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. c£jJ,JlAJ:q lnlaiU ~i.li11J Volume 5 Number 1 September, 1986

elcome Back! Is all OK in the ROK? "$'

A, Freshman Guide

Beybnd Sid and Johnny

~ And More. ____ ....

~.g.~.--..."t:> .. , .. ~....-..,.,0l_-'-~"'''.i'''''''':··'"''''''"'''<1_,· '·''''' ''···

page 2 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW September, 1986

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§erpent's 000tll Ire have a winner . .H 'e hal'e 111'0 winners

in th e Review's Crosslvord Pu z zle

Sweepstakes. The entries wer£' iden/ical

and. ill fact , cOnlained the same errors. It Ih is were a classroom, cheating might be

suspected and we might fo llo w the old adage "r(you spli[ the work you each gel

50°1! (~rrhe grade " But i! would he difjiclIl! 10 properly splil a S5. 00 Sieve's Ice Crealll

gifi certificate. Besides, people are innocent

ulltil proven guilty. To prOl'l' our adherencc 10 that principle, 11'(' will not he demamling uril/analysis (!( ("omesla n!s.

JlIsl kidding. people. The ( H I'inners are Ingrid Cu/lin o(Salinc and Chns / 'Iahos 01 {h e Biological Chl'mislr,r Departl/lcnt.

Lueh 11/11 recei)'/' u 55 .UO gdi eeni/i, ,;i, ' Ii-I'm .\1(' \'('\ lee Cream

The Cook Co unty Review of Michigan .

That' s our new nam e. Publisher Vogel has lived in Cook Count y, Illinois (that 's the one th at contains Chicago) for 20 years. Editor-in-Chief KJukoff, after hiding in Jersey for 20 years, has moved to Cook County,

Thus, to bring our IIlinauseum culture to the subpar state of Michi­gan, here's the latest one from the Windy City. Richard Daley (the son of the Dead One) has joined the move­ment for non-partisan mayoral elec­tions in an effort to dethrone Harold Washington' s strategic advantage. Vrdolyak and Kelly are right now plotting to team up with Daley and Jane Byrne for the Big Battle at Not-So-OK Corral. Stay tuned, it's gonna be a tough one.

** In further baseball news, former U

of M great, Barry Larkin, made his major league debut. Larkin was ori­ginally scheduled to start, but due to weather-related delays in his flight , he arrived in ' Cincinnati only half an bour before game time; w.ithout any of hIS equipment. Nevertheless, the shortstop-second baseman debuted, making a pinch hitting appearance, while wearing Pete Rose's shoes. Perhaps, Rose's greatness will rub off on Larkin. We hope.

** The local primaries had an unusual

incident. David Raaflaub, a chal­lenger to State Senator Lana Pollack in Democratic primary, challenged the State Senator to a mud wrestling match. Ms. Pollack naturally de­clined. But it would have been inter­esting, to say the least

** During this past summer, the only

anti-Sandinista newspaper in Nicara­gua, La Prensa , was shut down by the Sandinistas.-The excuse was that since the paper was opposed to the Sandi­nistas. it must be funded by the CIA and tryi ng to o\'Crt hrow the govern­ment. Perhaps It was.

In any case, before the 1979 revo­lution , La Prensa was an anti-Som oza newspaper. Ho\\'ever, even when So-

moza was about to be overthrown, he never shut down La Prensa. This should help prove that no matter how lill Ie freedom there was under So­moza, there is even less under the Sandinistas.

---- -----_._._----------- _ ._--_._-----_.-

~~~ c;\A1N "' .... , ...... sU!<xf A\L4:.l

TAKE All OF rr BACK 10 'ffiE t1\ANT, JAC\\. 'flt. CAN'T ~o THE c.AP\iAl <WN~L .~ **

The U-M Regents will soon con­sider rescinding a bylaw which allows student groups that demonstrate suf­ficient support from students to raise money through the registration pro­cess. This bylaw is the one under which PIRGIM was allowed to solicit money from students through a stub on the SVF. The issue comes up again because PIRGIM is seeking rein­statement to the SVF and claims to have 16,000 student petition signa­tures in support of that request.

PIRGIM used questionable tactics in its petition drive. Many students . were not aware of what they were Sh?uld any ~roup, partIcularly a po- From the oops! department. Chief endorsing, in fact some thought that htical speCIal lOterest group, be Justice nominee, William Rehnquist. they were signing to allow PIRGIM to granted advantageous status? In other was getting a lot of flack from several

~~~~i~~~~s~~~!: ~~~~~f~b~~rr~~ ;. ;~~~ .. :~~;:t~~~~~~~~~.~·~~~ · ·· ;~a~~t\~vtk,~~~~·1f6h~~~~~~icW~~a ··;·· .. , '" "Sign for a stronger PIRGIM" ap- semI-offiCIal status denved from a deeds that included anti-Jewish or proach used in the past, PIRGIM was stub on the SVF? anti-Black clauses. Then it was dis-vague. Only students who thoroughly PIRGIM would claim that it de- covered that Senator Biden also had a questioned the petitioners or who serves an advantage due to its alleg- house with a similar deed. Case dis-were already well-informed and read edly strong support. But ifPIRGIM is missed. the petition carefully and critically so str~ngly supported by.stude~t~ then could be certain of understanding the there IS no need for fundl~g pnvlleges. ramifications of PIRGIM's proposal. Students .would gladly gIve PIRGIM In the past PIRGIM has been much money W1thout any SVF mechanism. more honest and direct and thus has They would simply go to the PIRGIM received much less support. Also, it office or throw money in a PIRGIM should be noted that many of the bucket. Other stude.n.t organizations, students who signed the petition last mos~ much less political and contro-winter are no longer U-M students. verslal than PIRGIM, raise money

PIRGIM has also resorted to mis- that way, and none of them are leading statements regarding its clamoring for funding privileges.

funding sources. PIRGIM receives $300,000 per year from non-student "citizen" donators, much much more than it ever hopes to rake in from U-M students. In a letter to the Michigan Daily PIRGIM's T reasurer denied this, even though PIRGIM's budget is public knowledge. PIRGIM will do anything to maintain the illusion that it is purely a student orga nization .

Aside from the issue of PIRGIM's tactics and the merits of PIRGIM's request to be granted fund raising privileges is the issue of fai rness.

* The issue is one of fa irness. All

groups should live by the same rules, and if exceptions to the rules were to be made for anyone, they should be made for non-political groups such as CARE or Students Against Drunk Driving which arc striving to ae i ieve goals that most every student v, ~)uld support. Lobbying groups v"'ith a clear agenda such as PIR GIM shou ld be the last to benefit from special treatment.

The Regents should revoke their fundrai si ng bylaw.

.... :

" ,

** In California, thirteen-year-old

Deanna Young attended a church lecture on drug abuse. Apparently, she took the lecture to heart. She turned in her parents for drug possesion, along with a trash bag containing some marijuana, a handgun, some pills, and $2800 worth of cocaine. The question is, is this an isolated incident, or are teenagers actually that much more conservative than their parents?

** Here's one that you won't believe:

Did you know that Smiling Mike Gorbachev and Bill Cosby are COll­

sins? Really, they are, according to

Th e Natinnal Midnighl Star. or something lih' that. ('(('s. even l1'e can't resist leTting our eyes slip P~ls t the TV Guide on the line at Farmer Jack's.)A.nyway, we are trying in vain to decide who is the real comedian.

n

.... ---.. «""'''''''~~ ~ -<,- «........-""'-"".

THE MICHIGAN REVlEW page 3 September, 1986

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TIlE ,

MlCHlGIUf RIWIEW

Publisher David A. Vogel A.ssociate publishers David Katz Joseph M. McCollum Editor-in-Chief Seth B. Klukoff Executive Editors Steve Angelotti Paul Sellman A.dllertis;ng Director Sharlene Prais Personnel MalUlgers Peter C. Cubba Charles D. Lipsig McCarthyites-in-Chief Joseph Biden Edward Kennedy Justin Schwartz

Staff Patrick Batcheller Craig Brown John Burch Debbie Buchholtz Lori Burrington C. Brandon Crocker Kurt Heise

. JrffJo/lIIson Cqro!.l·n Jonl's.

SUPPORTERS:

Karen Kress David Norquist

Paddie O'Hal/oran Mark Powell

Scoll T Rickman Gloria Sanak David Sphar

. Mo/lySII(>ssmllth Josl'ph Typho

Gerald R . Ford, R. Emmett Tyrrell, Jr., Norman Podhoretz, In'ing Kristo/, William F. Buckley, Jr., Edwin Feulner Jr.,

The Michigan Review welcomes, appreciates,

pleads for letters from our fans, admirers,

adversaries (at your own risk, of course), and

groupies. If you want to see your letter on these

pages (page 9, actually), please temper your

writing to no more thQII two double-spaced,

type-written pages. Also. let us kllOw YOllr name.

where 510u live and your phone number.

