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    Canadi an J ournal of

    Pol i t i cal

    and Soci al

    Theory

    Revuecanadi ennede t heor i e pol i t i que et soc i al s

    Edi t or/ R

    dacteur

    Ar t hur Kr oker

    P o l i t i c a l

    Sci ence,

    W nni peg)

    Managing Edi t or/

    Redactri ce

    on

    chef

    Mari l oui se Kr oker

    Associate

    Edi tor/Rbdacteur adj oi nt

    Al ki s

    Kontos

    P o l i t i c a l

    Economy,

    Tor ont o)

    Revi ew

    Edi t or/

    RBdacteur des recensi ons

    Al l en

    Mi l l s P o l i t i c a l

    Sci ence, W nni peg)

    Advi sory

    Board/Comte

    c ons ul t at i f

    BenAgger Soci ol ogy,

    Wat er l oo) ,

    Howard

    Ast er

    P o l i t i c a l

    Sci ence,

    McMast er) , P h i l l i p

    Hansen

    P o l i t i c a l St udi es, Mani t oba) ,

    Kenneth

    J

    Hughes Canadi an L i t e r a t u r e ,

    Mani t oba) ,

    W l l i a m Lei ss

    P o l i t i c a l Sci ence

    and Envi r onment al

    St udi es,

    York),

    J ames

    Moore P o l i t i c a l

    Sci ence, Concordi a), RayMorrow

    Soci ol ogy,

    Mani t oba) , Mark Novak

    Soci ol ogy,

    W nni peg) ,

    Rod

    Preece

    P o l i t i c a l

    Sci ence,

    W l f r i d

    L aur i e r ) ,

    Henry

    Vel t meyer

    Soci ol ogy, St

    Mar y s) ,

    Davi d Wal ker P o l i t i c a l

    Sci ence, Wnni peg) ,

    Deena

    Wei nst ei n

    Soci ol ogy, De

    P aul ) ,

    M chael

    A Wei nst ei n P o l i t i c a l

    Sci ence, Purdue) ,

    Davi d

    N

    Wei sstub

    Osgoode

    Hal l LawSchool , York),

    Cl audi a

    A Wi ght P o l i t i c a l Sci ence, Wn-

    ni peg)

    The

    Canadi an

    J our nal

    of

    P o l i t i c a l

    and Soci al Theory i s a r ef ereed, i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y

    r evi ew publ i shed t ri annual l y Wnter, Spri ng-Summer and

    F a l l

    Annual

    Subscri pt i on

    Rat es

    I ndi vi dual s, 10

    . 0 0 ;

    St udent s, 7

    . 00 I n s t i t u t i o n s ,

    15

    . 00

    Si ngl e

    Copi es, 5

    . 00

    Pl ease

    add 2

    . 0 0 extra per

    year

    f o r

    post age

    out si de

    o f

    Canada. / L a

    Revue

    canadi enne

    de t heori e

    pol i t i que

    et soci al e

    est

    une r evue

    i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a i r e

    dont

    t o u t a r t i c l e publ i e es t

    choi si par

    un j ury de

    l ect eurs

    i ndependant s

    E l l e e s t publ i ee t r oi s f o i s par

    anen

    h i v er ,

    au

    pr i nt emps- 6t 6

    et

    en

    automne Abonnement

    annuel

    10

    . 00

    ;

    et udi ant s,

    7

    . 00

    ;

    i n-

    s t i t u t i o n , 15 00 Lenumero

    5

    . 00 Aj out er 2 . 00 de f r a i s post aux

    pour

    abonnement

    a

    I et r anger

    E d i t o r i a l

    and busi ness correspondence shoul d be sent

    t o

    Pr o f essor Ar t hur Kroker,

    Department

    o f P o l i t i c a l

    Sci ence, The Uni versi t y

    o f

    W nni peg, 515

    Por t age

    Avenue, Wn-

    ni peg,

    Mani t oba,

    Canada, R3B

    2E9

    Aut hors

    ar e r equest ed

    t o

    f orward t hree copi es

    of

    t he manusc r i pt

    and

    t o provi de sel f - addressed

    envel opes w t h correct

    post age

    Foot -

    not es

    shoul d

    be assembl ed

    on separat e sheet s . / Tout e

    correspondence

    doi t et r e

    adressee au

    pr of esseur

    Ar t hur Kroker, Departement de Sci ence P o l i t i q u e ,

    Uni versi t y

    deW nni peg, Mani t oba, Canada R3B2E9 On

    demande

    aux col l aborat eurs d envoyer

    t r o i s

    exempl ai r es de l eur manuscr i t

    et

    de

    l e s

    accompagner d une envel oppe

    t i mbree

    et

    adressee

    A

    I expedi t eur

    Les

    not es

    doi vent

    etre

    dact yl ogr aphi ees

    sur

    des

    f e u i l l e s

    separees A

    l a

    n

    de

    I a r t i c l e

    Cor r espondi ng

    address f o r

    Revi ews Pr of essor Al l en Mi l l s , Depar t ment

    o f

    P o l i t i c a l

    Sci ence, The Uni versi t y

    o f

    W nni peg, 515

    Por t age

    Avenue W nni peg, Mani t oba, R3B

    2E9 / Adresse A

    l aquel

    t

    f a u t

    envoyer

    l es

    comptes

    r endus

    Pr of esseur Al l en

    M l l s ,

    Departement

    de Sci ence P o l i t i q u e ,

    Uni versi t y de W nni peg, W nni peg, Mani t oba,

    R3B

    2E9

    The J ournal acknowedges wth gra t i t ude the

    generous assi stance

    of

    the

    Canada

    Counci l and the

    Uni ver si t y of Wnni peg

    . / L e s

    r6dacteurs

    t i ennent 6 ex-

    primer l our

    reconnatsance

    auConsei l

    des Arts du

    Canada et

    au

    Uni ver si t i

    de

    Wnni peg

    I ndexed

    i n/ I ndi xee

    au

    I nt ernat i onal

    P o l i t i c a l

    Sci ence

    Abst r act s/ Document at i on

    pol i t i que

    i nt ernat i onal e

    ;

    Soci ol ogi cal Abstracts

    I nc

    Member o f

    t he

    Mani t oba I ndependent Publ i shers

    Associ at i on and

    t he Canadi an

    Per i odi cal Publ i sher s

    Associ at i on

    ous droi t s

    reserves 1978,

    Canadi an J our nal of P o l i t i c a l

    n

    Soci al

    Theor y,

    I nc /Revue

    canadi ennede t heori e pol i t i que

    et

    soci al e,

    Ltye

    I SSN03809420

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    n di n

    J our nal

    of

    o l i t i c a l

    andSoci al Theor y

    Revue

    canadi enne

    de t heor i e

    pol i t i que

    e t

    s oc i a l e

    Wnter ver

    978

    Vol ume

    Number

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    Contents Sommdi re

    Adver t i s i ng, Needsand Commdi ty Fet i shi sm

    St ephen Kl i ne

    and

    W l l i am

    L ei s s

    Emanci pat or y

    Theor y/ Theor i e

    sur Femanci pat i on

    Mer l eau- Pont y s Cr i t i que

    of

    Mar xi s t Sci ent i sm

    J ohn

    O Nei l l

    33

    Mar cus e and t he Pr obl em

    of

    Happi nes s

    Char l es Rachl i s

    63

    Rei f i cat i on andRecol l ect i on

    Emanci pat or y I nt ent i ons

    and

    t he

    Soci ol ogy

    of Knowedge

    J ams

    Schmdt

    89

    T o t a l i t y

    Tempor al i t y

    and

    Pr axi s

    Ex i s t e nt i a l

    Phenomnology

    andC r i t i c a l P o l i t i c a l Theor y

    Her ber t

    ei d

    113

    Revi ewA r t i c l e s Comtes

    rendus

    omnati on

    and

    Li ber at or y P o l i t i c s

    Doug

    Tor ger son

    137

    Rat i onal

    Egoi sm

    and t he L i ber al St at e

    DavidM l n e

    159

    Vol ksgei st and t he edempti on

    of

    Associ at i ons

    J ack

    Vow es 163

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    Exchange Echange

    Trade

    Uni ons t heWorki ngCl ass n t he State

    Al vi n

    Fi nkel

    167

    ol i t i c l

    Economy

    Quest i on

    of

    Theory

    Henry Vel t meyer

    171

    Tory Myth

    n

    Conservat i ve

    Real i t y

    Hor ow t z

    Revi si t ed

    od

    Preece

    175

    Books

    Recei ved Li vres

    regus

    8

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    Canadi an

    J our nal

    of

    P o l i t i c a l and

    Soci al

    Theor y/ Revue

    canadi enne

    de t heor i e

    pol i t i queet soci al e, Vol 2, No

    1

    (Wnter/ Hi ves,

    1978)

