Virtual Political Reality's Dilemmas in Creating Political Persona Unconnected to Antecedent Imagination about Politics
Charles L. Mitchell
Grambling State University
Prepared for delivery at the 2021 Virtual International Political Science Association 26th World Congress, July 14, 2021
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Virtual Political Reality's Dilemmas in Creating Political Persona Unconnected to Antecedent Imagination about Politics
AbstractThe antecedent imagination about U.S. politics has been shattered by the Capitol riot of January 6, 2021. Virtual politics’ two decades of development, experienced difficulty when hundreds of virtually empowered protesters laid siege to the U.S. Capitol disrupting the Electoral College’s confirmation of president-elect Joseph Biden. Virtual guru and incumbent president Donald Trump refused to accept the election outcome and encouraged his media conditioned following to protest. This paper is presented witha belief that the analysis contained in the paper could prove useful in pragmatic and rational adaptation to technological innovation and politics.
Analysis of recent presidential elections in the U.S. has emphasized the increasing importance of virtual politics. The elections of 2008 and 2016 witnessed outcomes influenced by the candidate's ability to skillfully use virtual politics to build a dependable following. Little is known of how virtual reality influences behavior.
The January 6 Capitol riot is presented as an example of virtual bonding in politics gonewrong. The paper follows the events of January 6 and the public opinion generated by the riot. Maturation effects in public opinion over months are observed. Contending public opinion influences including institutions, political parties, mainstream media, social media, and Internet personalities are mentioned. Analysis is included about the uncertainty resulting from 520 unresolved criminal riot cases. Differences in how Democrats and Republicans perceive various issues are noted.
Since the Capitol riot is likely to be compared to other events such as Arab Spring, a research design about virtual empowerment is included. Theoretical sampling allows an image sample presenting rioters’ use of mobile devices. Interpretive techniques analyze this data. Two possible explanations for the empowerment emerge. First, mobile devices are seen as keeping rioters connected with reliable political information. Second, virtual reality is theorized to catalyze with the public place. Cognitive mechanisms may compel action as virtual reality and public place interact. Data analysis procedures to supplement interpretivism of the visual data, cognitive mapping is suggested. Placing each riot image on a graph analyzing two dimensions, political information and ethnography, was mentioned as a possibility for improved data analysis.
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Virtual Political Reality's Dilemmas in Creating Political Persona Unconnected to Antecedent Imagination about Politics
The influence of virtual politics and digital democracy is increasing everywhere. Political
realities are developing as people could scarcely imagine decades ago. Conditions
produced in current networked society are usually deemed improvements over
preceding political realities. Who is involved as political activists in the politics of 2021
reflects the ability information technology has to empower people. The entire landscape
of political personas need be included in an analysis of what is happening in current
virtual political development. While mainstream politicians still are well connected to
traditional political ideas, the entire cast of political characters shaping political reality
tends to defy earlier imagination of politics. The world of political influence is now well
populated with personality types that could not be identified two or three decades ago.
This paper intends to assess how much discontinuity this political reality has with how
politics were imagined decades ago. Implications and dilemmas resulting from a politics
that could scarcely be imagined in the past are then analyzed in this paper.
Defining those characters who shaped political reality decades ago would begin with
mainstream media. In the U.S., the leading influence of the three major news networks
was awesome. Important network news personalities were responsible for framing
political events for the public. The power of these people to define what was and was
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not news was astounding. The agenda setting strength of network news was a
substantial factor in determining those issues that entered the conflictual political arena.
Political institutions and leading politicians were also important influences on what was
deemed political reality. The roles of Congress and the Supreme Court were discussed
as including communicator to the public. Whenever issues that substantially affected the
political system occurred, Congress and the Court could be depended upon to set the
tone of political discourse on whatever relevant subject was a present concern.
Likewise, leading politicians organized their political strategies around those issues they
defined as crucial to the political future. Leaders in the Executive and the Congress
imagined developing their political careers based on their ability to establish political
issue turf. As political leaders defined the political playing field, they imagined
accomplishing political objectives and developing their careers and reputations.