But your response is not only limited 10 a

letter. You may also submit an article. All work

will be reviewed by Ollr impeccable editorial slaff

and considered in. light oj structure and conlent.

Arricles can be senl to ollr spacious. modern

corporate office ill the Michigan League. 11 '1'11.

actually. here is the mailing address:

THE MICHIGAN REVIEW

Suite One

11 North University

Ann Arbor, MI 48109

The Michigan R eview is an independenr.

student·run journal at the 'Un iversity of M ichi·

gan. This mealls that no one controls us. Ii'e are

in no way, shape. or f orm representat ive of the

policies of the Administration and accepl no

dough f rom the Unilwsit)'.

Typesetling is provided by Trade Graphics,

i nc. Our printers are Obsen'l!f and Eccentric

(But not in that order).

Copyright 1986

~ rom t11r i£ilitor

Welcome Class of'90

has to offer. Take time to examine the plethora of student organizations, cultural programs, political groups, publications, and musical events on campus. A walk across the Oiag will reveal the vitality present at Michi­gan. Essentially, you should try to become an active participant in the life of the university. Involvement in the university,' combined with suc­cessful academic achievement, will ultimately lead to greater personal growth.

We at The Michigan Review wish you success and fortune in all your pursuits during the upcoming year. Best of Luck and Go Blue!

So why did you choose to attend such a large university? I am sUre most of you have been asked that question on numerous occasions. My answer is that a university is only as large as perceived. A university may contain many buildings, occupy a sizeable land area and have a student body of 40,000. (Not to mention a seemingly impenetrable bureaucracy). These are physical characteristics of a large university. But one should not use these features as the sole bases for defining the educational experience. To become intimidated by the su­perficial characteristics of the uni­versity is to severely hinder one's personaJ growth.,:L.." .. '

You were all "stars" in highschool. ' . . .. *'*******., You achieved the highest grades, perhaps some of you were valedic­torians. You participated in a myriad of activities and accumulated many an honor and award. Your motivation and desire to achieve were reasons for acceptance at this university. These successes should not be compromised in the face of unbreakable red tape, endless lines for registration, unat­tainable overrides and class sizes of 600.

Freshmen, it is most important to avail yourselves of all the opportuni­ties that the University of Michigan

I would also like to introduce you to The Michigan Review. With this issue we begin our fifth year of publication. We are a monthly journal devoted to the discussion of the major issues of our time. While we range politically from moderate to conservative, we welcome debate within our pages. We also publish book, movie, concert and record reviews, as well as the musings of noted scholar Joseph Typho.

This year will begin the second year of our interview series. Last year we interviewed Bill Lucas (right after he

Coming in Octobet . • •

.~{

Out national Defense: Rn

switched parties), No'rman Podhoretz (Editor of Commentary), Carl Pursell (Our valiant Congressman), Harold Shapiro (You know who he is, and if you do not, you will shortly), and AI Haig (Former Secretary of State, cur­rent presidential candidate, and East Quad's honorary resident). Potential interviews for the upcoming year include Edward Luttwak (Author of Pentagon and the Art of War), Les Aspin (Congressman from Wisconsin) , and Richard Lugar (Senator from Indiana and Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee).

We are adding some new features thi~ .. , y¢aJ' and , re~ps,. some old favorites . Included this year will be Inside Review, which will focus on campus events of major importance and the activities of the many special interest clubs. Review Poll will be a monthly survey, seeking response to questions ranging from US involve­ment in Nicaragua to Jim Harbaugh's chances of winning the Heisman. Of course, Serpent's Tooth is back and so is Review Forum, which gives you the chance to debate a current issue.

Finally, we welcome your letters. Please drop us a line, let us know what you think about an article in the Review. Weare always searching for ways to improve and will appreciate your input. Moreover, we enjoy in­telligent debate. Anyway, The Michi­gan Review is free and can be found in most Central and North Campus buildings and in all dorms. ~

~IDA" Seth B. Kluko.ffis a Junior in Political Science and Editor-in-Chief 0.( the Review

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page 4 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW September, 1986

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Is All OK in the ROK? by Mark Powell

After a summer of frequent, often violent demonstrations in South Korea, many people are asking "Will South Korea be the next Philippines?" and speculating that President Chun Doo Hwan will be the next U.S.­backed authoritarian ruler to go the way of Ferdinand Marcos. Indeed, the latter-day histories of these countries and their involvements with the United States offer some compelling aggregate parallels. The differences, however, l?etween the present situa­tion of South Korea and that of the post-Marcos Philippines, between Marcos and Chun, and between the peoples of the two nations are even more compelling and would tend to dispel speculations linking the paths of the two countries. Yet, we have seen the disturbing violence. Let us examine the conundrum in this order: first the parallels, then the differences; then let us attempt to ascertain the meaning of the present situation and an outlook for the future.

America made huge sacrifices in the mid-20th century wars to. beat back totaJirarian invaders and secure the opportunity for freedom in both countries. After the Imperial Japanese conquest of the Philippines, almost 10,000 Americans died on the in­famous Bataan Death March, and 14,000 died in the liberation of the islands three years later. In Korea, the American forces, leading the United Nations army which beat back the North Koreans and then the army of Mao's China, suffered 33,500 dead. In each case, tens of thousands more were wounded or maimed. The horror of Bataan, the might of the Leyte invasion fleet, the triumphant return of MacArthur . . . the fury of the Pusan Perimeter, the wild success of Inchon, the dark weeks of the C0m­munist Chinese advance, the raw valor of the Chosen Reservoir, and the following two years of highly disproportionate casualties inflicted upon the communists by the U.N. forces, which saved South Korea. . . some of the most significant episodes in the annals of American arms came during the saving of these countries, and these experiences form powerful bonds between the United States and each country.

Followng the wars, South Korea and the Philippines became, along with Japan, foundations of U.S. pro­jection into the Western Pacific, with invaluable bases for forward deploy­ment. I n the Philippines;' Ferdinand Marcos, after becoming an authorita­rian ruler, helped keep himself in

Thus, there are no illusions or misconceptions about the danger of Communism among the people of South Korea, as there are among a limited few in the Philippines. Not even the most radical anti-go­vernment factions espouse it, and the terrible threat dtl South Koreans face t08ether has in the past served as some justification l'or authoritarian military governments.

people is highlighted by some amaz­ing statistics. Its per capita GNP has grown from a mere $90 in 1960 to $2000 today. 'Since 1982, our annual exports to the Republic-an aggressive trading partner-have exceeded the total of U.S. economic assistance to the country during the entire 36-year period that we were giving aid. Its gross GNP is more than four times that of the war-industrialized North, which spends 20% of its GNP on its military, compared to 6% for the

power with strong U.S. support, as has the Republic's cautious peace initia- Republic. (Figures from the Stale Chun. Now Chun, like Marcos, is tives. Department Bulletin, October 1985.) facing public discontent. North Korea is totally committed to This is the kind of opportunity-laden

However, the parallels stop here, the destruction of democracy, parti- progress which usually takes the wind with things historical and surface- cuJarly Korean democracy in what- out of an~ large, opposition move-apparent. Three all-encompassing, ever degree it may exist, by violence ment, and it must t>e (and shows every vital differences separate South Korea and terror. The 74-year old dictator, sign of being) maintained. "Our sus-from the Marcos' Philippines. These Kim II Sung, has vowed to "unite" tained economic growth is essential to differences are geomilitary, economic, Korea before his death. Thus, there Korean security," stressed President and political. are no illusions or misconceptions Chun on his 1985 visit to Washington.

