the
maestros de
capilla, they were often exchanged,
wholly or in
part, between the chapelmasters of various institutions. Both textual concor
dances between the preserved villancicos, and the surviving correspondence
between the choirmasters point to an extensive exchange.
4
From at least
the second half of the seventeenth century the festive villancicos used to be
published—first, after their performance, later, before it, so that the audi
ences could follow the presentation. The printed booklets were sold around
the city by blind pedlars (Garcia de Enterria 148-51; Catdlogo xv).
There is little direct data about the authors of the librettos of the villan
cicos. The manuscript copies indicate only the name of the composers, while
the
published
chap-books give
the
name
of the
institution where
the
villan
cicos had been performed or were about to be performed, and sometimes the
name
of the
choirmaster. Early students
of the
villancico believed
that the
Guzman regarding the matins of the 1610 Christmas celebration in the Capilla Real in
Madrid: "empecaronse los maytines que a mi gusto no fueron buenos y la causa fue estar
el
maestro [de capilla] malo y ser todos los villangicos de fuera, lo
qual
nunca se ha de
hazer, sino que quando el maestro no pudiere hazerlos avise con tiempo para que los haga
el tiniente
. . ." (qtd.
in Moll
82).
4
See Lopez
Calo,
"Corresponsales" (passim). In one of the
letters
the author has to
insist
that
the
villancicos
he is
sending
are
new: "Lo que aseguro
es que las
letras
son
nuevas, porque me las acaba de hacer mi poeta"
(letter
84). See also
Laird
295-306,
321-22, 330-31.
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composers themselves wrote the lyrics (Rodrigues Lapa, Os vilancicos 12).
Documentary evidence, although scanty, suggests that at times the cathe
dral would employ a poet for the purpose of supplying the librettos (Lopez
Calo,
La musica 265-67).
At other times, some cleric from
within
the in
stitution,
given to pious versification (or comissioned by the authorities),
would
produce the festive pieces (Lopez Calo, La musica 265-67; Jammes,
Etudes 234). Renowned poets did not despise the genre; Gongora, Lope de
Vega, Agustin
Moreto, Sor Juana
Ines
de la Cruz are some of the illustrious
names connected, in various degrees, with wZ/emdco-writing. Some poets,
like Manuel de Leon Marchante, dedicated an important portion of their ca
reers to
villancico-
writing, as is clear from the list of the works of this author
collected in his two-volume Obras
poeticas
posthumas (Catalogo,
224-33).
In
seventeenth-century literary works, students and professional versifiers ap
pear as the librettistas of the villancicos. The "famoso pastor estudiante
Grisostomo" used to write autos and villancicos for Christmas (Quijote Part
1, Ch. 12), and Quevedo's Don Pablos earned his
l iving
by composing
vil
lancicos and
oraciones
de
ciegos
at some point of his varied
life
(El buscon,
C h .
9).
1.8 In the times of Talavera, the principal celebrations for which villan-
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cicos
were composed were Christmas and the
Epiphany;
more rarely, the
Assumption and the Nativity of Our Lady (Lopez Calo,
La musica
259-60).
Later on,
villancicos
appear to be written for all the principal feasts of the
Church,
not to mention a variety of less specified occasions: Corpus
Christi,
Pentecost, Easter, Marian feasts, Missions, local Saints, professions of nuns.
The parts of the
Church
service where
villancicos
could be performed were
also extended. Apart from the responsories at matins, they now included the
graduals and offertories of the
Mass,
and the
Calenda,
or conclusion, of the
canonical
hour called
prima hora
(its structure may be seen in Rubio,
Forma
57).
1 . 9 The seventeenth-century religious
villancico
was no longer a two-part
composition. The early seventeenth-century composers, Pedro Rimonte and
Juan Bautista Comes, wrote
villancicos
consisting of three musically distinct
parts, which they called
tonada, responsion
and coplas. At first, the poetic
text of the first two parts was identical. Later, both music and verse of all
three parts became distinct. The three-part structure remained the basis of
the
villancico;
each of the parts, most notably the second one, was further
elaborated. Later in that century the first two parts of the
villancico
were
named
introduccion
and
estribillo.
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The introduction and coplas used to be strophic (a variety of metres, from
penta- to endecasyllables), and the estribillo used to be through-composed
and metrically irregular. The Baroque villancico, as opposed to the Renais
sance
one, used
an
elaborate musical accompaniment
(the
sixteenth-century
villancicos seem to have been written for unaccompanied voices). Besides,
it was arranged for up to four choirs (sixteen voices in total), while the six
teenth century villancicos had been performed by one choir of three to five
voices (Rubio, Forma Al;
Alonso
Cortes
17).
It is hard at this point to tell precisely when and how the third part
intruded
into the structure of the villancico or, indeed, to assert a contin
uous development from the sixteenth-century composition of that name to
the seventeenth-century
one. It is
certain, however,
that
the
popular
lyric,
including popular villancicos, nurtured the new genre continuously. Many
resourses of popular poetry—for intance, similes and comparisons of a folk
character, exclamations and imitation of the sound of the instruments, not
to mention the folk tunes and refrains borrowed en masse by the new form—
appear in
the
long history ofthe villancico
as
one ofthe endless sources ofthe
author's inspiration (Frenk 73-76;
Rubio, Forma
71-74). Similarly, the liter
ary tendencies of the time did not go unreflected. Elegant plays on words and
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the use of their sonority in some of the villancicos, and intellectual acrobatics
in others, betray the pen of cultivated poets acquainted with contemporary
literary trends.
1.10 Talavera, who had composed many villancicos himself, "procuraba
que las
letras
que se cantaban dixesen lo mismo que las lecciones e los re-
sponsos, porque los que no sabian latin entendiesen lo que aquello era y lo
supiesen de coro"
(Fray
Siguenza, Historia de la
Orden
de San
Jeronimo;
qtd.
in Lopez Calo, La
musica
259). The villancicos quickly outgrew the
secondary role originally allotted to them, and began to be composed for
their own sake and in ever-growing numbers. In more than one
sense
the
genre could not be contained
within
its own limits. It assimilated the influ
ences
of several contemporary musical and scenic genres, both national and
foreign.
The Spanish genero chico (jdcaras,
entremeses,
coloquios pastoriles,
didlogos
burlescos, bailes,
mojigangas,
sainetes) contributed characters, the
Italian
opera
and cantata, new musical forms.
5
The
latter
appeared as intru
sions in the structure of the
villancico.
New parts, with names like pastorela,
tonadilla,
minuet,
seguidillas,
recitado-aria
were
placed between the
estribillo
5
For the influence of the teatro menor on
villancicos
see Garcia de Enterria 149-50.
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and the
coplas,
and could be repeated
after
the coplas (Alonso Cortes 22).
Since it was a common practice to suppress various parts of the villancico,
the new elements could even stand by themselves, without any of the basic
villancico parts, while the composition continued to be called villancico.
Stock characters from.the teatro menor now began to appear in the vil
lancicos, perhaps because in many
cases
the authors of the
latter
were well-
versed in both genres.
6
Of the many types introduced,
7
some spoke their
specific language. The most frequent foreign and dialectal types are Por
tuguese, French, Italians, Germans, Basques, Catalans and Asturians. In
Spanish America, Indians. These could speak their respective languages, or,
more often, their respective versions of Castilian, as also did representatives
of the Iberian minorities: Moors, negroes, and gypsies.
The use of characteristic speech modes was not alien to the spirit of the
liturgical
drama. There is a
scene
in Inigo de Mendoza's Vita Christi in
which the shepherds speak in a rustic dialect. The author introduced it, as
he explained, "para poder recrear, / despertar y renouar / la gana de los
lectores" (Lihani
12-13).
The
same
reason for the use of odd
characters
in
6
It is known that choirmasters, too, wrote music for secular theatre (Chase 122).
7
For more detail, see Garcia de Enterria 152.
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the villancicos is adduced by E. M.
Wilson
in his attempt to explain the
phenomenon:
The carols were for public rejoicings. They did not, could not,
express intimate, highly refined states of mind. Instead the poets
strove to display the simple sense of joy which all could share.
The feelings of a bishop or a grandee towards the central mys
teries
of Christianity are not necessarily different from those of a
charwoman or a bricklayer, but the bishop and the grandee will
express their feelings in a different way. To express religious joy
so that all men and women could share in it, these poets took
the humblest kinds of people as their spokesmen, and made
gip
sies, slaves and even criminals declaim the basic feelings which
others could have expressed with greater verbal refinements. The
fact that these people spoke with a peculiar accent, or in broken
Spanish or in thieves'
cant
added a humorous piquancy to their
words. The audience could, at the
same
time,
share
the feelings
of the speaker and laugh at the way he spoke. The apparent in
congruity of the situation increased both its edification and its
humour. Christ was born for all men, shepherds as
well
as M ag i ;
need we blame the poets for including also gipsies, negresses, Por
tuguese and bravos? (E. M.
Wilson
127)
1.11 We come now to the most
difficult
of the problems associated with
the villancicos, namely, their representation. Were they only sung, or were
they staged as a real dramatic performance? Were they performed in the
Church building, or outside? Were special costumes ever used?
No
direct testimony is available to answer any of
these
questions. Lopez
Calo,
studying the indirect evidence provided by the
Adas
of the Cathedral
of Granada,
came
to the conclusion that roughly before 1550 the villancicos
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were only sung there, while from about the middle of the sixteenth century
they
became
to include "elementos
ajenos
al
canto",
by which he means
unprofessional
dance
(that
of the
choir boys,
for example)
(Lopez Calo,
La
musica 275).
The
Adas
of the Cathedral of Granada,
those
of the Cathedral of Las
Palmas, and the documents from Segovia published by Flecniakoska, show
that at
times
the
participation
of
professional
dancers was
solicited
for the
presentations of Corpus Christi (La musica 274; De La Torre Nos. 510, 511;
Flecniakoska docs. 12-17, 20, 23-26, 28 and
others).
Studying the dramatic
quality of Gongora's letrillas,
Jammes
concluded that
those
of them writ
ten
in
dialogue form
(and his negros fall
within this
category)
must have
been performed (Jammes, Letrilla 93-96). T . Taylor thinks that the villan
cicos
were
represented both during processions and in the choir area of the
church itself (T. Taylor 70-71). The following possibilities, therefore, may be
summarized:
(a) villancicos other than those written for Corpus Christi were sung
inside
the
church
building,
in
the
choir
area,
and sometimes they might have
been accompanied by (unprofessional) dance;
(b) villancicos for Corpus Christi were sung inside and outside the church
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building, in the latter
case
as part of the procession, and could be accompa
nied by professional as well as unprofessional dance. (We shall discuss the
use of costumes in 6.7).
1.12
In the second half of the eighteenth century the villancico began its
evolution
towards a simpler model, in accordance with the general taste of
the time. The orchestra became less varied and numerous, and polychoral
arrangement was abandoned in favour of one choir once again. In this form
the villancico survived in the churches of
Spain
and Spanish America well
into the second half of the nineteenth century (Alonso Cortes 17-18).
1.13
What reasons are
there
to account for the lasting popularity of the
villancico? A partial answer was given by E. M . Wilson (see above); revealing
information is also contained in the condemnations and even bans of the vil
lancicos by contemporary ecclesiastical and secular authorities, moralists and
the most illustrious of minds. A few of the most
illuminating
are reproduced
below:
Year 1539
Quando ipse persone representationem facture uenient ad Eccle-
siam,
nulla sint tympana siue tabals, neque trompete, nec aliquod aliud
genus musicorum, neque niger, neque nigra siue famula, nec crustula,
siue
flaons aliquo modo projiciantur (Chapter
decree
of the Cathedral
of Gerona about the presentation of a play Les tres Maries).
8
8
Qtd. i n Donovan 102.
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Year 1596 Mando que en mi Real Capilla no se canten villancicos, ni cosa
alguna de romance, sino todo en latin como lo tiene dispuesto la Iglesia.
Y o el Rey (From the Real
Decreto
del Rey
Felipe
II de ii de junio de
1596)?.
Year 1613 No quiero decir que el uso de los villancicos sea malo, pues esta
recebido de todas las iglesias de Espafia, y de tai manera,
parece
no se
pueda hacer aquella cumplida solemnidad que conviene, si no los hay.
M as tampoco quiero decir que sea siempre bueno; pues no solamente no
nos convida a devotion, mas nos destrae della; particularmente aquellos
villancicos
que tienen diversidad de lenguajes. . . . Porque el oir agora
un portugues y agora un vizcaino, cuando un italiano y ciiando un
tudesco, primero un gitano y luego un negro, ^que efeto puede hacer
semejante musica sino forzar los oyentes, aunque no quieran, a reirse
y
burlarse y hacer de la iglesia de
Dios
un auditorio de comedias, y de
casa
de oration sala de recreation? Que todo esto sea verdad, hallanse
personas tan indevotas, que, por modo de hablar, non entran en la
iglesia una vez el ano, y las cuales, quiza, muchas veces pierden misa
los dfas de precepto, solo por pereza, por no se levantar de la cama; y
en
sabiendo que hay villancicos, no hay personas mas devotas en todo
el lugar, ni mas vigilantes que estas, pues no dejan iglesia, oratorio
ni humilladero que no anden, ni les pesa el levantarse a media noche,
po r
mucho frio que haga, solo para oirlos (Pietro Cerone, El
Melopeo
y
Maestro).
10
Year 1630 Felipe II quito los villancicos de su Real Capilla: ya se han vuelto
a introducir, y de modo que en las fiestas, el canto llano del oficio, es
como de aldea, y no es oido, ni visto, y los villancicos se celebran con
suma
solemnidad,
y
parece
que se tiene como
principal,
y el oficio divino
como por accesorio . . . De aqui es que los villancicos hechos en lengua
Guinea o Gallega o en otras que no son sino para mover a risa y causar
descompostura; y
otros
hechos a imitation, o en la letra o en el tono,
de los cantares o letras profanas y que despiertan la memoria dellas, en
ninguna
manera debrian
cantarse
en la iglesia ni en el coro . . . (Fray
9
Q t d . in Moll 82.
1 0
Q t d .
in Lopez Calo, Sigh XVII118.
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Martin
de la Vera, Instruction de Eclesidsticos) .
n
Year 1726 Toda la gracia de las
cantadas
que hoy suenan en las iglesias,
consiste en equivocos bajos, metaforas triviales, retruecanos pueriles. .
.
. Pero aiin no he dicho lo peor que hay en las
cantadas
a lo divino; y
es que ya que no todas, muchisimas estan compuestas al genio burlesco.
C o n gran discrecion por cierto, porque las
cosas
de Dios son
cosas
de
entremes. ^,Que concepto daran del inefable misterio de la Encarnacion
m il disparates puestas en las bocas de Gil y Pascual?
(Padre
Feijoo,
La musica de los templos).
12
.
Year 1752 Y en algun modo estan hoy profanos los templos, porque todos
los lienzos burlones y festivos que finge y dispone la optica y perspectiva
para los coliseos, patios y corrales, ya son mas frecuentes en la iglesia
que en el Buen Retiro, y ya van juntando en las sacristias caudales de
bastidores y morteros; y para que lo acabes de
creer,
sabe que hasta en
los carteles convocatorios a la devocion, que ponen por esas esquinas
para sefialar es dia festivo, lo primero que advierten es que predicara
el Padre Fulano, y este renglon es de letra bastardilla, y despues, de
letrones muy hidropicos: asistird la musica de las Senoras Descalzas, o
del Rey, con violines, etc.; porque temen que no asista la
gente
si no las
dicen que hay tambien holgueta entre la devocion; y el templo donde
no suenan miisicas festivas, y la iglesia que no tiene sabor a coliseo, esta
desierta lo mas del ano (Diego de Torres Villarroel, Suenos morales).
13
Year 1787 ^Y como estamos nosotros en el ano de 1787, uno de los mas
ilustrados o luminosos del nuestro siglo? /Hemos desterrado de nuestro
Parnaso aquella chusma de versificadores bufones que inducfan en el
templo del Dios de majestad inefable los profanos conceptos y chistes
insulsos
que los Gentiles no hubieran oido sin ira en los Fanos torpes
de sus inmundas Deidades? ^Como celebramos hoy la Encarnacion y
Nacimiento
admirables del Hijo de Dios vivo? /.Todavia halla nuestra
consideration devota en el Portal glorioso de Belen al tosco Pascual, al
malicioso y juglar Bato, al atrevido y desvergonzado Anton? jAh Ali i
estan llenando de estiercol las limpias pajas donde esta reclinado el Nino
n
Q t d . in Rubio, Forma 54.
1 2
Q t d .
in Perdomo Escobar 78.
1 3
Q t d .
in Alonso Cortes 62-63.
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Jesus, atormentando los castos y delicados oidos de su Purisima Madre
y del Santo Esposo Joseph; e irritando a las bestias del establo, que
obsequian con su silencio a aquellos Santos Huespedes mas dignamente
que los
Pastores
charlatanes con sus coplas (Jose Mariano Beristain,
"Reflexiones sobre los villancicos de Nochebuena" ),
14
1.14 The vogue for villancicos did not remain for long the peculiarity of
Church
service in Spain alone. No doubt, the notorious mobility ofthe mae-
stros de capilla in those days contributed to the dispersion of the villancicos
in Catalonia and Portugal. In the Cathedral of Majorca the first villanci
cos seem to have been sung in 1575 (St. Amour 114). In the Cathedral
of Valencia the villancico tradition was firmly established in 1613-1619 and
1631-1642, when Juan Bautista Comes was choirmaster (Ripolles vi). The
first part of the catalogue of the library of K i n g Joao IV shows the abundance
of villancicos written by Portuguese composers in the 17th century (Primeira
parte). Their late appearance and the preponderance of villancicos written in
Spanish point to their borrowed caracter in Catalonia and Portugal (Mendes
dos Remedios 43; Rodrigues Lapa 8).
1 4
Q t d .
in
Alonso
Cortes
63.
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C H A P T E R T W O
B L A C K A F R I C A N S I N T H E I B E R I A N P E N I N S U L A A N D
S P A N I S H A M E R I C A
2.1 The history of black Africans in the Iberian Peninsula
goes
back
at
least
as far as the Roman colonization: Romans brought with them the
black slaves they had obtained
after
the conquest of North
Africa. This
source apparently continued to furnish black slaves during Visigothic rule
and
Moorish domination
(Jason,
"Language" 336). As
late
as at the end of
the fourteenth century, when the provenance of slaves begins to appear in
bills of sale, the majority of blacks still appear to come from North
Africa
(Verlinden,
L'esclavage 359). The blacks in
that
region became especially
numerous when, after the introduction of the camel, the Sahara turned into
an important commercial route connecting North Africa (Magrib, Ifriquin,
Egypt) with Sudan, Senegal and Niger. The caravans pulling northwards
used
to carry black slaves, among other merchandise.
15
Up to the fifteenth
century, negroes formed but a small part of the Iberian slaves.
Commercial
relationships with West Africa began to be established since
15
This
information and the following account are based on the cited works of
A .
Rumeu
de Armas.
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the end of the thirteenth century, when Genoese, Majorcans, Catalans and
Andalusians started exploring that region in successive expeditions. Private
initiative
prevailed, until Enrique III of Castile took interest in
these matters
by organizing the conquest of the Canary Islands in 1402. The successors
of Enrique III did nothing to secure the position of Castile in West Africa.
The
commercial traffic
that
since the fourteenth century had connected the
ports of Lower
Andalusia
with those of the Kingdom of Fez and those to
the south of Cape Aguer, remained in private hands. One of the types of
commodity brought home by Andalusian merchants was Moorish or Negro
slaves, obtained through purchase or barter on the West-African
coast
(see
a
vivid
account of the mechanics of this lucrative commerce in Fosse 181).
In Portugal, Prince Henry the Navigator took personal interest in the
exploration of West Africa. He encouraged maritime and
inland
expeditions
to
these
parts, inaugurated by the successful voyage of
G i l
Eanes to Cape
Bojador in 1434. Henry the Navigator received a monopoly over the region
south to Cape Bojador in 1443. After about the year 1446, the interests of
Portugal in
Africa
concentrate on two goals: securing their position in the
Kingdom of Fez, and the exploration of Guinea.