“Antecedent imagination about politics” is a useful phrase in 2021. Before January 6,
2021 there was perception that politics had evolved and was different than in preceding
decades. Virtual political reality was known to be gaining in influence affecting political
outcomes. The disruptive riot that took over the U.S. Capitol January 6, 2021 happened
in no person's antecedent imagination about politics. One afternoon, the U.S.
confronted that happenings inconceivable until they occurred were unfolding.
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The normally sedate counting of Electoral College votes in the House of
Representatives was disrupted as an angry mob literally stormed the U.S. Capitol
sending elected representatives into panic and hiding. Imagination about politics in the
U.S. was more substantially altered in hours than had happened before this event.
These events happened in a political environment that had experienced development of
virtual politics. From almost no influence in 2004, virtual politics became the dominant
influence in presidential selection in 2008. The 2016 presidential election was again
determined by virtual politics. In both 2008 and 2016, the victorious presidential
candidate was the one who had the ability to most adeptly use social media.
In 2008, Barack Obama had out distanced his opponents by more exactly estimating
the potential of virtual politics. Other candidates in 2008 did not perceive that social
media could become the determinate influence of the presidential election. Obama
recognized that social media could control a nucleus of people capable of deciding the
election outcome. As the election of 2008 proceeded, Obama's social media strategy
proved unstoppable. A large number of active supporters were bound together and
committed to Obama with small contributions collected virtually. This activist group
sustained a campaign momentum that opponents could not overcome.
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In 2016, Donald Trump proved to have an extraordinary ability to reach voters with his
political message. No politician proceeding Trump had as successfully reasoned the
cognitive mechanisms of virtual influence. Trump saw in social media the possibility to
reach authentic influence factors. The personalism with which people now received
news and information allowed Trump an opportunity to triumph with persuasion. The
continual stream of virtual images appearing on the personal mobile device was a
natural win for Trump's style of politics.
Two important U.S. presidential elections were, thus, determined by virtual politics. As
the 2020 election began, pundits could note that the preceding two presidents had been
chosen for their adeptness at social media. These elections had been decided
consistent with the candidate who had the most Facebook friends, the most Twitter
followers, and the most followers on Instagram. The route to success with voters
appeared to lead through the montage a virtual images appearing on voters’ mobile
devices.
Something went wrong with the virtual politics formula in 2020. A global pandemic
occurred in 2020 that presented voters the stark reality of a death toll that exceeded all
U.S. deaths because of World War II. These events tested if American presidential
politics had truly been given over to a skillful stream of virtual images appearing on the
personal mobile device. The gravity of the situation in 2020 disrupted assumptions
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about presidential elections belonging to those who could most cleverly use social
media. Joseph Biden, projecting a serious and cautious attitude towards the tragic
events of 2020, succeeded in getting elected.
Then the unimaginable dilemma virtual politics was capable of creating happened. The
defeated, incumbent president of the U.S. refused to accept the election outcome. On
the day that the Electoral College votes were being counted, President Trump
addressed an angry partisan mob encouraging them to attack the U.S. Capitol. A large
number of pro Trump rioters forcibly enter the U.S. Capitol and managed to disrupt
Electoral College proceedings for several hours.
Joseph Biden went on to take office as scheduled January 20, 2021. Donald Trump was
impeached in the House of Representatives for a second time during the final weeks of
his presidency. For the second time, the Republican-controlled Senate refused to
sustain Trump’s impeachment, and he was not convicted. Over 520 people who forcibly
enter the U.S. Capitol were arrested and charged with various offenses related to the
events of January 6, 2021.
Virtual politics survived the events of January 6. The creation of political persona with
Internet and social media continues. Now, however, there is a more defined recognition
that popular imagination about politics is being challenged by developments in virtual
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politics. Anomalies between antecedent imagination about politics and present day
political realities are more apparent.
The entire issue of imagination about politics remains a controversial subject within the
U.S. as the 520 cases resulting from the mob violence of January 6, 2021 are as yet
unresolved. Issues about who in the American political system has the ability to explain
these cases is not yet resolved. Traditionally, our political institutions, the Court and the
Congress, have been viewed as communicators with serious responsibilities to explain
political realities like this to citizens throughout the country. The discussion about who
frames political events has become relevant. The role of mainstream media may prove
a substantial influence in developing political cognition about the events of January 6
2021. Recent analysis about the strength of virtual politics in defining politics, creating
agendas, and empowering people cannot be ignored as efforts seek to reaffirm the
usefulness of virtual politics.