The Philippines are an island chain about the danger of Communism Marcos is a significant contrast to in the Pacific Ocean. Although the among the people of South Korea, as Chun. After being democratically ever-growing Soviet Pacific fleet is there are among a limited few in the elected in 1965 (and receiving an always a concern, and the country is Philippines. Not even the most radi- honorary degree from U-M in 1966) fighting internal communist guerillas'''' ·'''ea'''80ti-government''faetieus'espoU1e Mamos.· . .changed. ,{or .. U1ewone. In ··

, (the so-called New People's Army), . it, and the terrible threat aU South 1972 he declared martial law and sent the Philippines are not in immediate, Koreans face together has in the past Philippine democracy spiraling extreme danger and are not likely to served as some justification for au- downward with its economy, becom-be a spark in a major U.S.- Soviet thoritarian military governments. ing a personality-cult ruler and confrontation. South Korea, on the Whereas Marcos made the Philip- applying himself, it has since been other hand, is the southern half of a pines a debt-ridden economic wreck, revealed, to shocking excesses in peninsula whose northern half, the which only worsened as his years of self-enrichment, as did his wife, who People's Democratic of Korea, is martial-law rule progressed, South once called the Filipino "my little perhaps the most commitedly evil, Korea, adhering to free-market eco-heavily armed, and fanatically totali- nomic principles and employing an tarian communist satellite nation on industrious people, has continued earth. under Chun to become an impressive

The Korean DMZ certainly vies economic dynamo. With foundations with Germany as the most highly in the production of steel, ships, and pressurized, critically dangerous electronics, the Republic's success in East-West interface on earth. Beyond raising the standard of living of its North Korea lie Communist China

see page 11

Mark Powell is a Sophomore in LSA and a staff writer for the Review

and the Soviet Union. It leaves South Korea nowhere to run or hide. The

. North has 700,000 men under arms (compared with 540,000 in South Korea), and hasgreater than 2:1 su­periority in aircraft, tanks, APC's, and artillery. The Republic's capital, Seoul, is just 40 miles from the DMZ-a short push for massed, modern, Soviet tanks, as was evi­denced in the last war. The Republic is closing these. gaps in hardware only slowly. North Korea also employs the world's largest commando force, de­dicated to infiltration and disruption, including regular harassments under and in the DMZ, and such horrifying terrorist atrocities as the 1983 Ran­goon, Burma bombing which killed 17 Korean high government officials and barely missed President Chun. This bombing was the North's answer to

BtmH. D5 ~HmE 1000 THE BUDGEr_

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,:

September, 1986 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 5

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Survi by Paul Sellman

My freshman year was definitely a learning experience, as it was full of academic and social highs and lows. Freshmen will inevitably have an array of both pleasant and uncom- · fortable experiences, but I hope that by sharing some information from my first year, I can save others from making a few common errors or from believing some widespread myths.

. For such a large university, the waiting lines at various places on campus are not long at all. Predict­ably, the worst times to be standing in any line at all are at the beginning and

. end of each semester. Students are depositing or withdrawing money at the banks, buying or selling back books at the bookstores, or savoring the first or last Steve's ice cream cone. During these peak times of a semester I was unable to do much except grin and bear it, or take out my frustrations on my roomates when I returned to tpe dorm.

However, proper timing and luck • . can relieve such potentially irritating

situations. If the employee helping a student find nil of the necessary book for the given schedule is competent, book-buying should take relatively little time. That is when "luck" is useful. The bookstores also tend to be less crowded after six o'clock. 'That is the "timing" part of the scheme. It is always best to remember that in addition to the peak periods of the semester, there are peak period s of the day; and these, unlike the fonner. are' avo idable.

• I irst g the

One more type of line deserves late student interest in the subject and, discussion-CRISP. Waiting in line to perhaps more importantly, create a register for classes or to drop or add sufficient amount of time when he or them requires patience. Just when I she is accessible outside of class. If thought that I had the perfect schedule such extra time is set aside, the worked out for the winter term, not students should take advantq.ge of the only did I stand in line for two hours, opportunity. but then I discovered that two of my Often, a student's teaching assistant choices were completely filled. While can be more helpful than the pro-waiting, I personally found comfort by fessor, particularly when a simple and wishing worse luck on the guy who concise explanation is needed. I just had attempted to move ahead of would not have survived my Philo-me in line. Then I turned to more sophy course last year if my T A had mature options, such as blasting my not guided me through my final two ears into oblivion with my Walkman. papers. When course material be-Overall, some class closings should be comes complicated, graduate students expected, especially for the popular often have better insight into what classes. Yet CRISP does operate exactly their students do not com-smoothly provided that the comput- prehend. Graduate students are not so ers do not break down. This was far removed from their undergraduate proven by last spring's registration for experience, and can more easily re-the fall term when very few students member their own difficulties than stood for longer than one half-hour.' , the average professor. Once again,

Just as lines 'cannot always be however, it is the student's responsi-avoided at a large university, neither bility to approach the TA for guid-can large lectures. What is important ance. Teaching Assistants are be vital to remember, however, is that large learning toofs in any course .

. classes are not · 6arrie~s to excellent ... . Life f~r all U of M!chigan freshmen d ucalions, especially at Michigari >" ' becornesmore Complicated in the

All introductory courses have large dorms, where academic and social enrollments which are difficult to spheres coexist. It is difficult to reduce. For example, my Political achieve the delicate balance between Science 111 lecture had almost 450 being a "study hound" or a "party students. In a case such as this, it is animaL" Particularly in the first se· largely up to the student to make an mester, I always kept in mind the effort to be attentive and to sit toward importance of developing friendships the front of the auditorium ifhe or she and discovering what the uni ve rsit y finds the size of the class over- had to offer aside from academics. whelming. In conjunction, the pro- U nfortunately, one can carry thi s idea fessor will hopefully stlive to stimu- to an extreme: for during 111) second

- --_ ..... _- ---_._-_._..... ..-.. _. __ ._--- ----_ .. __ ... _-_ ..•...

Can the foundations of liberty Crack?

Please support The Michisan Review.

After All. Libertll Entails Responsibility.

Please Make Contributions Payable "to:, The Michigan Review, Suite One, 9l·1 North University, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 48109.

ear semester, I ""as too busy having a great tirde to do any studying. On the other hand, it would not have been appropriate for me to have locked myself in the library, either. Looking back, I suggest working hard during the week and saving any built-up energy for the weekend. Ihis is easier said than done, of course.

Moreover, in specific reference to the dorms, strong social ties with other students living on the hall usually make the school year as enjoyable as it can be. Halls in all of the dorms are usually the centers for many parties; and if everyone on a hall can collaborate, "get-togethers" are more easily arranged. I feel the need, however, to mention again that such an atmosphere will be enjoyed more without an overd~e paper on the mind (as a student finds sex more enjoyable without the Supreme Court getting in on the act). Last year, there

. were many nights when I could not go to sleep because I had allowed my work to accumulate to such a great extent. ... Still, what made campus life so rewarding was participation in var­ious activities. Political groups aired their views, and the athletic programs flourished with the help of great athletes and dedicated supporters. Any student can find extracurTicular activities of interest at Michigan . Through these activities. a st udent may strive for a goal that he or she may want to accomplish while an undergraduate. or in a lilctime.

By the end of my first year. taken part in campus life and having tned to contrihutc in my own wav to a learning environment. I tl nal ly klt as if ! cou ld legitimat l' ly call myself al i of M student. Gaining such a com· !o11able feeling by the year's end is the key to a "s llccessful" first year at the uniwrsity. 1\

Paul Sellman is a Sophornore in LSA and an Executive Edilor of the Review

)MIJt!:.~~I<>(~Wll_·<:-""·.'<:'''''''''''''''';' ''''· ''h~'I~_ ..... \ ...... ~ •• ~ .•.• "" ... , .. t~.· '. > ,.,>, .. ,~,yo~ 'h, '.'. -.._ -

page 6 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW September, 1986

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Crac dow • • • UIsltlon the •

I o It is most distressing that it took the untimely deaths of Len Bias and During the recent Senate judiciary Committee hearings on President

Don Rogers to open a "window of opportunity" for the nation to think Reagan's nominations of William Rehnquist and Antonin Scalia to the seriously about the rapidly spreading drug abuse problem. Drug abuse posts of Chief Justice and Associate Justice of the United States has become the prime pastime in this nation, to such an absurd extent Supreme Court, the atmosphere more resembled that of a trial or an that we have even begun to mix PCP with Crack, an inexpensive inquisition than that of a hearing. After watching the eleven-hour long crystallized form of Cocaine. But the drug abuse crisis in this country g~lling of Justice Rehnquist by certain committee Democrats, it IS not has existed for years and only now are we beginning to wake up to its dIfficult to guess why there existed a long established precedent that the damaging consequences. S~preme Co~rt nominee not appear in person before the committee at

Yet what action should we take now that so much attention is hIS own heanng. focused on drugs. Unfortunately, most of the war against drug abuse The attempts by SenatorsJoseph Biden (D.-Del.), Edward Kennedy has been waged through rhetorical flourishes rather than through a (D.-Mass.), Howard Metzenbaum (D.-Ohio), and Paul Simon (D.-Ill.) coherent, well-formulated policy. The Reagan Administration has to discredit these two men with both hearsay and frivolous accusations suggested some ideas recently, such as mandatory drug testing in the reveals that their objections to these two individuals' nominations can workplace. But this idea is not new, as the various sports leagues have only be based on ideological disagreements. In Justice Rehnquist's case, discussed this propo,sal previously. Moreover, bom bing ~rug refineries ""';" .the attention given to uilertforceablc resttictivecovenants'rnsev,era16f in the Bolivian juogles is a partial step toward curbing the inflow o f his property deeds was the most ridiculous of all the evidence used drugs across our border. Why not attack the field where the substances against him. These covenants were all declared illegal and unenfor-are grown? ceable by a Supreme Court decision in 1948. Furthermore, lawsuits

