UvodIntroduction
Oliver Vodeb: (Ne)vidnost komuniciranja - Trije režimi (ne)vidnosti:
komuniciranje, produkcija, vrednotenje
Oliver Vodeb: (In)Visibility of Communication - Three Modes of (In)Visibility:
Communication, Production, Evaluation.
Bruno Latour: Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam?: From Matters of Fact
to Matters of Concern
IMemefest 2002
Festival Outlines: All Categories
Naomi Klein: The Brand Expands from No Logo
Festival Submissions
Communication Studies | undergraduate
Alenka Lahajnar: Benetton-Toscani učinek
Nejc Pohar: Disney ni Disney ni Disney
Sociology | undergraduate
Gal Kirn: Radikalen pogled: Oglaševanje skozi teorijo propagande in ideologije
Sociology | postgraduate
Katja Petrin, Urška Prusnik: Identities for sale. Buy now.
Metka Kuhar: Komodifikacija državljanstva in demokracije
Nikola Janović: TV-zaslon: Ideologija in kultura vidnosti (postmodernizma)
Jernej Zajc: The logo as a highly propagatve meme
Visual Communication
Sašo Dornik, Katja Petrin Dornik: Readbook
Primož Mahne: Adidas
Darja Gudac, Matjaž Valenčič: Labour power
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IIMemefest 2003
Festival Outlines: Communication Studies and Sociology
Thomas Frank: The Conquest of Cool
Festival Submissions
Communication Studies | undergraduate
Jaka Ažman: Cool fenomen (cool – mantra razvitega potrošniškega
kapitalizma)
Špela Stražišar: Be onformable in spirit
Communication Studies | postgraduate
Jana Jovanovska: Črno-belo v barvah
Sociology | undergraduate
Sanja Matkovič: Society responds to the address of the media:
Market’s trendy poisoning
Festival Outlines: Visual Communication
First Things First Manifesto
Festival Submissions
Visual Communication | static, undergraduate
Martin Bricelj: Bush Contra People
Kostis Basiliadis: Advertising Communication
Visual Communication | static, postgraduate
Paulo Hartmann: Gulity?
Ingrid Picukane: New!
Giorgia Aiello: The Other Side of Seattle’s Peace March
Henrik Daugaard: Zebravissimo
Michael Shaw: Bagnews.com images
Joon-Young Jung: The D.M.Z.
Visual Communication | moving, undergraduate
Michele Aquila: War_tm
Marco Perugini: Paper Sky
Visual Communication | interactive, undergraduate
Atmospheric Henry Ross: Erotech Industries
Visual Communication | interactive, postgraduate
Tyler Jacobsen, Nathan Martin: Re-code.com v. Wall Mart
IIIMemefest 2004
Festival Outlines: Communication Studies and Sociology
John Arquila, David Ronfeldt: Cyberwar is Coming!
Festival Submissions
Communication Studies | undergraduate
Pika Založnik: Konstrukcija kibertonizma
Mija Lorbek: Nevarna kibernetska prihodnost
Aleksander Sašo Slaček Brlek: Razuno nasilje in nasilni razum
Communication Studies | postgraduate
SImon Delakorda: Od kibernetske vojne k elektronski participaciji
Marko Ivanišin: Juggling with war to have peace?
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Sociology | undergraduate
Matej Delakorda: Kibernetska vojna - bitka za svobodo
Matic Kavčič: Kiberprostor v sociološki perspektivi
Alenka Bezjak: (Kiber)vojna kot globalen režim
Sociology | postgraduate
Jeff Shantz: Netwar and cyberwar in the killing fields of the democratic
republic of Congo
Nikola Janović: Technotricks (Design. Everyday life. Spectacle)
Festival Outlines: Visual Communication
Tony Credland, Brian Holmes, Sandy Kaltenborn: Design is not enough!
Festival Submissions
Visual Communication | static, undergraduate
Héctor Espinosa: Ethnicseries
Visual Communication | static, postgraduate
Fabian Frenzel: Ceci n’est pas ...