This paper is about some of the crucial concerns that confront the U.S. political process
in the aftermath of January 6, 2021. The rioters who stormed the U.S. Capitol have
been termed "insurrectionists." This term denotes people who view themselves as
closely aligned with the political process although presently dissident toward current
outcomes. These are people who both before January 6 and the day of the riot had an
Internet and social media connected vision of politics.
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From the perspective of American politics, the months ahead are likely influential as
who determines imagination about politics becomes a central issue. Rarely, if ever, has
the U.S. seen such a controversy about who shapes political imagination. The
protagonist in this conflict exemplify contending factions for influence in the present
politics. The relative influence of political institutions, mainstream media, and virtual
politics are likely all to be tested as consensus about the events of January 6, 2021
develop.
Imagination about Politics Shatters with the Capitol Riot
U.S. history has seen few impeachments of the chief executive. The most recent of
these impeachments occurred because the incumbent president sent an angry mob
across town in Washington D.C. encouraging them to storm the Capitol. Allegedly, the
2020 election was being stolen in Electoral College proceedings. The mob was acting
to stop this travesty. The events of January 6 are a more dramatic insurrection than
anything that had previously happened in the country's history. Imagination about what
could happen in U.S. politics will never be the same as a result of these events.
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Figure One
President Trump Speaking to Protesters with mobile devices, January 6, 2021.
The pro Trump mob arrived at the U.S. Capitol as debate was in progress about
objections to Electoral College procedures in Arizona. The breach of the Capitol
occurred as rioters made their way inside the building through a broken window. Once
inside the building, the rioters made their way to the House and Senate chambers.
Elected representatives were forced to flee and go into hiding. Gunshots were fired in
the House chamber. After 4 hours, Capitol police were able to restore order. Electoral
college vote-counting then proceeded. Biden was eventually certified as the president -
elect.
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The American public and the world learned about the U.S. Capitol riot as they receive
other important news updates. As with other current news, virtual sources were
influential shaping initial perceptions of the disorder. Journalism about the happenings
at the Capitol recounts the basic events of the day. The photo journalism is more
influential, however. Vivid images of rioters inside the U.S. Capitol create the popular
imagination of this occurrence.
Figure Two
Images of the January 6, 2021 Riot all featuring mobile devices.
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The increasing importance of virtual politics is evident in the photos in Figures One and
Two. The omnipresent mobile device can be found in all of these photographs. The
phenomenological presence of virtual politics in these images is undeniable. As the
rioters breached the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, they photographed themselves
extensively. The disorderly and disruptive conduct of these persons is deemed a
serious misunderstanding by the government. During the siege upon the Capitol,
participants were not reluctant to take pictures with their mobile devices and to be
photographed themselves.
How the Capitol Riot was Popularly Perceived
Public opinion about the riot evidenced a country with sharp partisan differences. The
basic explanation that the Republicans objected to the Democrats gaining control of the
White House has considerable explanatory power. Research conducted at various times
in the months since the riot reveals a continual difference between Republicans and
Democrats in perceptions about these events. With the passage of time, these
differences appear to be becoming greater. Months after the riot, Republicans tend to
emphasize a belief that the siege was largely non-violent. By April 2021, approximately
50 percent of all Republicans interviewed believe that Trump should run again in 2024.
(Oliphant and Kahn, 2021)
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Immediately following the events of January 6th 2021, public opinion about Trump
supporters taking over the Capitol building analyzed events in a partisan manner. In a
survey conducted on January 6, of 1448 U.S. voters nearly half of Republicans
approved of the Capitol riot. (Statista, January 8, 2021). First reactions to the Capitol riot
evidence the powerful political support virtual politics had produced for President Trump.
Figure ThreeYouGov survey finds nearly half of Republicans approve of Capitol Riots
Source: Statista, January 2021, “Nearly Half of Republicans Approve”
An inference that is possible from this data is that social media and the Internet does
have the ability to create loyal political supporters. The virtual media strategies that
Trump had followed with vivid images and tweets resulted in a substantial number of
Republicans believing his claim that the 2020 election was being stolen from him.