    ADVERTISING

    NEEDS

    ND

    OMMODTYFETISHSM

    StephenKl i ne

    and

    Wl l i am

    Lei r s

    Af t er revi ewi ng

    t he

    l i t e r a t u r e

    on

    consumer

    behavi our one i s

    t empt ed

    t o con-

    cl ude

    t h a t

    i n no other domai n has so much research

    yi el ded

    so

    l i t t l e i ns i ght

    Mar ket researchers ar e everywhere, not i ng our

    responses

    t o

    t he

    l a t e s t i nspi rat i on

    f romt he product desi gner s i magi nat i on Somet i mes

    i t

    seem

    t hat i n

    t he

    vor t ex

    of

    momentary

    consumer

    pref erences

    a l l

    structured a s p e c t s

    of

    human

    needs

    have

    di ssol ved, and have been repl aced by

    t he

    mere

    success i on

    of

    d i s c r e t e

    and

    p e r f e c t l y

    i nt erchangeabl e

    want s Mos t

    s oc i a l s c i ent i s t s

    who

    do

    empi r i cal

    research r e f r a i n f rom vent ur i ng c r i t i c a l comments

    on

    t h i s s i t u a t i o n

    On t he

    ot her

    hand,

    t he

    f a m l i a r

    concept s

    used

    i n

    t he

    r a di c al

    c r i t i q u e

    of

    mar ket

    s oc i e t y

    e s p e c i a l l y t he

    not i on

    of

    commodi ty fe t i sh ism

    have had a purel y r he t o r i c al

    f unct i on,

    because so l i t t l e

    at t empt has

    been

    made

    t o gi ve themsome

    empi r i cal

    cont ent Thi s a r t i c l e

    represent s

    our f i r s t t e nt a t i ve s t eps

    t oward an

    ana l y t i c a l ap-

    proach

    t hat

    d i f f e r s

    f rom

    bot h of t hese

    The st udy

    was based

    upon

    a hypot hesi s

    about

    cont emporary consumer

    behavi our devel oped

    i n

    a

    recent book wri t t en by one of us

    z Thi s hypot hesi s

    suggest s

    t hat we shoul d expect

    t o

    f ind

    i ncreasi ng ambi gui t y and conf usi on i n

    t he sense of sat i sf act i on t hat i s exper i enced

    i n t he

    consumpt i on

    process We

    deci ded

    t o

    l ook

    at

    t he

    way

    adver t i sement s

    are

    composed

    i n

    order

    t o

    det ermne

    whet her we coul d r e f i n e and

    el aborat e t he

    hypot hesi s

    ( Si nce

    our met hodol ogy

    i s

    di agnost i c ,

    i t does

    not

    const i t ut e a

    t e s t

    of t he hypot hesi s

    we sought t o

    c l a r i f y and el aborat e

    t he

    hypot hesi s t hr ough empi r i cal

    i nvest i gat i ons t i s i m

    por t ant

    t o

    not e at t he out set t hat wedo not vi ew advert i si ng

    as t he cause of

    t h i s

    presumed ambi gui t y and conf usi on

    Rather,

    we were at t empt i ng t o see

    whet her

    adver t i sement s present or r e f l e c t

    ambi guous

    messages

    t o con-

    sumer s

    Our

    st udy of adver t i si ng i s

    i nt ended t o

    l ay t he

    bas i s , i n p a r t ,

    f o r new

    ap-

    proaches t o a

    t heory

    of s oc i a l

    change

    I n

    t he

    s oc i al

    sci ence model s t hat cel ebrat e

    t he consumer

    soci et y ,

    general

    i nc r e as e s i n consumpt i on l e v e l s

    under st ood

    as

    i ncr eased a c c e s s

    t o

    commodi t i esare

    regarded

    as primafac ie evi dence of

    s oc i a l

    progress

    Needl ess t o say, wedo not accept t h i s vi ew

    and

    i t i s i nt erest i ng

    t o not e as

    di scussed

    l a t e r t hat

    t h i s

    vi ew i s now

    bei ng

    chal l enged from

    a

    v a r i e t y

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    ST P NKLINE

    ND

    WLLIAMLEISS

    of

    st andpoi nt s ut

    we a l s o

    r e j e c t t he out l ook that i s f ound

    al most

    uni ver sal l y

    i n t he

    radi cal c r i t i q u e

    of c a p i t a l i s t

    s o c i e t y

    Thi s

    out l ook

    has two

    pr i nci pal

    features

    1

    t he

    spher e

    of

    consumpt i on

    i s

    subor di nat e

    t o t hat

    of

    produc-

    t ion 2 commodi ty

    f et i shi sm

    r e s u l t s i n t he

    mani pul at i on of consci ousness,

    and

    t h i s

    f a l s e consci ousness (and t he f a l s e needs

    a r i s i n g

    from

    t

    i nhi bi t s t he

    devel opment of

    popul ar demands

    f or

    r e a l i z i n g t r a d i t i o n a l

    s o c i a l i s t goal s

    i n

    i ndust r i al l y- advanced s oc i e t i e s

    The

    f i n a l

    sect i on out l i nes t wo i deas

    whi ch we suggest

    as

    gui del i nes f o r

    f u r -

    ther work The f i r s t i s that s oc i a l t ensi ons

    a r i s i n g

    f r ome f f o r t s

    t o

    def i ne di f f er ent

    structures of

    needs and need- sat i sf acti on

    wi l l

    consti t ut e t he

    mai n sour ce of

    s oc i a l

    change

    opt i ons

    i n

    t he

    comng years The second i s that what ever

    r e s ol u -

    t ion emer ges

    wi l l

    be

    qui t e d i f f e r e n t

    from

    t he expectat i ons

    of bot h

    t he

    apol ogi sts f or t he consumer s oc i e t y

    and t he pr oponent s of

    t he

    tr adi t i onal

    s o c i a l i s t

    v i s i on s

    Consumer Behavi our

    and

    Commodi tyFet i shi sm

    I n

    Sect i on

    bel ow

    t he

    not i on

    of

    a consumer cul t ur e i s out l i ned i n

    r ough

    f a sh i on ,

    i n

    or der

    t o speci f y

    t he

    obj ect i ves

    of

    our

    adver t i s i ng

    st udy

    Thi s not i on

    has been assembl ed

    f r om b i t s and pi eces of

    s e v e r a l t he or i e s

    ; i t represents

    our

    under st andi ng and

    r eformul at i on of t he or i e s of mar ket pl ace behavi our

    that

    c r i t i c i z e t he dom nant

    par adi gms f ound i n convent i onal econom cs

    F i r s t

    we

    s ha l l pr esent and

    comment

    on t wo r ecent

    s t u di e s , Ti bor

    Sci t ovsky s TheJ oyl ess

    Economy and Fred

    Hi r sch s

    Soci al

    L i m t s

    t o

    Gr owt h,

    and then we s hal l tu rn t o

    t he t heor y

    of

    commodi ty

    f e t i sh i smhanded

    down

    i n t he Mar xi st

    t r a d i t i o n

    Sci t ovsky s et out

    t o

    undermne

    t he

    econom c theory of

    r a t i on a l

    behavi our

    and consumer sover ei gnt y

    Thi s i s made upof t he

    f ol l ow ng pr oposi t i ons

    1

    what

    t he

    consumer

    chooses

    t o

    do

    i s

    an

    accur at e

    ref l ect i on

    of

    hi s

    t a s t e s ,

    i

    . e

    .

    hi s

    behavi our i s r eveal ed by hi s preferences and

    v i c e

    versa

    ;

    2 t he consumer

    devel ops

    hi s

    own

    t a s t e s and pr ef er ences i ndependent l y of

    those of ot her con-

    sumer s

    ;

    3

    w t hout s u f f i c i e n t

    means t o s a t i s f y l l of

    hi s de s i r e s , t he consumer

    must keep unsat i sf i ed

    mar gi ns

    on l l hi s

    needs

    and

    desi r es , i n or der t o i n-

    sur e that

    any

    extra

    d o l l a r he spends onone

    t hi ng

    y i e l d s hi m

    as much s a t i s f a c -

    t ion

    as

    that e x t r a do l l a r woul d

    i f

    he spent i t on

    any other t h i ng

    Sci t ovsky chal l enges

    hi s

    f e l l ow

    econom st s by t ur ni ng a ga i n s t

    them

    t h e i r

    most cher i shed val ue

    he cl ai ms that t he theory

    i s u n s c i e n t i f i c i n i t s portrayal of

    human

    psychol ogy

    He

    poi nt s

    out

    that t he

    accept ed

    theory

    si mpl y cannot

    ac -

    count

    at l l f or t he

    obvi ous

    f a c t

    that t he i ndi vi dual s preferences change

    over

    t i me

    or ,

    more

    pr e c i s e l y ,

    that i t

    cannot showwhy or

    how

    preferences change,

    s

    they

    obvi ousl y do

    These

    changes ar e

    under st andabl e

    onl y i n

    r e l a t i o n

    t o

    a

    s oc i a l pr ocess of

    i nt er per sonal

    r el at i onshi ps

    Mor eover ,

    there i s

    r eci pr ocal r e l a -

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    OMMO TYF TI SH SM

    t i o n

    bet ween

    changi ng pref er ences

    and

    changes

    i n

    t he sense

    of

    s a t i s f a c t i o n

    der i ved

    f r om any par t i cul ar

    a c t i v i t y ;

    i n Sci t ovsky s wor ds, t he domnant

    par adi gm

    over l ooks t he

    p o s s i b i l i t y

    t hat t he

    same

    i nf l uences t hat

    modi f y

    our

    t a s t e s mght

    a l s o

    modi f y our abi l i t y t o der i ve

    s a t i s f a c t i o n

    f r om

    t he

    t hi ngs

    t hat

    c a t e r

    t o

    our

    t a s t e s

    Expressed i n

    t s si mpl est

    term, Sc i t o vs k y s

    a na l y s i s at t empt s

    t o

    expl ai n

    why

    t he expect ed

    corr el at i on

    bet ween

    gr eat er happi ness and

    r i s e s

    i n r e a l i ncome

    does not occur

    He

    r e f e r s t o empi r i cal st udi es done i n t heUS

    bet ween 1946

    and 1970 Over

    t h i s per i od, al mos t

    t went y- f i ve y e a r s ,

    per

    capi t a r e a l

    i ncome

    rose by 62 per c e n t , y e t t he pr opor t i on of

    peopl e who

    consi der

    t hemel ves very

    happy,

    f a i r l y happy,

    and

    not t oo

    happy has

    har dl y

    changed at

    l l

    Our

    economc

    wel f ar e

    s

    f orever r i s i n g , but we are no happi er as a

    r e s u l t

    . s

    He

    cl ai m t h a t

    t he

    convent i onal

    economc par adi gms cannot account f or t h i s , and

    he

    at t empt s t o construct a t heor y t hat w i l l doso

    Ther e

    ar e

    four

    di mensi ons F i r s t , t her e

    s empi r i cal evi dence

    t hat peopl e

    der i ve

    s a t i s f a c t i o n f r om s t a t u s i t s e l f ,

    t hat

    s from

    e l a t i v e s oc i al

    r anki ng

    or

    i n-

    t er per sonal compar i sons t hat

    occur

    at any i ncome l e ve l Second,

    s a t i s f a c t i o n s

    der i ved

    f r om

    wor k, but agai n l a r g e l y

    as a

    f unct i on

    of

    t he rel at i ve i ncome and

    pr est i ge at t r i bu t e s of a pa r t i c ul a r j ob i n t he s oc i a l

    hi er ar chy

    Thi r d,

    s a t i s f a c -

    t i o n

    c o r r e l a t e s

    p o s i t i v e l y

    w t h

    novel t y

    i n

    one s

    exper i ences,

    but our

    own

    cul t ure

    t ends

    t o

    st andar di ze

    exper i ence and pr ogressi vel y r educe

    novel t y

    Four t h,

    mat er i al pr ogr ess

    s

    t r ansl at ed

    pr i mar i l y

    i nt o i ncreas i ng

    comort

    Comort,

    however ,

    s

    l i k e

    addi ct i on

    we become

    accus t omed

    t o

    t

    and soon

    take t

    f o r

    gr ant ed

    ;

    t he pr esence

    of new

    comorts

    cease t o gi ve

    pl easur e

    i n

    t hemel ves,

    and

    onl y bei ng depr i ved

    of

    them

    makes us f e e l t he

    pl easur e

    of

    havi ng them

    c e n t r a l

    heat i ng, i ndoor t o i l e t s , adequat e

    quant i t i es of

    f ood,

    f or exampl e) Taken

    t oget her ,

    Sci t ovsky

    concl udes,

    t hey

    wel l

    expl ai n

    why happi ness shoul d de-

    pend s o

    much

    on

    one s r ank i ng

    i n

    s oc i e t y

    and s o l i t t l e on

    t he absol ut e

    l e v e l of

    one s

    i ncome

    .