Perhaps New York City Mayor Ed Koch has developed some clear brought against title companies by the Justice Department in the 1950s proposals, to be carried out at the federal, state, and local levers. Koch for reporting unenforceable religious or racial covenants on the grounds suggests that we use the full resources of the military for drug that people might have mistakenly believed that they were enforceable interdiction, condition foreign aid on drug control, establish a national easily explain why Justice Rehnquist was being truthful when he stated drug education center, enact a federal death penalty for drug that he did not know of the existence of the covenants in the deeds. This wholesalers, enhance the federal agencies combatting drug abuse and would also explain why John F. Kennedy bOUght a Washington home enact tht State and Local Narcotics Act of 1986 (This bill provides $750 that had an anti-black covenant. million annually for five years to assist state and local governments in In the case of Justice Scalia, Sen. Metzenbaum was so hard pressed the war against drugs). to find anything incriminating about Scalia that he had to resort to

Granted, some of Koch's ideas may be harsh, particularly the death questioning the way in which Scalia represented his views of American penalty for wholesalers. But these ideas serve as a foundation from Indians in his portrayal of Tonto in an anecdote which he had written which to form a national policy. While this "window of opportunity" to illustrate the ineffectiveness of affirmative action. It would also be is open, we should act decisively to sufficiently wipe out the malaise of appropriate to note at this time that our own University of Michigan drug abuse before it continues to decay the national morale. z.y Law School ~as asked to review all of Judge ~calia's written opinions,

and the findmgs only confirmed the appropnateness of Judge Scalia's nomination to the Court.

The signi~cance of these hearings which were aptly described by Senator Omn Hatch (R.-Utah) as a fishing expedition is the alarming ~recedent that t~ey set. ~ft~r watching these hearings, whenever ajudge SItS down to wnte an opmlOn for a case, the following thought will be running through his mind: "How will I be able to defend this position before the Senate Judiciary ' Committee if I am ever nominated to a position which requires their confirmation?" This is not a criterion that a judge should be using when writing an opinion on a case and the result ~ft~e~e he.arings is that they seriously threaten the inde~ndence of the JudiCIary m our system of checks and balances. ~

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September, 1986 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 7

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lfletters

A Letter from the Publisher Somewhere between reality and

absurdity. That's where our campus lies.

The irony is astounding. Imagine, we have just celebrated the lOOth Birthday of Lady Liberty, the symbol of the freest nation on Earth. Futher­more, we here in Ann Arbor attend a university known for its liberal (not necessarily political) spirit. I shoutd expect that the University of Michi­gan would be a bastion offree thought and American-style liberty. Right?

Wrong. On the surface, at least, our campus

puts the concepts of a "free" society to test. The rights of freedom of speech and assembly are certified daily. There are few other places in our nation where far-out philosophies and opinions are so readily offered and accepted. It does appear that Ann Arbor is an epitome of widely variant jd~s peacefully cocxj'stiog: After aU that is what a free society should be. Right?

Wrong. A closer analysis of our campus

details some rather distasteful trends. These tendencies worry me; the con­duct on the "free" campus has a lot to be desired. Apparently, some of us still have some learning to do.

The w'orst example of un-demo­cratic conduct took place last October. Vice President George Bush came to U-M to commemorate the 25th An­niversary of the Peace Corps. Some people, rightly or wrongly, argued that in no way did Bush represent the ideals of the Peace Corps. So, during the Vice President's speech, these people (about 400 in number) chanted so loudly that the audience could not hear him.

It is clear that this demonstration was a violent, unconstitutional act. Undoubtedly any court in the country would agree that the 1st Amendment rights of the Vice President were violated; more significantly, it is also undeniable that the 1st Amendment rights of the audience were violated too.(11 has long been upheld that the Freedom of Speech comes in two parts: the right to speak freely and the right to hear others speaking.)

Moreover, the disruption could have constituted a "violent" act. In my mind, "violence" is, the physical release of anger and frustration. Cer­tainly the demonstrators were angry at the Vice President; it showed on their faces.

. :' .... \ ...

Here is the irony. This classless conduct came from the same people who exercise their 1 st amendment rights every day. Indeed, if I list the names of people who actively partic­ipate in protests and other anti-gov­ernment and anti~stablishment acti­vities (obviously protected by the 1st amendment), and then I list the names of the demonstrators at the Blish speech, odds are that the lists would be Quite similar.

There are other examples; last year alone, the disruptions at the CIA interviews, the disruption at the Today show, and the attempt to ban certain corporations from recruiting on campus all constitute activities that erode the open atmosphere of our campus.

But let me not lay blame entirely on the left wing of campus. During the March '86 Michigan Student As­sembly elections, the "conservative" party (as it was called, although it clearly was not conservative) accused their opponents of being Marxists. At the time, it seemed like a fabulous campaign tactic (Yes, I was a member of this party). In retrospect (hindsight is 20/20), this "tactic" merely raised tempers and, more importantly, dis-

played an attitude very unbecoming of "leaders" in a free society.

The bottom line to all this is simple. This campus has a lot to learn. Liberty is a very precious commodity . American democracy and freedom should not be taken for granted; instead, we must continually protect and uphold the basic rights we all have. We have to learn to start respecting the rights of others, and we have to learn to live with other ideals and philosophies that we individually do not respect.

This campus is producing tomor­row's leaders of this country (and other countries, for that matter). It is incumbent upon us, then , to learn how to deal with each other in a free society. We must learn the most basic lesson of freedom. Liberty Entails Respnsibility.

Responsibility: Liberty demands a .rcsPecff6r others' <>J)iriions; rio matter how despicable or repugnant. Some­one once said that an individual's freedom extends until it does not violate another individual's freedom . If you wish to protest, go right ahead; but do not stop others from speaking. If you wish to criticize your campaign opponents, that is fine; but do not

insult their political beliefs. Some basic "rules" of the game are essential to keeping our society free .

Like taxes and jury duty, these "rules" are not optional. We all reap the infinite benefits offreedom in this country. Thus, we must all pay a price-and a small one at that! That price is a simple rule of conduct: live your life however you wish, but only such that someone else's life is not worsened as a result.

This type of free and open atmos­phere is crucial to the success of a large, diverse university. But I do not feel that such exists here. The many different political fractions of our campus busily engage themselves in undercutting each other.

I do hope that campus leaders learned a lesson during the celebration of Miss Liberty's birthday. And I hope that this year we can improve mark­edly . from last year's ::dismal· record . Let us all enjoy the Pursuit of Happiness; but let us allow others to do the same equally.

wa~;fiA{l;/ ;t thal

David A. Vogel ~

~euiew IJ1 arum Legal Marijuana?

by Richard Birkett

When the Michigan Review asked me to do an article putting forth the arguments for the legalization of marijuana, my first Question was "Wh'at do you mean by legalization?" This Question isn't as silly as one might assume.

First, legalization doesn't mean total absence of prohibition. When the 21st amendment to the U.S. Con­stitution legalized alcohol by repeal­ing the 18th amendment, some per­sons, namely those who had not yet attained the age of majority, were still prohibited fr9fl} possessing and con­suming alcohol. 'So in this sense, legalization of marijuana would mean that some persons, but not necessarily all persons, would be able to possess or consume marijuana without fear of legal sanction. Legalization can mean

any legal status short of total prohi­bition. I could then argue that mari­juana has always been legal, since there has always been some person who could legally possess and con­sume it.