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As the events of January 6, 2021 were better understood, public opinion became more
critical of the happenings. Figure Four presents that Americans came to overwhelmingly
reject the events surrounding the Capitol riot. A few days after the riot only 4% of those
interviewed would tell interviewers that they strongly approved of the riot. By contrast
71% acknowledged strongly disapproving.
Figure Four Approval or disapproval of Trump supporters taking over the capitol building
Source: Statista, February 2021, “Do You Approve of the Trump Supporters
The partisan difference that was noticeable immediately after the riot continued
although to a lesser extent. Table Five presents that disapproval for the riot had
increased among both Republicans and Democrats. Pronounced differences between
the two partisan identifications continued, however.
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Figure FiveJanuary 24-26 poll showing support for storming the Capitol by party
Source: Statista, February 2021, “Share of Support for Protesters”
The maturation effect between the first poll and the later poll will prove a trend that
continues.
The interpretation Americans gave the Capitol riot showed a partisan difference.
Substantial differences occurred between Republicans and Democrats as to whether
Trump was responsible for the riots. Both Democrats and Independents evidenced
substantial agreement that Trump was responsible. Figure 6 presents that an
astounding 98% of Democrats believe Trump is to blame for the Capitol riot.
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Figure SixPartisan Division on Trump's Responsibility for the Riot
Source: Buchholz, 2021
A snap poll conducted by Ipsos between 5:30 p.m. and 9 p.m. EST conducted January
6, 2021 revealed more support for dissident action than ordinarily would be imagined.
51% of those questioned agreed that "if elected officials do not protect America, regular
people need to." The same poll found that 51% saw the "events as an attempted coup."
31% reported they did believed "these protests are necessary to protect America."
Support for the rioters was not substantial, however. 70% opposed the Capitol
protesters with 19% supporting them. 74% said the "protesters who broke into the
Capitol should be arrested." (Jackson, 2021)
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Figure SevenSummary of agrees with statements about the Capitol riot
Agree Summary Total
The storming of the Capitol building is an attempted coup. 51%
This protest and unrest is necessary to protect America. 31%
Donald Trump should be immediately removed from office for promoting this unrest.
51%
The protesters who broke into the Capitol building should be arrested.
74%
If elected leaders do not protect America, people need to. 51%
(Source: Jackson, 2021)
When the issue of the protest’s threat to democracy was queried in a poll, important
partisan differences again were revealed. A much larger percentage of Democrats saw
the protesters as a threat to democracy than the Republicans.
Figure EightWere the U.S. Capitol Protesters a Threat to Democracy?
Source: Statista, January 2021, “Opinions among Registered Voters”
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This data was collected a couple of weeks later than the first poll. As in the other data,
partisan divisions about the seriousness of the Capitol riots remain great. Only a slight
change could be observed in decreasing support for the protesters.
Initially, there were disparate opinions about the significance of the U.S. Capitol riots.
Partisan differences in opinion were great. Possibly, a majority of citizens attempted to
comprehend the events of January 6th as a conflict between Republicans and
Democrats about who would take office January 20th. Opinions supporting the protests
as either necessary to protect America or a reasonable alternative for advancing party
objectives were not uncommon. Almost all Democrats condemned the Capitol riot.
Differences about blaming Trump for the riot were substantial based on party. A
preponderant majority supported arresting those who had breach the Capitol. A majority
of all those who identified as either Democrat, Republican, and Independent did not
support the protesters who stormed the Capitol January 6th.
The U.S. Capitol Riot, Several Months Later
By June 2021, unresolved issues about the Capitol riot have almost become dominant.
The question about who communicates about the January 6 events remains largely
unanswered. Some of the same issues unresolved in who influences campaigns appear
to be determining how the Capitol riot is popularly understood. The institutions of
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government are still predominantly silent and offering little direction to citizens in better
comprehending January's events.