Since Castile was interested in these regions too, the interests of the two
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in West Africa clearly clashed, which resulted in a latent hostility between
the two countries. The situation was resolved in 1479, when a treaty was
signed between them in the Portuguese town of Alcagovas. By this treaty,
Portugal received all of Guinea, and exclusive rights in all the lands to be
discovered in Africa, while Spain gained the Canary Islands and a strip of
coastal land between the Kingdom of Fez and Guinea, over which to expand
its political influence. One of the consequences of this repartition was the
monopoly
of Portugal, confirmed and expanded by later
treaties,
over the
slave traffic from Africa.
A s a result, Spain became dependent on its neighbour to get workers
for her. She did obtain some slaves directly, through commerce with the
Kingdom of Fez (as shown above), and through the raids
(cabalgadas)
her
residents were in the habit of making over the coast across from the Canaries.
Although the number of slaves thus obtained cannot be ascertained, it was
sufficient to provide the Canary Islands with all the work force needed, and
to convert the capital of Gran Canaria, La Ciudad Real de Las Palmas, into
the largest slave-market of the archipelago. Moreover, the Catholic Monarchs
gathered their fifth from the booty obtained in these raids, unwilling to lose
their
share
in the lucrative business. However, even if these sources of slaves
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were significant throughout the fifteenth century, their importance in later
centuries is overshadowed by Portuguese slave importation.
The
Portuguese slaving factories extended from Sierra Leone to Angola.
The
earliest of them was founded in
Arguin
in 1449;
that
of San
Jago
of
the Islands of Cape Verde, in 1458; San
Jorge
de M i n a , in 1481; the one on
Santo Tome, in 1486. The slaves brought to
these
factories came from the
G u l f of Guinea, Senegambia and places further inland. They stayed in the
factories for various months, awaiting shipment to the port of destination
(Franco Silva 47-48). They were shipped to the Atlantic Islands, Lisbon,
Seville,
Cadiz, Puerto de Santa Maria, Valencia and, later on, to the Spanish
American ports, Veracruz, Cartagena de Indias, Portobelo (Lipski, Latin
merican Spanish
95).
Many
slaves were brought to
Lisbon
prior to their
transportation.
The beginning of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade is counted from the year
1510, in which two hundred and
fifty
negroes purchased in Lisbon were sent
to America on orders from king Ferdinand (Rawley 55). U n t i l 1518 the
slaves destined to America had to pass through
Seville;
after
that
date, they
were transported directly from West
Africa
(Franco
Silva
73). U n t i l 1640,
Portugal was the most important, if not the
only,
supplier of slaves to the
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Spanish overseas
colonies; black Africans imported to Spanish America
until
that
date came from Upper Guinea and Angola (Rawley
58).
2.2 There is still no reliable comprehensive study of the total
percentage
of the black population present in all the territories concerned at all the
periods
in
question. Specialists
in the field
acknowledge unanimously
the
extreme difficulty of providing exact numbers. Reasons for that are the
incompleteness of importation records, undocumented illegal trade, and the
deficiency
of
censorial procedures
in those
days. The most recent estimates
are given below.
In Portugal blacks always constituted a minority. Saunders estimates a
minimum of 35,000 blacks in the middle of the 16th century in all of Portugal;
the concentration
was
higher
in the
south than
in the
north
of the
country.
In Lisbon, Evora and the Algarve blacks could form about 11-12% of the
total population (10% slaves and 1-2% freedmen). In 1633 the number of
blacks in
Lisbon
rose to 15% (Saunders 47-61).
In Valencia,
the
annual import of slaves between
1479
and
1516
averaged
two hundred and fifty
a
year, sometimes reaching
the
annual amount of five
to six hundred (Cortes 57). Cortes Lopez
suggests
for 1591 2.5% slaves in
the
Kingdom
of Valencia, 80.40% of which are blacks (La
esclavitud
204).
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For
Spain,
Cortes Lopez gives the following
estimates
(La esclavitud 204-
05):
- Andalucia: 2.44% of slaves (3.5% in Granada, Almeria and Malaga;
3.07% in
Sevilla, Cadiz
and
Huelva;
1.3% in
Jaen
and Cordoba).
- The rest of the Peninsula: 0.22%.
In
Sevilla, blacks formed 68% of the total number of slaves. In eastern
Andalusia, Moorish slaves outnumbered blacks, while towards the north (Ex-
tremadura and both Castiles), the negroes were more numerous than other
groups. Cortes Lopez
estimates
at 65% the
average
percentage of blacks out
of the total number of slaves throughout Spain at the end of the sixteenth
century.
The numbers below represent slave imports into Spanish America during
the entire period of the slave
trade
(Curtin 46):
Cuba: 702, 000
Puerto Rico:
77,000
Mexico:
200,000
Venezuela:
121,000
Peru:
95,000
La
Plata and
Bolivia:
100,000
Chile:
6,000
Santo Domingo:
30,000
Colombia,
Panama, and Ecuador:
200,000
Central America:
21,000
Total:
1,552,000
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The imports, and the proportion of blacks to whites, and of both these
groups to the Indians, fluctuated at various periods in various locations.
2.3 In Portugal, people of all
classes
owned black slaves.
16
The
Crown
owned a considerable number of slaves, some of them black, serving in vari
ous capacities at the court and, in limited numbers, in the royal industries as
well. The nobility employed slaves only as domestic servants. Monasteries,
convents and hospitals used them for the same labour as they
would
free
ser
vants. Other classes of owners could use their slaves to replace or supplement
free labour in their own business ventures; they could hire out their slaves'
services to others, or permit them to work and live on their own and pay part
or all of their earnings to the master. Slaves could be employed to perform a
variety of tasks in agriculture, from herding and harvesting to pressing olives
and gathering nuts, herbs and berries in the woods. Both ocean and river
ships
were frequently manned by slave crews. In the cities, slaves could be
sent as apprentices to various craftsmen, or be employed by the
latter
for
occasional labour. Many blacks could become professional workers them
selves, purchase their freedom and open their own businesses.
Many
guilds,
1 6
The
following
account is based on Saunders
62-88.
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however, such as the goldsmiths', remained closed to them. Female slaves
worked as washerwomen, water-sellers, or street-vendors, selling vegetables,
fruit, fish, chickpeas, olive oil, pasta and snacks. Men were hired out to carry
baskets of meat and fish in the market, or unload fishing vessels. Both men
an d women worked as whitewashers. In addition to the above-mentioned
kinds
of exploitation, already at the end of the fifteenth century a number
of blacks were employed at sugar
cane
plantations in the Azores, Madeira,
Santo Tome and Cabo Verde.
2 4 In Spain, the Crown was one of the largest owners of blacks.
17
It
received under its authority many of those with imprecise legal
status:
the
slaves obtained in military campaigns, those confiscated for illegal traffic,
or those shipwrecked and washed ashore, became its property. Royal slaves
were employed in a variety of tasks, their fundamental occupation being in
the galleys. The nobles maintained slaves in their service or for the display
of luxury. Bishoprics, parishes, monasteries, colleges, convents, as well as
secular clergy appear in the documents as owners of slaves. From other
classes
of the society, merchants of various
categories
possessed the largest
1 7
The
f o l l o w i n g
account is based on
C o r t e s L o p e z , La esclavitud
104-16.
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number of slaves. Next came junk dealers (traperos), masons, lace- and rope-
makers, tailors, cobblers, potters, silversmiths, jurors
(jurados),
scribes and
moneychangers. Servants and squires also made use of slaves, as did some
institutions, such as hospitals and city councils (the latter as executioners, for
instance). In agriculture, slaves performed all the
tasks
required,
including
the cultivation of sugar
cane
in the Canaries and some peninsular zones.
Muleteering was a traditional occupation of black slaves. At sea, they were
often used as crew assistants; for example, the brotherhood of boatmen in
Barcelona could own an unlimited number of slaves for this purpose.
2.5
The economic
character
of black slavery in the Americas was
differ
ent from that in the Peninsula, and the range of occupations also changed.
During the early years, domestic services, craftsmanship and military ser
vice (as soldiers or squires) were the most important occupations of slaves,
being the continuation of their employment in the Iberian economy. The
O l d
World antecedents of the American plantation system have already been
mentioned; the first plantation of this kind was established in 1506 on His-
paniola (Cortes Lopez, La
esclavitud
183). Besides, slaves were made to work
in cattle raising,
gold
and salt mines, pearl fisheries, the textile industry, and
as boatmen. In the cities, they were hired out for domestic services; some
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w o r k e d
as
d a y - w o r k e r s an d
street
v e n d o r s ; f e m a l e s l a v e s as w a s h e r w o m e n
a n d men
as w a t e r - s e l l e r s
an d
l a tr i n e - c l e an e r s
(camungueros).
2 6 In the P e n i n s u l a , b l ac k s w e re c o n s i d e r e d d u l l - w i t t e d , u g l y a n d , by the
s u m of t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , s u i t e d to a l i f e in s l a v e r y . On the s o c i a l s c a l e ,
t h e y o c c u p i e d the l o w e s t s t e p . On the o t h er h a n d , because t h e y
w i l l i n g l y
e m b r a c e d C h r i s t i a n i t y , w e r e g o o d - n a t u r e d , s u b m i s s i v e a n d o f t e n l o y a l
to
t h e i r
m a s t e r s , t h e y w e re g e n e r a l l y r e g a r d e d as big c h i l d r e n , l o o k e d u p o n w i t h
s y m p a t h y an d m i s t r e a t e d r e l a t i v e l y r a r e l y .
I n
S p a n i s h
A m e r i c a , w i t h the
c h a n g e
of
t h e i r e c o n o m i c a l s i g n i f i c an c e ,
t h e i r n u m e r i c a l p r o p o r t i o n
to the
w h i t e s ,
and the existence of yet
a n o t h e r
o p p r e s s e d m a j o r i t y — t h e I n d i a n s — , the s o c i a l r o l e of the b l ac k A f r i c a n s
c h a n g e d . T h e y o p p o s e d w h i t e r u l e by f r e q u en t r e b e l l i o n s an d escapes; r u n
a w a y
s l a v e s f o r m e d c o m m u n i t i e s
in the
i n t e r io r
of
t he m a i n l a n d a n d d e fe n d e d
t h e m a g a i n s t the w h i t e s (some of these, c a l l e d
palenques,
e x i s t e v e n t o d a y ) .
M o r e o v e r , b l a c k s f e l t t h e m s e l v e s s u p e r i o r to the In d i a n s a n d , in the absence
o f s u p e r v i s i o n , f r e q u e n t l y m i s t r e a t e d t h e m . In o t h e r w o r d s , b l a c k A f r i c a n s
became
m o r e c o n s p i c u o u s
in the
s o c i a l l i f e
of the the
c o l o n i e s t h a n t h e y
had
b e e n in t h a t of the Ol d W o r l d . On the o t h e r h a n d , s i n c e t h e y became a
s o u r c e of c o n s i d e r a b l e r e v en u e for t h e i r masters as p a r t of the m i n i n g and
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plantation systems, they received a harsher
treatment
than in the Peninsula.
2.7 On Sundays as
well
as on festive days, black slaves were free from
work (although they were expected to fulfil their domestic duties, if these
were their primary functions). On
these
days they could
meet
in the city
squares (as they did in la Plaza de Santa Maria la Blanca in Sevilla), or in
the taverns (Franco
Silva
105). Freedmen could go on a pilgrimage
together
(Gual
Camarena 457). The establishing of
religious
brotherhoods by blacks—
both
slaves and freedmen—dates at
least
to the fifteenth century. One such
brotherhood was formed in 1403 in
Sevilla,
another one in 1472 in Valen
cia; there were many in
Cadiz
(Sopranis, Las cofradias; G u a l Camarena, "La
cofradia"). In their petition to form a brotherhood, submitted to the future
K i n g
Ferdinand, the black freedmen of Valencia ask for permission to assem
ble whenever they wish without having to request a special permit from the
relevant authorities; for permission to acquire and maintain a house for their
assemblies; they also ask for permission to own a royal standard "para poder
figurar en los desfiles, procesiones, fiestas y
actos
publicos" (Gual Camarena
458).
More numerous than in the Peninsula, the black Africans in the Americas
united
in brotherhoods according to their tribal origins.
"Estas
los reunen
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para el culto, y para la reception de los Sacramentos; mantienen los enlaces
sociales de sus respectivas comunidades, y les proporcionan la participation
en general de sus recreos" ("Idea de las congregaciones", fol. 115). On festive
days these cofradias participated in processions,
after
which they returned to
the place of their assembly for a
bayle,
or dancing party.
2.8 In the Peninsula from the second half of the fifteenth century, and
in
the
Amer i c a s
after the i r
importation
there
blacks
a ppea r to have spoken
distorted varieties of the Romance languages. Black Portuguese was referred
to
as lingua de pretos, falar guineu or fala guine; black Spanish, as habla
bozal, habla de negros and
guineo.
The assessment of the linguistic character
of these speech modes is not an
easy
task. In fact, it is the subject of an
ongoing discussion in the
field
of Afro-Romance linguistics,
because
of the
implications
it might have for the history of Latin-American Spanish and the
Hispanic Creoles.
The earliest literary specimens of lingua de pretos are considered a pidgin.
Naro thinks it had originally developed in Portugal, while Goodman believes
it had originated in
Africa
(see the articles cited). The earliest compositions
in habla
bozal
are considered by Lipski a literary imitation of lingua de pretos
("Convergence" 185-86, "Black Spanish" 56-57, "Golden Age" 8). He also
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believes that later specimens of lenguaje bozal represent foreigners' Spanish or
an
unstable pidgin that "never stabilized to form a C r e o l e or an ethnolinguis-
tically distinct
black
Spanish anywhere in Spain" (Latin American Spanish
100; "Golden Age" 10). For Granda, on the contrary, the Peninsular habla
de negros represents an authentic C r e o l e ("Sobre el origen" 218-19).
A s
to the language of blacks in Spanish America, opinions again vary.
L i ps ki
considers
it a
foreigner's talk
or an
incipient pidgin emerging with
every new wave of slave importation ("On the Construction" 444; "Conver
gence" 186-87; Latin American Spanish 111-13). The same point of view
is
taken by Laurence and Lopez Morales. Another
opinion
is expressed by
the scholars who believe
that there
existed
in
all
of
Spanish America
(or, at
least,
in the
Caribbean region)
an
Afro-Hispanic
C r e o l e ;
for
them,
the
pre
served bozal texts represent this C r e o l e in various
stages
of decreolization (see
the cited works by Granda, Megenney, Perl and Schwegler).
In accordance with
the
monogenetic theory
of
C r e o l e formation (Whin-
nom, Thompson), the hypothetic
Afro-Hispanic
C r e o l e is thought to be based
on
an
earlier Portuguese C r e o l e
or
pidgin
brought
to the
Americas
in the
mouths of the negroes. The existence and the use of this pidgin/creole in
Africa is indeed attested to by the remarks of contemporaries, that also point
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to
the use of
Portuguese,
in its
standard
and pidginized
forms,
as a world
language in
the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Bal
119-21;
Egerod
113-
14;
Valkhoff, all
the
works cited). Some scholars believe
that the
Portuguese
pidgin was
not an
independent formation, but
could
have developed by relex-
ification from Sabir (Whinnom,
Spanish Contact Vernaculars 10, " Or i g i n"
522-27;
Thompson
113;
Hadel
38-42).
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C H A P T E R T H R E E
B L A C K
P O R T U G U E S E A N D
S P A N I S H
I N H I S P A N I C
L E T T E R S
3 . 1 Black characters make their appearance in Peninsular literature dur
ing the course of the thirteenth century. Baltasar, one of the
Magi
in the
Auto
de los
Reyes
Magos
(late
twelfth—early thirteenth century), is black.
A negro slave appears in the
Poema
de Yiisuf (mid-fourteenth century). At
about the same time the Galician-Portuguese poet Lopo Lias writes a satir
ical poem to be sung to a son de negrada. One story of El Conde Lucanor,
"De lo que contesgio a un rey con los burladores que fizieron el pafio", fea
tures a black slave (Jason, "Negro" 13-15; Russell 245 n.41; Rodrigues Lapa,
Cantigas
385-86).
Up to the second half of the fifteenth century, if a black
character
appeared
in a literary work, he spoke good Spanish or Portuguese. In the second
half of the fifteenth century, when blacks began to pour into the Iberian
world,
compositions
that
reflected modes of speech different from standard
Portuguese and Spanish began to appear. Below we examine
briefly
the
genres of Peninsular literature that were affected by the new speech forms.
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3
.2.
Coplas
and other secular songs seem to have been the earliest
genre
to assimilate the new element. Three compositions containing
falar guine
appear in the Cancioneiro Geral compiled in 1516 by Garcia de Resende.
The
Cancioneiro
included many pieces written at an earlier
date,
and Fernao
da Silveira's composition written "en breue de huma mourisca rratorta, que
mandou
fazer a senhora pringeza quando esposou", is thought to be the
earliest piece of literature to record the black speech (it was dated 1455 by
Michaelis de Vasconcelos and Teyssier; see Goodman 150 for objections).
Another
poem
presents
a dialogue between a clergyman and his black maid
whom he
accuses
of having overturned a barrel of wine (Anrique da Mota's
Didlogo
"sobre huuma pypa de vynho que se lhe foy pelo cham"). The
third
composition is a much shorter piece by Dom Rodriguo de Monssanto,
"de maneyra que mandaua a hum seu escrauo que curasse huma sua mula"
(Kaussler 1: 172, 3: 106, 277).
Rodrigo de Reinosa appears to be the one who launched the vogue for
black poetry in Spain. His two sets of
coplas
are preserved in a chap-book
whose
date
of publication is impossible to ascertain, although Cossio believes
that they were written before the sixteenth century (Cossio lxxvi, lxxviii).
The first one is entitled
Comienzan unas coplas a los negros y negras: y de
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como se motejaban en Sevilla un negro de gelofe mandinga contra una negra
de Guinea. A el llamaban Jorge: e a ella Comba: e como el la requerria
de amores: e ella
decia
que tenia otro enamorado que llamaban Grisolmo.
Cdntanse al tono de la nina cuando baileis . A n d
in the same
pliego: A los
mismos negros. Hanse de cantar al tono de guineo
(Cossio 111-17).
18
Theatre .
Portuguese theatre also precedes the
Spanish
in the employ
ment
o f fala guine. G i l Vicente
has black characters in four of
h is
plays: three
o f
them speak
broken
Portuguese (in
Fragoa d'amor [1524], Nao d'amores
[1527]
and
Clerigo da Beira [1529?]), while
a character in
Floresta d'Enganos
(1536) imitates black
Spanish
(Teyssier
227-49; Coelho 45-48; Michaelis
de
Vasconcelos 497-8; Hendrix
17).
Antonio Ribeiro Chiado
uses black Portuguese in his autos
Pratica
d'oyto
feguras
and
L'auto das regateyras;
at least three more plays of the
escola
vicentina
that have come
down
to us contain black protagonists. Black char
acters
continue to appear on the seventeenth-century Portuguese
stage
(for
example,
in the
Apologos
dialogaes
by Dom Francisco
Manoel
de
Mello).
1 8
A n o t h e r
set of co p la s a t t r i b u t e d to R e i n o s a is
c al led
Coplas de
como
una dama
ruega
a un
negro
que
cante
en
manera
de
requiebro;
y
como
el
negro
se
deja rogar,
en fin la
senora
vencida de su gracia le offrece su persona. T h e r e , the n e g r o Jorge
speaks g o o d
S p a n i s h . W e b e r de K u r l at t h i n k s that the
a t t r i b u t i o n
is e r r o n e o u s , w h i l e i l l c o n s i d e r s it
w e l l f o u n d e d (Weber
de
K u r l at , Sobre
el n e g r o 382, n.12;
i l l
18).
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In the
eighteenth century they pass
to the works of teatro
menor
(Leite de
Vasconcellos, Esquisse 45-46; Teyssier 249-50).