    The

    backgr ound cont ext t hat

    makes sense of t h i s

    r ank- happi ness

    s of

    c o u r s e , t he mar ket or commodi t y- or i ent ed s o c i e t y

    ost

    i ndi vi dual

    a c t i v i t y

    s

    di r ected at

    i ncr easi ng

    i ncome t hat s e r v e s as t he a c c e s s t o

    pur chasi ng

    goods

    and

    s e r v i c es

    Thi s cont ext s t e a d i l y

    depr eci at es t he

    val ue

    of

    a c t i v i t i e s

    t hat do

    not

    s e r v e t h i s o bj e c t i v e , i ncl udi ng t he i n t r i n s i c s at i s f a c t i on s

    t hat

    mght otherw se be

    der i ved

    f xomwor k c r e a t i v i t y or

    i nf ormal

    i nter per sonal r el at i onshi ps

    No

    s t a b l e

    or per manent sense

    of s a t i s f a c t i o n

    s

    achi eved si mpl y by

    vi r t ue

    of t he

    f a c t t hat

    most i ndi vi dual s have

    hi gher st andar d of l i vi ng t han precedi ng

    genera-

    t i o n s

    had

    Ther e are many ot her i nt erest i ng

    a s p e c t s

    of Sci t ovsky s

    a n al y s i s

    t hat we s hal l

    not comment

    on

    her e

    What has

    been

    present ed above s compl ement ed,

    f r om

    a

    s l i g h t l y

    di f f erent angl e, by

    Hi r sch s

    Soci al

    L im t s

    t o rowth

    The

    ba s i c

    s i m l a r i t y i n

    t he

    t wo

    books

    r e s t s on

    t he i mpact

    of

    changes i n

    i ndi vi dual

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    KLIN

    ND

    WLLI M

    L I SS

    pr ef erences on t he s oc i a l consequences of economc gr owt h

    Hi r sch ar gues

    t h a t ,

    once

    basi c mat er i al

    nec es s i t i es ar e met f or t he

    maj or i t y

    of

    t he popul at i on i n

    mar ket - exchange

    economy,

    t h e r e

    i s

    i n tens i f ied

    compet i t i on

    f or

    what

    he

    c a l l s

    pos i t i onal goods

    Si nce t hese goods

    ar e s c a r c e by t h e i r very

    nature, t he

    i n-

    t e n s i f i e d

    compet i t i on f or thtmy i e l d s no net bene f i t s f or i ndi vi dual s the

    pro-

    por t i on

    of i ndi vi dual s i n t he popul at i on

    who

    get

    them

    r emai ns r oughl y

    con-

    s t ant , and

    at

    t he samet i me

    there

    s

    a

    hi gh

    s oc i a l

    c o s t i ncur r ed

    What ar e posi t i onal goods?

    These

    ar e

    goods whi ch

    def i ne

    s oc i a l

    s t a t u s

    d i f -

    f er ences

    among i ndi v i dual s

    ;

    t h e i r val ue l i e s c h i e f l y

    i n

    t he

    f a c t

    that

    some persons

    possess

    them

    and others do

    not

    For exampl e,

    t o be

    abl e

    t o

    move

    t o a subur ban

    communi ty

    t o

    escape

    a

    decayi ng ur ban

    envi r onment

    can

    be such

    a

    good

    ;

    those

    who can

    do so

    enj oy

    a c c e s s

    both t o

    c i t y

    and

    count r ysi de

    ut

    when

    and i f

    many

    peopl e

    become subur bani t es t he advant ages ar e l a r g e l y negat ed

    t he ur ban

    cul t ur e has

    dec l i ned

    s o

    much that t

    no l onger

    s wor t h

    v i s i t i n g , and t he near by

    count r ysi de

    has been swal l owed upby t he newer subur ban devel opment s

    Al l

    that r emai ns f or most

    i s

    t he wel l - known

    empt i ness

    of

    subur bi a i t s e l f

    Anot her

    exampl e

    s a c c e s s

    t o s ceni c beaut y

    or

    f or ei gn

    cul t ur es

    When

    onl y

    afew

    persons

    have t he means

    of

    a c c e s s ,

    t he advantages t o

    them

    ar e enor mous, as

    i s t he

    s oc i a l

    di st ance bet ween

    them

    and thosewho cannot afford t he c o s t s

    n

    i ncr easi ng

    gener al

    l e ve l

    of

    af f l uence

    opens

    t he

    g a t e s ,

    but

    at

    t he

    pr ice

    of

    shar pl y

    deval ui ng

    t he

    exper i ence,

    due

    t o

    over cr owdi ng and t he r es ul t ant

    det er i or ati on i n

    t he

    qual i t y of t he

    s i t e s

    The det er i or at i on

    of

    over cr owded

    s i t e s

    s

    an

    exampl e

    of t he s o ci a l

    c o s t s

    r e s u l t i n g

    f r omposi t i onal compet i t i on better exampl e can be drawnf romt he

    r el at i onshi p bet ween j obs and educat i onal qual i f i cat i ons

    t

    s

    a

    wel l - known

    f a c t

    t hat t he l e vel of

    educat i onal

    r equi r ement s f or

    j obs

    has been

    s t e a d i l y

    i n-

    c r e as i ng,

    and

    t h a t

    i n most cases t h i s bears l i t t l e or no

    r e l a t i o n

    t o

    t he r e q u i s i t e

    j ob

    s k i l l s

    The f l aw

    l i e s

    i n i ndi vi dual

    ass umpt i ons

    about

    t he

    cor r el at i on

    bet ween

    f or mal educat i on and

    hi gh- payi ng

    j obs The pr opor t i on of top

    posi t i ons

    i n

    s oc i e t y

    r emai ns

    appr oxi mat el y t he same, but l a r ge r numbers of i n-

    di vi dual s now

    compete f or

    them

    S t i f f e r

    educat i onal

    qual i f i cat i ons ar e one of

    t he scr eeni ng mechani sms

    used t o

    s o r t

    out t he compet i t or s

    The same

    propor-

    t i on

    succeed nowas i n t he past

    but s o c i e t y

    pays t he enormous cost of

    l a r ger

    f a c i l i t i e s f or f ormal

    educat i on

    f or

    l l t he compet i t or s

    I n di f f er ent ways bot h Sci t ovsky and Hi r sch ar e concer ned

    w t h

    one of t he

    key

    aspects of a

    compet i t i ve,

    mar ket - or i ent ed

    s o c i e t y whi ch has

    r eached a c e r -

    t a in general

    l e ve l

    of

    mater i al af f l uence

    t he

    i mpor t ance

    of

    t he

    symbol i c

    at -

    t r i but es of

    goods,

    and

    t he

    ways i n

    whi ch

    rank and s t a t u s are

    attached

    t o

    them

    Thi s

    i s

    by

    i t s

    very nat ur e an i nt r actabl e probl emw t h i n t he

    sel f - i mposed

    l i m t s of that

    s o c i e t y

    When r e l a t i v e

    posi t i on s

    at s t a k e , then t he

    s o c i e t y wi l l

    andmust c r e a t e new

    c ar c i t i es at

    every tu rn

    that

    s newsymbol s of

    success t o

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    FETI SH SM

    be s t r i v e n

    f o r

    t mat t er s

    l i t t l e what

    i s

    chosen t o

    s i g n i f y s t a t u s

    di f f er ences The

    i mpor t ant

    poi nt

    t hat t here i s

    no

    l i m t

    t o

    t he

    pr ocess

    Hi r sch

    under st ands what he

    c a l l s

    posi t i onal compet i t i on as i n t r i n s i c a l l y

    r el at ed t o a commodi t y- or i ent ed economy oneof hi s chapt er s

    ent i t l ed

    The

    New

    Commodi ty

    Fet i shi sm The posi t i onal economy

    i n f a c t l a r g e l y an ex -

    pr essi on

    of a bi as t o

    mat er i al

    commodi t i es

    The

    concept

    of a commodi ty b i as

    t h e r e f o r e i mpl i es

    t hat

    an e x c es s i v e pr opor t i on of

    i ndi vi dual

    a c t i v i t y

    channel ed

    t hr ough

    t he

    mar ket

    so that

    t he

    commer ci al i zed

    s e c t o r

    of

    our l i v e s

    undul y l a r g e r el at ed concept whi ch i s sug -

    gest ed by t h i s appr oach i s a commer ci al i zat i on e f f e c t

    meani ng t he e f f e c t on s a t i s f a c t i o n fromany

    a c t i v i t y

    or

    t r ansact i on bei ng

    under t aken

    on a

    commer ci al

    ba s i s

    t hr ough

    mar ket exchange or t equi val ent , as

    compared

    w t h i t s bei ng under t aken i nsomeother way

    Hi r sch

    uses

    t he phr ase

    commodi ty

    f et i shi sm

    i n

    a

    book

    whi ch,

    whi l e

    t

    hi ghl y c r i t i c a l of our pr esent

    s oc i et y

    not

    Mar xi st

    i n

    t he usual sense

    Yet of

    course t h i s

    concept i s one of t he great hal l marks i n t he Marxi st

    c r i t i q u e

    of

    capi t al i sm

    Mos t

    aut hor s who

    wr i t e

    i n

    t he Marxi st

    t r a d i t i o n cont i nue t o

    use i t

    as

    a

    concept

    whi ch

    accur atel y depi ct s

    key

    a s p e c t s of c api t a l i s t

    s o c i e t y down

    t o t he

    pr esent

    day

    On

    f ur t her

    exam nat i on, however , there appear t o be ser i ous d i f -

    f i c u l t i e s

    i n t h i s appr oach

    Marx

    used i t

    i n

    a very

    r e s t r i c t i v e

    s en se and used i n

    t h i s

    sense i t does not have very w de

    r el evance

    f o r

    a

    c r i t i c a l

    assessment of con-

    t empor ar y

    s o c i e t y

    Moreover , there

    a

    bas i c

    f l a w

    i n

    Mar x s

    concept i on

    t hat has

    gone l a r g e l y

    unnot i ced s i n c e

    hi s t i me

    Marx

    devel oped t he

    concept of

    commodi ty

    f et i shi sm

    fromhi s

    p r i o r

    di s c us -

    s i on of

    use- val ue

    and exchange- val ue

    The f ormer

    const i t ut es t he mat t er of

    t he

    commodi t y,

    t he l a t t e r i t s form

    The c r u c i a l aspect

    of

    t h i s ana l y s i s

    i s t hat

    t he f et i shi smof

    whi ch

    he speaks a r i s e s onl y w t h respect t o t heform

    of t he pr o-

    duct

    The

    r el evant

    passages

    ar e wel l - known

    The

    myst i cal char act er of

    t he

    commodi ty

    does

    not

    t her ef or e

    a r i s e

    f r om i t s

    use- val ue

    Whence

    t hen,

    ar i s es

    t he

    eni gmat i c character

    of t he pr oduct of l abour , as soon as

    i t as sumes t he

    f o rmof a

    commodi t y?