Of the U.S.'s three branches of government, the Congress and the Court have yet to
weigh in on the Capitol protest. The administration that took office January 20 has
arrested approximately 520 individuals identified to have breached the Congress. These
520 cases have not, as yet, been vigorously prosecuted. The U.S. Department of
Justice maintains a scorecard on its website identifying each of those persons being
prosecuted including citing criminal charges and case outcomes. (U.S. Justice
Department, 2021) As of June 2021, no cases have reached the stage where the
courts make known their disposition. Insider maintains a popular website that likewise
has a searchable table of those so far arrested for swarming the U.S. Capitol.
According to Insider, 521 people have been arrested and charged with crimes for
forcing Congress into lockdown and damaging the halls of government. Figure Eight is
from Insider’s searchable table.(Hall, 2021)
Communicating outward from Washington, D.C. to the hinterland of the U.S. about the
events of January 6th is not going well. People at a distance are left wondering if lack of
vigorous prosecution is akin to a driver throwing the steering wheel of his car out the
window when it comes to communicating from Washington. The Biden Administration
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Figure NineInsider's Searchable Website of Those Charged for the Capitol Insurrection
Source: Hall, 2021
maybe losing opportunities to inform and educate citizens about January 6.
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Partisan factors remain a major hindrance to any coherent message about the Capitol
riot. Democrats in Congress attempted to create a bipartisan commission to investigate
the Capitol riot. A Congressional Commission similar to this proposed commission was
used to investigate the events of 9/11. Congress' role in communicating to the nation
could possibly have been accomplished with such a commission. Senate Republicans
blocked efforts to establish this congressional commission. (Hall, 2021) The Biden
Administration has ruled out creating a presidential commission to investigate the riot
because of a belief Congress should be the one to investigate. (Hymes, 2021)
Two other issues complicated public understanding of January 6. First, those people
who took part in the riot were a diverse group geographically. Second, a large number
of rioters were former members of the armed forces or employees of police
departments. The phrase "insurrectionist" was significantly influenced by the societal
connections these people had. " Insurgency," "mutiny, " and "revolt" are all synonyms
which exemplify the connotative meaning of "insurrectionist." The term is strongly
suggestive of an insider type who finally rebels against something he grates against.
Many explain January 6 as a failed coup. The Democratic dangerousness of the Capitol
breach is perceived to be because of the amount of societal skills the rioters possessed.
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The highest number of rioters appear to have been from Texas, Florida, New York, and
Pennsylvania. 45 states had someone arrested who participated in the riots. All areas
of the United States are represented among those who were arrested. (Hymes, 2021)
Figure TenStates with the Most Capitol Riot Arrests
Source: McCarthey, 2021
The map in Figure Nine could be updated with more recent data. As of June 13, 2021,
45 Texans have been charged. Florida had at least 39 residents arrested while
Pennsylvania and New York each had 37 detained. (Hymes, 2021)
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Jake Angelli, symbol of the event with his face paint and fur headdress with horns, was
arrested in Arizona. Angelli was charged with violent entry and disorderly conduct. The
man who was photographed carrying off Speaker Nancy Pelosi's lectern, Adam
Johnson, was from Florida. He was charged with disorderly conduct on Capitol grounds,
violent entry, and theft of government property. Richard Barnett from Arkansas who was
photographed with his feet on Speaker Pelosi's desk "was charged with unlawful entry,
disorderly conduct and theft of public money, property, or records." (McCarthy, 2021)
There were at least 51 current or former military members among those arrested. One
active duty service member and four Army Reserve or National Guard troops were
detained. Court documents identify that 45 arrested had previously served in the
military. Those arrested included 22 former U.S. Marines, 18 who had served in the
Army, two who had been in the Navy, and two who had served in the Air Force.
Defendent Jeffrey McKellop had been a member of the Army Special Forces Green
Berets. (Hymes, 2021)
At least 12 of those arrested were former police officials or currently employed in law
enforcement. A current firefighter and former firefighter were among those charged.
One of the people charged, Alan Hostetter, had been Chief of Police in La Habra,
California. Sara Carpenter and Thomas Webster formerly of the New York Police
Department were arrested. Monmouth County, New Jersey Correctional police officer
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Marissa Suarez resigned after she was arrested. Houston police officer Tam Dinh Pham
likewise resigned after arrest. Nicholas Lentz, formerly employed with North Miami
Beach and Fort Pierce, Florida police departments was charged after posting videos
from inside the Capitol. In one of Lentz's social media posts he said, "We're not here to
hurt any cops of course. I love my boys in blue, but this is overwhelming for them."