In the Spanish theatre, black characters speaking distorted Spanish ap
pear in Feliciano de Silva's Segunda comedia de Celestina (1534), Gaspar
Gomez's
Tercera parte
de la tragicomedia de Celestina
(1536), three plays
by Lope de Rueda: La comedia de los
enganados (1538),
Eufemia
(1542),
Coloquio de Tymbria (?). Contemporary to these plays are Juan
Pastor's
Farsa o tragedia de la castidad de
Lucrecia, and five farces by Diego Sanchez
de Badajoz : Farsa
theologal,
Farsa
del Moysen,
Farsa
de la hechicera,
Farsa
de la ventera, Farsa de la Fortuna
(De Chasca 326).
Lope de Vega has black characters in dozens of his plays; some of them
speak distorted Spanish, as in
La
madre
de la mejor,
Servir
a
senor
discreto,
Amar,
servir
y
esperar,
La limpieza no manchada, El
santo negro Rosambuco
de la ciudad de Palermo
and
El capelldn de la virgen
(Weber de Kurlat, "El
tipo del negro"). Habla de negros appears as well in Tirso de Molina's La
huerta
de Juan Fernandez,
Calderon's
La
sibila
del Oriente,
and Juan de
Caxes's
Los
trabajos
de
Joseph
(more
references
to
guineo
in the Spanish
theatre can be found in Alvarez Nazario, El elemento 120 n. 7.)
3 4
Teatro
menor.
The presence of the Negro in the Portuguese
teatro
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c
de cordel of the eighteenth century has already been mentioned (3.3). Simon
Aguado's
entremes
Los negros (1602),
Francisco
de
Avellaneda's entremes
with the
same title
(1622?), the
anonymous
Los negros de Santo Tome
and
La negra lectora,
as well as three entremeses by
Quifiones
de Benavente
(El
negrito hablador, Los sacristanes burlados and El borracho) are but a small
part
of
those
Spanish Golden
Age works
of the genero chico that
featured
negro
characters
(Castellano,
passim;
Cotarelo 1:
clii).
3.5 Leite de Vasconcellos tells us about the numerous calendars and al-
manachs in
lingua
de pretos published in Portugal well into the first quarter of
the nineteenth century.
Similar
literature, though less abundant, continued
to appear there in the latter half of
that
century, too
(Esquisse
47).
In the mid-nineteenth century there appears in Spanish America a
costumbrista-
type literature (plays and novels)
that
recreates
negro
characters
along
with
their language. To this movement belongs the play by the Venezuelan-Puerto
Rican author Ramon C . F. Caballero,
La juega de gallos o el negro
bozal
(published
1852), in which the negro
Jose
speaks bozal Spanish.
19
Our
own century witnessed
the
appearance, growth and decline of
poesia
19
Partially
reproduced
in
Alvarez
Nazario,
El elemento 387-93. For
more examples
of this
kind of
literature
see, for
instance,
Lipski,
Latin American Spanish
108-10, and
Coulthard
(Ch.
1).
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negrista,
whose most noteworthy exponents are the Cuban Nicolas
Guil len
and
the Puerto Rican Luis Pales Matos. An important component of this
type of poetry consisted in recreating the local black Spanish.
20
3 6 We do not know when habla de negros first crept into the poesia a
lo divino. The earliest such use known to us is a fragment of the Christmas
ensalada La
Negrina
by the Catalan composer Mateo Flecha el Viejo. The
ensalada as a genre was well-suited for the use of a mixture of languages
(Romeu Figueras, "Las canciones" 749-52, "Mateo Flecha" 39; Frenk 57-
60); La negrina employs Castilian, Catalan, Portuguese and habla de negros,
in that order. Romeu Figueras believes that it was written in 1535 or 1536,
while the composer resided in Valencia and was connected with the Cathedral
thereof ("Mateo Flecha"
33; 54-55). It
will
serve
as a
good introduction
to
the villancicos en habla de negros
to
reproduce here
the
relevant fragment
of
La negrina:
-
San Sabeya,
gugurumbe,
alangandanga,
gugurumbe, gurumbe . . . ,
mantenga, sefior Joan Branca,
mantenga vossa merge.
,̂Sabe como e nacido,
aya em Berem
20
Fo r an
overview
of Afro-Cuban
poetry
see
Coulthard (Ch.
2) and
Feldman Harth
794fF.
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un
Nino
muy garrido?
-
Sa muy ben.
Vamo a ver su nacimento,
Dios pesebre echado esta.
-
Sa contento. Vamo aya.
jSu veni, que yevera.
Bona sa, bona sa,
su camisoncico rondaro;
ga garano, ga garano,
su sanico coyo roso
sa hermoso, sa hermoso,
gucar miendro yevera.
Sansavaguya . . .
Alangadanga,
gugurumbe,
san Sabeya,
gurum-gurumbe
. . .
"Alleluia, alleluia, alleluia
E d . Angles,
Las
ensaladas
46-47.
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C H A P T E R F O U R
NEGROS
2 2
4.1
Villancicos
written in languages other than Spanish were designated
with special names. There existed franceses, gallegos, tudescos, Portugueses,
Vizcainos, moriscos and gitanos. Villancicos in black Spanish or Portuguese
used
to be
called
negros,
de
negros,
negritos, negrillos, negrillas
or
guineos.
4.2 The earliest known negros are those mentioned in the lists, or facturas
ofthe copyists ofthe Capilla Real in Madrid (Moll). Although negros appear
in these facturas without authorship, they may be assumed to belong to
the
pen of the
maestro de capilla.
In the
time-span that interests
us,
this
position was occupied by the Flemish composer
Philippe
Rogier (1560/61-
1596). There are two negros in these lists that could have been written by
Rogier: "El esclavito de allende"
(1590)
and " E zanzunbe" (1596). Another
villancico
that
might have contained a
negro
fragment is
"Villancico
a diez,
de quatro lenguas" (1591). A ll the texts are lost to us.
The fact that Rogier had written more negrillas than mentioned in the
lists of the Capilla Real, is known from the catalogue of the musical library
2 2
The outline of the history of negritos given in this chapter relies heavily on the article
of R. Stevenson, "The Afro-American Musical Legacy to 1800."
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of K i n g John IV of Portugal. The first part of the catalogue of this library,
entitled Primeira parte do
Index
da livraria de
musica
de El-Rei D. Joao IV,
was published in 1649; the continuation never followed. The three negros by
Rogier
appear on pages 379 and 425 of this catalogue: "H u, hu, hu, a duo",
"Manani, manana, a 6",
"Turo
lo neglo que aqi sa, solo et a 4".
4 3 Three guineos of Rogier's pupil Gery de Ghersem, also Flemish, are
catalogued in the same Index (pp. 228, 230 and 231). There are another 54
negros
in this catalogue. Two of the most
prolific
composers of
negros
in this
catalogue are the Portuguese, Francisco de Santiago (with 18) and Gabriel
Dias (with 16).
23
Most of the other composers are catalogued with one
negro each. Since the library of John IV was destroyed during the
Lisbon
earthquake
of 1755,
most
of the
compositions catalogued
are
lost forever.
However,
because John IV collected only copies of the villancicos, some of
the originals may yet be discovered sometime in the future, when the contents
of the Peninsular and Spanish American cathedral archives are better known.
23
Negros
formed only a very small part of the composers' repertoire. Santiago's 18, and
Dias's
16
negros—large
output as compared to
that
of other composers—pale beside the
total number of their villancicos (538 and 536, respectively), catalogued in the same Index.
Diego
Duron (maestro de capilla of the Cathedral of Las Palmas from 1676 to 1731) wrote
a total of 421 villancicos, of which only 12 were
negros
(Querol Gavalda, "La production
musical" 214-15).
Rogier appears in
the Index
with
the
total
of 71 villancicos, oi
which
only
3 are
negros.
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4 4 The earliest
negros
whose texts are preserved are those by Don Luis de
Gongora. One of them was written for the Corpus Christi Eve procession in
1609,
two others for
the
Epiphany and Christmas Eve celebrations in
1615 in
the Cathedral
of
Cordoba (Stevenson, "Legacy"
486;
Jammes,
ed.,
Letrillas
Nos.
xxxix, liv, lv). Those of 1615 were set to music by Juan Risco, the
choirmaster
of
Cordoba Cathedral (Jammes, Etudes
234).
4 5 Thirteen
negros, ten
texts and three texts with their music,
are
pre
served in
the
archive ofthe
Capilla
Real
de
Granada (Tejerizo Robles
1: 137).
The Archive of the Cathedral of A v i la has preserved only one negro (Lopez
Calo, Catdlogo No.
215).
The Musical Archive
of
San Lorenzo
el
Real
de E l
Escorial
has
four
negros, one of
them
by
Antonio Soler (Rubio—Sierra Nos.
2055, 2087, 2172; Rubio, Forma 78). The Archive ofthe Cathedral of Sala
manca contains no less than fourteen
negrillas
(Garcia Fraile). Some of the
negros preserved
in the
Cathedral
of
Salamanca were composed
by
Tomas
Micieces
the
younger. Those that bear dates cover
the
span
of
nearly
a
cen
tury: from 1680 (No. 2392) to 1771 (No. 1677). In the Cathedral of El Pilar
de Zaragoza
negros
were also sung,
as is
exemplified
by the one
composed
by Joseph
Ruiz
Samaniego while he was choirmaster there between
the
years
1661 and 1670
(Gonzalez
M a r i n 67-85). The
brothers Sebastian
and
Diego
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Duron (the former, maestro of the Capilla Real in 1691-1706; the latter,
maestro de capilla of the Cathedral of Las Palmas for 55 consecutive years,
1676-1731), both contributed
to.the
negro genre. Diego Duron wrote no less
than twelve guineos, and Sebastian, at
least
two (both of which are to be
found among his villancicos preserved in the Guatemala Cathedral Archive).
The
villancico division of the Biblioteca Nacional in
Madrid
has preserved
an enormous number of seventeenth-century negros (around
three
hundred,
according to the Catdlogo). A chap-book containing the villancicos sung in
the Real Capilla in 1684 was analysed by Jose Lopez de Toro; the author
reproduced in his article the negro out of this villancico sequence (6-8). The
collection of 16 chap-books from the Cathedral of Malaga was reproduced in
a facsimile edition by Manuel Alvar in 1973; the 1753 set contains a
negro.
A pliego containing eight Christmas villancicos by Felix Persio Bertiso, a
native of Seville, was printed in
that
city in 1677; one negro appears among
them. A better known author, Manuel de Leon Marchante, wrote a number
of
negritos,
one of which forms an indispensable part of any anthology of
negro poetry.
4 6 The M a i n Library of the University of Coimbra has at least twenty-
one villancicos negros in its manuscript
division
(Carlos de Brito xx). A
48
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booklet of the Christmas villancicos sung in the Santa Se de Lisboa in 1646,
as well as a booklet of
those
sung in the Convento de N.S. de Graga de
Lisboa
in 1647 (both containing
negrillas),
are preserved in the Public Library
of Evora (Augusto Alegria, Biblioteca
Publica
Nos. 463, 466). Leite de
Vasconcellos mentions a booklet he had in his possession, entitled Villancicos
que se cantarao na capella de D. Afonso VI. Alguns em lingua de
preto
(Lisboa 1662; Vasconcellos, Esquisse 46, n. 91).
24
4.7 The archive of the Cathedral of Valencia includes a number of negros
written by Juan Bautista Comes, who was
maestro de
capilla there until his
death in 1642.
Joan
Pujol was choirmaster of the Cathedral of Barcelona in
from 1612 to 1626. His works written during that time and preserved in his
house were inventoried
after
his death. The
catalogue
includes "Memorial
dels villancicos que lo molt ilustre capitol de Barcelona te del senyor mestre
Pujol
aixi de la festivitat del Corpus com de Nadal" (ed. Angles,
Opera omnia
x). Three negros appear in this "Memorial": "Gurugu, gurugu mande, a 8",
"Negros a comeye vamo, a 6" and "Turulu negro del Rey Balthazar, a 8".
One
more
negro
by Pujol is preserved in the Biblioteca Nacional in
Madrid
2 4
We have been unable to
locate
this booklet.
49
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(Angles, Opera omnia,
xxii).
4.8 The earliest known composer of
negros
in Spanish America is a Por
tuguese, Gaspar Fernandes. From 1606 until his death in 1629 Fernandes
occupied
the post of maestro de
capilla
at Puebla Cathedral. After his death
one of his pupils, who was hired as a musician in Oaxaca Cathedral, took
away with him a book of festival compositions transcribed by Fernandes dur
ing
his
stay
in Puebla (Stevenson, "Legacy"
495-96).
This manuscript was
discovered and catalogued by Stevenson in 1967; it contains fourteen vil
lancicos
negros
(the catalogue of this collection may be seen in Stevenson,
Renaissance, or in his "Puebla Chapelmasters" 40-45).
After
Fernandes, the position of
maestro de capilla
was assumed by Juan
Gutierrez
de
Padilla
(ca.
1590-1664),
a native of Malaga. The
texts
of the
Christmas villancicos composed by him were published annually; those of
the
years
1649, 1652, 1654 and 1656 contain negrillas (Stevenson, Christmas
52).
The
next
Puebla choirmaster, Juan Garcia de Zespedes (ca. 1619-78),
and
Antonio
de Salazar
(1650-ca.
1715),
both contributed to the
negro
genre.
The Jesus Sanchez Garza collection (named
after
its last private proprietor,
and
acquired in 1967 by the Instituto Nacional de Bellas Artes in Mexico)
50
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alone contains
three negritos
by
the latter.
Juan
de
Vaeza Saavedra, another
composer who nourished
at
Puebla between
1662
and
1667, has
one negro in
this same collection.
The sparkling negro pieces of Sor Juana Ines de la
Cruz
date from 1676 to
1690.
Some
of
them were
set to
music and performed
at
Puebla Cathedral,
others in
the
Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico. Her contemporary, Gabriel
de
Santillana,
also turned to black themes more than once (Mendez Plancarte,
Poetas 134-36). One of the villancicos by Francisco Moratilla is preserved
in the
Colegio
de
Santa Rosa
de
Santa Maria
de Valladolid (now
Morelia)
(Bernal Jimenez
19-22).
25
4 9 The musical archive of the Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia), whose
contents
were transcribed recently
by
Perdomo Escobar, contains
six
negros.
One
ecclesiastical library in Cusco
(Peru)
contains
at least
five
negritos
(Var
gas Ugarte, Nos. I l l , 114, 115, 134, 344). The Cathedral of Sucre (now Bo
livia)
contains one anonymous villancico negro (Garcia Munoz 24). The negro
by Juan de Araujo published by Stevenson under the title "Los negritos",
2 5
Moratilla appears to have been a Peninsular composer. Three villancicos by the
composer of this name
are
catalogued in the Biblioteca
Nacional,
and the editors have this
to say about the author: "El nombre de
Moratilla
nos era desconocido;
acaso
se trate de
Francisco Moratilla, el cual regia el magisterio de los Santos
Justo
y Pastor, de Alcala de
Henares,
en 1735"
(Angles and Subira, Catdlogo
2: 25).
51
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was also performed in Sucre, while this composer served as choirmaster in
the Cathedral thereof in
1680-1714
(Stevenson, Music of
Peru
236-49). The
collection of Julia Elena Fortiin (La Paz, Bolivia) consisting of about
three
hundred manuscript works, contains one or more guineos (one was published,
Fortiin
48). The archive of the Monasterio de Santa Clara in Cochabamba
(Bolivia) has at
least
one negro. Guatemala City Cathedral
Archive,
as
cat
alogued by Stevenson (Renaissance), preserves 19 negros. Some of them are
written by such distinguished eighteenth-century composers as Manuel
Jose
de Quiroz
(maestro
de
capilla
in Guatemala in
1738-65;
four
negros)
and
Rafael Antonio
Castellanos
(maestro
de
capilla
1765-91 in Guatemala; five
guineos) (Lemmon 11-16).
4.10 The above list of
guineo
sources is incomplete for various reasons,
two of which are the poor accessibility and partial nature of many archival
catalogues. Further research in this direction should yield many more
negros
(not to mention villancicos written in other dialects and tongues).
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C H A P T E R
F I V E
D E S C R I P T I O N O F T H E NEGRITOS U S E D I N T H I S S T U D Y
5.1
Below
is a
detailed description of the sixty-eight
villancicos
used
for
this study. Thirty-one
of
them
are
from Peninsular
sources
(four
in lingua
de pretos
and
the rest
in
habla de negros),
and thirty-seven
are
from Spanish
American
sources
(all,
except
one,
in
habla
de
negros).
Whenever possible,
we indicate
the
precise present location of the
villancicos.
1.
First
Line:
Mariana
sa
Corpus Christa
Author:
Luis
de Gongora
Feast Day:
Corpus Christi
Date of Composition:
1609
Place of Performance: The Cathedral of Cordoba
Secondary Source:
Jammes,
ed.,
Letrillas 153-55
First Line:
iOh, que vimo, Mangalena
Author:
Luis de Gongora
Composer:
Juan Risco
Feast Day:
Christmas
Date
of
Composition:
1615
Place of Performance:
T he Cathedral of Cordoba
Secondary Source:
Jammes, ed., Letrillas 180-81
First Line:
^,Que gente, Pascual, que gente?
Author:
Luis de
Gongora
Composer:
Juan Risco
Feast
Day:
Epiphany
Date
of
Composition:
1615
Place
of
Performance: The Cathedral
of
Cordoba
Secondary Source:
Jammes, ed., Letrillas 182-83
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First Line:
Composer:
Feast
Day:
4. Date of
Composition:
Place of Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast
Day:
5.
Date
of
Composition:
Place of Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast
Day:
6. Date of
Composition:
Place
of
Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
Vamo, Plimo,
y
adoremo
Juan Bautista Comes
Christmas
before 1643
The Cathedral
of
Valencia
The Archive
of
the Cathedral of Valencia
(Leg X-43)
Comes,
Obras 2: 14-16 (text and music)
Pue
lo
negro
en lo
portale
Juan Bautista Comes
Christmas
before 1643
The Cathedral of Valencia
The Archive
of
the Cathedral
of
Valencia
(Leg X-4)
Comes,
Obras 2: 24-35 (text and music)
Pues e la Virgen tan beya
Juan Bautista Comes
dedicated
to the
Virgin
Mary
before 1643
The
Cathedral of Valencia
The Archive of the Cathedral of Valencia (Leg X-20)
Comes,
Obras
3: 30-38 (text
and music)
Tacico, vena comigo
Juan Bautista Comes
"en
una primera misa"
before
1643
The Cathedral
of
Valencia
The
Archive of the Cathedral of
Valencia
(Leg
VII-11)
Comes,
Obras 4: 57-64 (text and music)
reproduced
in the
Appendix
54
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First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date
of
Composition:
g
Place
of
Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast
Day:
Date
of
Composition:
g Place
of
Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date
of
Composition:
10.
Place
of
Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
A q u i
za
mi Dios verdadero
Luis
Gargallo
Christmas
1661
The
Cathedral
of
Huesca
Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid);
catalogue
number
104.5
(Catdlogo)
Bravo-Villasante
36-37
forms part
of a
larger
villancico.
Based
on an
earlier
(sixteenth-century)
secular
villancico.
Hagamole plaga
a lo
Reye Mago
Luis
Gargallo
Christmas
1661
The
Cathedral
of
Huesca
Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid);
catalogue
number
104.8
(Catdlogo)
Bravo-Villasante
41-43
textual concordances
with Nos.
10
and
14.
Reproduced
in the
Appendix
Que
te
cuntale, Thome
Joseph Ruiz Samaniego
Christmas
1661-1670
La Capilla de E l
Pilar, Zaragoza
The Archivo Capitular (Zaragoza);
catalogue
number EPA LXX-13
Gonzalez M a r i n
67-85 (text
and music)
textual concordances
with No.
9
55
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First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
11.