    Cl ear l y i t ar i s es from

    t h i s

    f o rm

    i t s e l f

    The myst er i ous character

    of t he

    commodi t y- f or m c o ns i s t s t her ef or e si mpl y i n

    t he f a c t t hat

    9

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    KLINEND

    WLLIAM

    LEISS

    t he

    commodi ty

    r e f l e c t s t he s oc i a l c ha r a c t e r i s t i c s of

    man s

    own l abour

    as

    o b j e c t i v e

    c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of

    t he

    pr oduct s of

    l abour t hemsel ves,

    as t he soci o- nat ur al

    pr oper t i es

    of

    t hese

    t hi ngs t he pr oducts of l abour become commodi t i es,

    sensuous t hi ngs whi ch ar e at t he same t i me supr a- sensi bl e

    or s oc i a l

    These passages

    ar e

    so

    f a m l i a r

    so

    much

    t aken

    f o r grant ed a f t e r r epeat ed c i t a -

    t i o n

    t hat we r a r e l y ask t he obvi ous quest i ons Wat

    e xa c t l y

    t he

    myst er y

    t hat

    al l uded

    t o

    here?

    The

    d i v i s i o n

    of

    l abour has

    stamped

    t he

    pr oducts of

    human

    a c t i v i t y w t h a s o ci a l character as f a r back as our

    ant hropol ogi cal r e -

    sear ches permt us t o go

    Ws

    not t he dual character of

    obj e c t s

    as sensuous

    t hi ngs and as obj ect s whose si gni f i cance i s

    establ i shed

    by

    c ul t ur a l f orms

    al ways qui t e

    obvi ous?

    Further

    i s arx cl ai mng t hat

    peopl e a c t u a l l y

    ar e

    myst i f i ed by

    t h i s

    dual i t y? Or t hat peopl e do not r ecogni ze t he

    c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s

    of

    t h e i r l abour i n t he

    pr oper t i es

    of produced obj ects?

    Let us r e c al l t he

    subsequent passages

    to see

    whet her

    further l i g h t shed on

    t hese

    quest i ons

    t he

    commodi t y- f orm

    and t he val ue- r el at i on of t he

    pr oducts

    of

    l abour w t hi n whi ch

    i t

    appear s,

    have absol ute-

    l y

    no

    connect i on

    w t h

    t he

    physi cal

    nat ure

    of

    t he commodi

    t y and t he

    mat er i al r e l a t i o n s a r i s i n g out

    of

    t h i s I t i s

    not hi ng

    but t he def i ni te s o c i a l

    r e l a t i o n

    bet ween men

    t hemsel ves whi ch assumes here,

    f o r

    them

    t he

    f a n t a s t i c

    form

    of a

    r e l a t i o n

    bet ween t hi ngs I n o r d e r therefore, t o

    f i nd

    an

    anal ogy

    we

    must

    t ake

    f l i g h t

    i nto

    t he

    msty

    r eal m

    of

    rel i gi on

    Ther e

    t he pr oducts of t he human brai n appear as

    autonomous f i gures

    endowed

    w t h a l i f e of

    t h e i r

    own,

    whi ch

    enter i nto

    r e l a t i o n s bot h

    w t h each

    other and

    w t h

    t he

    human

    r a c e

    So t i n t he wor l d of commodi t i es w t h

    t he pr oducts of men s

    hands

    I

    c a l l t h i s

    t he

    f et i shi sm

    whi ch

    at t aches i t s e l f t o t he pr oducts of l abour as soon as t hey ar e

    produced as commodi t i es, and

    therefore

    i nseparabl e

    from

    t he pr oduct i on

    of

    commodi t i es

    The anal ogy w t h r e l i g i o n makes

    c l e a r

    what t he

    e s s en t i a l

    poi nt about t he

    commodi ty i t a

    physi cal

    obj ect t hat appear s t o have a

    l i f e

    of

    i t s own

    Thi s

    consi st ent w t h t he underst andi ng of

    f e t i s h e s

    i n

    pr i m t i ve

    r e l i g i o n a f e t i s h

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    OMMO TY

    F TI SHSM

    i s

    an

    obj ect whi ch

    i t s e l f

    i s

    t hought t o

    pos s e s s c e r t a i n power s,

    t hus

    d i f f e r i ng

    f r om

    an

    i d o l ,

    whi ch

    onl y

    symbol i zes

    t he

    power

    of ,

    s a y , a

    d e i t y

    Thr ee

    poi nt s

    ar e wor t hy of

    not e

    F i r s t , Marx

    s t a t e s

    t hat t he

    commodi ty

    form

    has absol ut el y

    no connect i on

    w t h

    t he

    phy s i c al

    nat ur e of t he

    commodi ty

    ( our i t a l i c s )

    Thus i t

    i s

    not somet hi ng a r i s i n g out

    of

    t he

    i nt er pl ay

    of

    f o rmand

    mat t er

    i n t he

    commodi ty

    t hat i s t he

    i nher ent

    dual i t y of t he

    commodi ty

    i t s e l f t hat

    pr oduces

    t he myst er y

    i t s myst er i ous char act er i s

    s o l e l y

    a

    f unct i on

    of t he

    formal one Second, t he

    passage

    suggests t hat

    al l

    system

    of goods-

    exchange whi ch

    are

    s u f f i c i e n t l y ext ensi ve

    t o

    r equi r e

    a

    separate

    commodi ty

    as a

    medi um

    of

    exchange

    have

    t h i s

    r e s u l t

    t he fe t i shismof commodi t i es bears no

    i n-

    t r i n s i c

    r e l a t i o n

    t o

    t he

    capi t a l i s t

    mode

    of

    pr oduct i on

    Thi r d,

    Marx

    gi v es

    no

    i n-

    di cat i on

    howt he f et i shi smoccurs

    under

    c a p i t a l i s t

    r e l a t i ons

    I n ot her wor ds,

    i f

    t he

    commodi tyform s t he

    general i zed

    f e t i s h , what s p e c i f i c

    ki nds

    of

    f e t i s h i s t i c

    a c t i v i t i e s occur?

    I n order t o devel op

    hi s poi nt , Marx

    c o n t r a s t s

    t he

    medi eval and modern

    per i ods

    Economc

    r e l a t i o n s

    i n t he

    f or mer

    are

    l a r g e l y s e r v i c e s

    i n ki nd and

    payment s i n ki nd , and t he

    s o c i al

    r e l a t i ons

    bet ween

    i ndi vi dual s i n

    t he

    per-

    f or mance

    of

    t h e i r l abour

    appear at

    a l l event s

    as t h e i r

    own

    personal

    r e l at i ons ,

    and are not

    di sgui sed

    as s oc i al

    r e l a t i ons

    bet ween t hi ngs,

    bet ween

    t he

    products

    of

    l abour

    One

    mght

    ask

    whet her

    t h i s

    i s

    an

    accurat e pi ctur e

    of medi eval

    s o ci al

    r e l a t i ons ,

    i

    e

    whet her l abour di d appear

    as a

    f o rm

    of

    per sonal r e l at i on,

    or

    whet her t he f undament al

    dist inct ion

    bet ween nobl e and non- nobl e

    ( whi ch

    may have been a ki nd of fet ishism

    al s o )

    was not

    i n

    f a c t

    t he di f f erent

    d i s g u i s e

    of

    t h a t per i od

    Ther e may

    be l i t t l e di sagr eement

    w t h

    t he

    suggest i on

    that there are

    d i f f e r ent

    f orms

    of

    r e i f i c a t i o n i n s oc i al

    r e l a t i o n s

    The

    quest i on r emai ns

    What e xac t l y i s

    t he

    r e i f i c a t i o n

    i n c a p i t a l i s t

    commodi ty pr oduct i on?

    What exact l y

    i s

    t he

    whol e

    myst er y

    of commodi t i es ,

    al l

    t he

    magi c

    and

    necr omancy

    t hat

    sur r ounds

    t he

    pro-

    duct s

    of

    l abour

    on

    t he bas i s of

    commodi ty

    pr oduct i on?

    t t he end of t he

    chapt er

    on commodi ty

    fet ishism

    Marx

    r e f e r s t o

    what he

    regards a s

    a s e r i e s of

    concept ual

    e r r o r s by e a r l i e r economc t h e o r i s t s

    ;

    and t hese ar e appar ent l y t he

    source of t he

    fe t i shism I t seems somewhat

    of an

    exaggerat i on

    t o speak of

    t hese

    as magi c and

    necr omancy , but t h i s may be mer el y

    qui bbl i ng

    The i m

    por t ant poi nt

    i s

    t hat

    t he

    ki nds of

    not i ons

    Marx r e f e r s t o wer e

    gradual l y

    rej ected

    i n t he f ur t her

    devel opment of bour geoi s economc

    theory

    i n

    ot her wor ds,

    t hey

    r e f l e c t t he i mmat ur e phase of a d i s c i p l i n e

    whi ch was at t empt i ng t o r e p r e -

    sent i n

    concept ual t erm

    t he

    compl ex

    mechani sms

    of

    a general i zed

    mar ket

    ex-

    change

    economy

    Wewoul d l i k e t o

    concl ude

    onl y

    w t h a s e r i e s of

    quest i ons

    1 ) D d Mar x s

    concept

    of commodi ty

    fe t i shism

    r e f e r

    onl y

    or chi e f l y ) t o

    i deol ogi cal

    el ement s i n economc t heor i es

    up

    t o hi s

    day?

    2 )

    Ar e

    there s p e c i f i c

    concept s

    i n

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    ST P NKLIN NDWLLIAM

    LEISS

    contempor ary non- Marxi st

    economc t heori es t hat are expressi ons

    of

    commodi -

    t y

    f et i shi sm

    I f

    s o , what

    are they?)

    3 Dd Marx

    mean that or di nary i n -

    di vi dual s

    i n

    t he

    c a p i t a l i s t

    s o c i e t y

    of

    hi s day, as

    opposed

    t o

    economsts,

    wer e

    myst i f i ed

    ie

    mademstakes

    i n thei r choi ces

    or

    opi ni ons

    because of t he

    way t he system

    of

    commodi ty

    product i on operated?

    I f s o , what s p e c i f i c ki nds of

    mstakes di d they make? 4

    s t

    t he

    case that i ndi vi dual s t oday make t he same

    o r d i f f e r e n t

    mstakes

    f or t he same

    reasons?