(Hymes, 2021)
Extremist groups were well-represented among the rioters. At least 67 of those arrested
had an extremist group connection. Proud Boys, Oath Keepers, Three Percenters,
Texas Freedom Force, and the conspiracy ideology QAnon could claim people involved
in breaching the Capitol.(Hymes, 2021)
Demographically, most of the rioters were men. At least 53 women were also arrested
for their participation. The ages of only 150 defendants are known. The youngest Bruno
Joseph Cua, 18, posted online, "President Trump is calling us to FIGHT!" The oldest, 80
year old Army veteran Gary Wickersham, told authorities he believed he was authorized
to enter the capitol because he pays his taxes. (Hymes, 2021)
The January 6th Riot and Future Politics
The partisan implications of the Capital riot appear to be the significant development
with which future politics must contend. Partisan differences in perception of the events
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of January 6 remain substantial. Efforts by Trump allies to gloss over the riot have been
reasonably successful. A March 30-31, 2021 poll by Reuters/Ipsos found that 6 in 10
Republicans believe the false Trump claim that the November presidential election was
stolen due to widespread voter fraud. The same proportion of Republicans believe,
according to this poll, that Trump should run again in 2024. The myth that is developing
among Republicans is that the protests of January 6 were "mostly peaceful" or were
staged by left-wing protesters to embarrass the president. The Reuters/Ipsos poll
presents that the majority of Republicans "have embraced the myth." 8 in 10 Democrats
and 6 in 10 Independents reject these false claims. (Oliphant, 2021)
Reuters reports that the disinformation campaign "reflects a growing consensus within
the Republican Party that its fortunes remain tethered to Trump and his devoted base."
A party pundit, Tim Miller who was formerly associated with Jeb Bush's campaign, was
reported to have said, "Congressional Republicans have assessed that they need to
max out the Trump vote to win. That is the path back to the majority." Miller continues
that the window for the Republican Party to distance itself from Trump seems to have
passed. According to Miller, "There was a chance after January 6 for Republican
leaders to really put their foot down and say 'we can't be the insurrectionist party.' Now
that opportunity is totally gone." (Oliphant, 2021)
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The absence of influential reasoning from U.S. political institutions about the riot has
devolved this responsibility to political parties. The Democrats and Republicans have
proceeded in substantially different directions in defining the events of January 6. These
differences carry over into public opinion about the prosecution of Capitol rioters. With
so many people facing criminal charges for breaching the Capitol, the eventual
disposition of 520 cases is of interest. The courts have yet to add their reasoning to
explanations about these happenings. The ability of successful legal proceedings
against so many people to reverse public opinion is presently only conjecture.
Public opinion research about American beliefs in prosecuting the Capitol rioters has
found a large majority of the public deems these prosecutions as "very important." 69%
of Americans agree "it is very important for federal law enforcement agencies to find and
prosecute the people who broke into the U.S. Capitol on January 6." Nearly half of
Americans (47%) express the opinion that they believe "the criminal penalties that the
rioters will receive are likely to be less severe than they should be given what
happened." 22% react that the penalties for the riot are likely to be more severe than
they should be. (Pew, 2021) Figure Ten presents this data graphically.
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Figure ElevenPublic Opinion about Prosecuting the Rioters
Source: Pew, 2021
The public opinion questions presented in Figure Ten are unusual in American politics.
Attitudes in favor of a government policy are rarely as supportive as the 69% that agree
prosecuting Capitol rioters is "very important." The opinion that rioters will receive less
severe criminal penalties than they deserve is an atypical expression of the idea that
government cannot protect America.
When the data from questions presented to respondents in Figure Ten is analyzed by
partisan differences, Republicans are found to be much less critical of the Capitol
rioters. 50% of Republicans believe prosecuting the Capitol rioters is very important
contrasted to 86% of Democrats. Belief the rioters will not get an adequately severe
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sentence is agreed to by 65% of the Democrats and only 26% of Republicans. (Pew,
2021) Figure Eleven presents this data graphically.