Place of
Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Author:
12. Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
^ Place of
Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Author:
Feast
Day:
Date
of
Publication:
14. Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
j A h , Flansiquiya
Francisco Garcia Montero Solano
Christmas
1673
La
Capilla Real de Granada
the archive of the above; catalogue number
B.G.U.G.B.-18-36(11)
Tejerizo Robles
1: 178-79
textual
concordances with No;
58
Esta noche, los
negros
Manuel de Leon Marchante
Christmas
1676
Albornoz
46
E n el
portal, muy
alegre
Epiphany
1676
E l Real Convento de la Encarnacion
Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid); catalogue number 162.6
(Catdlogo) •
Bravo-Villasante 88-89
forms
part of a
larger villancico
^Que vamo a ve, Catalina?
Felix Persio Bertiso
Christmas
1677
Sevilla?
Samuel Pepys's library (No.
1545, 1/13)
E . M. Wilson 132
textual concordances with No. 9. Reproduced
in
the
Appendix
56
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First Line:
Feast Day:
Date
of
Composition:
Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Feast Day:
Date
of
Composition:
16.
Place
of Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
^ Date
of
Composition:
Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
. First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date
of
Composition:
Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
- /,Flacico?
-
Ziol.
Christmas
1679
E l Real Convento
de la
Encarnacion
Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid); catalogue number 181.8
(Catdlogo)
Bravo-Villasante 111-113
is reminiscent of No.
54
Flaciquiya,
£a
donde
va?
Epiphany
1684
Capilla
Real (Madrid)
Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (Varios; Mss. 9.373,
fols.
183-88)
Lopez
de
Toro
6-8
A h mi siolo Juanico
Antonio Montoro Fernandes
de
Mora
Christmas
1694
La
Iglesia de San Mateo
de
Lucena
Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid);
catalogue
number
122.8
(Catdlogo)
Bravo-Villasante
63-65
Aquellos negros que dieron
Alonso de Bias y Sandoval
Christmas
1694
La
Capilla Real
de
Granada
the archive of the above;
catalogue
number
B.
N. Barbieri
R-34987, 32
Tejerizo Robles
1: 188-89
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First Line:
Feast Day:
Date
of
Composition:
19. Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date
of
Composition:
2^
Place
of
Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date
of
Composition:
2̂ Place of Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
22
Date
of
Composition:
Place of
Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
C o n el zon zonezito del zarabuyi
Epiphany
1696
La Capilla Real
Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid);
catalogue
number
295.7
(Catdlogo)
Bravo-Villasante
185-87
^Que
gente,
plima, que
gente?
Alonso Bias y Sandoval
Christmas
1699
La Capilla
Real
de
Granada
the archive of the above;
catalogue
number
B.G.U.G.C-38-36(6-ll)
Tejerizo Robles
1: 212
the beginning is reminiscent of Gongora's
" ,̂Que gente, Pascual, que gente?" (No. 3)
A z i , Flaziquiya
Alonso Bias
y
Sandoval
Christmas
1701
La Capilla
Real
de
Granada
the archive of the above; catalogue number
B.G.U.G.V-38-37(6-15)
Tejerizo Robles
1: 223-24
textual concordances
with No.
24.
Reproduced
in the Appendix
Los narcisos
de
Guinea
Antonio Navarro
Christmas
1717
La Capilla
Real
de
Granada
the archive of the above;
catalogue
number
B.G.U.G.C-38-37(6-14)
Tejerizo Robles
1: 229-30
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First
Line:
Composer:
Feast
Day:
Date of Composition:
23. Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast
Day:
Date of Composition:
24. Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First
Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
25. Date of Composition:
Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
First
Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
26. Date of Composition:
Place
of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Esta noche lo
Neglillo
Juan
Frances
de Iribarren
Christmas
1753
The Cathedral of Malaga
E l
Archivo Municipal de Malaga; catalogue number
XVIII-4-1053bis
(n.p.)
Alvar
(n.p.)
reproduced in the Appendix
Los
negros
vienen de zumba
Antonio Soler
Christmas
1758
San Lorenzo E l Real de E l Escorial
the archive of the above, E 122-9 (Soler);
N o.
15 (Rubio,
Forma)
Soler 348 (music in the
same
volume)
textual concordances with No.
21
Apalte la gente branca
Esteban Redondo
Christmas
1783
La Capilla
Real de Granada
the archive of the above (Leg 28-1082)
Tejerizo Robles 1: 278-79
Los negrillos esta noche
Esteban Redondo
Christmas
unknown
La Capilla
Real de Granada
the archive of the above (Leg
29-1095)
Tejerizo Robles 1: 307
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First Line:
Author, Composer:
Feast Day:
27. Date of Composition:
Place of Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Feast
Day:
Date
of
Performance:
2g Place
of
Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First
Line:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance:
29. Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First
Line:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
^
Place
of
Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
A
Belen han venido
unknown
Christmas
unknown
La
Capilla
Real de Granada
the archive
of
the above (unnumbered manuscript)
Tejerizo
Robles 1: 310-11
Bastiao, Bastiao
Christmas
seventeenth century
O mosteiro
de
Santa Cruz
de
Coimbra
Biblioteca
Geral da
Universidade
de
Coimbra
( M . M . 228, fols. 3v-6r)
Carlos de Brito 12-30 (text and music)
in
lingua de
pretos; reproduced in
the
Appendix
Sa qui turo zente pleta
Christmas
1647
Coimbra?
Biblioteca
Geral da
Universidade
de
Coimbra
( M . M .
50,
fols.
18v-23v)
Stevenson, Vilancicos Portugueses 153-60 (text
and music)
in lingua
de
pretos
Afassa afassa que vern
Christmas
1702
Se de Coimbra
Biblioteca
Geral da
Universidade
de
Coimbra
Mendes dos Remedios 50-51
reproduced partially in
the
secondary source;
in
lingua de
pretos
60
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First Line:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First
Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First
Line:
Composer:
Feast
Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
O la pleto siolo alfele
Christmas
1703
Se de Coimbra
Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra
Mendes
dos Remedios 51-53
reproduced partially in the secondary source;
in lingua
de
pretos
Dame
albrigia mano Anton
Gaspar Fernandes
Christmas
1606-29
The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico)
The
Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS
of Fernandes (fols. lOOv-lOlr)
Stevenson, Latin American 120-24; IAMR 7.1
(Fall-Winter 1985): 3-6 (text and music in
both)
available on disc (Purcell)
Eso rigo re repente
Gaspar Fernandes
Christmas
1606-29
The
Cathedral
of
Puebla (Mexico)
The Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS
of Fernandes (fols. 234v-244r)
Stevenson, Latin American 129-31; "Legacy" 490-95;
IAMR
7.1 (Fall-Winter 1985): 11-13 (text and music
in all three)
the first line is spelt in all editions as
"Eso rigor e repente";
available on disc (Purcell)
61
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34.
35.
36.
First
Line:
Composer:
Date
of
Composition:
Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First
Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date of Compositon:
Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
Tantarantan a la guerra van
Gaspar Fernandes
1606-29
The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico)
The
Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS
of Fernandes (fols. 263v-264)
Stevenson, Latin
American 141-43; I AMR 7.1
(Fall-
Winter 1985): 18-20 (text and music in both)
the feast day is not specified
and
is unclear from the contents
Tururu farara con son
Gaspar Fernandes
Christmas
1606-29
The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico)
The Cathedral of Oaxaca, the autograph MS
of Fernandes (fols. 217v-218r)
Stevenson, Latin American 146-47; I
AMR
7.1 (Fall-
Winter 1985): 23-24 (text and music in
both)
a fragment of a longer villancico?
A palente, a palente
Juan Gutierres
de
Padilla
Christmas
1649
The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico)
Li l ly Library, Indiana University (Bloomington),
in
the booklet entitled Villancicos qve se
cantaron
la
noche
de Navidad en la Catedral de la
Puebla
de los Angeles
este
ano de mil y
seiscientos
y
quarenta
y nueve (catalogue number W173d)
a photocopy of the above
the
text
of
this villancico reproduced in
the
Appendix
is taken from Stevenson, Christmas 52. It has also
been reproduced in I
AMR
6.1 (Fall 1984): 87
62
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First
Line:
Composer:
Feast
Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance
37.
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
First
Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
First
Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance
39.
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
A l
encarnado Arrebol
Juan Gutierrez de Padilla
Immaculate
Conception
1652
The Cathedral of Puebla
Lilly Library, Indiana University (Bloomington),
in
the booklet entitled Villancicos
qve
se
cantaron
en la
Catedral
de la Pvebla de los
Angeles
en los
Maytines, y fiesta
de la
Limpia Concepcion
este ano de
1652
(catalogue number W173)
a photocopy of the above
A l
puerto de su esperanga
Juan Gutierrez de Padilla
Immaculate Conception
1654
The
Cathedral of Puebla
Li l ly
Library, Indiana University (Bloomington),
in the booklet entitled Villancicos
qve
se cantaron
en la Catedral dela Pvebla de los Angeles en los
maytines, y fiesta,
dela limpia
Concepcion
de
Nuestra
Senora este ano de
mil,
y
seiscientos
y sincuenta,
y
quatro
(catalogue
number
W173a)
a photocopy of the above
O la
plimo,
ola plimo
Juan Gutierrez de Padilla
Immaculate Conception
1656
T he
Cathedral of Puebla
Li l ly Library, Indiana University (Bloomington),
in the booklet entitled Villancicos qve se cantaron
en los
maytines
y
fiesta
de la
Limpia Concepcion
de
Nuestra
Senora,
este Ano de 1656
(catalogue
number
W173b)
a photocopy of the above
63
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First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
40. Date of Composition:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place
of
Performance:
41
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First
Line:
Composer:
Feast
Day:
Date of Composition:
Place
of
Performance:
42
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Feast
Day:
43. Place of Performance:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
A siolo Flasiquiyo
Juan Gutierrez de Padilla
Christmas
before
1664
Stevenson, Christmas
79-80;
IAMR
6.1
(Fall
1984):
88-89; 7.1 (Fall-Winter 1985): 49-53 (text
and music)
Por selebrar este dia
Juan de Vaeza Saavedra
Christmas
1669
Puebla
(Mexico)
Jesus Sanchez Garza collection
(Instituto
Nacional de Bellas Artes de Mexico)
Stevenson, Christmas
83-84;
IAMR
6.1
(Fall 1984): 133-34
the
text is
obscure
Tarara qui
yo
soy
Anton
Antonio de Salazar
Christmas
1678 - 1715
The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico)
Jesus Sanchez Garza collection
(Instituto
Nacional
de
Bellas Artes
de
Mexico)
Stevenson, Latin
American 277-79
(music and
text);
Stevenson, Christmas
82 (the
first four
coplas)
available on disc (Purcell)
H y, hy, hy, que de risa morremo
Christmas
Puebla (Mexico)
Megenney, "Rasgos criollos"
167-68
available on disc (Purcell)
64
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First Line:
Author:
Composer:
^ Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Author:
Composer:
45. Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance
Secondary Source:
First
Line:
Author:
Feast
Day:
46
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Author:
Composer:
47.
Feast
Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance
Secondary Source:
No falto en
tanta
grandeza
Sor Juana Ines de la
Cruz
Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa?
Assumption
1676
La Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico
De la Cruz 211
forms part of an Ensaladilla
Aca
tamo tolo
Sor Juana Ines de la
Cruz
Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa?
Immaculate Conception
1676
La Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico
De la Cruz 217
A los plausibles festejos
Sor Juana Ines de la
Cruz
San Pedro Nolasco
1677
La Orden
de N. S. de la Merced
De
la
Cruz
223-24
A la voz del Sacristan
Sor Juana
Ines
de la Cruz
Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa
Assumption
1679
La Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico
De la Cruz 241
65
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First
Line:
Author:
Composer:
48. Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Author:
Feast Day:
49. Date of Composition:
Place of Performance:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Author:
Composer:
50.
Feast
Day:
Date
of
Composition:
Place of Performance:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Author:
^ Feast
Day:
Date of
Composition:
Place
of
Performance:
Secondary Source:
First
Line:
Author:
Composer:
52. Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance:
Secondary Source:
Bueno esta en Latin
Sor Juana Ines
de la Cruz
Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa
Assumption
1685
La
Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico
De la Cruz 253-54
Pues,
y yo /
tambien alivinale
Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz
San Jose
1690
The Cathedral of Puebla (Mexico)
De la Cruz 277
forms part of an Ensalada
Perico, con otros Negros
attributable to Sor Juana
Ines
de la Cruz
Joseph de Agurto y Loaysa?
Assumption
1677
La
Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico
De la Cruz 328
^ A h , Sinol Andlea?
attributable
to Sor
Juana Ines
de la Cruz
Christmas
1678
The Cathedral
of
Puebla
De la
Cruz
332-33
Alegres
a competencia
attributable
to Sor
Juana Ines
de la Cruz
Antonio
de
Salazar?
Christmas
1680
The Cathedral of Puebla
De la Cruz 342
66
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First Line:
Author:
Composer:
53.
Feast
Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Author:
Feast
Day:
54. Date
of
Composition:
Place of Performance:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date of
Composition:
55. Place of Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
56. Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
E n esto entraron dos negras
attributable
to Sor
Juana Ines
de la Cruz
Joseph Agurto y Loaysa?
Assumption
1686
La Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico
De la Cruz 362
jFlasico, atesio
Gabriel de Santillana
San
Pedro
1688
Mexico
Mendez Plancarte, Poetas 134-35
is
reminiscent of "- jFlasico? -
Z i o l "
(No. 15)
H a
negliyo, ha negliyo de Santo Thome
Francisco Moratilla
Christmas
1723
Morelia (formerly
Valladolid,
Mexico)
The Archive of the Colegio de Santa Rosa
de Santa Maria (Morelia, Mexico)
Bernal
Jimenez 21-22
reproduced in the Appendix
Cucua,
cucua
Joseph de Cascante
Christmas
The Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia)
The Archive of the Cathedral of Bogota
Perdomo Escobar 277-78
reproduced in the Appendix
67
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First Line:
Feast Day:
57. Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
First
Line:
Composer:
Feast
Day:
Place of Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
First
Line:
Feast Day:
Place
of
Performance:
59. Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First
Line:
Feast Day:
^
Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First
Line:
Feast Day:
61. Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
iQue me manda buenzanze?
Christmas
The Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia)
The
Archive
of
the Cathedral
of
Bogota
Perdomo Escobar 508-09
Teque-leque
Julian
de
Contreras
Christmas
The Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia)
The Archive of the Cathedral
of
Bogota
Perdomo Escobar 558-63
Toca
la flauta
Christmas
The Cathedral of Bogota (Colombia)
The
Archive of the Cathedral
of
Bogota
Perdomo Escobar 568-71; Claro, Antologia
lxxviii-lxxix
Claro's transcription makes more
sense
Turu lu neglo
Christmas
The
Cathedral
of
Bogota (Colombia)
The Archive of the Cathedral of Bogota
Perdomo Escobar 576
Perdomo Escobar thinks it may form part of No. 58
Vengan, vengan
Christmas
The
Cathedral
of
Bogota (Colombia)
The Archive of the Cathedral of Bogota
Perdomo Escobar 601-03
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First
Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
Place of Performance:
62.
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments:
First
Line:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
63. Place
of
Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Comments: .
First Line:
Feast Day:
Date of Composition:
64. Place of Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Feast
Day:
gj.'. Place of Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
Los coflades de la estleya
Juan
de
Araujo
Christmas ,
1680-1714
The
Cathedral
of
Sucre (Bolivia)
The Archive.of the Cathedral of Sucre
Stevenson, Latin
American
31-44; IAMR 6.2
(Spring-Summer 1985): 37-45 (music and text
in both)
the first South-American negro to reach print
(Stevenson, "Legacy"
498)
Esa noche
yo
baila
Christmas
18th century?
E l Monasterio de Santa Clara, Cochabamba (Bolivia)
the archive of the above
Claro, Antologia lxxv-lxxvii
reproduced
in the
Appendix
Pasacualillo
Christmas
1753
Cusco
(Peru)
The
Archive of the Seminary
of
San Antonio
A b a d ,
Cusco; catalogue number 344 (Vargas Ugarte)
Claro, Antologia lxxi-lxxiv
Turu
lu negro
Christmas
Cusco (Peru)
The Archive of the Seminary San Antonio A b a d ,
Cusco; catalogue number 111 (Vargas Ugarte)
Stevenson, Latin
American
1-2
(music and
text)
69
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First Line:
Composer:
Feast Day:
66. Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Composer:
Date of Composition:
67. Feast Day:
Place of
Performance:
Present Location:
Secondary Source:
First Line:
Composer:
Date
of
Composition:
Feast Day:
Place of Performance:
Present
Location:
gg Secondary Source:
Comments:
Antoniya, Frasiquia, Gasipa
Fray Felipe da Madre de Deus
Christmas
The
Cathedral
of
Guatemala City (Guatemala)
The Guatemala City Archivo Capitular
Stevenson, Vilancicos Portugueses
71-83
(music
and
text)
Negros de Guarangana
Rafael Antonio Castellanos
1788?
Christmas
The
Cathedral
of
Guatemala City (Guatemala)
The
Guatemala City Archivo Capitular
Lehnhoff
158 (music in the
same
volume)
Afuela, afuela
Rafael Antonio Castellanos
1788
Christmas
The
Cathedral
of
Guatemala City
The Guatemala City Archivo Capitular
Fortiin
41-46
in her
edition, Fortiin gives
1748 as the date of
composition
of
this
negro.
Since
it is
catalogued
both in Stevenson, "Guatemala" 198 and Lemmon 15
as
a
villancico by Castellanos written
in 1788,
we keep this
date.
This may be a case of two
villancicos with identical letra and different
musical
score.
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C H A P T E R
SIX
A N A L Y S I S
OF
T H E
NEGRILL S
6 . 1 Although the structural parts of the villancicos negros are not always
indicated in the editions, the majority adhere to the "classic" tripartition into
the introduction, estribillo,
coplas.
26
Some have only
coplas,
or only estribillo;
some have
these
parts, but lack the introduction, and one
negro
contains a
recitado-aria addition ("Afuela, afuela"). The introduction and the coplas
are strophic; the estribillo is through-composed, and it may be as short as one
line, or as
long
as the
rest
of the villancico. The introduction and
coplas
may
be composed of 4, 8, 10, or 12 usually octosyllabic lines, although penta-,
hexa- and heptasyllabic
metres
also occur. As in other types of the villancico,
the estribillo, being through-composed, lacks metrical regularity.
27
6 . 2
Of the sixty-eight villancicos taken into account in this study, forty-
eight are written for Christmas, ten for the Immaculate Conception and the
Assumption
of St. Mary, four for the
Epiphany, three
for the patron saints
2 6
We refer, of course, to the
negros
preserved in their entirety.
27
See Alvar 31-43 about the diversity of
metres
employed in the eighteenth-century
villancicos from Malaga, and about the Italian influence on the metrics of recitado and
aria.
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(San Pedro, San
Jose
and San Pedro Nolasco), one for Corpus Christi, and
one for the celebration of a new mass.
28
In her study of Christmas villancicos, Sister St. Amour
divided
them by
their
contents
into four groups. In the first group, the emphasis is on the
figure of the Christ-Child; next come the villancicos that retell the events
immediately preceding the birth of Christ and
take
the form of dialogues
between St. Mary and St. Joseph, or the
latter
and the innkeeper; the
villancicos that were written for the post-Nativity feasts, such as.the
C i r
cumcision;
finally,
the pastoral type, featuring the shepherds of Bethlehem
who
learn of the birth of Christ and depart for the manger. It can be im
mediately perceived that the fourth type is by far the most suitable for the
introduction of new characters—Galicians, gypsies, Germans and negroes.
A n d ,
indeed, all the negros de Navidad belong to this type.
6 3 Often the Christmas villancicos represent a negro or a
negress
an
nouncing to his or her kinsmen the miracle that has occurred in Bethlehem:
- jOh, que vimo, Mangalena
j O h ,
que vimo
<i,Donde, primo?
-
No portalo de Belena.
lE que fu?
2 8
0ne more negro "Tantarantan a la guerra
van",
is written for an
unspecified
celebra
tion, and it is unclear
from
the context what it could be used for.