    Our tentat i ve

    concl usi on

    i s

    that

    one can

    gi ve

    a

    c l ea r af f i rmat i ve

    answer onl y

    t o t he f i r s t of t hese quest i ons

    I f

    t h i s t he c a s e , then t he concept

    of

    commodi ty

    f et i shi sm

    has a narrow

    range

    of

    appl i cat i on Moreover,

    as

    Mar shal l

    Sahl i ns has

    argued, there

    a

    c r u c i a l

    f l aw

    i n

    Marx s approach

    that

    weakens

    i t s

    c r i t i c a l

    thrust

    Marx assumed that both

    needs

    and u t i l i t i e s are

    obj ecti ve

    condi t i ons

    that can be speci f i ed w t hout ambi gui t y

    Sahl i ns notes

    that f o r Marx t he com

    modi t y

    as a

    use- val ue

    i s

    p e r f e c t l y

    i n t e l l i g i b l e

    :

    i t s a t i s f i e s human needs

    He

    r e f e r s t o t he

    passages

    i n whi ch Marx

    s t a t e s that

    there

    not hi ng myst eri ous i n

    t he

    propert i es

    of obj ects i n

    so

    f a r

    as they are use- val ues, and he

    comments

    But

    not i ce that to

    achi eve

    t h i s

    transparency

    of

    s i g n i f i c a t i o n

    by

    compar i son

    w th

    commodi ty

    f et i shi sm Marx was

    f orced

    to trade

    away t he s o c i a l det ermnat i on

    of

    use- val ues

    f or t he

    bi ol ogi cal

    f a c t

    that

    they

    s a t i s f y

    human wants

    Thi s

    i n

    c o n t r a s t

    t o h i s own best

    under st andi ng that product i on

    i s

    not

    si mpl y

    t he

    r eproduct i on

    of

    human l i f e

    but a def i ni te

    way of l i f e From

    such c ul t u r a l under st andi ng

    t woul d

    f ol l ow

    that a l l u t i l i t i e s

    are symbol i c

    I nsof ar as

    ut i l i t y

    t he concept of

    need

    appropr i at e

    t o a

    c e r t a i n c u l t u r a l

    o r d e r , i t must

    i ncl ude

    a representat i on,

    by

    way

    of

    concrete

    propert i es of

    t he

    o bj ec t , of t he

    d i f f e r e n t i a l

    r e l a t i o n s

    be-

    t ween persons

    as

    c o n t r a s t s

    of c o l o r , l i n e ,

    or

    f a b r i c

    be-

    t ween women s

    cl ot hes and men s s i g n i f y

    t he

    c u l t u r a l

    val uat i on of t he sexes The

    system

    of needs

    must al ways

    be

    r e l a t i v e,

    not account abl e

    as such by

    physi cal

    n ec es s i t y ,

    hence

    symbol i c bydef i ni t i on t

    o

    The

    i dea

    of

    t he

    symbol i c

    consti t ut i on

    of

    u t i l i t y

    i ndi spensabl e

    f or acr i t i que

    of

    consumer behavi our i n an

    i ndust r i al l y- advanced

    s o c i e t y 11

    I f t he

    commodi ty

    qua

    commodi ty has

    an

    eni gmat i c

    character,

    i

    . e

    i f i t has

    such a character

    s o l e l y

    by

    vi rt ue of

    t

    form then one

    of two

    concl usi ons

    must

    f ol l ow Ei t her

    there

    no pr obl em

    h e r e ,

    as the apol ogi sts f o r

    mar ket s o c i e t y

    1 2

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    OMMODTY

    FETI SH SM

    cl ai m or ,

    i f

    there

    i s a

    probl em

    as i t s c r i t i c s say), there i s

    no

    sol uti on to i t

    For

    no i ndust r i al

    soc i et y,

    however

    dedi cated

    t o the

    i deal s

    of

    communi sm

    coul d

    abol i sh

    the commodi ty

    forment i r el y,

    at

    l east not wthout

    runni ng

    the

    r i s k

    of

    erecti nga di ctatorshi p of

    tastes

    i n

    i t s

    pl ace

    I f

    there

    i s

    onl ydi r ect

    product i onf or

    use i n

    smal l communi ty

    groups,

    theneach

    group

    can

    sui t i t s pecul i ar tastes

    ; but

    t hi s

    r est r i ct s the

    assortment of

    goods

    to

    what

    handi crafts can produce I n-

    dust r i al

    product i on

    depends

    on

    extensi ve exchanges ; the

    expressi on of

    i n-

    di vi dual

    preferences

    and a pri ci ng

    mechani smwhi ch

    maybe l i mted

    i n

    i t s

    scope

    by

    express

    pol i c i es

    on

    the

    basi s

    of

    wel fare consi derati ons

    has

    a pl ace

    i n

    f aci l i t at i ng those

    exchanges

    But

    we cannot begi n t o

    understand

    howt o

    desi gn

    such

    pol i c i es

    that

    i s ,

    howt o l i m t the dest r uct i ve ef fec ts

    of

    commodi ty-ori ented

    consumpti on pat

    t er ns

    f

    we

    do

    not recogni ze the symbol i c

    consti tut i on of ut i l i t y

    I t i s the key

    to

    Sci t ovsky s

    di l emmas

    of rank-happ ness, t o Hrsch s

    di l emmas

    of

    the

    posi -

    t i onal

    economy

    and to

    the f et i sh

    of

    the commodi ty

    no t

    the commodi ty

    form as

    t he

    embodi ment of psychol ogi cal l y- gr ounded

    a t t r i b u t e s

    For

    exam

    pl e,

    the

    associ at i on

    of

    automob l es wth

    animal s

    and

    the qual i t i es

    conven-

    t i onal l y ascri bed t o them

    agree

    wth

    Sahl i ns

    that a l l

    ut i l i t i es

    i n a l l cul tures

    ar e symbol i c

    I n

    a soci e-

    t y l i k e

    ours,

    where

    l ar ge numbers

    of

    peop e

    par t i c i pat e

    dai l y i n

    extensi ve

    market exchanges,

    there i s a

    doubl e

    symbol i c process at work One

    facet of

    i t i s

    the

    symbol i smconsci ousl y empl oyed

    i n

    the

    manufacture

    and sal e of

    the

    pro

    duct, i ncl udi ng

    the i magery

    empl oyed

    i n the advert i si ng desi gns The

    second

    f acet i s

    the

    symbol i c

    assoc i at i ons sel ect i vel y

    empl oyed by

    consumers

    i n

    constructi ng l i f e s t y l e model s ; the whol e

    marketp ace i s

    di vi ded

    i nto sem-

    autonomous

    sectors

    whi ch

    respond to di f f er ent cues or to

    the same

    cues

    i n

    di f -

    f erent ways

    do

    not

    pretend to

    have

    devel oped adequately t h i s concept

    of

    the doubl e

    symbol i c

    consti tuti on

    of ut i l i t y

    at t hi s

    t i me

    hope

    to

    do

    so

    i n

    the

    context

    of

    ref i ni ng

    our

    advert i si ng research desi gn, a prel i mnary

    ver s i on of

    whi ch

    i s

    presented

    l at er

    i n t hi s paper

    I t

    i s i ntroduced

    byan

    overvi ewstatement on the

    consumer

    cul ture as awhol e

    I I The

    onsumer

    Cul ture

    The

    phrase

    consumer cul t ur e

    i s

    used

    as

    a

    desi gnati on

    f or

    the

    network

    of

    expectati ons

    and aspi r at i ons that

    formthe

    broader

    context

    of s pec i f i c

    consump-

    ti on

    ac t i vi t i es Unti l recentl y the

    devel opment

    of

    the

    consumer

    cul ture

    had

    been regarded as

    a

    pri vate

    matter,

    i

    . e

    one whi ch i nvol ved onl y the i n-

    di vi dual

    c i t i zen s j udgments

    and preferences Thi s

    i s no

    l onger

    the case

    ;

    i n

    1

    3

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    STEPHEN

    KLINENVILLIAMLEISS

    Canadaandel sewhere,

    governmnts cl a mthat

    i n f l a t i on

    i s i n part a functi onof

    accel erati ng

    expectati ons and they t r y

    t o combat th i s

    accel erati on

    of expecta-

    t i ons

    wth

    both

    r hetor i c

    and

    pol i ci es

    The

    nature of the

    popul ar expectati ons

    associ ated

    wth

    consumti on

    act i vi ty

    i s

    now

    seenas

    a major

    soci al prob em i ndeed

    as a

    prob emwhi ch

    must be

    con-

    f ronted

    by expl i ci t soci al

    pol i ci es

    I n i t s crudest form

    thi s

    prob emstem f rom

    the f act that

    market-based expectati onsdemands f or goods

    and

    ser vi ces

    apparentl y

    hadbegun

    to

    r i s e much

    faster than the

    rate

    of growth

    i n

    GNP

    I n

    the

    context of a remarkab y

    stabl e

    conf i gurati on i n

    i ncom di stri buti on

    i n i n-

    dustr i al i zed

    nati ons

    th i s i ncr ease

    i n

    expectati ons l eads to soci al pressures

    r e

    qui ri ng

    somef ormof governmnt

    i nterventi on

    The

    r eal di f f i cul t y

    posed by

    th i s

    devel opmnt i s that

    thi s

    take-of f

    of

    ex-

    pectati ons occurred after

    an excepti ona l y l ong peri odof

    r eal

    growth i n

    GNP

    and

    i n persona

    i ncoms

    I n other words, i ncreasi ng

    aff l uence

    seem to

    l ead not

    to a higher

    l evel of contentmnt,

    but rather to i t s

    opposi tea sense of

    r el at i ve

    depri vati on

    that

    i s no

    l ess

    pa nful than

    the

    v i s i b l e

    poverty

    of

    ear l i er epochs

    I f market-basedexpectati ons r i s e

    at

    a rate faster than r eal growth i nGNP then

    there wi l l be i ncreasi ng soci al tensi ons

    at

    any

    rate of economc growth that can

    be

    reasonab y

    expectedto occur

    I t has

    become

    customary

    to

    expl a n

    the

    mai n

    f eatures

    of

    consumr

    behavi our

    on

    the

    basi s

    of a

    postul ate

    or axi omknown

    as

    the

    i nsat i abi l i t y

    of

    human

    wants

    Thi s

    has

    been forml ated i n

    vari ous

    ways, andperhaps

    the

    most

    com

    monruns as fol l ows

    the

    sati sf acti on

    of

    a want

    si ml taneousl y occasi ons

    the

    for-

    mati on

    of other wants Thi s

    syndrom

    i s

    supposed y rooted i n

    the pecul i ar i t i es

    of human psychol ogy,

    and

    i t i s assumd

    that there i s

    no

    natural l i m t s to t h i s

    process

    Human

    wants, i f

    le f t

    unchecked, wi l l

    expand

    i ndef i ni tel y

    I n

    order

    to

    i mrove

    our

    understand ng

    of

    the consumr cul t ur e

    wemust

    take a

    cl oser l ook

    at the experi ence l abel l ed the

    sat i sf act i on

    of wants ,

    whi ch

    i s

    the

    key el emnt

    i n

    the

    axi om

    of

    i nsat i abi l i t y

    Wenwe

    say that the sati sf acti on

    of a want

    t r i gger s

    newwants,

    we

    are assum

    i ng

    that

    what

    we

    cal l

    the

    sati sf acti on

    of a

    want

    i s an

    i dent i f i abl e

    experi ence

    w thknown properti es I s

    th i s

    i ndeed the case? For a l l pr acti cal purposes i n to-

    day s soci et y

    we

    can regard the

    marketpl ace as

    the

    context

    f or

    want-

    sati sf acti ons ; that i s the

    obj ecti ves

    of wants norma l y

    are

    purchasab e

    goods

    andser vi ces Tocomprehend

    the experi ence

    of want - sat i sf acti on t her ef or e we

    must appreciate

    the speci f i c

    f eat ur es of

    i t s

    contextua sett i ng

    Today s

    consumti on process

    t akes

    pl ace i n what may be

    cal l ed

    a

    hi gh-

    i ntens i ty

    market setti ng Thi s i s

    a

    soci al s et t i ng

    wherei n

    l ar ge numbers

    of

    i n-

    di vi dual s

    have access

    to

    a

    very

    extensi ve array of goods, and

    where

    the

    char acter i sti cs of goods

    are

    coml ex and

    are subj ect

    to

    f requent

    changes

    The

    i ndi vi dual s wants are themelves coml ex

    states of f eel i ng encomassi ngboth

    physi ol ogi cal maintenance

    and psychol og ca

    wel l -bei ng

    sel f - esteem

    ego-

    4

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    OMMO TY

    FETI SH SM

    enhancement

    i nt er per sonal compar i sons, and so forth)