Figure TwelvePartisan Differences in Public Opinion about Prosecuting the Rioters
Source: Pew, 2021
The Republican Party has often been explained as more law and order directed. Figure
Eleven evidences that situational reality can change support for law and order issues.
Concerns about partisan success appear to predominate over law and order ideas.
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A Research Design to Improve Analysis of Virtual Politics and the January 6 Capitol Riot
Now that the era of virtual politics has produced a happening in American politics that
truly defies antecedent imagination of political events, attempting to better understand
the occurrence's connection to technology appears useful. A basic qualitative methods
research design is useful in effectively defining some issues about virtual politics and
the riot. Almost inevitably, the occurrences at the U.S. Capitol will eventually be
compared to other major protest happenings such as Arab Spring. From proceeding
instances where virtual technology has reinforced and motivated political dissent some
relevant questions about technology and the riot are understood in advance.
Mobile technology is often discussed as accomplishing empowerment. Two possible
ways mobile devices empower protest activity can be conceptualized. First, the mobile
device reinforces by keeping relevant political information at the user's fingertips.
Knowing what is happening, being informed, and being connected can assure a person
of adequate political information to be politically active. Second, a mobile device can
cause of person to believe he is joining the ethnography of a public place. The appeal of
the public place is the ethnography that has proceeded a person's arrival. Sometimes
the preceding ethnographic happenings in a public place are so attractive that a person
has a compulsion to attempt to join himself to that ethnography. Devising a personal
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narrative with selfies and other personal pictures joins the person’s own perspectives to
the ethnography of the public place. There may be other psychological mechanisms that
produce empowerment.
Data to effectively analyze which of these two possible explanations are influential in the
U.S. Capitol riot can be obtained with theoretical sampling. Qualitative methods allows a
data sample to be devised as the researcher chooses examples that he believes are
useful in developing knowledge about theoretical concerns. There exists an extensive
collection of photographs taken during the U.S. Capitol riot. Since this paper has been
analyzing virtual politics and the political persona unconnected to antecedent
imagination about politics, devising a sample that presents rioters using mobile devices
could be useful. Figure Twelve is a data sample of 20 images chosen from images
about the Capitol riot.
Any collection of images of this sort creates a narrative. Taken together these 20
images tell a story about how virtual technology influenced the Capitol riot. When this
narrative is comprehended, one acquires some knowledge about how the January 6
rioters perceived themselves. The images in the narrative allow one to emphasize with
those who had breached the Capitol. As the narrative is reasoned, one gains an ability
to better understand how mobile devices are working to empower the rioters.
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Figure ThirteenImages of Mobile Devices and the Capitol Riot
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Opinions can be generated about how devices are keeping rioters connected with a
continual stream of politically relevant information. Political activism is known to
increase when people believe they have a sufficient amount of political information.
Possibly, the image narrative is convincing that rioters sustain their activities because
they are confident if they are connected. Trustworthy sources of political information are
together with them virtually, and they have the ability to accomplish their objectives.
Alternatively, the narrative could convince that the rioters want to join the ethnography
of the public place. The U.S. Capitol is awesome public place with a rich and diverse
history. Great people and illustrious deeds are connected with the Capitol. Imagining
that the people who have breached the Capitol are reacting to some powerful,
compulsive urge is a possible explanation for the protest. This explanation suggests
there is some sort of critical deprivation that may be catalyzed by virtual technology. As
yet, not enough is known about how features of social media and Internet affect
behavior. What is known is that vivid images have a powerful motivating ability. (Daft
and Lengel, 1986) There are likely other properties of virtual reality that are not now well
understood. Some of the behavior evident in the image narrative is of people using their
virtual technology in hand to more closely identify with the ethnography of the public
place.
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Analysis of this narrative data is possible with interpretive techniques. As the narrative
allows the researcher an improve empathy with the rioters, an ability is gained to better
perceive the dilemma that occurs as virtual reality empowers and creates new political
persona. The increasing amount of political information readily available to people is
everywhere regarded as sound to democratic development. Increasingly, there is also
awareness that there is still much to be learned about how virtual reality affects
behavior. For those who approve of more complex qualitative data analysis, a cognitive
mapping procedure could analyze this narrative data. If one's reaction to an image is
assigned a location on a two-dimensional cognitive schemata, some assistance may be
gained in orderly understanding of the data.