72
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-
Entre la hena
mucho
Sol con mucha raya. . . . (2.1-7)
Or:
-Dame
albrigia, mano Anton
que
Jisu nage en Guinea . . . (32.1-2)
O r
else:
-
Toca la flauta,
siola Flancica,
tocala ve,
qu i
mi caio de risa.
- iQue
aia nueba?
- Que lan diosa chiquitiia
a naciro ya en Bele. . . . (59.1-7)
In other villancicos no announcement is represented; instead, the blacks are
shown
on their way to the manger:
-
^Que vamo a ve, Catalina?
- Dioso
que
nace
siquito
en pajita y peseblito
como hijo de gayina. . . . (14.1-4)
Esta noche lo
Neglillo,
vestira de moginganga,
viene turu en una manga,
con
sonaja
y
tamburillo
a vel al Ziolo Manue. . . . (23.1-5)
2 9
The f i r s t i g i t
here
refers to the number of the poem according to the preceding l i s t
see 5.1); the
digits after
the point
indicate
the
lines
of the
poem
that are being
quoted.
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Or:
Sa
aqui turo zente pleta,
turo zente de Guine;
tambor, flauta y
cassaeta
y carcave na sua pe;
vamoso fazer huns fessa
o menino Manue. . . . (29.1-6)
Or:
-
jA palente,
a
palente
iQue quele, senol neglico?
-
Que bamo a lo portalico
a yeva a
nifio
plesente. . . . (36.1-4)
For a change, in one of the villancicos the scene is set in Africa, where the
audience is invited to listen to the blacks returning from their visit to the
manger:
Vamos a su tierra a oirlos;
contaran como les fue
en
el Portal, que no siempre
han de venir a Belen. . . . (18.5-8)
Sometimes, it is the joy of the blacks and their desire to take part in the
celebration
that
serve as the beginning for the
villancicos:
H y, hy, hy, que de riza morremo,
ha,
ha, ha, contenta,.
que aregria que temo
pos la santa nacimento
deste
Deoso que
nace
na seno . . . (13.1-5)
74
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Or:
A l
plimiyo
que adoramo
hazele fiesta quelemo . . . (56.5-6)
Before departing for the manger, blacks prepare both gifts and entertainment
for the C h i l d . The gifts are often of the humblest kind:
-
que yevamo, soblina,
a la naciro plimito?
-
Vn capisaya branquito.
-
^Y
que mas
se
yeva?
-
Maneciya de cablito.
-
^Y
que mas
se yeva?
- De cafia lo cabayito.
-
^Y
que mas
se yeva?
- Una danza de neglito. . . . (14.5-13)
Or:
yebemole asi su un sayo
unas pafias y un sombrero. . . . (32.19-20)
A n d :
Lebalemo tulona,
nuesa pino mondara,
aseytuna y alcaparra,
camueza y melocotona.
Y llebalemo mantiya,
aunque turu bale
cara,
para la miga cuchara,
y miele pala papiya.
. . . (10.65-72)
T h e items
to be
brought
are
monotonously repeated
in a
variety
of
combi
nations:
75
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Yevan
cienso, chaculate,
oro,
mirra, pinonate,
de calicante turrone,
caixina de canelone,
grana branca, e cururara,
panara Ingresa, cuchara,
e para hazer almendrara,
guego mas bronco que tii. . . . (9.19-26)
A n d :
Si
tlaemo culasiona,
glagea con canelona,
manzana, pela
y
tulona,
aunque
no
la ha
de come.
. . . (58.141-45)
Neither St.
Mary
nor St. Joseph are forgotten:
- ,/Parira no yeva nara?
-
A la siola M al i a
yevamo a su sefiolia
manteyina cururara,
guante
polviya
picara,
abanico, galgantiya,
manto con punta le Flande,
do l ibla
de sucalcande,
y confite con que beba. . . . (14.37-45)
A n d :
Lebalemo a la
siola,
pala abrigaya frasara
amariya y cururada,
que
tlaemo desde Angola.
Y a Jusepe le dale
tora una samarra entera,
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que paleza consejela
si se la quiele pone. . . . (10.73-80)
The entertainment they prepare includes music, dancing, singing and acting:
- que yeva tu?
- Tamboletiyo le gugulugii,
con que baila tu y Andles;
y turo neglo y tura Guinea
aleglamo lo Nino Sesii (10.15-19)
A n d more:
Azuntamo
turo zente
cos flauta y os bitangola,
cos birimbao, cos viola,
cos arpa e cascaue;
aregremo
esse
siola,
os menino e Sa Zuze. . . . (43.14-19)
Sometimes it is to quiet the weeping C h i l d that the blacks bring their music:
-
Ha negliyo, ha negliyo de Santo Thome,
vaya de vuia de festa y place,
y arruyemos al nifio que nace en Bele
con la tonadiya del Zanguangue. . . . (55.1-4)
Very often the negroes describe in these villancicos the musical instruments
they are going to play:
Tura
instrumenta
se
escuche;
toquemo como pelsona
chirimingula y baxona,
culnetiya y sacabuche
que se ciela como estuche,
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y
si le
toca un negliyo,
a pulo de inchal el carriyo,
atluena como alcabus. . . . (55.24-31)
T h e blacks of one of the villancicos announce: "Benimo cargara / de dusienta
estlumentiya" (13.28-29). The instruments mentioned are not always of a
conventional kind:
Yo solito quielo
tocal
la
multelo,
sono la pandelo,
cantala e coldelo . . . (59.11-14)
One villancico centers around the play that the blacks
represent
about the
Nativity:
-
Vengan, vengan,
que lo plegona la negla,
que
la
negla
lo
plegona
con vose de caramela;
vengan a ber
comeria nueba,
que la negla representa
de l Dioso recien nacido
y su madle helmosa, beya;
que ya empiesa, que ya empiesa,
cayar:
que
ya
salen
a cantar,
jcayar
. . . (61.1-13)
Another,
about
the
series
of pasos
with which negroes propose
to
entertain
the C h i l d :
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Pue que
ega la
noche buena
en que lo neglo no ayuna,
si a de salir paso alguna,
saiga al paso de la gena
Saquemo el paso del huerto,
pue la noche turu es flores,
y
admiremo a los pastoles
de ber neglo con consierto
Si lo neglo solisita
daye gusto
al
sagalito,
al paso de huir a Ejipto
benga con la borriquita. . . . (64.49-52, 57-60,
65-68)
The negroes of
N o.
57 represent an entremes; those of
N o.
31, several dances.
The villancico N o .
40 shows them
disguising
themselves as parrots and mon
keys. Yet
another
guineo
shows negroes about
to
present
a mogiganga:
Esta noche lo Neglillo
vestira de moginganga
viene turu en una manga
con
sonaja
y
tamburillo
a vel al ziolo Manue. . . . (23.1-5)
The
blacks are often shown conscious of the importance of their role as en
tertainers:
-
jAh, mi siolo Juanico
iQue
dise, siolo Alosico?
- Que ya sabe su melse,
que
estamo
en lo Portalico
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en que turu lo Neglico
la noche de Nasimienta
ha
de andal como pimienta
en honra de lo Chiquito. . . . (17.1-8)
Sometimes, they are shown in the process of preparing for their show:
-
^Flasico? -
Ziol.
- Tlaygame vozase un faciztol.
- ^No me di la , que quele faze?
-
Quielo hazel un Viyansico,
turo
de
zol-fa-mi-re.
-
lY como ha de ze?
-
Zin zanguangua,
Gurupa, gurupe,
N i zambucutu,
Usia,
usie. . . . (15.1-10)
In
another type of villancico de Navidad, black protagonists describe the
events at the manger and depict the characters present. For instance, the
negroes of No. 18 declare that they have seen the
C h i l d ,
St. Mary, St.
Joseph, shepherds with a variety of gifts, Gypsies dancing (while St. Joseph
was keeping an eye on the mule so that they
would
not steal it), the
Magi
("dos re marfil eran, / uno re azabache", 71-72), and other negroes who
brought along a camel loaded with gifts. In this type of villancico a black
character may introduce himself first:
Y o soy Anton molinela,
y ese
nifio
qui nacio
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hijo es li unos lablalola:
li tura mi estimation. . . . (42.4-7)
Some Christmas villancicos have little to do with the argument they are
supposed
to
treat.
The negro sung in San Lorenzo El Real de El Escorial in
1753 depicts a negro and a negress who get into the festive church under the
cover of the night ( que de noche loz gatoz son pardoz") and describe the
singers, musicians and especially the instruments they play in a naive and
funny
way. The
only allusion to
Christmas
is
in
the
following estribillo:
Turulu neglu
e
turu
la
negla,
i
vengan a ver
al
zior nacimienta
. . . (24.17-20)
Some of the eighteenth-century negros from Granada no longer have the
spontaneous freshness and naivety
that
characterize
the
earlier specimens
of
the genre. Instead, they speak directly of the concepts of the Christian faith,
at times in
an
unusually elevated language:
Bendita la
Mare tuya
y
bendito San
Jose:
esta polque te
palio,
polque
no
es tu
pare
A q uel . . . . (25.42-45)
A n d
Eze
branco cuelpecito
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con el tiempo ze ha de ver
denegrido
y en
un palo
zolo por quelerme
bien.
. .
(26.34-37)
6 4 The villancicos de Reyes do not differ much from those written for
the Nativity. One of the Magi is represented as black. In Gongora's negro
two shepherds
meet
the black king (this time it is Melchior), who comes to
offer incense to the C h i l d . In another villancico the negro chocolate-makers
are bringing their product to please the C h i l d ; the reference to the Feast of
the Ephiphany is slight:
- Antoniya, ,̂donde va?
Cuenta
me da.
- A ver el Infante elmosa,
que nace tan podelosa
que a la Negla blanca ala.
Vamo
aya;
que ya yega el Rey Neglo,
y podemo
canta
gulungua, gulungua. . . . (16.7-15)
Negroes in the Epiphany villancicos may be depicted arriving at the manger
to divert the C h i l d and the M ag i :
E n el portal, muy alegre
Unas
sonajas tocando
Entro un Negro, tan obscuro,
Que no se via la mano.
Por divertir a los Reyes,
Empezo
a
cantar
con garvo . . . (13.1-6)
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A n d :
C o n el zon zonezito del zarabuyi,
Haremo a lun Reye de Reya reir. . . . (19.1-2)
They assert
and pride themselves in their relationship with
the
Black
K i n g :
A lun Rey
de
Inciensa
Dexale venil,
Que
zamo pintara
De
un mismo barniz. . . . (19.58-61)
6 5
The
villancicos to St.
Mary
commemorate the Immaculate
Concep
tion
and
the
Assumption
of the
Virgin
to
heaven.
Sor Juana's
"Aca
tamo
tolo" depicts
a
negro who
kills
the
serpent
(Devil)
that
tried
to
bite
the
V i r
gin.
Other
negros of
the
Immaculate
Conception feast
are not as
inventive:
they picture blacks exalting the purity of the Virgin :
Negro soy, y aunque bogal,
por decir
dare la
vida
que es la
Virgen
concebida
sin pecado original . . . (6.8-11)
In the Assumption type, blacks are shown discussing the departure of the
V i r g i n and expressing their sadness:
- Cantemo, Pilico,
que
se va las
Reina,
y dalemu turo
una noche buena.
-
Iguale
yolale,
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Flacico, de
pena,
que nos deja ascula
a turo las Negla.
Si las
Cielo
va
y Dioso
la
lleva,
^pala que yola,
si Eya sa cuntenta? . . . (44.1-12)
Some
of
the villancicos of the Assumption end with
a
request
to the V i r g i n
to deliver
the
negroes from their slavery:
- Mas ya que te va,
ruegale a mi Dios
que
nos saque lible
de aquesta plision. . . . (48.36-39)
A n d :
- Ay, Siiiola, lible Negla
que estrela
pisandi esta;
jdame una de
la
que pisa,
pue que a mi me sevila . . . (53.22-25)
In
one of the villancicos
a
negro
camotero (street-vendor)
comes
to bring the
V i r g i n
his humble offerings:
- Espela, aiin no suba,
que tu negro Anton
te guarra cuajala
branca como Sol.
Garvanza
salara,
tostada ri doy,
que complo Cristina
mase de un toston.
. . . (48.21-28)
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Sometimes,
the
negroes dance
to
celebrate
the
event:
- Pues privini la tambo,
porque en fiesa la Suncio
no
se esta
queda
la
pie.
. . . (50.10-12)
A n d :
-
Flacica, turu
la
Negla
hoy de guto bailala,
polque
una Nenglita beya
e Cielo va g o bel na . . . . (53.17-20)
6.6 Villancicos for other occasions—Corpus Christi (No. 1), patron saints
(Nos. 46, 49, 54), and the celebration of a new mass (No.
7)
are
variations
of the ones already described.
The villancico de Corpus represents two negresses on their way to join
the festive procession. They discuss whether they deserve being present near
the Sacrament:
Samo negra pecandora,
e branca la Sacramenta. . . . (1.7-8)
Then, they describe the procession they are witnessing, with flattering
a l lu
sions to the bishop of Cordoba (Jammes, Etudes 233):
- ^,Si viene
la Obispa santa?
la
mano
le
besara,
que mano que tanto da
en
Congo aun
sara
bien quista.
. . . (1.34, 38-40)
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In the villancico "Tacico, vena comigo", a negro persuades his fellow-slave
to
go
listen
to a
new
mass;
they discuss what they
are
going
to see:
Veremo una
sacerote
cantar la Kirie Leyson,
vestira una camison
y una pulida capote . . . (7.15-18)
The
cheerful introduction
of
Sor
Juana to her
villancico
for San
Pedro
Nolasco
(46.1-8)—
A los plausibles
festejos
que a su fundador Nolasco
la Redentora Familia
publica
en
justos
aplausos,
un Negro que entro en la Iglesia,
de
su
grandeza admirado,
por regocijar la fiesta
canto
al
son
de
un calabazo—
contrasts
with
the
actual
contents
of the
coplas:
Eya [=San
Pedro Nolasco]
dici
que redimi:
cosa palece
encantala,
por que
yo la
Oblaje vivo
y las Parre no mi saca. . . . (46.17-20)
In the
negro
for San Jose (No.
49), the
black
character
invites himself to
take
part
in
a
quiz about
St.
Joseph,
that has
been offered
to the
choirboys:
- Pues,
y yo
tambien alivinale;
lele, lele, lele, lele,
jque pulo
ser
Neglo Sefiol San
Jose . . . (49.1-4)
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Finally,
Gabriel de Santillana's negro for San Pedro shows two blacks, Fran
cisco and Manuel, preparing their instruments to join the chant of the matins:
-
Flasico, atesio
iQui lisi, Manue?
- Fiesa li San Perro
Este
noche es.
- Ya yo lo sabe.
-
Cantal lo Mastine,
mus
toca
tambe. . . . (54.1-7)
6.7 The authors of the villancicos
negros,
as we have seen above, tried
to imitate, or
recreate
artistically, to the best of their linguistic sense, the
speech of the black part of the population. This they did with the practical
aim to guide white performers so that they could perform the villancicos for
the
best
amusement of their audiences. That the performers did not differ
from those
that
sung other
villancicos,
in
Latin,
Spanish and other languages
and
jargons, can be seen from the following introduction to a
villancico
negro
by Sor Juana that forms part of a larger Ensalada. After the coplas in Latin,
the introduction is continued:
-
Bueno esta en Latin; mas yo
de la Ensalada, os prometo
que lo que es deste bocado,
lo que soy yo, ayuno quedo.
Y
para darme un hartazgo,
como un Negro camotero
quiero cantar,
que al fin es
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cosa que gusto y entiendo;
pero que han de ayudar todos.
(Tropa) - Todos os lo prometemos.
-
Pues a la mano de
Dios,
y
transformome en
Guineo.
. . .
(48.1-12)
It
would
seem
likely that
after the last
line
the singers put on masks, "trans
forming"
themselves in negroes. Disguise as a black character was often used
in
the contemporary theatre. For example, one character in Gil Vicente's
Floresta d Enganos manages to pass himself off as a black maid by dressing
himself
in female clothes and speaking in
guineo.
Four thieves, three men
and
a woman, in the entremes Los
negros
de Santo
Tome disguise
themselves
as negroes and thus avoid imprisonment. The disguise they use cannot be
simpler:
one of the thieves appears on the
stage
"con unas mascaras de ne
gros y sus bonetes y tamborillos"; a few lines later a
stage
direction says:
"Ponense las mascaras y empiezan a taner y a danzar. . . ." (Cotarelo 1:
138). They sing, of course, in
guineo.
30
6.8 The fragment by Sor Juana cited above also shows
that villancicos
en
habla de negros were liked and much better understood by the
public
than
3 0
C f .
also a similar practice among the
Morris
dancers in 17th-century
England:
"las
danzas moriscas existentes por entonces en Inglaterra . . . conservaron, durante muchos
afios,
como signo autentico de su origen, algunos detalles, por ejemplo, las bandas de
cascabeles en las rodillas y
tobillos,
o la costumbre de pintarse de negro los danzantes el
rostro" (Pfandl 258).
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the compositions in Latin: "Cosa que gusto y entiendo". Leon Marchante,
a Peninsular author of villancicos, and a contemporary of Sor Juana's, also
testifies to the popularity of the
guineos:
Los
negros que estan cansados
de ser, cada Nochebuena,
anis de los villancicos,
porque con frio se beba. . . . (12.12-15)
A n d
yet another (this time, anonymous) testimony:
turu
lo Neglico
la noche de Nasimienta
ha de andal como pimienta
en honra de lo Chiquito. . . . (17.5-8)
The last two fragments are reminiscent of Cerone's lament over the same
matter:
"en sabiendo que hay villancicos . . . ni les pesa el levantarse a
media noche, por mucho frio que haga, solo para oirlos".
6.9 Besides the exploiting of habla de negros, the readiness of the blacks
to sing and dance, and their important role as entertainers, the favourite
device of the authors of villancicos en guineo is the juxtaposition of black
and
white and related concepts (sun-shade, light-darkness), as well as the
wealth of comparisons between the colour of the blacks and various objects
of reference. Thus we read in Sor Juana:
-
jVaya,
vaya fuera,
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que en
Fiesta de luces,
toda de purezas,
no es
bien
se permita
haya
cosa negra
. . . (45.6-10)
•
A n d in Gongora:
Hormiguero,
y no en estio,
negros hacen
al
portal.
. . . (3.25-26)
Humo
al fin el humo ha dado. . . .
3 1
(3.32)
Samo negra pecandora,
e
branca
la
Sacramenta.
. . . (1.7-8)
Mas tinta sudamo, Juana,
que
dos pruma de crivana. . . . (1.24-25)
The blacks are said to have
caras
tiznadas,
caras de
tinieblas, vultos az-
abachados, caras
and
gargantas
de
bayeta, bocas
de
noche,
color
adusta; they
go
sin narices,
have hocicos
de
hongo and sudan tinta. One villancico speaks
of la
cara
de Guineo" (13.7). They are referred to as los Musicos
de Az-
abache,
los
Azabaches
con
alma,
los de la
color adusta,
los
carbones,
las
tinieblas, while they are also made to call themselves fidalgos
de
cravao.
Los
Azabaches con alma
su cantico comenzaron,
y
novedad fue
en
Maitines
ver las tinieblas cantando,
says
Sor Juana
(53.5-8).
3 1
About the black King who
came
to offer the Child incense.
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jAdios,
Luz, que los maitines
se han convertido en tinieblas —
echoes Leon Marchante (12.16-17). Subtler plays of concepts also occur, as
when a
negress speaks
to St.
Mary in
these
terms:
-
Di
la luzu
qui displesia
tu pie, la unu dala,
polo
que sin ti quedamus
e
continua eculila
(=oscuridad). . . . (53.27-30)
Often blacks fear to frighten the C h i l d with their dark faces:
- Y si a lo nifio que yora
le pantamo, que halemo?
- Vno bayle baylemo . . . (36.7-9)
j A l tomarlo [=el chocolate], lo coco
no le [=al Nino] faltala,
polque la
nuesa
cara
de coco sera. . . . (16.49-52)
Cayemo
tambe;
la Nino se panta
de milal a neglo
su cara
tisnala.