    n

    the

    marketpl ace,

    goods

    that

    he

    or

    she encount er s combi ne

    what

    may be cal l ed obj ecti ve

    charact eri sti cs

    such

    as

    physi cal

    dimensi ons

    and

    performance

    capabi l i t i es

    and i mputed

    charact er i sti cs ( symbol i c associ at i ons

    w th success,

    happi ness,

    et c

    I n

    amarket

    economy

    st ocked

    w thmass-produced

    goods

    there

    cannot

    be, f or

    obvi ous r easons, a

    di r ect corr el at i on f or

    al l

    i ndi vi dual s

    and al l

    goods between

    the propert i es of an i ndi vi dual s wants

    and

    the

    pr oper t i es

    of goods

    I ndi vi dual s

    cont i nual l y

    sh i f t t hei r pr ef er ence or der i ngs

    i n

    di f f erent

    ways,

    andproducer s

    are

    r egul ar l y shuf f l i ng thecharact er i sti cs

    and

    t he

    assor tment

    of goods n

    t h i s

    f l ui d

    s i tuat i on

    the

    common

    denomnator

    i s

    the

    i ndi vi dual s

    attempt

    t o

    match

    the

    qual i t i es

    of

    hi s wants w th the

    character i sti cs

    of

    goods

    When the

    matchi ng

    s

    rel ati vel y successf ul ,

    we coul d

    take

    t hi s as

    an i nst ance of the

    sat i sf acti on

    of

    awant

    I n a si t uat i on

    where

    both

    wants andgoods are

    mul t i f acet ed

    phenomena

    however ,

    w l l

    there

    ordi nar i l y becl ear

    evi dence

    of successf ul

    matchi ng?

    Thi s i s

    a

    di f f i cul t

    quest i on

    t o

    answer

    We

    t h i nk

    t

    i s saf e t o

    assume

    at l eas t

    that

    the

    out -

    come of attempts

    at

    want - sat i sf act i on

    w l l

    be

    pr obl emat i cal

    There

    s

    l i k e l y

    t o

    be

    some

    f eel i ng

    of

    sati sf acti on

    or

    success

    and

    si mul t aneousl y

    some

    f eel i ng

    of

    di ssat i sf act i on, the

    l a t t e r

    ar i s i ng

    from

    t he

    f a c t

    t hat so

    many other unt r i ed op-

    t i o n s

    f or possi bl y i mpr ovi ng

    t he

    degr ee

    of

    s a t i s f a c t i o n

    s t i l l beckon

    Gven

    the

    f l ui di t y

    of t he

    cont extual

    set t i ng, i ndi vi dual s

    maybecome

    pro-

    gressi vel y more confused both about t he natur e of

    thei r own wants

    and

    about

    what

    are the

    best ways

    of attempti ng

    t o

    s a t i s f y them

    The steadi l y

    i ncr easi ng

    compl exi t y i n the

    makeup

    of wants

    and

    goods may

    resul t

    i n

    among

    other

    t hi ngs, an

    i ncr easi ng

    degr ee

    of ambi gui ty

    i n t he

    attempted

    sati sf acti on

    of

    wants

    The

    outcome

    of the

    consumpti on

    ac t

    may

    be an

    ensembl e

    of

    s a t i s f a c -

    t i ons anddi ssat i sf act i ons, whosecomponents are not

    cl earl y

    i denti f i abl e,

    rather

    than adetermnate exper i ence of ei t her sati sf acti on or

    di ssati sf acti on

    Our concl usi on i s

    that

    we

    r equi r e a much cl earer understandi ng

    of

    t he i n-

    di vi dual s

    str i vi ng

    f or

    the sati sf acti on

    of hi s

    or

    her wants

    There are two

    r easons

    why

    i mprovi ngour understandi ng

    i n

    t h i s

    regard s

    essent i al

    One s

    that

    t he

    probl em

    of

    r i si ng market based expect at i ons s

    cert ai nl y

    a t

    l eas t

    i n part) af unc-

    t i o n

    of di stort i ons

    i n

    the present patterns of want - sat i sf act i on The other

    i s

    that

    the

    degr ees

    of

    both sati sf act i on and di ssat i sf act i on,

    and

    not merel y the

    former

    al one, may r i s e wth t he

    i ndi vi dual s

    access

    t o

    hi gher l e v e l s of consumpti on

    When

    these

    are taken i nto account

    we

    have

    a much better

    pi ct ur e of the

    i m

    pl i cat i ons of the i nsat i abi l i ty

    axi om

    We

    a l s o

    have awayof anal yzi ng t he prob-

    l emof expect at i ons

    1 5

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    WLLIAMLEISS

    I I I

    Adverti si ng

    and

    Imagery

    W

    do

    not

    yet

    have

    an

    adequate

    understandi ng

    of

    t hi s

    probl em

    of

    expecta-

    ti ons nor dowepresume

    t o

    gi ve

    an

    explanati on

    here

    however

    wewould

    l i k e

    to of fer a hypothesi s

    that myhelp

    t o cl ar i f y

    the nature of the probl em

    W

    suggest

    that today

    market-based expectati ons are a

    functi on

    of the symbol i c

    properti es

    of goods

    and

    that these symbol i c properti es can

    best

    beunderstood

    through

    the examnati on of

    i magery

    i n marketi ng as i t i s conveyed

    through

    product

    desi gn

    packaging store

    di spl ays fashi on

    t r ends peer-group i n-

    f l uences

    and

    medi a-based advert i si ng A though i n

    thi s

    paper our

    concl usi ons

    are formulated f roman examnati on of magazi ne and

    t e l evi si on

    adverti si ng

    trends we by nomeans

    assert

    that

    these

    other

    agenci es of soci al i zat i on are not

    al so si gni f i cant

    The

    symbol i c

    associ at i ons used i n the ci r cul at i on of goods

    permeate the

    marketplace but

    they

    are mre readi l y observable i n

    medi a

    adverti si ng

    than

    i n

    other areas

    The research desi gn that

    we

    haveadopted i n

    thi s

    study

    has

    grown

    di r ect l y out

    of the t heoreti cal questi ons previouslyoutl i ned

    I t attempts an al ternat i ve i n-

    terpretati on

    of the

    probl em

    of

    r i si ng consumer

    expectati ons wthi n the

    speci f i c

    context of the consumer cul ture

    By

    focussi ng

    upon

    expectati ons and hence

    upon

    adverti si ng

    as

    the

    si gni f i cant

    si gn

    system

    thi s

    approach

    departs

    f rom

    t r adi t i onal l i nes of economc anal ysi s

    I t

    starts f romthe

    readi l y

    observable

    com

    mn central

    them

    of a l l contemporary adverti si ng

    whi ch

    f uses the f i e l d of

    humn aspi rat i ons and desi r es wth a means

    of

    sat i s fy i ng

    themthrough

    materi al consumpti on

    The

    anal ysi s

    i s deducti ve i n nature Wbroke

    down

    adverti semnts

    i nto consti tuent

    parts

    and

    attempted t o determne

    whether

    there are any

    si gni f i cant

    patterns

    i n

    howthey use

    i mages t o

    present goods

    W

    di d

    not attempt

    t o

    ascert ai n how

    i ndi vi duals

    are af fected or howthey thi nk

    they

    are

    affected by them ei ther

    i n

    t hei r at t i t udes or behavi our al thoughwe

    hope t o extend the

    research

    i n

    thi s

    di recti on after further ref i ni ngour

    anal yt i c

    approach

    Even

    the

    most cursory

    glance at

    the

    worl ddep cted i n

    contemporary

    advert i s-

    i ng would

    l ead

    one t o

    the

    concl usi on

    that goods are mchmore

    than

    the sum

    of thei r physi cal

    properti es They are

    presented as

    capableof

    produci ng

    f eel i ngs

    of

    happ ness

    and

    sat i s fact i on

    i n

    t hei r users

    Moreover i n

    an

    hi stor i cal surveyof

    adverti si ng

    we

    havenoted that there i s an i ntens i f i cat i on

    of thi s process over the

    l ast f i f t y years

    z

    The

    cl ar i f i cat i on

    of

    thi s

    observati on was our central concern i n

    deci di ng

    to focus

    our

    study

    on

    psychologi cal ly

    grounded

    associ at i ons

    These

    ex-

    pressi ons such

    as

    famly

    happ ness

    career success youth

    or

    f reedom

    are

    i nstances of what we have cal l ed

    the

    symbol i c properti es

    of goods

    and

    they are

    cruci al

    to our understandi ng of the appearance

    of the commodi ty i n the

    con-

    sumer cul ture

    6

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    OMMO TYFETI SH SM

    I n

    the backgrounds, set t i ngs, anduser-representati ons of advert i si ng

    i magery

    ar e i ncorporated

    l i f e s t y l e

    model s

    and

    values

    uggest,

    wthout

    bei ng

    abl e to

    develop the

    poi nt

    here,

    that the

    l i f e s t y l e

    model s

    ar e

    an i mortant

    part

    of

    the

    domnant soci al i zat i on patterns of contemorary

    soci et y

    ;

    the

    decl i ni ng i n-

    f l uences of famly and r el i gi on have

    opened the way for the market-based

    l i f e s t y l e model s to shape behavi our

    patterns

    The

    speci f i c val ues associ atedwth

    themar e di f f i cul t t o i dent i f y,

    and i n

    any

    case they

    change wthi n short

    t i m

    cycl es

    and

    thi s i s probabl y

    what i s most s i gni f i cant

    about

    them

    Ewen s

    work

    3

    shows

    that

    i n ear l i er

    peri ods,

    f or

    examl e

    i n

    the

    ni neteen twen-

    t i es,

    statemnts

    of

    val ues

    were

    commonl y i ncorporated i nto the textual

    mteri al

    i n advert i semnts

    ; today,

    i t

    i s not uncommon

    t o encounter

    advert i semnts

    wth

    mrel y a

    short

    sl ogan

    or i ndeed

    wth

    no text

    at

    a l l

    Thus,

    there ar e

    two

    paral l el

    devel opmnts

    One

    i s the shi f t f romexpl i ci t statemnts

    of value busi ness suc-

    cess, f am l i al

    l ove)

    to the

    i ncorporati on

    of i mpl i ci t

    val ues and ambi guous

    l i f e s t y l e i mages ;

    the

    second i s the cor r el at i ve

    decl i ne

    of t ext ual

    mteri al

    and the

    shi f t

    to

    vi sual i zed

    i mages of wel l -bei ng

    Al though the process of the symbol i f i cat i on of

    commodi t i es

    i s

    a

    soci al

    process

    andnot amdi a-basedone, changes i n the mdi a

    pl ay a cr uci al r ol e

    i n

    aml i fyi ng the f or ces wthi n the

    marketpl ace

    and

    transformng

    the nature of

    the appearance of the commodi ty Much

    contemorary

    adver t i s i ng, especi al l y

    on t el evi s i on,

    works almost excl us i vel y

    through

    the use of i magery ( as

    opposed

    to

    textual

    i nformati on)