When a government prohibits some action, it usually excludes itself. The death penalty is a classic example of a government excluding itself from its own prohibition of pr~meditated homocide . Such exclusions are usually justified by a legal doctrine known as sovereign immunity, or, as every law student should know, "the king can do no wrong" . During those years when restrictions on marijuana

see page 8

Richard Birkett is a native afSuperior Township and a Contributor to the Review

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page 8 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW September, 1986

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iBooks in ~tuitlU

Triumph of Politics by JosepJ. McCollum Reagan believed that the revenue THE TRIUMPH OF POLITICS gains from the tax cut via the Laffer David Stockman curve would outweigh the revenue New York: Harper & Row, 1986. losses from reducing inflation, ending

bracket creep, and from the tax cut When David Stockman's Triumph itself. Stockman knew that some large

of Politics was published earlier this budget cuts had to be made as well. year, it became an instant best-seller While Stockman criticizes Reagan on all over the country. Stockman .lost a this point, he is more loyal than some fierce battle with Politics, but the of the other members of the Reagan public's reception of his book is quite administration, many of whom a consolation. Although he concludes Stockman criticizes much more bru­that the battle cannot be won, it will tally. be fought again, this book provides Stockman does not mention it, but some valuable lessons about at the press conference called for the Washington. nomination of James "The Dentist"

The most important lesson is that Edwards to be Secretary of Energy, the nation's captital shrouds much Edwards announced that his goals deception. Appropriately, the popular were to put himself out of a job and media has portrayed Triumph oj his department out of existence. Once Politics as an anti-Reagan book writ- Edwards was confirmed, Stockman ten in revenge for the President taking found that his goals were otherwise. his former budget director to the Edwards fought Stockman's plan to woodshed. Stockman's criticism of completely end price and allocation Reagan is that he is far more sensitive controls on oil and to end subsidies to than rational~ he is more convinced by synfuel and nuclear power plants. In

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If10rum continued from page 7

Wl'fe strictest, the tJnited States gov­ernment allowed certain government employees and 'priv'!tc licensees to culti vate and possess marijuana for research purposes and as a source of ropt" fiber that was then considered essential to national security,

For decades, marijuana was con­sidered to have no beneficial medical v;:.lue. We now know that persons with glaucoma, multiple sclerosis, epilepsy, asthma, paralysis, migrane headaches, schleroderma, and che­motherapy patients benefit greatly from marijuana use, due to its anti­nausea and anti-spasmatic properties. Medical use of marijuana is now legal in most states.

Opponents of further legalization often point out the risks marijuana use poses to "public" health, calling it "epidemic" like it was a highly contagious disease. Yet the most dangerous and lethal drugs available today are commercially legal and easily attainable. Nicotene, a highly lethal toxin in tobacco, causes some­where between 200,000 and 300,000 deaths anllUally in the U.S. Alcohol toxicity Gl.\I<;('S upto 100,000 death's

(not including 50% of all highway deaths and 65% of all murders) an­nually in the U.S. In the thousands of years that marijuana has been used. therc has never been a documented case of death caused by marijuana toxicity. According to three separate studies, marijuana users have the same or lower incidence of murders. highway deaths and accidents as non-users. Other studies have shown no link between marijuana use and ,'ancer or brain damage.

Another argument against further legalization of marijuana is that its use is not truly victimless, that society is victimized by the loss of productivity and increased social spending caused by marijuana use. Such a view has a disturbing disregard for personal freedom. And this view is not limited to just one end of the political spec­trum. The relationship between the individual and society can be best summarized by the following three statements: 1) The Egalitarian on the left" believes the individual should work hard and be productive for the benefll of society. 2) The Disciplina­rian 6n the right believes'the indivi ..

Howard Baker's pet project, the Clinch River Breeder Reactor in Tennessee.

Stockman experienced similar frustration wherever he tried to re­du~'e government expenditures, from fighting Alexander "The General" Haig on the curious issue of foreign aid, to Cap "The Shovel" Weinberger on national defense, to Jesse Helms on farm subsidies and Samuel Pierce on hotel subsidies in the ghettos.

Stockman fell for the "poisoned pawn" deception when he thOUght he had secured the passage of KempRoth in exchange for a $2500 tax credit against the windfall profits tax for small oil companies. Kent Hance of Texas had wanted this provision, but other congressmen heard about it, and Stockman wound up having to go along with all sorts of other special favors, making the bill's final passage a pyrrhic victory.

The final deception in Stockman's career as budget director came when thepress(rePllrt~<.i'M(the. Atlan(ic

. Monthly article. As with all the other

dual should v·iOrk hard and be pro­ductiye for his OWI1 good. 3) In contrast to the work ethic espoused by both Egalitarians and Disciplinarians, the Freedom Advocate believes the individual may be lazy by choice and only that individual should bear the consequences of that choice. Con­versely, if an individual chooses to work hard and be productive, then only that individual should benefit from the consequences of that choice too.

The greatest threat to freedom is when blame is transferred to objects (such as drugs, guns, and pornogra­phy) for acts of violence, allowing individuals to avoid responsibility for their own behavior. This is often the justification governments use to jail those who have victimized noone, "rehabilitate" rather than punish the victimizers, and tax all of us, includ-

;. ing the victims, to pay for programs to

"protect" us from ourselves. ~

deceptions, there was a certain kernel of truth in this one. but the tcxt of the article did not support the quotations the press lifted from it. Ccrtainly, Stockman never fought for anything he thought was a fraud, although some of the things he actually got were indeed frauds. Finally, the White House was forced into producing the woodshed story, itself a semi-fabrica­tion.

Stockman concludes that the beast of Politics cannot be beaten, and that the voters must want it that way. However, Stockman was wrong to think that the proper course of action would have been to give back part of the tax cut. There was a tax increase in 1982. and despite promises to the contrary, the deficit was not reduced. The government merely used the additional revenue to pay for new pet projects. Nonetheless, Politics is doomed to eco~omic failure, so It cannot keep winning forever.

Politicians, not economists, in­vented Social Security. Stockman correctly observes that the reason the system keeps going bankrupt is that withdrawals exceed deposits, and as long as there are beneficiaries who did not pay into the syustem, the equation cannot be balanced. Politically, it is a system impossible to teform, but the underlying economic problems still remain.

Likewise, politicians invented oil regulation. Intuition would suggest that the government must forbid oil companies from charging a high price, but the resulting competition from a deregulated marketplace has yielded lower prices of oil. and the taxpayer has been saved the expense of allo­cating and regulating oiL The ~ame can be said of the ;mlinc industry. and the agriculture inJuqry. the dcn:gu­lalion of which \\ould llwan that anl'l!Ilt' could enter the market to sell goods at any pnce. According to Stockman, Jesse Helms is a socialist on this point.

Many reviewers of this book have criticized Stockman for being in ·on· sistent and for turning his bad on each of his mentors, from his gr Ind­father who taught him conservat "m. to his college professors who tal gIlt him Marxism. to John Ander :)n.

whom he served as an aide and I Iter

betrayed by preparing Reagan f>r a debate with him, to Reagan, whom he cmbarassed with this book. It is an irony that these things happened, but perhaps he was no more of a backstabber than anyone else in Washington. •

Joseph McCollum is a graduaTc Slu­

dent in Industrial and Operations Engineering and all .4.ssocime Pub­lisher of the Review'

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September, 1986 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 9

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Beyond Sid and Johnny by Steve Angelotti

WARNING: Members of the Par­ents' Music Resource Center might be disturbed by this article. So might many typical Led Zeppelin fans. You people have more in common than you think.

Punk rock. Let's see. Safety pins. Slam dancing. Loud and abrasive. Sid Vicious killing his girlfriend and then dying of an overdose. Meaningless garbage swallowed up by gullible dregs in Britain and America. Obnoxious bands with obnoxiously-named members: Rat Scabies, Tory Crimes, Johnny Rotten. Irrelevant, violent, and unimportant. Punk rock. Now dead, except to a few losers who wear their hair weird, dress funnny, and isolate themselves from respectable society.

Interestingly, many ex-hippies who shocked their parents with strange

Such music was generally acceptable when it dealt with a major (and immediate) issue such as the Vietnam War or when it was properly sugar­coated. However, punk rock broke this tradition. Punk not only directly challenged society, it also challenged the myths and icons of popular music.

Ten years ago popular (that is, rock) music had grown fat. The frustrations of youth did not matter anymore­California "mellowness" was the new Nirvana. Most rock was Entertain­ment without emotion.

Part of rock's beauty had been its democracy-anybody could form a band. No music degrees were re­quired; all that was needed was some talent and plenty of dedication.

A new generation of frustrated working class youth was growing in Britain. They were tired of unem-

"Silly Love Songs" was ~ot a single; it was a disease.

styles of hair and dress condemned the punks on precisely the same grounds. Many who regarded Elvis as a rebel, who loved the Stones, The Who, and Jimi Hendrix as daring radicals, who saw revolutionary sig­nificance in the Jefferson Airplane, despised the rebellious aspects of punk rock.

Why? What was the difference? Why were Elvis and many of the 60's most radical bands eventually ac­cepted while the punks were reviled? A little history may help explain.

Rock music has appeal on three levels. The first level is a continuation of pop music, a tradition passed down from singers like Frank Sinatra to singer/songwriters like Paul McCart­ney. Ironically, this grouping also includes most "heavy metal" bands. Listeners like the sound of the music. The lyrics tend to be surface-oriented and shallow, because there is no need for depth and relevance.

The second level is dance music, which became most purified with disco and with new wave acts such as the B-52's. This music is characterized by poppish or silly lyrics and one hell of a beat.