. . . (52.33-36)
Sometimes
it is the
white folks
that
fear blacks
would
scare
the Chi ld :
-
jFuera alia
No
piense
el Nino
que
es
coco
el Rey que a adoralle va. . . . (3.22-24)
Th e contrast of black and white is emphasized by references to the white
ness
of
Mary and
the Chi ld :
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y el branquiyo esta como
asuca
fresca requeson,
que a tus manos beya
parece el cold. . . . (48.32-34)
Many
authors use the juxtaposition of black and white to show their
sympathy towards the oppressed race:
L a alma sa como la denta,
Crara mana,
asserts Gongora (1.9-10);
il
alma rivota
blanca sa, no prieta,
confirms Sor Juana (45.11-14). Strong resentment is reflected in the
following
lines of the Mexican
poetess:
L a
otra noche con mi conga
turo sin durmi pensaba,
que no quiele gente plieta,
como eya
[=San
Pedro Nolasco] so gente branca.
Solo
saca la Panola;
jpues,
Dioso,
mila la trampa,
que aunque neglo, gente somo,
aunque nos dici cabaya . . . (46.21-28)
T h e
"nigra sum" topic
is
repeated frequently:
3 2
3 2
T he t o p i c o r i g i n a t i n g f r o m
the
l i n e
of
the Song of Songs: Q u a m q u a m n i g ra sum
f o r m o s a .
. . . (17.50)
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y u n s a c l i s t a n q u e es n e g l i y o ,
e c h a n d o d e l a g l o l i o s a ,
e l N i g l o s u n i
s e d f o r m o s a
c a n t o a l s o n d e l a r c h i l a u . . . . (55.53-56)
A n d :
- S o m e m e [=asomeme], y v e n d o m e a r o s a
d e J e r i c o n g o , M a r i a ,
- E n t r a , d i j o ,
p r i m a
m i a ,
q u e n e g r a s o , m a s h e r m o s a . . . .
(2.30-33)
A v a r i a t i o n , o r ex t e n s i o n o f t h e t o p i c m i g h t b e s ee n i n t h e f o l l o w i n g :
a u n q u e t e n e m o f o s i c o ,
z a m o
g en t e m u y o n r a r a . . . .
(13.26-27)
6 .1 0 A s w o u l d b e e x p e c t e d , n e g r o e s a r e o f t e n m a d e t o s p e a k a b o u t f r e e
d o m i n these villancicos, a n d s o m e t i m e s c o m p l a i n a b o u t t h e i r s e r v i t u d e . A
street
v e n d o r a s k s
M a r y :
- M a s y a q u e te v a ,
r u e g a l e a m i D i o s
q u e n o s s a q u e l i b l e
d e a q u e s t a p l i s i o n . . . .
(48.36-39)
A n d
a n e g r e s s a s k s M a r y :
A y , S i i i o l a , l i b l e N e g l a
q u e e s t r e l a p i s a n d i esta . . .
(53.22-23)
O f t e n
t h e b l a c k s h o p e t h a t t h e n e w - b o r n
C h i l d w i l l
r e d e e m t h e m :
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Nacimo de
huns may donzera
huns Rey que mia Deuza he,
que ha de forra zente pleta
que cativo he.
. . . (29.31-34)
Los narcisos de Guinea,
de Mozambique y de Goa
a pedir vienen al Nino
su libertad por graciosa,
y no sean mas esclavos . . . (22.1-2, 5-7)
Flutai,
pequenina,
minha colagao
(Que turn, que tao)
Forrai
os
pletinho,
siolo Zezii . . . (28.57-61)
naze Ion Dios
que llorando esta
y biene a los neglos
a dal libelta.
. . . (58. 2-5)
The
complaint,
or
rather,
resentment,
is
seen in
the
following
fragments
Eya [=San Pedro Nolasco] dici que
redimi:
cosa palese encantala,
por que yo la Oblaje vivo
y
las
Parre
no
mi
saca. . . . (46.17-20)
A n d :
Negla sela la pendona,
y negla
la
tlompetela,
y
negla
la
Regidera
que gobierna plosesiona;
negla sela
la
sayona,
neglo cucurucho e falda,
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y negla sera la espalda
de
quien
quisiere
agotar. . . . (64.80-88)
6 . 1 1 From the villancicos negros can be extracted a wealth of informa
tion about the life of blacks, their social position, their origin, occupations,
recreation, and so on. It is to these that the rest of this chapter is devoted.
Occupation.
Negroes are mentioned as
working
at textile manufacturing
(al Oblaje), as being day-workers
(samo
neglito / que andamo jolmal [58.7-
8]),
street
vendors (they are mentioned as
selling,
for example, sweet potatoes
and
chickpeas). One
villancico
features negro chocolate-makers; two others
show them at work as town-criers. From other sources we know that the
latter
was an occupation usually reserved for blacks (Claro, Chile 40, 52).
33
Treatment.
The
practice
of
sprinkling boiling
lard
(pringar)
over
the
wounds
received by slaves after a whipping is mentioned twice in
these
vil
lancicos:
iQue
tene? ,/Pringa senora?
one negress cheerfully asks another in one of the Gongora's negrillas (1.6).
3 3
See
also
a c o l o u r f u l d e s c r i p t i o n in V i l l av e r d e :
E n f r e n t e
. . . se h a l l a b a un
n e g r o
en
mangas de
c a m i s a
y a su l a d o un
h o m b r e
b i a n c o , v e s t i d o decentemente, q u i e n
l e i a
en voz
baja
de un
legajo
de
p a p e l e s a b i e r t o ,
que
a
g u i s a de l i b r o sostenfa en ambas
m a n o s y el
p r i m e r o
r e p e t f a
en
v oz a l t a . . . 1:
294-95).
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In
a
villancico
by
Comes
one
slave persuades another
to go
and listen
to a
new mass; the other, more cautious, asks:
iY si nosamo no pinga? [=^Y si nuestro amo nos pringa?] (7.5)
A n d they discuss if, indeed, that could happen. This practice must have
been
particularly associated with black slaves; it is often mentioned in other
contemporary literature, always for humorous effect.
34
Whites apparently used to
greet
blacks, whenever they happened to see
them, by a sneezing sound called estornudo (Brooks 240).
35
This habit is
often mentioned in
the negrillas:
E n la chuculatiya
pimiento
no abla,
polque como sa negla,
hara estolnudar. . . . (16.49-52)
(Negro) jAchu molena
(Negra) Plimo, iqne ez ezo?
^ha
comido pimienta?
(Negro) Tomen tabacu
y
haranse corrientaz. . . . (24.24-28)
M i l a ,
Ciolo , que halan el "guachi",
y
yo no
queliba pol
eso
cantal.
. . . (27.33-34)
The following lines show that negroes perceived this greeting as an insult:
34
For instance, in the entremes Los
negros
by Simon Aguado, and in Quevedo's Boda
de negros.
3 5
In Quevedo's Boda de negros: "Hundiase de estornudos / la calle por do volvian; /
que una boda semejante / hace dar mas que un pimiento".
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que los biancos no vengan bullal
de los neglos hablandonos "guachi",
porque a
tolos nos hacen labial.
. . . (27.62-64)
Blacks
address
one
another
as hermano, primo or pariente.
The insults
applied to
them
are perro, caballo
and bellaco.
Origin.
References
to
the blacks' places of
origin include Congo, Ethiopia,
Guinea, Santo Thome, Angola,
Goa
(Goba?),
Mozambique (and, specifi
cally,
Sofala), Puerto Rico and Panama. Sometimes
a
tribal designation
is
given
(lucume, conga,
carabali, mandinga and matamba); the following stanza
shows blacks from an unidentified place:
Negros
de
Guarangana,
tan de pocos conocidos
al
son de sus largas unas
asi le
cantan
al Nino . . . (67.1-4)
Names. All negroes are christened with European names. The most
common
masculine names
that
appear
are
Francisco and Anton. Next
are
Tomas,
Pero,
Andres,
Manuel, M i g uel
and
Gaspar. Others (Bias, Juan,
Pascual, Pablo, Sebastiao, Jorge, Alonso, Guillermo, Clement,
"Gelomiya",
"Juzepilla",
Martin and Bastolo) occur once. One negro
is
called Mamede.
The
names almost always occur
in diminutives.
Feminine protagonists
are
less numerous in the
guineos.
The names Juana and Catalina appear twice;
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Clara, Magdalena, Francisca, Cristina,
Maria
and Esperanza, once each.
Musical instruments. The "conventional" ones that are mentioned are:
hornpipe, sackbut, shawm, clarion, horn (trompa, bocina), churumbela
36
bu
gle,
flute, Aragonese flute, bagpipe, bassoon, organ, large lute (archilaud),
rabel (an ancient pastoral bow instrument), trumpet, tambourine, jingle
bells, castanets, and
rattles.
The instruments specifically associated with
negroes are drums (tanbore/tamburillo/tamboretillo, zambacate, tambaco),
kettledrum,
calabash,
cacambe,
guache, birimbao and marimba.
37
The bi-
tangola, although unidentified, appears
three
times (see Megenney, "Rasgos
criollos"
173, for conjectured
roots
for this word). Mortars, jugs, pails and
pots are also mentioned as musical devices.
Dances.
These
are
numerous and varied:
caballero: "^Quiele el cabayelo?" (17.29);
cameron: "voy a bayla yo a Belena / pultilica y camalon" (42.11-12);
canario: "bayle el canario y viyano" (40.36); "/De canalio tene
gana?"
(17.31);
capona:
"le
baylamo
la
Capona"
(11.59);
3 6
"Genero de instrumento musico que se tafie con la boca, en forma de chirimia" (Co-
varrubias, article "Churumbela").
37
See
Ortiz,
Los
instrumentos 2: 59, 79;
Mendez Plancarte, Obras
completas 373
and
Claro, Chile 33 for the description of some of these instruments.
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cuacuarani: "baylando y cantando / c u a c u a r a n i " (41.10-11);
chacona:
"y tucamo chacona" (21.10);
"Vaya,
vaya la chaconsiya, / que
es
a
gusto
de la
persona"
(17.35-36);
"tucando
la
guitarriya
/
por folia
o
por
chacona"
(22.72-73);
chucumbe:
"toca
pue / chucu-chucumbe" (37.20-21);
floreta: "tocamo la Bandurriya, / danzamo Floreta al son" (68.38-39);
-folia: "Toca viyano y follia / bayaremo alegremente" (33.26-27); "^Quiele
su melse folia?" (17.25); also see
chacona;
garimbola: "turos los pastores / le bailen la garimbola" (22.70-71);
guineo: "le
dansamo
lo
guineo
/
aunque
no
haya cascabe"
(11.55-56);
gulugu
/
gurugu: "tamboretiyo le gugulugii / con que baila tu y Andles"
(14.16-17);
"Toca,
plimita
/
la guitarrilla
/
del gurugu
/ al
Nino
Jezii"
(12.8-
i i ;
gulumbe / gurumbe / gulumpe / gurupe: "pues bailemo usia, / la pranta
se mueve / de alegre que sa / gurumbe" (56.7-10);
matachin: "entle la botalga plonta / vestira de Matachin / pala dal al
bayle
f in"
(23.24-27);
pandorga: "juntamo nossa pandorga" (28.3);
pavana: "^Tanalemo la pavana?" (17.27);
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puertorrico:
"uno bayle baylemo, / y
sera
la pueltorico" (36.9-10);
saltaren: "baylandole el Saltale" (11.76);
sangualangudn:
"nos bolvelemo a
Guinea
/-baylando el sangualanguan"
(39.90-91);
villano: see
canario
and folia;
zalambeque:
"que tuque instlumenta
/
pala
el
zalambeque"
(21.18-19);
",fVaya el salambeque?" (17.23);
" j A l
sonecillo indiano / del zarambeque /
anden las mudanzas / firmes y alegres " (12.18-21);
zarabanda: "y a lan Dioso que sa yoranda / le cantemo la salabanda"
(51.10-11);
zulambaque: "vaya,
plima,
vaya
/ de
zulambaque"
(57.3-4).
The following
tonadillas
are
also mentioned:
cumbe:
"toca la cumbe, / que al Nino le agrada / aquesta tonada; /
cante su merce" (25.22-25);
gulungua: "y podemo
canta
/ gulungua, gulungua" (16.14-15);
run-run: "que se duelme lo
nifio
Jesii / con el sonsonetiyo de la run-run"
(55.13-15);
tapalatd: "arruyemos al
nifio
que esta en el poltal / con la tonadiya del
Tapalata"
(55.9-10);
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zambucuti:
"arruyemos al nine- que quele dolmi / con la tonadiya del
zambucuti"
(55.6-7);
zanguangue:
"y sanguangue cantalemo, / que sa famosa letliya" (55.34-
35); "y arruyemos al nifio que nace en Bele / con la tonadiya del zanguangue"
(55.3-4);
zarabuyi:
"con el zon zonezito de zarabuyi / haremo a lun Reye de Reya
reir" (19.1-2).
In addition, these unspecified tonadillas are mentioned:
A moler, a moler empezad,
porque al
son
de las
piedras
podremos cantar
tonadillas de
Angola
y de
Panama.
. . . (16.33-37)
O f
the above dances and tunes, some appear in Covarrubias, Diccionario
de Autoridades, Cotarelo's classic study, in the Glosario de afronegrismos by
F.
Ortiz,
or
other sources:
caballero
(Cotarelo 1: ccxxxv-xxxvi);
canario (Dice. Aut., article "Canario"; Cotarelo 1: ccxxxvi; Perdomo
Escobar
603);
capona (Dice. Aut., article "Capona"; Cotarelo 1: ccxxxvii-xxxviii);
cumbe (Dice. Aut., article "Cumbe"; Glosario 154);
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chacona (Dice. Aut, article "Chacona"; Cotarelo 1: ccxl-xlii);
chucumbe (Mendoza 1103);
floreta (Dice. Aut., article "Floreta");
folia (Covarrubias, article "Folia"; Dice. Aut, article "Folia"; Cotarelo
1: ccxlv);
guineo (Covarrubias, article "Guineo";
Dice.
Aut., article "Guineo";
Cotarelo 1: ccl-li);
gurumbe (Glosario 248);
matachin (Cotarelo 1: cclii, cccviii ff.; Covarrubias, article "Matachin");
pandorga (Covarrubias, article "Pandorga",
Dice.
Aut., article "Pan
dorga"; Cotarelo 1: cclv);
pavana
(Dice.
Aut, article "Pavana"; Cotarelo 1: cclv-lvi);
run-run
(Dice. Aut, article "Run Run" )
3 8
;
saltaren (Dice. Aut., article "Saltaren"; Cotarelo 1:
eclx);
villano
(Dice.
Aut., article " V i l l a n o " ; Cotarelo 1: eclxiii);
zarabanda (Dice. Aut, article "Zarabanda"; Cotarelo 1: eclxv);
zarambeque
(Dice.
Aut., article "Zarabanda"; Cotarelo 1: eclxxi);
3 8
The meaning given is "lo mismo que Rumor".
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zulambaque
(Perdomo Escobar 509).
We have been unable to trace the rest. Some of the dances or tunes
mentioned may be the fruit of imagination of the authors, as some scholars
have implied; others might be traced further.
39
6.12 The guineos are very rich in seemingly senseless words that appear
typically in the refrains to create the rhythm and communicate to the pieces
an
African flavour. Some of
these
are onomatopoeic, imitating sounds of the
instruments, or accompanying the movements of an energetic dance: he he
he; ha ha ha; ho ho ho; hy hy hy; le le le;
rorro
ro;
achihe,
achihd
(rattles?);
ah ah ah; uh uh uh; husihe husihd
(appears
with various spellings: ussie,
ussid;
usie,
usid; usihe;
usihd); tarara, tantarantan; tururu, farara; que tao
palatdo tao tao tao, que
turn
polotum
turn turn turn
(drums); aha aha; tan
tan tan; funfunrrumfun; tuturutu tu. Others are composed of independent
words, sometimes with a syllable ot two added or removed, or a sound or two
changed. The most frequent of
these
are:
gulugu (gurugu,
gulungu,
guruguo, gulugue, gulungud, gugulugu, gulu-
3 9
The number of seventeenth-century dances surprised even contemporaries. A tes
timony of
that
is in the
following
lines from the entremes by Cervantes, La
cueva
de
Salamanca: "Digame, senor mfo, pues los diablos lo saben todo, ^donde se inventaron
todos estos bailes de las Zarabandas, Zambapalo y
Dello
me pesa, con el famoso del nuevo
Escarraman?"
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guluge);
gulumbe (gulumbd, gulumpe, gulupd,
gurupe);
teque-leque;
dale
que
dale
(daye que
daye).
The
following also occur:
gudn gudn
gud; zarangudn;
cucud; cambule;
zam-
bambii;
elamu,
calambu,
cambu;
chucumbe; tenge
que
tenge;
sumbacasu cu-
cumbe;
guache;
salandanga mandinga;
surunga
surumba;
tumba catumbe;
tumbere
tu; bombono,
bombone.
Some of these words were so firmly associ
ated
with negros
that a black musician in one of them declares that he wants
to compose a villancico
Z in
zanguangua,
Gurupa, gurupe,
N i
zambucutii,
Usia,
usie. . . .
(15.9-12)
Sor
Juana seems to have employed authentic expressions
from
some African
languages:
-
jHa, ha, ha
-
jMonan
vuchila
jHe, he, he,
cambule
-
jGila Coro
gulungii, gulungii,
hu hu hu
-
jMenguiquila
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ha
ha ha
(47.9-17)
Analysing the above list, we can pick out the words with established or
conjectured independent meaning:
gulugu, gulumbe,
zambambu (zambomba),
guache, mandinga chucumbe; dale que dale
40
tumba,
cumbe
(Glosario 154),
cu-
cumbe
(Glosario
155), calambu (cucalambe)?;
Glosario
95), teque
(Glosario,
article "Tenguerengue"),
leque
(Ortiz,
Los instrumentos
2: 302). Others re
main to be identified.
6.13 We have mentioned earlier that villancicos in general sometimes
appear with textual borrowings. The villancicos collected for this study offer
some examples of this.
Negrito
No. 8, " A q u i za mi Dios verdadero", relies on the listeners' knowl
edge of the earlier secular villancico from which we reproduce the beginning:
A n d a ,
vete
con Dios, moreno,
aqui quere negro mori santero.
Entra vn negro en Malalena
y vase ar artar mayor,
suplacano a nuesa Sifior
qui
le fasa la pansa llena;
en aquesto el Cura vinera:
^que hazemo aqui, cabayero?
40
This
reduplication of the verb "dale" (from Spanish da + le) occurs in
Philippine
Creole Spanish (Whinnom,
Spanish
Contact Vernaculars 96). Other reduplications that
occur in
these
villancicos are, for instance, "manda que manda" (22.13),
"toca
que toca"
(22.18), and "templa que templa" (21.61).
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A q u i
quere negro
mori
santero.
. . . (Becco 19-21)
O ur negrito
paraphrases and refers to the old villancico:
A q u i
za mi Dios verdadero,
y aqui quiere Neglo morir
Santero.
A q u i za, Neglo de antano,
que
quiele ser Elmitafio,
polque
tiene desengano
de lo mundo pecadero.
A q u i
za mi Dios verdadero . . . (8.1-8)
T h e
beginning of
N o.
20, iQue gente, plima, que gente?" is reminiscent
of
Gongora's iQue gente, Pascual,
que
gente?"
(No. 3).
Echoes
of the
1661 negro from Huesca, "Hagamole plaga a lo Reye
Mago"
(No. 9), appear
in
two later (or contemporary) villancicos, "Que te cuntale, Thome" (1661-
70, Zaragoza; No. 10) and "/.Que vamo a ve, Catalina?" (published 1677,
Sevilla; No.
14). The 1688
negrilla
by the
Mexican Gabriel
de
Santillana
(No.
54) is reminiscent of the 1679 villancico from
M a d r i d ,
"/,Flasico? -
Z i o l "
(No.