    ;

    thi s

    devel opmnt

    has

    emrged

    gradual l y i n the

    hi s tory

    of adverti si ng The gradual

    pace of

    the transformti on, the growng

    ambi gui ty

    and

    i mpl i ci t

    nature

    of the associ at ed

    val ues, and

    the d i f f i c u l t

    task

    of

    pi nni ng

    downthe s i gni f i cance

    of vi sual i zed communi cat i on

    may

    have a l l

    contri buted to

    underest i mat i ng

    the i mort

    of

    thi s

    aspect of the consci ousness

    i ndustry

    the growngdomnat i on

    of i magi sti c

    modes

    of communi cat i on

    To

    be sure, the

    adverti si ng i ndustry

    i t s e l f

    i s

    only

    now

    u l l y recogni zi ng

    the i mortance

    of

    i m

    agery

    i n

    adverti si ng

    techni que

    4

    Yet

    i t

    i s

    wthi n

    thi s

    trend

    t hat

    we

    have

    l ocated

    cruci al

    f eat ur es i n

    the changi ng

    dynamcs of want sat i s f act i on i n the consump-

    t i o n process

    Thi s

    communi cat i on-based

    i nt erpre tat i on pl aces a greater em

    phasi s upon what Stuart

    Hal l

    has cal l ed

    the ef f ect i vi t y of the superstruc-

    tures The

    emhasi s of

    most

    adverti si ng unt i l

    the ear l y 1920 s

    stresses

    the

    physi cal

    charact eri st i cs

    of

    the product, the

    pr i ce

    per

    quanti ty, and the pr acti cal

    ut i l i t y

    (what the

    product

    does Today t hi s tends

    to

    be

    t ypi cal only

    of

    a very

    l imted

    category of advert i si ng f or products whi ch

    we cal l

    Technol ogi cal

    Equi pmnt ( radi os, stereos, garden equi pmnt ,

    power

    t ool s)

    However, i n

    general ,

    a

    t r ans i t i on

    begi nni ng

    i n

    the

    twenti es

    and

    progressi ng

    f rom

    there

    transposes

    the emhasi s

    f rom

    materi al charact eri st i cs and

    pragmati c

    ut i l i t y

    i n t o

    psychologi cal

    u t i l i t y the

    commodi ty

    appears

    desi gned

    f or

    personal i zed

    use

    by f ul f i l l i ng a psychol ogi cal

    rol e

    Commodi t i es appear

    as personi f i ed

    expres-

    si ons of

    humancharact er i s t i cs

    and r el at i onshi ps

    Moreover,

    wth the

    i ncreasi ng

    7

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    KLIN

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    WLLIAMLEISS

    i mpl i c i t ness and ambi gui t y i n adver t i s i ng i mager y, t he

    commodi ty s eems

    t o

    become a

    pr oj ec t i ve f i e l d i n

    whi ch

    t he

    human

    s t a t e s of

    f eel i ng achi evabl e i n

    consumpt i on

    are

    f l u i d l y

    super i mposed

    upon

    t he

    non human

    physi cal - sensory

    aspect s of t he

    commodi ty

    St r et chi ng

    t he

    metaphor

    f or a moment

    t he

    mask of

    t he f et i shi zed

    commodi t y,

    havi ng

    i ncor por at ed t he a b s t r a c t q u a l i t i e s of prom

    i s e d

    human s a t i s f a c t i o n ,

    has

    more r e c e n t l y s t become

    m r r o r - l i k e , r ef l ect i ng

    back

    t he vague

    and di s to r t ed

    i mages

    of

    wel l - bei ng

    t o be

    achi eved i n consump

    t i o n

    16

    Nor do we have t o

    l ook ver y f a r t o e s t a b l i s h t he mot i vat i ons

    behi nd

    t h i s

    t r end As modern

    mar ket i ng t h e o r i s t s s t a t e , t he t a s k of

    mar ket i ng was

    very

    qui c kl y per c ei ved t o be t hat of

    maki ng modern

    goods

    r ecogni zed

    a s

    psychol ogi cal t hi ngs

    symbol i c

    of per sonal

    at t r i but es and go al s ,

    a s symbol i c of

    s o c i a l patterns

    and str i vi ngs . 7 The pr oduct was

    f o r t i f i e d by an i mage

    de-

    si gned t o be t he

    ba s i s of consumer c ho i c e , and dest i ned

    a l s o ( we i n f e r t o

    become c h a r a c t e r i s t i c

    of

    t he r edef i ni t i on

    of s a t i s f a c t i o n

    der i ved i n t he consump

    t i o n

    process

    However , t he des i gn of t he

    pr oduct

    i mage

    di d not occur i n avacuum

    A

    con-

    s i der abl e

    amount of cons umer

    research

    had establ i shed

    t he i mpor t ance of these

    symbol i c at t r i but es of

    goods

    i n

    t he

    ever yday

    t hi nki ngo f t he

    consumer ,

    andhad

    poi nt ed

    out

    t he r el at i onshi p

    they

    bear

    t o

    bot h

    t he per sonal i t y

    and

    pos i -

    t i onal

    f r ames of

    reference

    t hat t he

    cons umer br i ngs t o bear i n

    pur chase and

    consumpt i on

    Throughc a r e f u l

    desi gn,

    t he

    br ands

    i mage coul d be based

    upon

    t he a n a l y s i s of t he

    decodi ng

    or

    i nt er p r et i ve pr edi l ec t i ons of

    t he con-

    sumer I t i s t he di mensi ons of

    i nt er pr et at i on t hat ar e cont ro l l ed by

    t he

    adver -

    t i s e r t hr ough

    t h i s process of mar ket r e s e a r c h ,

    i n whi ch

    heat t empt s

    t o

    r e f i n e t he

    symbol i c

    di mensi ons

    of hi s product s t o

    s u i t

    var i ous

    segment s of

    t he mar ket

    Her e then i s t he

    or i gi n of

    t he

    dual symbol i c

    process

    Dependi ng upon

    mar ket i ng

    s t r a t e g i e s ,

    t he br ands

    i mage

    can

    be

    devel oped ei t her f or mas s

    mar ket s by

    t he us e

    of

    open

    codes

    of

    i nt er pr et at i on,

    or

    f o r s p e c i f i c

    mar ket s by

    t he

    use

    of

    more r e s t r i c t i v e codes

    To some

    degr ee,

    t he t r end t owar ds i mpl i c i t

    and v i s ua l pr oduct i mager y can

    be

    i dent i f i ed w t h t he need f or i ncreasi ngl y open

    codes

    of i nt erp ret at i on

    f or

    mas s

    mar ket

    s e l l i n g

    The t a s k of

    t he adver t i ser

    i s t o desi gn

    t he

    package of

    st i mul i

    so t hat

    t

    resonates w t h i nf or mat i on

    al r eady s t ored w t h i n an

    i n -

    d i v i d u a l ,

    and t hereby i nduces t he des i r ed

    l ear ni ng

    or behavi our al e f f e c t s .

    Wat

    happens as a r e s u l t of more t han

    one- hal f cent ur y of t h i s i nt ense

    a d v e r t i s -

    i ng a c t i v i t y ? The r e s u l t

    s

    a s i t u a t i o n

    wher e t he

    i ndi v i dual

    s sur r ounded

    w t h

    t hi ngs t hat r esonat e w t h stored

    i nf or mat i on

    I t

    i s

    not

    t h a t

    t he

    wor l d

    of

    t rue

    needs

    has

    been

    subordi nat ed by

    t he

    wor l d of f a l s e needs,

    but

    t hat

    t he

    r eal m of

    needi ng has become a f unc t i on of

    t he

    f i e l d of

    communi cat i on

    Here

    per haps

    s

    t he

    chi ef f et i s hi sm

    i n t he

    consumer mar ket pl ace The pr oduct of

    human l abour

    s

    not

    hi dden

    by t he di s to r t ed

    yet seem ngl y obj ect i ve

    q u a l i t i e s

    of

    a mat er i al -

    1

    8

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    OMMODTY

    FETI SH SM

    sensuous

    product, but by the i ndi vi dual i zed

    and

    subj ecti ve

    i mages

    of

    wel l

    be-

    i ng proj ected

    i nto

    the commodi ty

    As

    a

    consequence

    the

    commodi ty

    t akes

    on

    a

    rol e

    i n

    the human

    di alogue,

    becomnga

    message

    i n i t sel f

    Consi dered as i nformati on i t i s amans bywhi ch

    the consumer

    may

    communi cat e t o others hi s rel at i onshi p t o a compl ex set

    of

    abstract soci al att r i but es i t

    i dent i f i es

    him

    or her wthi n

    the soci al structure

    The use of the commodi ty

    wth

    par t i cul ar

    symbol i c qual i t i es merges wth the

    i dent i t y

    of the user I n thi s sense, pr oduct i mages wer e

    never

    desi gned

    merel y

    to

    i nc r e as e

    purchases,

    but to

    t ransf orm t he

    personal si gni f i cance of

    t he

    pro-

    duct s everyday use

    From

    a

    communi cat i ons

    per spect i ve,

    thi s symbol i fi cati on

    entai l ed

    reorgani zati onon a

    number

    of l evel s of abstr acti on uponwhi ch

    the

    appearance

    and experi ence of the commodi ty i s organi zed The f i r s t

    l evel on

    whi ch

    we

    noti ce t hi s

    change

    i s

    the

    sensi bl e

    and

    i mmedi ate

    presentati on of

    the product

    Here, through packagi ng

    and

    product

    styl i ng, the physi cal - ut i l i t ar i an

    aspect s

    of

    the

    product

    and i t s

    sensuous

    qual i t i es

    as

    an obj ect are

    de-emphasi zed,

    i n order

    to harmoni ze i t s

    i mmedi ate

    experi ence

    wth

    the i mage proj ectedupon

    i t

    and to

    f aci l i t ate the

    di f f erent i at i on of

    brands

    Where packagi ng

    i s

    i nappropri ate, the

    vi si bl e di mensi ons of the

    product

    i tsel f ,

    through the el ements of desi gn and

    styl i ng,

    becom

    the

    means

    of conveyi ng

    symbol i c

    qual i t i es

    ( e

    . g

    cl ot hes,

    food

    col ouri ng) For exampl e, even the

    automobi l e,

    the

    or i gi nal

    desi gns of whi ch

    emphasi zed

    mechani cal

    and physi cal properti es

    (power,

    bul k, speed

    through

    streami ni ng , has more

    r ecent l y

    com t o ref l ect the

    personi fi ed

    qual i t i es

    t ypi cal of advert i si ng i mages

    (comort, sophi st i cat i on, pract i cal i ty)