Visual Communication | moving, undergraduate
Yes Duffy: Urban swings
Martin Bricelj: Projekt 024
Brigida Campbell: IMF
IVMemefest 2005
Festival Outlines: Communication Studies and Sociology
Douglas Rushkoff: Nowhere to hide
Festival Submissions
Communication Studies | undergraduate
Franja Pižmoht: Prikriti piarovec, ki se ne more skriti
Sociology | undergraduate
Kaisa Saarenmaa: Call me Ishmael
Sociology | postgraduate
Steffen Schröter: Advertisement as a phenomenon of inner and outer
reference or who is the rabbit and who is the hedgehog? Notes on the
relation of advertisers and consumers
Simona Bezjak: Izzivi postfordističnega marketinga
Primož Krašovec: Avtentičnost in kritika v teoriji oglaševalske ideologije
Festival Outlines: Visual Communication
People communication charter
Festival Submissions
Visual Communication | static, undergraduate
Rok Klemenčič: Rdeča nit
Ahumada Sandoval: Literality
Zainab Al Haj Yahya: Veiled
Ettore Paiola: Consumption
Michael Curry: Ride
Sara Jassim, Neja Engelsberger: Oglaševanje PCC-ja
Visual Communication | static, postgraduate
Barbra Tolentino: We Are Committed ...
Fabian Giles: No television
Rafo Castro: C. O. N. S. U. M. I. S. M.
Visual Communication | moving, undergraduate
Patric Doan: Noise
Visual Communication | interactive, undergraduate
Katie Bush: Destroyevil.com
Visual Communication | interactive, postgraduate
Aarnoud Rommens: Camouflage Comics
VMemefest 2006
Festival Outlines: Communication Studies and Sociology
Richard Barbrook: The hi-tech gift economy
Festival Submissions
Communication Studies | undergraduate
Fabian Esteban Alvarez Rojas: The rise of a new value
Sociology | undergraduate
Joep van Delft: Encapsulating Imperials
Sociology | postgraduate
Mateja Batagelj: Od ekonomije daru do kiberkomunizma
Jeff Shantz: Producing anarcho-communism: From DIY to self-valorization
Festival Outlines: Visual Communication
Declaration toward a global ethic
Festival Submissions
Visual Communication | static, undergraduate
Aisha Al-Ansari: Sold
Ana Gregorič: Somalian women
Héctor Espinosa: Ethnic
Khulood Khoory: Campaign for real truth
Francilns Castilho Leal: Vi elas (See look)
Church hill: Hrib hib
Visual Communication | static, postgraduate
Paolo Casalis: Ctrl_Alt_Del project
Visual Communication | moving, undergraduate
Leon Vidmar: Egosistem
Jaka Kramberger, Ugo Ugowsky, Leon Vidmar, Emina DJukić: Okupator
Oscar Darío Villota: Our beliefs
Visual Communication | interactive, undergraduate
Rick Niebe: Empire
Visual Communication | interactive, postgraduate
Cindy Wilson: Vision
VIMemefest 2007
Festival Outlines: All Categories
Alfred Hitchcock: The Birds
Festival Submissions
Communication Studies | undergraduate
Dominik Maher: Ekološka ozaveščenost po kampanjsko
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Visual Communication | static, undergraduate
Shannon Linde, Alexis Ronse: Romantic taxonomy
Jacqueline Gothe, Elisa Lee: Cadavre exquis - groupy
Christian Lindqvist: Lightbulb
Alexander Mouton: Epiglobis
VIIMemefest 2008
Festival Outlines: All Categories
Radical Beauty
Festival Submissions
Communication Studies | undergraduate
Zala Vidali: Radikalna lepota
Sociology | postgraduate
Katerina Ferkov: Zdravljenje ženskosti - uravnovešanje energij
Visual Communication | static, undergraduate
Marilyn de Castro: The welcome mat
Lujain Abulfaraj: Serenity
Clare Sheldon-Williams, Sally Fowler: From the midnight artist, with love.
Alexandra Hall: Individual beauty
VIIIBeyond ...