The third level of rock music usually deals with adolescent, post­adolescent, and political frustration. The most brilliant rock music has been this angst rock, music that picks up listeners and shakes them by their necks. Many ostensible rock fans (particularly comfortable Americans) are disturbed by this angry music.

ployment', tired of capitalism and socialism, tired of a Labour govern­ment which saw the solution to all problems in putting more people on the dole, and, simply, they were bored. This generation had little use for rich pop stars, for the self-indul­gent "musicianship" of bands such as Emerson, Lake, and Palmer, and the triviality (and unwarranted popular­ity) of the heavy metal and "corporate rock" bands. "Silly Love Songs" was not a single; it was a disea~e. Similarly frustrating were formerly relevant acts such the Rolling Stones and Rod Stewart who lived in luxury on the Riviera, while producing sorry empty imitations of their greatest work.

These conditions had become so bothersome that the inevitable explosion was characterized by a complete rejection of circa 1976 rock "values": Rejection of materialism (punk clothes, never mind the $100 "punk" gowns sold to rich kids, were tattered rags). Rejection of earlier music, old bands, and their "boring old fart" leaders. Rejection of the naive idealism of the hippie generation-punk bands avoided the comforts of ideology, whether worn-­out or new. Rejection of beauty-punk put safety pins in cheeks, noses, nip. pIes, had wildly cut hair, and practiced general self-debasement (Johnny Rotten got his name due to the condition of his teeth).

Punk was more than image. The bands themselves went back to three-chord rock and 1 hree-piece

setups. No synths, no pianos, no choral groups or orchestras. To some listeners punk was obnoxious and vulgar. To others it was the most exciting music they had ever heard. Punk was music by the working class for the working class. Upper-class rich kids might understand (usually they did not), but they were left on the outside, which is why in affluent America, unlike class-conscious Brit­ain, the punk scene remained a cult rather than becoming a movement.

The Sex Pistols were the most infamous punk band. Musically they featured a talented guitarist and a solid drummer (Steve Jones and Paul Cook) and an adequate bassist-song­writer (Glen Matlock). Pistol manager Malcolm McLaren needed a front man and found him in John Lydon (aka Johnny Rotten).

Rotten was, well, unique. In the best rock tradition, he was not a singer-he was a vocalist. In his work with the Pistols and with Public Image Limit¢c:i.he. has exhibited a range of emotional expressiveness that few can ever match-the screams, the whining and whimpering, the rolled R's, the nasal sarcasm, and, most importantly, the terrifying feeling that he produced in the listener: "This guy really means it. "

The Pistols' first single, "Anarchy in the U.K.", was released ten years ago this fall and was widely banned in Britain due to its seditious lyrics ("I wanna be in Anarchy"). In the meantime the band was attacked in Parliament and in the press and blocked from performing. The Pistols were dropped by two record com­panies (collecting large advances from both) and they fired their bassist. Said Johnny Rotten, in horror: "Glen Matlock wanted to make us jun, like the Beatles."

ain't no human being/And there's no future/And England's dreaming"). The response in Britain was sensational-the Pistols' chorus of "No future for you" quickly became the anthem of frustrated British youth. who were sick of working class life, sick of the dole, sick of the govern­ment. The Pistols were at the cutting edge of a new wave of bands. Many ot these bands died quickly, but many survived to make some great music.

The Pistols released tamer, but still pointed singles and an album, Never Mind the Bolloeks. Here's the Sex Pistols. Bol/oeks belied the wishful thinking of some American (and British) critics who thought that punk would sow the seeds of\ proletarian revolution. Initially punk was nihil­istic. This was not because the punks did not care, it was because the punks were not pretentious enough to pro­vide "Answers". Punks rejected ideology and thus, unlike many hip-­pies, they did not change philosophies every six months. The Clash were an exception to this anti.ideological trend as their fashionable leftist poli­tics came to the forefront of their music. As a result many punks de­nounced the Clash as seU-out posers. The Pistols could never be accused of selling out. Johnny Rotten: "I don't understand (the mainstream press' negative reaction). All we're trying to do is destroy everything."

. The Pistols' songs defied ideological tests. "Holidays in the Sun" was aimed at those wealthy and fashion­able tourists who visited Berlin just to see the Wall, "Pretty Vacant" was a statement of nihilism and a rejection of ideology, and "No Feelings" ("I got no emotions for anybody else/You better understand I'm in love with myself/My beautiful self') was aimed at Rod Stewart, Led Zeppelin, and

Initi"ally, punk was nihilistic. This was not because punks did not care, it was because the punks were not pretentious enough to provide "answers."

Replacing Matlock was one of Rotten's friends, John Simon Ritchie, rechristened Sid Vicious. Sid added !1( thing to. the Pistols' music (he could n('t evenpray.,bass) but he completed

. thl band's rtihilistic image. The band's second single was a

"tribute" to Queen Elizabeth's Silver Jubilee, entitled "God Save the Queen". ("God save the Queen/She

see page 12

Steve Angelotti is a graduate student in the Institute for Public Policy Studies and an Executive Editor (((the Revif'w.

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page 10 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW September, 1986

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Joe's Pigskin Report ,by Joe "Scoop" Typho

I guess we were all surprised Sep­tember 7 when longtime head football coach Bo Schembechler resigned to become general manager of the To­ledo Mud Hens ("Baseball's always been my first love", said the former Barberton High School southpaw). The veteran U-M coach credited his wildly successful career (14 Top 10 finishes in 17 seasons) to his strict adherence to discipline, his fetish for physical conditioning, and his em­phasis on solid defense.

Due to last season's #2 ranking and 15 returning starters, Bo's Boys faced great expectations in 1986. There was much anticipation as we all awaited the naming of Bo's successor.

No one knows why Athletic Direcor Don Canham selected Elliott Wren, Radical College junior and chairman of Space Weapons are Bogus (SWAB) as new head football coach. But the decision was made and Wren quickly took charge of the #2 (pre-season) Wolverines for their nationally tel­evised opener at Notre Dame. Both ~e~1l\~~e,J:'e~ijd~;; ~ .. iJ;lt~{lse ... Pl'e~':l~~e before.tbe game;..Micbigan due.to its high ranking; the Irish due to the

debut of coach Lou Holtz. The two teams had combined for some enter­taining games in the past, but this time, well, let's just call the game interesting.

Michigan booted the opening kick­otT out of the end zone. Notre Dame took over at its own 20. The first play was a Holtz special-a quarterback option. QB Terry Andrysiak rumbled 80 yards for a touchdown without being touched. The Wolverine de­fenders all fell on the ground at the snap and didn't get up until the referee blew the whistle. The crowq was stunned.

ABC announcer Keith Jackson, through his sideline reporter, asked Wren why his players fell down. "Well, Keith, we have to realize that strategic defense is futile. If even one player gets through with the ball then we're doomed, so why even bother to try to stop anybody? Instead we should all sit down together, talk, and maybe later get stoned."

Michigan started at its own 20. The WQly!!pne~ i~~d Jpeir~~ditional opening play, tailback off tackle. Jamie Morris was thrown for a 3-yard

fliouies in ~euielU by Sharlene Prais

Among this year's deluge of gen­erally bad, or at least predictable summer films,there are a few worth seeing, if you can find them. Here are three of them:

A'Room with a View

The Cast Lucy Honeychurch .......... Judi Dench George Emerson ....... Denholm 'Elliott Charlotte Bartlett ......... Maggie Smith Directed by ..................... James Ivory Produced by, ............ Ismail Merchant

On a vacal ion to Florence, an innocent Lucy Honeychurch and her chaperone, Miss Charlotte Bartlett, meet an enigmatic George Emerson and his inelegant but endearing father, by way of a room exchange. They unceremoniously otTer their room with a view of the Arno to the two ladies. Lucy and George are drawn to each other and despite Charlotte's and Lucy's efforts to avoid it, the two fall in love. Lucy, unwilling to accept this,

. tries to do everything possible to

avoid this strange man she is unwit­tingly attracted to. She even goes so far as to get engaged to a "safe" man, a terrible bore, who she knows will make her unhappy, in an all-out effort to deny her love for George.

Denholm Elliott is particularly etTective in his role, especially con­sidering he has vary few lines. Judi Dench is also very good, but not nearly as intense as her counterpart. With the exception of these two, everyone plays their role with an underlying subtle sarcasm, creating the perfect effect for their outrageous characters.