15).
For instance,
the
latter says:
iPuez
como ha de ze?
-
Acicuchele,
y lo dile:
L a
T i pl a d i l a ,
fa-zol,
L o
Contlalta ala, mi-re,
L o
Tenor,
be fa-de-mi,
L o
Baxone, re-re-re.
. . . (15.13-18)
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A n d the former goes:
- como ha li se?
- Las tipla, fa sol;
cumtlata, mi
re;
tenole, fa mi;
bajone,
re re . . . (54.17-21)
Negrito No. 11, "jAh, Flansiquiya " (Granada, 1673) apparently precedes
the longer No. 58 from Bogota. The 1758
negro
from San Lorenzo de E l
Escorial,
"Los negros vienen de zumba" (No. 24) is a reworking of No. 21,
" A z i , Flaziquiya" (Granada, 1701), unless they both draw on some earlier
source.
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C H A P T E R S E V E N
T H E L A N G U A G E OF T H E
GUINEOS
7.1 The lingua de pretos
was studied
by
Leite
de
Vasconcellos ("Lingua
de preto", Esquisse 45-48), Michaelis de Vasconcelos (497-98), W. Giese, and
P. Teyssier. The
habla
de
negros
was studied by E . de Chasca, M. Alvarez
Nazario ("Notas", Elemento 123-331), H .
Jason
("Language"), F.
Weber
de Kurlat ("El tipo comico"). The two linguistic varieties were considered
separately (for example, in the studies of Teyssier or Weber de Kurlat), or
together
(De Chasca).
In our description of the languages of the villancicos, we shall.adopt the
approach of E. de Chasca and consider the deviations of
lingua
de
pretos
from
Portuguese and those of
habla bozal
from Spanish
together. A l so ,
in our study
of these languages, we shall regard them as a system in itself, without refer
ence
to parallel developments in dialectal, rustic or other.linguistic domains
of Spanish/Portuguese. In doing so we follow the guidelines indicated by F.
Weber
de
Kurlat
for habla de negros,
which
are
worth quoting in
full :
"Creo
que debemos estudiar
la
fonetica
de
los negros comb un sistema propio,
una
organization peculiar, simplificada,
del
castellano
de la
epoca
y si
bien
es
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cierto que encontramos tendencias que coinciden con la lengua de los riisicos
o de
otros
grupos sociales o dialectales, estas son mutaciones paralelas en el
habla del rustico y en la del negro, o contamination en la creation artistica de
los autores, en
tanto
que
otras
. . . son consecuencia del
influjo
del
sustrato
de sus lenguas nativas, influencia poderosa en la reproduction de los sonidos
con
que deformaban el castellano" ("El tipo comico" 140).
7 .2 P h o n o l o g y .
(1) Final consonants often
fall,
unless supported by an additional vowel;
hence the pairs like:
(-s) vamo—vamoso, dejemo—dejemoso, ma - mase;
(-r, -1) canta—cantale, pone—ponele, pota—potale, po—polo (por),
pano— panola, crabe—cravela;
(-n) plusisio—plocesiona, atesio—atesiona;
(-y) Re—Reya; bu—bueya
(-z) pa
(paz),
luzu (luz);
also, (-d) libelta, nobela, Mageta.
Lingua
de pretos
(-s) azuntamo, vozo, morremo, Deuza, alfele;
(-r) more, faze, toca, forra;
(-1) Manue, Gazpalo, amolo, tambolo.
(2)
Simplification
of consonant groups
(a)"through assimilation:
(-dr-)
San Perro, poremo;
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(-rd-)
sacerote;
(-sc-) Flasico, ecrava, eculila (=oscuridad);
(-st-)
fieta, taba, sa, metiso, guto, eta, Mageta, vi-
tita
(=vestida);
(-rs-)
mece
(-rc-);
(-rp-) cuepo;
(-rt-) potal, ceto;
(-It-)
cumtlata (-It-);
(-fr-) asafa.
Lingua de
pretos:
(-st-) cassaeta, essa/esa, fessa, bessa, afassa.
(b)
Through
the
addition
of an epenthetic
vowel:
(-sp-)
reseponde, Gasipar
(-sp-);
(-sc-) acicuchele;
(-fl-) falauta;
(-rg-)
guruganta.
(3) b > v:
vaylaron, vandela, tanve,
Velena,
estliviyo, garvo;
v
>
b: ban, yebar, buelta, buesa, nobela, bel, bonzanse.
Lingua de
pretos: v >
b: biba.
It is not certain whether this indeed may be considered a characteristic trait
of the black Spanish or Portuguese: the "non-black" villancicos
display
the
same interchange (printers' choice?)
(4) /d/>/r/,/l/:
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(initial) riabo, rimc-no, rentlo (=dentro), rivota
(devota),
lunguya
(=doncella), londe, lisi (=dice), re/ri/le/li (=de);
(intervocalic) vira, turu, puero, helilas, pulo, picalo (=pecado),
piselumble (=pesadumbre);
(part of a consonant group) palre.
Occaionally, -d- falls, as in querio (querido), tos
(todos).
Lingua
de pretos:
(intervocalic) hirmandale,
toros.
(5) Interchangeability of /r/ and/1/:
(initial) leina, labial (=rabiar), leves, lebano, ruego (=luego);
(intervocalic)
moleno, culazon, sinula, valita, butilo, pastola, pal-
aben, Malia;
(part of a consonant group) pultilica, polta, estleya,
plima,
mat-
laca, gobelna, neglo, groria, pruma, nobre, copriya, Crara,
ecravita, diabro;
(final)
labial,
quelel.
Lingua de pretos:
(intervocalic) tampelai, chola, palaizo, palece, colagao, gelagao,
palente,
aregria/aregremo,
Donzera, Berem, Guadarupe; '
(part
of a consonant group) plegao, ploque, neglo, aleglia, flu-
moso, pletinho, glande, plegunta, concruzao, sarva.
(6)
rr > r:
core (correr), pero, mira (mirra), tiela
(rr > r > I).
(7) /A/ , /77 />yodorO:
(/A/) acuya,
creeya,
negriyo,
cayar,
yena; gaina, paxia (pajilla),
ai
(alli)a;
f t } / siolo, zeol.
Lingua de pretos:
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(/A/)
oyo /
oio, gaiofa;
(/r)/)
cassaeta, siolo, mias.
In
habla
bozal, sometimes / A /
> /I/:
lena (llena), caramela (caramillo), molinela (morenillo).
(8) Seseo:
viyansico, lus, fosico, amanese, palese, comensa;
ceceo:
Diozo,
zeolo, tantuz, ziendo, zi, "loz
gatoz
zon pardoz"
(24.35).
It
appears
that
ceceo,
or rather,
"zezeo"
is an
invention
of the
eighteenth-
century authors; this speech
tag
had been traditionally reserved
for
gypsies.
(9)
/c/,/x/ > /s/ {habla de negros):
siquito (= chiquito), musa (= mucha); Sesii (= Jesus), Suse (=
Jose),
Susepe, Soseph, sente
(=
gente);
jzj
> jzj
(lingua
de
pretos):
zunta
(=
juntar), azuntamo
(=
ajuntamos),
Zezii
(Jesus), Zuze
(Jose), zente
(=gente).
(10) Metathesis:
presona, probeza, turmenta (instrumentos), palde, malde, palra
(= parla);
Lingua
de
pretos:
cravao, flumoso,
flutai,
Flunando, ploque.
(11) Instability of unstressed vowels.
Pretonic:
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jej > jij:
vizina,
trivimenta, privini lu, billaco,
siol, sinai;
jej > juj: surpiente, burugungaro, hurmosa, plu-
gunto;
joj > juj: currendo, culnetiya, cumtlata, cultes,
cunsielta, Batulume, plusision, lunguya, lun N iiio,
cururara (=colorada).
Posttonic:
jej > jij: virgi, subi
(=suben);
joj > juj: tantuz,
quisu.
Lingua de pretos (all pretonic):
joj > juj:
Zuze;
/u/ > /o/\ cholomela;
jej > juj: Flunando;
jej > /i/: minina, siolo.
(12) Stressed vowels may change, too:
joj > juj: (cun) tesuro, turu, cumu, tuca.
(13) (a) Diphthongs may be simplified:
ie > e: currendo, ben, ceto, parente, trivimenta, nasimento, ]
ue > u: pus, fu;
ue > o: portorrico, nostla, pos casolita (=cazuela);
ai > as: Mastine.
Lingua de pretos:
ou > o: so;
ao > a : sa.
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(b) Hiatus may be resolved through the introduction of a semivowel:
M a l i y a , Guineya, torneya.
(14) Apheresis:
mana (hermana), panta
(espanta),
crivana (escribano), treya (es-
trella),
tandarte
(estandarte), cienso (incienso), turmenta (in-
strumentos), manece (amanecer), miscla (almizcle).
Lingua de
pretos:
Bastiao (Sebastiao).
(15) Nasalization:
moginganga, pampangaya, lan
4 1
dunceya, Ion Dioso, Mangalena,
M i ng uel , ninglo/nengre/ninglito, Jesumclisa, pecandora, bosanse,
sacanbuche, milanglosa, cambayela.
N ot so evident in Portuguese.
(16) Isolated phenomena.
—n— > yod: Beleya (maybe through Belen >
Belena
> Belea >
Beleya, as in torneo >
tornea
> torneya);
calmino (insertion of -1-);
bayar (fall of -1-);
rimofio,
dimono (—ni— > /n/);
guevo (=huevo);
pagre, magre (fdj > /g/);
cagayera (/&/ > jgj);
adzoluto (jbj > jdj);
carcave (-sc- to -rc-);
jerquia (syncope).
4 1
Alvarez Nazario derives this form from grammatical particles of Bantu languages con
taminated phonetically by the Spanish article "la" and semantically by the Portuguese
reduced forms "na, no, nas, nos" ("Notas" 46; El elemento 164-67).
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7.3
Morphology.
(a) Articles may be missing:
"[una] cosa vimo, que creeya / pantara" (2.21-22);
"en
[la] fiesa la Suncio" (50.11);
"a[l] niiio seluimo" (36.19);
"queremo que [el] niiio vea" (33.22);
or superfluous:
"perimo
al
Dioso lisencia
/ e
luego
a
Reye Gazpala"
(68.66-67);
Ion Dios; "a lan Dioso que sa yoranda / le cantemo la salabanda"
(51.10-11).
There may be a number-gender disagreement between the article and the
noun it defines:
las Leina (la Reina), las alma (el alma), unas cantaleta(s), unos
lablalola(s), las
pastola(s), las
mula
(la
mula),
las
consuelo
(el
consuelo); la cuepo, la nino Dios, la Santo Papa.
Lingua de pretos:
nos soalho(s), nos gaitinha(s), os fidalgo(s), nos palma(s) de mao,
humas danga (uma danga), os zente (a gente).
The loss of final / s / may be partly responsible for this disagreement.
Masculine singular article is sometimes derived from the masculine plural
through the loss of -s:
lo
Nifio
Jesu, lo Dioso, lo Pesebre, lo Potal, "de cana lo cabayito"
(14.11).
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Not to be confused with "lo" as a
plural
article with final -s lost, as in "lo
pe" (los
pies), "lo neglo venimo"
(36.13).
(b) Nouns. Often a substantive and the adjective that modifies it disagree
in number and gender:
corason abierta, el Infante elmosa, lo[s] Negro[s] Chuculatera[s],
mi
sifiula[s]
M a l i a y
Jusepe.
Lingua
de
pretos:
Donzelhina belo, sua filho, suas cabelo[s], dois estrela[s], minha
coragao, sua plegao, ou'tros danga, os meus
vira, tuas
oio, mias
Menina.
Again, the fall of final -s may be partially responsible for the phenomenon.
The gender of a noun may be changed:
mucha raya (muchos rayos); la perrera (el perrero); la nascimenta;
la bueya; una sola (el sol); jumenta; el arpo.
(c) Pronouns. There are some instances of an indirect object pronoun em
ployed as a subject pronoun:
in habla bozal:
"mi
eztar poztillon"
(20.3);
"mi
quedar
. . .
reya"
(20.6);
in lingua de
pretos:
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"mim
nao
quele senao
paz"
(30.11),
"mim
fessa
sar
plimela"
(30.12),
"mim
tocala os pandeilo" (30.22).
(d) Verbs. The basis
of the
conjugation
is
Spanish/Portuguese. There
are,
however, numerous deviations:
- deficient conjugation:
"el
Nino diosa yoramo" (10.50);
"si
tu
yolamo
pol mi, / yo me
aleglamo
pol tu"
(40.46-47);
"Nacimo
de
huns may donzera
/
huns Rey que mia
Deuza
he"
(29.31-32);
lingua de pretos:
"mim
tocala os pandeilo" (30.22);
- use of uninflected infinitives:
"esa noche
yo
baila"
(63.1);
"z i hayar grazia en el Garzon / a quien plezenta
yevamo,
/
mi quedar
tan
reya
/
como mi Amo"
(20.4-7);
"Eya dici : So molena / con las Sole que mira"
(44.46-47).
These are usually scattered among the inflected forms. The only
negritos
that
employ them systematically
are
"Esa
noche
yo
baila"
(No. 63; in
habla
de negros) and
"Afassa afassa que vem"
(No. 30; in lingua de
pretos);
- finally, some curious forms:
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pinsiaba, sirviaba, quiriaba/queliba.
The tenses of the verbs are
those
of Spanish / Portuguese. In the villancico
with predominant infinitive forms other means
are
used
to
distinguish
tenses:
"su hichito ya nace" (63.13);
"lo garganta ya causa
/ . . . / •
pechuguera yo tene" (63.58-60).
The verbal form that unites all of the villancicos is the phonetic/semantic
derivation
of
Portuguese/Spanish verbs
ser/estar.
sar/sa
(or,
more rarely,
ta).
It is
used concurrently with regular Spanish/Portuguese copulas
(cor
rectly or incorrectly inflected), and may stand for all persons in the singular
and
third person in the plural, while in the first person
plural
it
takes
the
form
samo (tamo),
when correctly inflected:
sa(r) for
soy/estoy:
" j A y , Jesii, como sa mu trista " (1.5);
"aunque negra, sa presona" (1.21);
"hormiga sa, juro a tai" (3.27);
"saro
bu" (2.17);
lingua de
pretos:
"mim
fessa sar plimela" (30.12);
"sar contenta"
(30.17);
sa for eres/estds:
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"sa hermosa tu" (1.14);
lE
que sara, primo,
tu?" (2.16);
sa for
es/estd:
"la
alma sa como la denta" (1.9);
"^Quien sa aquel?" (1.26);
"jque sa
cosa buena "
(44.38);
"sa yoranda" (51.10);
"sa siempre / milando la Iglesia" (44.29-30);
"sa cuntenta" (44.20);
"mano que
tanto
da
/
en Congo aiin
sara
bien
quista"
(1.38-39);
"sara muy galana" (44.21);
lingua de
pretos:
"sa un
Donzelhina
belo" (28.27);
"sa
Deuz . . . / e
noso palente
sa" (28.31-32);
"como sar linda / os minina" (30.41-42);
sa for son/estan:
"sa lo moleno ya / cayendo . . . de risa" (40.7-8);
"sa turu negla fea"
(33.21);
lingua
de pretos:
"sa os zente pleto / os fidalgo de cravao" (28.38-39);
samo/tamo:
"si debota samo, / peldone mi amo" (10.6-7);
"samo negra pecandora" (1.7);'
"samo enfadado ya" (3.17);
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. "tamo lena li glolia" (47.19);
"aca tamo tolo" (45.1);
sando (gerundive of sar/sa):
"sando ronca
y
resfriara,
/
cantalemo mal, sifiole"
(=estando;
51.19-20).
7
.4
Syntax.
(a)
The indicator of direct/indirect object, location and direction
"a" is
often
eliminated:
— direct/indirect object indicator:
"sola saca [a] las Panola" (46.25);
"^Que vamo
a
ve, Catalina?
/ - [a]
Dioso que nace
siquito" (14.1-2);
tambie sabemo / cantalle [a] las Leina" (45.3-4);
"[a] la
Reya mio
/
incienso
ofrece
sagrado"
(3.30-
31); . • "
u
i[&] Parira no yeva
nara?" (14.37);
- location indicator:
"[a] la
Oblaje nos deja"
(44.28);
"yo [a] la Oblaje vivo" (46.19);
"turu la ninglito / se pone culbata, / que
vini
lan
fieta /
[al]
piscueso colgala"
(52.9-12); , .
-
direction indicator:
• .
"va subiendo
[a] lo
sumo"
(47.33);
"venga cun la tandarte / mafiana [a] la Prucisio"
(50.32-33);
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"[a] las Cielo va" (44.17);
"vini
[a] lan fieta" (52.11).
(b) Preposition "de" is sometimes eliminated:
"entlamo la tlopa [de] Gazpala" (68.3);
"ra Gualda
/ re
reye
[de]
Guineya"
(68.6-7);
"vestira [de] una camison / y una pulida capote" (7.17-18);
"entle [de]
Angola
Pampangaya" (23.19);
"en fiesa [de] la Suncio" (50.11).
(c) An auxiliary verb/copula may be missing:
"[he] acabada de yegar" (16.22);
"donde ya [esta] Pilico, escrava no queda" (46.10);
"iguale [es] yolale" (44.5);
"samo negra pecandora
/ e
branca
[es] la
Sacramenta"
(1.7-8).
(d) The word order conforms to that of Spanish/Portuguese.
7.5
V o c a b u l a r y
is predominantly Spanish / Portuguese. The
negros
of
both
linguistic varieties
may
contain words
of
African origin pertaining
to
the place of their
origin,
dance, music and musical instruments. A ll
these
have been studied earlier (see 4.18). Some of the words we could not iden
tify (apart from
those
employed in the refrains), for instance,
cambinga
and
machi. The early villancicos in habla de
negros
may contain identifiably
Portuguese words:
menin(o),
chorar,
and the
definite articles,
or
prepo-
sition+article: "a mula un coz me tiro" (2.36); "escravita do nasimento"
(2.15). *
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7 6 Analysing the language of the sixteenth-century Portuguese texts
containing
lingua de
pretos,
W. Megenney asks: "^Representa esto una ver-
dadera reflexion del habla negra . . . o es simplemente un artificio estilistico
comun
que fue ampliamente usado por los autores peninsulares que deseaban
crear la impresion de cierto estilo de habla?"
("Fenoraenos
criollos" 335-36).
This question applies directly to the language of the villancicos en habla de
negros. Although a definitive answer cannot be given, a few considerations
might be discussed here.
Black
Africans in the Peninsula and Spanish America apparently spoke
the peninsular languages with various
degrees
of proficiency. It follows then,
that an imitation, although faithful, of any one model, can never have pre
tensions at universality. Moreover, various authors at various periods and
in various locations had different opportunities for the direct observation of
black
speech. Perhaps not all of them were in a position to observe the
speech of blacks in their own household (as was Gongora, for instance).
42
Black
Africans were distributed unevenly throughout the Peninsula; they
were numerous in the seventeenth and rare in the
late
eighteenth century.
4 2
Jammes, Etudes 421, n. 34.
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The printed booklets of the villancicos c o u l d be easily purchased every
year, and the black Spanish studied and imitated. Other genres of the lit-
eratura de cordel also provided samples of this literary dialect, as also did
stage
black Spanish. The authors of the villancicos that could not (or would
not)
base
their negro-writing on linguistic observation, could easily concoct
an
habla, combining a few conspicuous language-traits, phonetic, or lexical.
The recipe given by Quevedo in his Libro de
todas
las cosas—"Si escribes co-
medias y eres poeta
sabras
guineo en volviendo las rr 11, y al contrario: como
Francisco, Flancisco; primo, plimo —may not be an exaggeration,
after
all.
O n
the other hand, some of the linguistic
traits
of the villancicos run par
allel to those found in various Afro-Romance Creoles. The form sa survives
as one of the auxiliary verbs in the Afro-Portuguese
Creole
of Cape Verde
(Lopes da
Silva
139). The adverb ya marks
past
tense (or perfective as
pect)
in a variety of Iberian-based
Creoles
(Lipski, "Portuguese Element" 4).