    The

    secondmaj or l evel ,

    and theone uponwhi ch we have focussed

    our atten-

    t i on,

    i s the pr oduct i mage Here, through the processes of metaphori cal

    associ at i on, the adver t i ser generates

    an equati on

    between the

    par t i cul ar

    brand

    and

    i t s

    symbol i c at t r i but es

    as

    a

    commodi ty I n the

    i mage

    advert i si ngof the ear -

    l y

    twenti es,

    thi s

    was

    usual l y

    accompl i shed by means of a verbal associ at i on be-

    tween the brand and an

    expl i ci t

    qual i t y, usual l y

    encapsul ated

    i n a sl ogan ( the

    sportsman s

    ci gar et t e, the sophi sti cated

    perfume)

    However , as we

    have

    poi nted

    out ,

    themore recent

    trends

    i n

    advert i s i ng ref l ect the accel er at ed use of

    vi sual mdes of communi cat i on

    the l i nkage

    i s

    generated by

    means

    of the

    associ at i on of the brand

    nam

    and

    package the vi sual market f or the

    product)

    wth a background i mage

    desi gned

    t o

    e l i c i t

    a speci f i c

    set of proj ected

    associ a-

    t i ons As vi sual communi cat i ons, these associ at i ons are

    devel oped

    i n

    term

    of

    the

    grammarof representati on

    uti l i zed by adver t i si ng, whi ch

    i ncl udes

    the

    presentati onof a a b s t r a c t q u a l i t i e s ( frosty, sparkl i ng, l i ght ) depi cted

    through a

    background

    or set t i ng, b personal i zed

    q u a l i t i e s

    depi cted by

    i dent i f i abl e

    user

    groups (famous persons,

    beaut i f ul , sophi s t i cated, r i ch), c si tuat i onal as s o ci a-

    t i o n s (frequentl y

    r ol e r el at ed) through the depi cti on

    of i dent i f i abl e

    set t i ngs

    ( nat ur al

    scenes, ki t chens, restaurants) and d)

    l i f e s t y l e

    as s o ci at i o ns depi cti ng a

    1

    9

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    ST PH NKLINE

    N

    WLLIAMLEISS

    par t i cul ar

    t ype

    of person engaged i n speci f i c

    a c t i v i t i e s

    i n par t i cul ar

    set t i ngs

    ( young/ r ecr eat i on/ out door )

    t h i r d

    l evel

    of

    commodi ty

    imagery

    that

    we

    have

    noted

    i n

    t he cur r ent

    market

    set t i ng

    i s that

    of t he

    corporate

    i mage

    Here the s e l f

    procl ai med qual i t i es

    of

    the

    corporate ent i t y ar e t he

    maj or

    associ at i ons of the range

    of

    pr oduct s or

    ser vi ces

    of f er ed by the

    cor por ati on

    ( Eat on s at t i t ude campai gn

    Texaco s respon-

    s i b i l i t y

    i n

    progress )

    n

    i ncrease

    i n

    the f requencyof

    corporate

    i mage adver t i s-

    i ng, as

    suggested i n our

    hi st ori cal

    s t udy,

    may

    i ndi cat e t hat our

    anal ysi sbased

    on

    t he predomnanceof theproduct

    i mage

    over t he sensi bl e

    appearance

    of

    t he

    commodi ty

    may

    al r eady

    be i n need of

    modi f i cat i on due t o s i gni f i cant

    changes

    i n

    t he

    processes

    of product

    symbol i f i cat i on

    Bef or e

    di scussi ng some of our

    dat a

    and i t s

    i mpl i cat i ons

    f rom

    our study of

    cur-

    rent adver t i s i ng

    i mager y,

    we

    shal l expl ai n the basi s f or our asser t i on of

    t he

    i m

    por t ance

    of

    i coni c

    modes of

    communicati on i n the

    process

    of

    com

    muni cati ng product i magery The

    r el at i ve cos t s of adver t i s i ng t i me and

    space

    ref l ect not onl y t he reach of t he medi a

    i n to

    t he marketpl ace ( i n term of t he

    s i z e

    anddemographic f eatures of the par t i cul ar

    audi ence capt ur ed

    as

    pot ent i al

    cust omer s ) ,

    but

    a l s o

    the

    pot ent i al

    ef f ect i veness of

    medi a

    communicat i on f or

    changi ng consumpti on patterns

    Amongst t he

    var i ous possi bl e

    medi a

    magazi nes

    and

    tel evi s i on

    emerge

    as

    pr est i ge adver t i s i ng

    vehi cl es

    because of

    t hei r

    su i t ab i l i t y f or the t r ansmss i on of

    both

    l e x i c a l

    and

    i magi st i c

    i nformati on

    The i nduct i ve

    awar enes s by

    adver t i ser s

    of

    the rel at i ve ef f ecti veness of these

    medi a

    i s

    corroborated

    by

    f i ndi ngs i n

    the

    psychol ogi cal

    l i terature on i nformati on

    pr ocess i ng

    I n the f i r s t

    pl ace,

    gi venthe hi ghl y sel ecti ve way i n

    which

    per sons

    ar e known

    t o

    survey

    t hei r envi ronment

    i t

    becomes the

    task

    of t he adver t i s ement

    t o

    break

    through the at t ent i onal barr i ers

    t o

    i nsure

    accept ance by t he audi ence

    Desi gn l ayout, contrast,

    col our ,

    s t r i ki ng

    and unusual i magery have al l been

    shown t o

    ac t as ef f ect i ve means

    of

    i ncreas i ng

    the

    l i kel i hood and

    dur at i on

    of

    vi sual

    scanni ng

    I n

    addi t i on,

    t el evi s i on

    af f or ds

    t he conj uncti on of

    sound

    and

    i mage,

    camera movement

    and

    var i ous

    edi t i ng s t y l e s t o secure and

    enhance at

    t ent i on

    Furthermore

    there s

    evi dencewhich i ndi cat es

    that

    i coni c i nf or ma-

    t i on

    has a

    great er

    impact

    on the af f ect i ve- opi ni on

    components

    of at t i t ude

    par al l el

    pr ocess i ng

    model offers an

    al t ernat i ve t o

    the t heor i es of subl i mnal

    per cept i on

    I coni c i nf or mat i on has i t s

    ef f ects

    upon opi ni ons wthout

    bei ng

    t rans l i t erated i nt o verbal codes,

    andhencewthout f u l l consc i ous

    awar enes s

    Beyond

    these

    at t ent i onal

    f a c t o r s

    t he adver t i ser s i nt ent i on i s t o

    i ncrease the

    ef f ecti veness of the

    di f f erent i at i on of

    hi s

    pr oduct s

    i mage

    f rom

    ot her s im l a r

    product s, by

    enhanci ng

    t he

    associ at i onal l i n k s between the

    brand and i t s i m

    age

    The ef f ect i veness

    of

    t he ad, t her ef or e,

    wi l l

    be dependent

    upon the au-

    di ence s r et ent i on of these

    associ at i ons Some r ecent research

    i n pai r ed

    associ at es l ear ni ng has i l l us t rated

    t he i ncreas i ng

    l at ency

    i n memory

    of i coni c

    2

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    COMMODTY

    FETI SH SM

    over

    l exi cal

    i nformati on 20 Whenan

    i mage

    i s used

    as

    a memorypeg , the

    retenti on

    of

    the

    concepts

    hung

    on t hi s

    peg

    i s

    i ncreased

    For

    years

    the

    catchy

    tune or

    j i ngl e

    has been

    employed as

    a

    memory

    hook

    ;

    now these processes seem

    t o be

    further enhanced

    whenvi sual memory i s i nvoked

    Several

    other fac tors

    ar e al s o

    worthnoti nghere Fi r s t unusual

    or

    absurd i m

    ages

    seem

    to enhance retenti on Secondl y, the

    conj oi ni ng

    of separate elements

    of

    an

    i mage

    seems

    t o

    be addi ti ve

    a

    compl ex

    of

    at t r i but es i s

    more

    eas i l y

    recogni zed

    and remembered

    than ar e

    s i ngl e

    at t r i but es

    Thi rdly,

    pi ctures

    seem

    t o be

    more

    ambi guous

    than

    words or

    noun phrases

    i n

    that they e l i c i t

    a

    gr eat er

    numer of

    f r ee

    assoc i at i ons

    The

    impl i cati ons

    of such

    f i ndi ngs

    ar e

    obvi ous

    Not

    onl y does

    theuse

    of

    vi sual

    i magery i ncrease the attenti on pai d to the ad possi bl y

    wthout

    awareness, but

    i t al so

    provides

    the basi s for the ef f i c i ent bui ldi ng of strongassoci at i onal

    l i nks

    to a greater

    numer

    of

    qual i t i es

    whi le retai ni ng a hi gh degree of ambi gui ty

    Theambi gui ty

    of the

    i magery

    i s s i gni f i cant not

    only

    f or the

    f a c i l i t y

    wthwhi ch

    symbol i c

    qual i t i es

    become i nfused

    wthi n awde

    var i ety of product cat egor i es

    and t ypes but

    i n the

    r esul t ant i ndetermnacy of the as soc i at i on I f we

    are

    asked

    t o namethe qual i ty

    associ ated

    wthCoke,

    we

    are l i k e l y to respondwth l i fe

    yet i f

    we

    are asked t o namea l i vel y product

    we

    ar e l i kel y t o thi nk of awde

    var i et y of commodi ti es

    The fact

    that the

    product

    i mage

    i s

    so

    open

    to

    varying

    assoc i at i ons

    and

    i nterpretati ons

    means that

    both

    advert i sers and consumers can

    experi ment f r eel y

    to

    determne

    whi ch

    combi nati ons

    ar e most

    successf ul at any

    ti me

    But there

    ar e

    somnypossi bl e combi nati ons

    that

    one wonders whether a

    compl ete and l as t i ng

    sense of sat i s f ac t i on can ever be achi eved

    under

    these

    c i r -

    cumtances

    I V Resul tsand

    Dscussi on

    Our

    study

    f i r s t requi red a

    detai l ed anal ys i s of the symbol i c

    f i e l d

    of

    cont