The humor in this film is mild and the love story is nothing extraordi­nary, but what makes this film worth seeing is the intensity of its theme, which is: do not deny your feelings, be true to them even when they involve risk, because in the end, they are the best guide to your happiness and fulfillment. This is shown by how agonizingly close Lucy comes to denying her feelings, and in the pro­cess, nearly irreversibly ruining her life.

loss. It didn't help that Wren had written the play on a big blackboard along the sideline, in letters large enough for the Notre Dame defense and coaches to read. Two more sim­ilar plays and Michigan was forced to punt. Before the punt, Keith Jackson asked Wren why he was telling Notre Dame what plays he was planning to run. "It would be very destabilizing to surprise the opposition. We should let the other side know what is coming so they will be prepared to defend their home territory. We must accept the reality of the Notre Dame regime; of the Irish people. You will note that we will not run any options or long passes. This is because those are our best plays and thus the plays that Notre Dame will have the most trouble defending against. We can't allow any unilateral strategic advan­t<iges; these might also be destabili­zlllg. "

The final score was 63-2. (Late in the game Notre Dame's fourth-string halfback hit one of his own linemen .(!,nd became cQnfused .since he couldn't see any defenders. He ended up running the wrong way all the way

Mona Lisa The Cast

George ............................ Bob Hoskins Simone ........................... Cathy Tyson Mortwell.. .................... Michael Caine Directed by ...................... Neil Jordan Produced by ........... Stephen Woolley

and Patrick Casseyetti Executive Producer

George Harrison

George (Bob Hoskins) gets a job as a chautTeur for a high-priced black call girl named Simone (Cathy Tyson). What begins as animosity develops into a cautious trust. As the relation­ship develops, Simone asks George for a favor; to find a missing friend, a younger prostitute who may have been hurt or killed by their former pimp. George obliges, providing a gepressing glimpse into London por­·ilcigfl;lphy and prostitution. In the course of the search, they all become targets of Anderson, the pimp, who turns out to be working with G6erge's old crime boss, Mortwell (Michael Caine), who gave George the job in

through the end zone for a Michigan safety.)

After the game, Irish coach Lou Holtz asked, "Does that guy Wren have any friends elsewhere who want to get into coaching? Like at MSU, Purdue, USC, or Penn State?"

Wren proclaimed the game a suc­cessful demonstration of the futility of American nuclear policy and the Strategic Defense Initiative. "We'll celebrate by not having practice next week. But we will have mandatory two-a-<iay die-ins on the Law Quad." n Joseph Typho is a graduate student in the School of Nptural Resources and Buddhist Studie4 and has been stand­ing since May in Tombstone. Arizona waiting for someone to hold hands with him

the first place. In the end, Simone vengefully kills Anderson and Mort­well and turns to point the gun at George, shattering the image of their developing relationship.

Bob Hoskins is excellent in his role; showing just enough of his vulnera­bility for us to care for him despite the supposedly repulsive character he is. Cathy Tyson is equally as good, hav­ing to reveal more of her character through ways other than words, she does a very good job with facial expressions, voice tone, body move­ment, etc. to convey her outside coldness and inner despair.

The real interest in this film is the relationships between the characters amongst their seedy environment. Simone, unintentionally, does end up caring for George, but what at first seemed to be an honest relationship

see page 11

Sharlene Prais is a Sophomore in LSA and Advertising Director of the Review

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September, 1986 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW page 11

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ROK continued from page 4

brown children." There have been fairly well substantiated charges that Marcos' war record, on which he founded his political career, was largely fabricated: these allegations, if true, constitute perhaps his most egregious personal affront against the Filipino people. Thus, it can be argued that Marcos deserved his fall from power. Among the only things that can be said in his defense is that he maintained the all-important Subic and Clark bases.

Chun, on the other hand, was a professional military man who has evolved into a reserved, dedicated leader, who has produced results for his country and moved steadily to­ward democracy, not away from it. When President Park Chun Hee was assassinated in October 1979, General Chung Seung Hwa seized power and declared martial law. When evidence emerged linking Chung to the assassination-he was seen near the

for Chun to forcibly stay; he has done a good job for his country, and if he steps down peacefully after a suc­cessful Olympics, will be well-re­membered by the majority of his countrymen. Besides its economic success, the Republic today, compar­ed to a decade ago, has a stanger U.S. commitment and enhanced diploma­tic stature throughout the world. This is manifested by the International Olympic Committee's award of the 1988 Summer Games 10 Seoul.

Yet, despite the Republic's econo­mic and political success, violent protests. albeit by a minority of stu­dents and leftist agitators, continue to occur. Once possessed of democracy in tangible measure. people want more of it. In this light, then, the demonstrations are to a certain extent a good and healthy thing. However, the bitterly violent nature of many of the demonstrations has been disturb­ing. Illustrative was the five-hour battle between protestors and police on May 3rd, unlike anything seen during the days of change in the Philippines, where the people had real reason to be violent. In a raging, two-sided combat, the demonstrators, armed only with rocks and bottles, fought heavily armed riot police to a

.fet, despite the Republic's economic and political successes, violent protests, albeitbyaminorityof ,students and leftist agitators, continue to occur. Once possessed of democracy in tangible measure, people want more of it.

site-Chun, the chief investigator of the assassination, moved to arrest him, taking power himself without changing the cabinet. Chun, a major general, continued to wear just two stars on each shoulder before switch­ing to a business suit. He was the first head of state to visit President Reagan and the entire U.S. Government, with whom Chun has gotten along very well and from whom he has benefitted greatly, strongly, and publicly remind him of that pledge. This contrasts with the public support and praise Marcos was given in an open-ended fashion until it was clear his days were num­bered. Although dissident Kim Dae J ung remains under local arrest, al­most all prisoners held on political grounds were released in 1984, free expression has been allowed on South Korean college campuses, and the National Assembly elections in Feb­ruary, 1985 were by all accounts nearly immaculate, with a strong op­position party coming to the forefront. Moreover, there is no "Aquino fac­tor" here, an apparent people's champion goading thun to the Marcos-like personal aggrandizement and subterfuge that he seems to be above anyway. Indeed, there is no reason short of some crisis or disaster

near standoff. To some degree this may be explained by the fact that Chun and the students are simply, as one media figure put it, "used to playing rough." But several of these demonstrations also have taken on a concerning anti-American tone.

Won Wook Choi, an MBA student at the University of Michigan familiar with the student movement in his country, offers some insight. A fun­damental motivation behind the de­monstrations, Won says, confirming most media reports, is the South Koreans' dissatisfaction with the fact that, with all the progress they have made, they still cannot elect their president without what they feel is a dubious electoral college-like ar­rangement. The demonstrations are to insure that Chun honors his pledge to peacefully step down in 1988, al­though they could tragically end up having the opposite effect. They are sharp warnings to Chun, Won says, that the Korean people will not tol­erate being handed over to another military regime in 1988. Having ex­perienced many of the fruits of de­mocracy, Koreans want to be sure they get the tree. He declines to profess optimism or pessimism about what would happen should another

military coup install a regime willing to use force against the people. "There is a great potential for violence," he says in a soft, serious voice.

Apparently, despite all their mili­tary and economic reasons for want­ing something approaching the status quo, the Koreans' boiling point is considerably lower than that of the Filipinos, and may be nonexistent in 1988. The occasional anti-American tone is a warning to the u.s. not 10 allow, for its part, such deceit. (Also, on his May visit to Seoul. Secretary of State Shultz met with Lee Min Woo, head of the opposition New Korea Democratic Party, after meeting with Chun, to show our concern for a peaceful transition of power). Ifdeceit and subsequent violence were to occur, Korea could hardly hope to be . as fortunate as the Philippines, despite the unresolved problems there, in having a popular "people's cham­pion" sweep to power without bloodshed. Such instability in South

Movies continued from page 10

between Simone and George, some­thing of real value in their empty lives, turns out to be a sad disappointment for George and some mild regret for Simone. Instead of hope for these people, they remain trapped and alone, their worlds too dangerous and cruel for them to risk caring.

Despite the movie's attempt to end on a hopeful note, with George de­veloping a relationship with his daughter, who was previously not allowed to see him, we are left feeling George's loneliness and sense of be­trayal at what he endured in Simone's ruthless world.

Letter to Brezhnev

The Cast Elaine .......................... Alexandra Pigg Peter.. ................................. Peter Firth Teresa ........................... Margie Clarke Sergei ............................ Alfred Molina Directed by .................. Chris Bernard Produced by ................ Janet Goddard

Elaine and Teresa are two working class girls from a small town just outside Li,,~rpQol, England. Elaine, naive and a daydreamer, is unem­ployed and liVes with her family on welfare. Teresa, tough and cynical, is "lucky" enough to have a job-stuffing

Korea would give an opportunity for subversion and aggression by the North.