Conclusion
This paper has analyzed a leading dilemma that has occurred since virtual politics
gained in importance. Since before 2008, Internet and social media have been
increasing in importance. The personal mobile device, always present, has become the
dominant source of political news and information. Political reality has become
significantly influenced by the increasingly vivid and sophisticated images that occur in a
continual montage. The powerful influence of the media continues to increase as
technological advances improve the sophistication of content. Political organization has
followed these technological innovations. Successful candidates in U.S. politics have
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boasted about having the most Facebook friends, Twitter followers, and Instagram
followers. A devastating global pandemic has interrupted the seemingly inevitable
conversion of U.S. politics to an exercise in virtual reality. The dire realities of pandemic
have produced a reluctance to return political leadership to a recognized leader in
virtual manipulation. Donald Trump's 2020 re-election campaign failed possibly
influenced by him once being impeached during his first term in office. Joseph Biden,
President Obama's vice president, was elected president in November 2020.
Something went wrong in all the political persona developed by virtual politics in the
transition from the Trump Administration to the Biden Administration. On January 6,
2021, many virtually empowered personalities could not accept that the powerful
connection to political reality they had accepted failed them. When time came to count
the electoral votes in the Electoral College, some slight suggestion from the virtually
trusted political guru Trump sent several hundred protesters to siege the U.S. Capitol.
For approximately four hours, the protesters took control of the Capitol interrupting the
procedures of the Electoral College. Eventually, order was restored and Biden was
certified as President elect. Approximately 520 protesters were arrested on various
charges associated with breaching the Capitol.
U.S. political reality was significantly shattered by such a siege of the Capitol. Public
opinion research revealed that a large percentage of Americans deemed the Capitol riot
34
as an attempted coup d'etat. Partisan differences in perception about the events of
January 6 were initially great. As the months passed, the Republicans and the
Democrats continued to perceive the siege on the Capitol differently. A large proportion
of Republicans accepted attempts to minimize the disorderliness of the riots. After a
couple months about half of those identifying as Republicans reported believing Trump
should run again in 2024. Democrats remained united in condemning the events of
January 6 and blaming Trump for encouraging rioters.
The influence of virtual politics on the U.S. political system remains uncertain. One
political pundit has reported that among Republican congressman a re-election truth is a
belief in maxing out support from Trump's political base. The Republicans have
successfully blocked a congressional investigation of the Capitol riot. There are now
approximately 520 criminal cases against rioters pending. No cases have yet produced
a judicial determination. How the events of January 6 eventually influence U.S. politics
are uncertain. For the political analyst the problem is one of estimating who it is that
determines framing political happenings and devising agendas in U.S. politics. Since the
advent of virtual politics, considerable discussion has happened about the relative
influence of mainstream media contrasted to social media. The importance of political
institutions, the Congress and the Court, in influencing politics need be factored into the
equation. Innovations in virtual politics such as more advanced devices, more
sophisticated and vivid imagery, the gaining influence of Internet personalities in social
35
networking, and of proliferation of social apps likewise are evaluated as potentially
influential. Who controls how the January 6, 2021 riot determines political outcomes is
still significantly conditioned by the increasing importance of virtual politics.
Now there is an outstanding example of a political happening close at hand unlike
anything in antecedent imagination of U.S. politics. Welcome to the world of virtual
politics! A research design has been presented by this paper possibly useful in
improving understanding of virtual politics. Theoretical sampling created a sample of
Capitol riot images showing the extensive use of mobile devices during the riot. Internet
equipped devices are known to be empowering. Reasons for this empowerment
possibly could be better comprehended from the visual data. The paper suggests
asking if empowerment happens because the mobile devices provide connection to
reliable sources of political information. An alternative choice in explanation is that
mobile devices catalyze with the public place. Thanks to mobile devices, people may
appear to have a compulsion to identify with the ethnography of the public place. As
virtual reality continues to gain importance the example and research methods
presented in the paper are thought of as pragmatic in rationally adapting to
technological Innovation and politics.
36
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