The elimination of articles, prepositions de, a, and copula, is common to all
Hispanic-based
Creoles. Many
of the noted phonetic
changes—as
the loss of
final
/s/, /r/, j\j, interchange of
liquids,
neutralization of /d / , /r/ in favour
of /rf, simplification of consonant groups and diphthongs, instability of the
unstressed vowels—are also to be encountered in many ofthe Creoles (Megen-
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ney, "Fenomenos criollos" 362-70). Popular Brazilian Portuguese, that has
been influenced by the native speakers of African languages, displays similar
phonetic changes:
yeismo,
/z/ > /z/, apheresis, apocopation, interchange of
liquids,
simplification of consonant groups and diphthongs (Mendonga 101-
24).
In
view of the above, it seems
that
the language of the
villancicos de
negros always represents a combination of observation and stereotyping. The
proportion of the two elements may be different and has to be determined
for
each and every author, or even each and every villancico.
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C O N C L U S I O N
(a) Villancicos de negros form a small part of the tradition of religious
villancicos that began to be composed in
Spain
at
least
since the end of
the fifteenth century. The habit of writing and performing these villancicos
was so widespread that the term itself was reserved specifically for these
compositions, while secular villancicos began to be designated by the
terms
tono
or
tono
humano. Moreover, it appears that villancicos were exported
from Castile to its neighbours, Catalonia and Portugal, in the late sixteenth—
early seventeenth century.
(b) The earliest guineos
that
we know about were composed in the last two
decades of the sixteenth century for the Capilla Real in M a d r id . The latest
villancicos de negros collected for this study are dated 1783 (from Spain) and
1788 (from Spanish America).
Thus,
the overall popularity of the
negro
was
undiminished
for at
least
two centuries.
(c) The use of habla de negros and lingua de pretos had originated in
secular literature before it was used to enrich the villancico genre. The
earliest use of
lingua
de
pretos
dates from the second half of the 15th century,
and
the earliest specimen of habla de negros has been tentatively dated by
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the end of that century. The earliest use of the latter for religious purposes
may have occurred in the ensalada by Mateo Flecha el Viejo, La negrina,
written for the Christmas celebration of 1535 or 1536 in
Valencia.
(d) From the formal point of view,
negritos
adhere to the structural pat
tern of other contemporary villancicos, introduction-estribillo-coplas being
the basis of it. The introduction and
coplas
are strophic, often consisting of
octosyllabic lines; the estribillo is through-composed and metrically irregular.
(e) Negros were written for all principal Church celebrations: Christmas,
Epiphany, Corpus Christi, Immaculate Conception, Assumption.
(f) Villancicos de negros, in common with other subgenres of the villan
cico, contain numerous details of contemporary life, customs, and allusions
to many contemporary events. They may be studied, in a sense, as a mirror
of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century social habits.
43
(g) The language of the
negritos
is not
uniform; correct
Spanish or Por
tuguese forms
alternate
with the distorted ones. On the basis of this study
we might conclude that the language of each and every author depends on:
-
the model transcribed;
43
This
is a common trait of the villancicos and the literatura de cordel in general. See
Garcia de Enterria 152-53.
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- the individual linguistic ability of the author;
-
the proportion of observation versus stereotyping.
If villancicos de negros are used as linguistic documents presenting to
some extent the speech of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century black
Africans in the Peninsula and Spanish America, they are likely to provide
evidence for the adherents of creole theory and for the exponents of the for
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guineos
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A P P E N D I X
A N A N T H O L O G Y
OF
VILLANCICOS
E
NEGROS
The
following
considerations have been taken into account while preparing
this anthology:
(a) geographical. We tried to represent villancicos from various locations,
both in the Peninsula and Spanish America;
(b) temporal. We chose villancicos to cover the two hundred years—from
the early seventeenth to the
late
eighteenth century—more or less evenly;
(c) linguistic. One
villancico
in lingua de pretos and nine in habla de
negros
represent the right proportion of the
negritos
used in this study (five
of
the
former variety versus sixty
three
of the
latter).
From
the
villanci
cos in habla de
negros
we tried to choose those that represent a variety of
linguistic models with different proportions of linguistic observation versus
stereotyping;
/
(d) clarity. Villancicos particularly
difficult
to interpret were omitted;
(e) textual.
O n l y
fully surviving
negrillas
were included;
(f) accessibility. The negrillas by Gongora and
Sor
Juana were omitted
in view of their easy accessibility. This explains why the earliest
villancico
included is that by Comes.
The available editions of villancicos negros are of very unequal value.
Some of them, being transcribed from musical manuscripts, completely lack
punctuation
and
capitals.
We
regularized
the
punctuation
and the use of
capitals throughout. Infinitives with final -r dropped have been accentuated.
Whenever we made corrections of transcription (when this could be done with
a fair degree of certainty), we indicate the original version in the footnote.
Valencia, before 1643 (No. 7)
Juan Bautista Comes
Tonada:
- Facico, vena comigo.
44
- /,Adonde me lleva, hermano?
-
A ver la misa cantano,
que samo re turo amigo.
4 4
"Facico" instead of "Tacico"; "vena" instead of "ven a .
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- si nosamo no pinga?
45
-
jE que no pingara
- jE que si pingara
- jE que no
Gurugu,
gurugu, mandinga.
- jE que no pingara
-
jE que si - jE que no
- Pues vamo turo y bailemo,
vamo y cantemo y dancemo,
llevaremo su bendicion.
Responcion (same text as the
tonada
Coplas:
Veremo una sacerote
cantar
la Kirie Leyson,
vestira una camison
y una pulida capote;
venga y seremo testigo.
Si quiere venir, veremo
como con mucho primor
alzar a nosa Senor
la
sacerote poremo;
venga y seremo testigo.
Coimbra, seventeenth century (No. 28)
Anonymous
- Bastiao, Bastiao, Flunando, Flancico,
palente, placero, nozo gelagao,
juntamo nosso pandorga,
nossa festa de tao balalao
- Eu so capitao dos pleto d'Angola,
tampelai
esse
bitangola
46
45
Corrected from "no samo, no pinga".
4 6
We have corrected this from "bi t'Angola", for the word clearly means some musical
instrument, here and in other
negros.
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e fazeme uma rojao
de guguluga, de tao balalao,
de glande folia, que cos fessa,
cos aleglia me say pelos oyo
minha
colagao
-
Ploque rezao
tanto
flugamento ha
de guguluga, de tao balalao?
-
Siolo capitao,
que
gente
pleto zunta
debaixo sua plegao.
-
Bastiao bem plegunta;
nao palece o neglo bessa,
esse
noite sa de festa,
tura
gente
festeja,
que baixa desses alto palaizo,
tao glante, tao flumoso,
que
palece que ser
vinho
suus oyo
quando chola.
Sua
Mae Nosso Senhora
sa un
Donzelhina
belo,
oiro sa suas cabelo,
suas oyo dois estrela,
sua
filho
honra par'ela,
que sa Deus en concruzao,
e noso palente sa
H a ,
ha, ha, ha, ha, ha
de gugulugu, de guguluga,
que
esses
campo se abrasa,
ploque
sol
esta
no chao
- Tern muito rezao siolo capitao,
a qui sa os zente pleto
os fidalgo de cravao,
a qui sa nosso
folia,
turo nosso companhia.
Toquemo
no bandurinha,
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nos soalho, nos gaitinha,
toquemo co pe no mao,
de guguluga, de tao balalao
He,
he, he, bulico a pe
de guguluga, de gugulugue;
ha, ha, ha, corre baya
de gugulugii, de guguluga,
de tao balalao
Os
oyo na ceu, giolho na
chao,
fagamo lo solfa nos palma de mao
Que
tao
palatao
(tao, tao, tao),
que turn polotum (turn turn
turn)
que turn, que tao
gulu-guluga, gulu-gulugii.
- Flutai , pequenina,
minha colagao
(Que turn, que tao, etc.)
-
Forrai os pletinho,
siolo
Zezu
(Que tao, que turn, etc.)
Os
oyo na ceu, giolho na
chao,
fagamo lo sol fa nos palma de mao
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Huesca, 1661 N o . 9)
Luis Gargallo
Hagamole plaga a lo Reye Mago,
turo lo neglo, e turo lo branco,
que venimo en Cameya,
y buscamole por
estreya,
con oro, con cienso, con mirra divina,
Diosu chiquitu,
Diosu, que nace bonitu,
en paxia, e pesebricu,
como hijo de
Gaina.
Traemole a lo chiquitu
una danza de neglitu,
y uno mono de Tulu;
con
esso,
y el gu, gu, gu,
y el gua, gua, gua,
y el gue, gue, gue
festejamole a su melee,
como a uno Nino Sesu.
- Plimo, ique yevan lo Reye en done?
- Yevan cienso, chaculate,
oro, mirra, pinonate,
de calicante turrone,
caixifia
de canelone,
grana branca, e cururara,
panara Ingresa, cuchara,
e para hazer almendrara
guego mas bronco que tu;
con esso, y el gu, gu, gu, etc.
- Plimo,
^que yevan al tielno Infante?
- Yevalemole pinona,
nuesa, y almendra monsara,
aceituna, y alcapara,
camueza, y melacotona,
yevamole valona,
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y a Susepe le dale
samarra de consejela,
si se la quiele pone;
con esso, y el gu, gu, gu, etc.
-
Plimo,
ique yevan a la parira?
- A la Siola M al i a
yevamo con aleglia
bayalde para la cara,
manto de gloria con punta,
mono,
e
tanta
cosa junta,
que para aver de yevayo,
sa menester un cavayo
tan glande como yo, e tu;
con
esso, y el gu, gu, gu, etc.
-
Plimo,
ique
yevan de cantulia?
N o quede a vira instlumenta,
que no toque la peliona,
chimigula,
y baxona,
lo sacabucha, y culneta.
Tocamole cubetiya,
sonagia, e
cascabe,
y
una famosa cansiona
po r el sol, fa, mi, re;
con esso, y el gu, gu, gu, etc.
Seville,
1677 (No. 14)
Felix
Persio Bertiso
- /.Que vamo a ve Catalina?
-
Dioso
que
nace
siquito
en pajita y peseblito
como hijo de gayina.
lY
que yevamo, soblina,
a la naciro plimito?
- Vn capisaya
47
branquito.
Orig. "capisa ya".
151
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lY que mas se yeva?
-
Maneciya le cablito.
[
que mas se yeva?
-
De cafia lo cabayito.
-
que mas se yeva?
-
Una danza de neglito.
lY que mas se yeva?
-
No yeva mas. ^Y que yeva tu?
-
Tamboletiyo le gugulugii,
con que baila tu y Andles;
y turo neglo y tura
Guinea
aleglamo lo
Nino
Sesii.
Todos. -
Guan,
guan, gua,
he, he, he, usie, usie,
hu,
hu, hu, gulugu, gulugu.
<i
,Que yeva mi plimo Andles?
-
Yeva prato de cuscu,
que hace al
Nino
Sesu
la
monja le
santa
Ines.
Y con
lima
camalon,
aleglia,
cafiamon,
a ochavito bocarito,
panariya, rosquetito,
chocho, galbanza
tostara,
y para hacer rebanara
guevo y casolita nueva.
-
que mas se yeva?
-
No yeva mas. ^Y que yeva tu?
-
Tamboletiyo de gugulugu, etc.
-
^Parira no yeva
nara?
-
A la siola
Malia
yevamo a su senolia
manteyina cururara,
guante polviya picara,
abanico, galgantiya,
manto con punta le Flande,
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do l ibla de sucalcande,
y confite con que beba.
lY que mas
se
yeva?
- No yeva mas. que yeva
tu?
-
Tamboletiyo
le
gugulugvi,
etc.
G r a n a d a , 1701 ( N o . 21
Alonso de Bias
y
Sandoval
Estribillo:
- A z i , Flaziquiya;
az i
Almentela;
azi,
Clementiya.
- Rigamo: iQue quele?
-
Que tuque instlumenta
pala el zalambeque,
que teque, que teque;
que zamo
Negliya
con la instlumentiya,
y tucamo chacona,
(chacona,
chacona)
azi,
que
le
aglada
a
la
Reina pulida;
tuquemo suliya.
Zezii, jque cuntenta
que za Nazimenta
-
Rigamo: iQue quele?
- Que tuque instlumenta
pala
el zalambeque,
que teque, que teque.
Zezii, ique cuntenta
que
za
Nazimienta
Coplas
a
solo:
Venga apliza, camine, Flazico,
velemo de Noso Siolo
la
festa,
que tocan campana
a
maitine,
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que za bona noche re zu Nazimenta.
-
Rigamo: iQne quele?
-
Que tuque instlumenta
pala
el zalambeque,
que
teque, que teque.
Zezii,
jque cuntenta
que
za Nazimenta
Tlaiga turo zumbrero calaro,
cuberto fozico, tapara la geta,
que de noche za parda lo gato,
y penza lo branco que za cabayera.
-
Rigamo:
iQue
quele? . . .
Entlalemo en la Reale Capiya;
velemo
la ronda que vene muy gueca,
cun
pultelos y hachas delante,
dal
vuelta al zopulco donde za lo Reya.
- Rigamo: iQne quele? . . .
Entlalemo
muy glave en el colo,
que
za
plima
noche cun hacha e cun vela;
cuchalemo la viyarancica
que
canta cantole que za mucho diestla.
-
Rigamo: iQue quele? . . .
Vela tanto de lo zaclistane,
que tlae
camizona vestira de suela,
que uno canta, otlo rabia, otlo riye,
otlo toma tabaca, otlo palra, otlo reza.
-
Rigamo: iQue quele? . . .
Vela un hombre que yaman Bajona,
que
chupa uno palo, y lo sopla, y lo besa;
y otlo toca una cosa tursira,
que turo lo neglo ze ezpanta re veya.
-
Rigamo: /.Que quele? . . .
Otlo
alza y abaja la mano,
y
en merio re turos laz mozcaz ojea.
Otlo
tiene instlumenta muy grande,
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y tura la noche za templa que templa.
-
Rigamo:
iQne
quele? . . .
Hallala alii
otloz mil instlumentos,
acoldez, sonoraz, con cien difelenciaz,
que le ran palabienes al
Nino
que nace, alegliya rel cielo y la tiela.
-
Rigamo: ^Que quele? . . .
Malaga,
1753 (No. 23)
Juan Frances de Iribarren
Estribillo:
Esta noche lo
Neglillo,
vestira de moginganga,
viene turu en una manga,
con sonaja y tamburillo
a vel al ziolo Mamie.
(Coros)
Ay, que turu, turu, turu,
zamo loco de plazel,
y a lo zon de zonajillo
cantaremo pez con pez:
achiha, achiha, achiha,
achihe, achihe, achihe;
jviva el Diozo zeolo Niiio,
que come butilo, e mel
Coplas:
Vaya
entlando la Tlompeta,
cuchiflando
la Carriya;
entle
Cabayo con
Ziya
a compasia de lo pe.
A y, que turu, turu, etc.
Entle Angola Pampangaya,
y dempueza en zu plezona
cambayara tula
Mona,
tucandu lu cazcabe.
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A y, que turu, turu, etc.
Entle la botalga plonta,
vestira de Matachin,
pala dal al bayle fin,
zi
al
Nino
paleze ben.
A y, que turu, turu, etc.
P u e b l a ( M e x i c o ) , 1649 ( N o .
Juan Gutierrez de Padilla
Estribillo:
- jA palente a palente
iQue quele,
seiiol
neglico?
48
- Que bamo a lo portalico
a yeva a nino plesente;
vamo turu de
repente
ante que vaya pastora.
-
Y si a lo nino que yora
le pantamo, que halemo?
- Vno bayle baylemo,
y
sera la puelto rico;
le le le le le le,
que la nino duerme.
Copla:
L o
neglo venimo
le le le le le le
a la nacimenta,
le le le le le le
tocando trumenta,
le le le le le le
y
a nino seluimo,
le le le le le le
copriya
decimo
le le le le le le.
C h a n g e d f r o m que que le .
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Morelia (Mexico), 1723 (No. 55)
Francisco Moratilla
Estribillo:
H a negliyo, ha negliyo de Santo Thome,
vaya de vuia de festa y place,
y arruyemos al niiio que nace en Bele
con
la tonadiya del Zanguangue.
H a
plimiyo, ha plimiyo negliyo Martin,
arruyemos al niiio que quele dolmi
con
la tonadiya del Zambucuti.
H a negliyo, ha negliyo
plimiyo
Gaspa,
arruyemos al nifio que esta en el poltal,
con la tonadiya del Tapalata.
Vaya, vaya el sonsonetiyo de la run-run,
cu cu cii, cu cu cii,
que se duelme lo niiio Jesii,
cu cu cii, cu cu cii,
con
el sonsonetiyo de la run-run.
Coplas:
A l Dioso que sa nasiro
49
con
sonsonete que alegla,
cantamo la
gente
negla
como en Angola un toniyo.
Polque
se duelme el chiquiyo
que desbelaro le vemo,
en la cuna le mesemo
y
le cantamo a la "mu".
Tura instrumenta se escuche.
Toquemo como pelsona
chirimingula
y baxona,
culnetiya y sacabuche,
que se ciela como estuche;
C o r r e c t e d
f r o m
sana
s i r o .
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y
si le
toca
un negliyo,
a pulo de inchal el carriyo
atluena como alcabus.
Panderiyo
y raveliya
con sonaxa tocalemo
y Sanguangue cantalemo,
que sa famosa letliya.
Soplalemo la olganiya
con
fuega daye que daye,
y a manela de
atabaye
haremo suene el tuntun.
Una xacala tambe
le cantamo, entando en eya
la
mulica con la bueya
que saben sol fa mi re.
Y cuando plimo Tume
la
xacaliya empezo,
la muliya rebusno
y ablo el bueya y dijo "mu".
A l son del tamboriliyo
a la
Siola
M al i a
la
damo con aleglia
nolabuena del chiquiyo.
Y
un saclistan que es negliyo,
echando de la gloliosa,
el "Nigla sum sed formosa"
canto
al son del archilau.
B o g o t a ( C o l o m b i a ) , seventeenth
c e n t u r y
(No
Joseph de Cascante
Cucua, cucua,
que valgame dios;
o que bueno queda,
que valgame Dios.
Estribillo:
5 8
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A l
plimiyo que adoramo,
hazele fiesta quelemo;
pues bailemo usia,
la
pranta se mueve
de alegre que sa
gurumbe;
jla
gala se la yeva
sio Manue
Cucua.
Coplas:
Todo lo neglo quelemo
regosija y contenta
celebra la nacimenta
que de Ion Dios que tenemo.
jBayla,
plima
Cucua.
A siola Donzeya
le dalemo palaben,
que
al siolo Manue
palio tan linda y tan beye.
jToca,
plima
Cucua.
C o c h a b a m b a
( B o l i v i a ) , e i g h t e e n t h
c e n t u r y
(No
Anonymous
5 0
Esa noche yo baila
ha
ha ha ha
con
Maria
lucume
he he he he
asta sol que amanece
ha
ha ha ha
plo
mi
Dios
que sa acuya
he he he he
esa
gente
comensa
We
leave the original punctuation.
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ha ha ha ha
aunque pe la buesa fe
he he he he
su hichito ya nace
ye ye ie ie
Poca poca nobela
ha ha ha ha
Nacie cun Batulume
he he he he
Puero nega en bona fe
ha ha ha ha
del
chiquillo
que aye sa
he he he he
el manda me a mi canta
ha ha ha ha
yo
canta
asta
amanese
he he he he
su
hichito ya nace
ye ye ie ie
L u metiso dea falta
ha ha ha ha
porque ya urta quele
he he he he
a la mula del plata
ha ha ha ha
pueso de siolo
Jose
he he he he
y lo nino yolala < la >
ha ha ha ha
si
quera solo yo boi;
he he he he
su hichito ya
nace
ye ye ie ie
Las vieja no palese
ha ha ha ha
por que esa conso lima
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