Won, however, does not see the present violence growing to revolu­tionary proportions before 1988. First. most South Koreans feci that Chun has earned the right to honor his pledge. Second, Koreans arc very excited about and take vcry seriously the 1988 Olympics in Seoul and are detennined to show the world their country at its best. Chun has US support to make those games, in President Reagan's words, "the best ever" and plenty of support from thl~ U.S. and his own nation, to assure the democratic process after them. Presi­dent Reagan, after touring the DMZ in November 1983, addressed the Korean people on television. "The development of democratic political institutions," he told them, "is the surest means to build the national consensus that is the foundation of. true security." n

chickens in a factory. The two of them take off for a night on the town in Liverpool (paid for by a wallet pick­pocketed by Teresa) where they meet Peter and Sergei, two Soviet sailors in port for a night. The girls spring for hotel rooms and while Teresa and Sergei are getting in as much sex as time allows, Elaine and Peter fall in love. Their 24 hour romance is just fluff, but as Peter leaves for the ship, he says he wants to marry Elaine. Elaine, realizing she cannot face life without Peter, writes a letter to Mr. Brezhnev, hoping he will help her. Amazingly enough, she receives in return a one-way ticket to the Soviet Union, an invitation to be with Peter. She is temporarily deterred when she is told by the Foreign Office that he is married, but Teresa convinces her to go and take a chance because what did she have to lose?

Both Alexandra Pigg and Maggie Clarke put enough life into their roles to rise above the basically two-<ii­mensional story. Peter Firth's role is contrived, as is the rest of the story, but this docs not have a negative effect on the film overall, as his role is minor.

As an unemployed girl in Liver­pool, Elaine docs nOl have much to lose by emigrating to the Soviet Union. Liverpool is lilmed as grim and lifeless, and the girls' lives are empty and desperate. For them, there is no unbounded opportunity for a better life, supposedly available to all in a semi-capitalist society, So what does she have to lose in leaving it for

. love, even if it means living under Communism? If .

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page 12 THE MICHIGAN REVIEW September, 1986

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" i}looks in mruiew

With the Contras by Gloria Sanak BOOK REVIEW: WITH THE CONTRAS, by Christopher Dickey. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1985 271 pages.

On July 17, 1979, Anastasio So­moza, the dictator of Nicaragua, left the country. Forty-five years of So­mozan control came to an end, trig­gering a chain of events. Christopher Dickey, Washington Post bureau chief

... Ortega's forces had had to fight a running battle of twelve days before finally wiping out a group of 120 fighters near the settlement of Seven Bank"). Dickey also discusses the specific personalities of the Sandi­nistas, as well as the contras: "Daniel Ortega would talk of five jailings,

ican policy. Of further interest, Dick­ey describes the CIA's role and its booklet Psychological Operations in Guerrilla WarJare.

Several revelations surface from the text. For example, " ... these notes recorded the payoff for the murder of the Archbishop (in EI Salvador), and

for the region, became the first American newspaper reporter to travel with the contras into combat. With the Contras details the changes which occurred during the four years Dickey was in the region. Offering a detailed account of regional events, Dickey provides a comprehensive

Dickey leads one to feel that the conflict goes beyond simple economics, to the level of humanity. Certain ideologies are concerned, of course, but the real source of discontent is the human element.

picture of Nicaragua that delves beyond the superficial accounts pro- seven years in continuous confine-vidt::d bX ~os.t 11t::wsp,l;l~r~.7.... . .. ..... . ment, a~ 'a tin1~' of ri~ll,.~~~ri~l)ce~~ ", .

';i .i:;:~~~s;,"s~'beiins!witft 'dle" Then,~'Ot1e' o:fSuicida's' . toughest format he employs. The chronological . recruits was Curo . . . 'When we organization follows a helpful pro- couldn't stand the Sandinistas any logue that gives a historical synopsis more some of us took this decision,' of Nicaragua and the stem of the he explained, glancing at the rifle in current situation: "In order to win his hand." they (revolutionaries) had planned Also enlightening is Dickey's dis-and trained and finally agreed on cussion of occurrences in other parts strategies for everything-except how of Central America and his explana-they would run the country if they did tion of them in terms of their relation win, and how they would treat their to Nicaragua. Evolving American enemies, and who exactly would be policy is dually reported, offering a their friends." glimpse of politics and its actual

The chronology begins with the reaches. One example being the closing events of 1979. Thankfully, transition from the Carter Admini-Dickey organizes the sections of each stration to Reagan's Central Amer-chapter by country and region, thus, he avoids confusing the reader. The breakdown flows with logical transi­tions and is ideal for two reasons. First, Dickey is foremost a journalist. Facts and places are his medium and imperative to his story. Second, the subject matter most favorably lends itself to such organization. It would seem out of kilter for such informa­tion to be placed in a more prosaic format, for example.

Another appreciable aspect of the book is the content. Thumb nail sketches of the activities in Central America can be found in nearly every newspaper. Unfortunately, they fall short of informing people. Dickey does not only detail the weapons and conflicts (i.e., "They had all kinds of arms: M-79 grenade launches and light antitank weapons and F AL rifles

Punk continued from page 9

other rich rockers who had lost touch. But "Bodies" was the clincher. Per­haps the most intense political song in rock history, "Bodies" was not a statement, but merely a song, about abortion-with Rotten playing the role of fetus ("You're an animal/It's an abortion/Bodies/I'm not an animalj Mommy Mommy Mommy/ I'm not an abortion/ ... I'm not a dischar­ge/I'm not a mass of protein"). The effect was chilling. Johnny Rotten's scream was not silent.

The Pistols made a mini-tour of

that there is no doubt of that. He also ~d. JU~p.h.~~~>t,hitMlenexla~nQo,o tation is the most significant of all since it is the name of the Nicaraguan who contracted out his men to do the job." Perhaps the most fascinating perspective one leaves Dickey's work with is the sense that the problems of Central America cannot be distanced from the people. Dickey leads one to feel that the conflict goes beyond simple economics, to the level of humanity. Certain ideologies are concerned of course, but the real source of discontent is the human element. Pride and passion are at play in this saga of man against man and the fact is pronounced in the detailed

America in early 1978 (well-captured in Lech Kowalski's documentary D.o.A.) and Rotten quit, effectively killing the band. Other bands carried on, less obnoxious, more pop-orient­ed, more acceptable. The music diluted, the passion calmed. But in the Pistols' wake there was a whole gen­eration of new more daring acts. The old guard-denounced by punks as "boring old farts" -began to respond themselves (c.f. the Stones on Some Girls or Pete Townshend's "Rough Boys"-the latter dedicated to the Pistols).

To gauge a band's influence and impprtance, one should not rely on Rolling Stone readers' polls-one should listen to band members. Nearly every punk band admitted to being heavily influenced by Town-

characterization of the main parties of the conflict. The problems and battle grounds change as the mood of the people change: today a Sandinista and tomorrow, if one is still alive, one may become a contra. Thus, one genuinely perceives the tension and indefinite lack of resolve in the region.

Dickey proves to be a good reporter. He does not offer an answer or panacea for the Nicaraguan problem or American policy. He merely re­ports and informs. He leaves the discussion open and the problems unresolved. Thus, the book avoids persuading or patronizing the reader and quite rightly emerges as an in­formative account of the contras in Nicaragua. >

The last area of note is Dickey's style. He is crisp enough to present the details, yet his prose is soft enough for one to identify the human qualities of those he documents and feel emotion toward them. He adopts some Latin­like descriptions and methods that are effective. However, the prose is not all good, and certain techniques are cheap bites frbm Hemingway (e.g. "The hills were small and menacing in the black shadows of dawn . . . they stood like oddly rounded burial mounds on the flat surface of the land . . . ").

In the last line of the book, Dickey states: "The army was still in the field. The war was not over." The summa­twnlsa stark reminder that although With the Contras is explicit and thorough, the story does not end with the book. While the book is a superb source for understanding certain dimensions of the Sandinista/Contra 'onflict, it is not definitive. As the book illustrates, each day changes occur in Central America. Every day is another story. ~

Gloria Sanak is a Junior in LSA and a staff writer Jar the Review

shend, The Who, and "My Genera­tion" (something that would shock many punk-hating Who fans). Most new rock bands today admit to being greatly influenced by the Sex Pistols and the cutting edge of punk rock. This includes widely accepted bands such as U2 and the Pretenders, just about every new British band this side of Wham!, and many American acts.

To analyze and evaluate punk rock as noise made by illiterate youths is silly, about as silly and "square" as analyzing Elvis Presley as a southern cretin or the Rolling Stones as long­haired druggies. Punk rock did not dent the charts the way Elvis and the Stones did. But, in its own way, punk returned anger and emotion to the decaying style of music known as rock and roll. 1!