2003K. B. Holingsworth: Notes in the margin
Peter Purg: Performative disturbance of public space
2004Rüediger Schlömer: Additional
Ryan Griffis: The temporary travel office
2005Constantin Demner: Walk. An Intervention in public space
Daniel Jolliffe: One free minute
2006Center fo Tactical Magic: Tactical ice cream unit
Chico Linares, Flavia Vivacqua, Daniel Manzione, Roberto Shwafaty: Dignity
2007Gregory OToole: The quantumedia virtual eq. Learnin tool v. 1.0
2008Joshua Kinberg: Bluetooth users against Bush
Chris Barr: Bureau of worklplace interruptions
Center for Tactical Magic: Center for Tactical Magic
Nicholas Knouf; Bruno Vianna; Luis Ayuso: Fluid nexus
Riitta Oittinen: Is EU(rope) everywhere? An ongoing photo project with
volunteer eurosignspotters
Tatiana Wells; Ricardo Ruiz; Jose Balbino, Tininha Llanos; Ettiene Delacroix,
Alexandre Freire; Glerm Soares; Tiago Bulgarin: MimoSa
Marc Lee: Oamos
Claudia Pederson, Lucian Leahu, Jennifer Thom-Santelli, Pavel Dmitriev, Phoebe
Sengers: Uptake of situationism considered harmful
Robert praxmarer: (T)error
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IXA Conversation about Memefest
A convesration with -Kevin Yuen Kit Lo
Gal Kirn
Frédéric Dubois
Jason Grant
Shoaib Nabi
Dejan Vodeb
Rok Klemenčič
Jaša Gabrijan
Tom Liacas
Paulo Hartmann
Memefest v slikah / Memefest in Pictures
About Memefest
Memefest 2010 are
Imensko kazalo / Name Index
Stvarno kazalo
Index
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Uvo
d
Knjiga, ki jo držite v rokah, je kompendij del zadnjih sedmih let Memefesta – med-
narodnega festivala družbeno odzivnega komuniciranja. Memefest danes deluje kot
globalna mreža angažiranih posameznikov, ki se zavzemamo za družbene spre-
membe. Naš namen je, da z radikalno in prefinjeno uporabo medijskih in komu-
nikacijskih teorij ter praks ustvarjamo, razmišljamo, raziskujemo, izobražujemo in
delujemo na presečiščih komunikacijske stroke, znanosti, oblikovanja, umetnosti,
teorije in aktivizma.
Razlog za začetek Memefesta je bilo spoznanje, da je potrebna temeljita sprememba
komunikacijskih praks v javnem prostoru. Danes se že mnogi zavedajo, da pre-
vladujoče komunikacijske prakse temeljijo na slepi in zavajajoči tržno-komercialni
paradigmi, ter odločilno prispevajo k družbi neenakosti, izključevanja, izkoriščanja
in uničevanja naravnega in družbenega življenjskega okolja. Nekateri se s takšnimi
komunikacijskimi pristopi, teorijami in praksami nismo strinjali. Menili smo, da
je mogoče vzpostaviti drugačno logiko komuniciranja, takšno, ki bo usmerjena v
dialog in se bo zavzemala za enakovrednejšo porazdelitev moči v družbi. Vendar
smo ob tem poudarili še drugo perspektivo. Kot strokovnjaki za komuniciranje smo
menili, da sta etika in družbena odgovornost komuniciranja inherentni del stroke.
Da je nečemu, kar ima objektivno škodljive učinke na naše skupno življenje, mogo-
če reči »dobro« in »strokovno«, je bil za nas vedno absurdno.
Na prvi pogled je proces Memefesta enostaven. Vsako leto objavimo izhodišča v
obliki pisanega in/ali vizualnega teksta, s katerim izpostavimo določen problem in
z njim izzovemo udeležence. Nanje se ti odzovejo z raznovrstnimi prispevki, ki
segajo od medijskih intervenc, umetniških multimedijskih projektov do esejev in
znanstvenih razprav. Mednarodni odbor kuratorjev in urednikov dela pregleda, oce-
ni ter poda pisne komentarje, katerih ključna razsežnost je pedagoško usmerjanje
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v možnosti za še bolj kakovostno delo. Dela so objavljena na spletni strani in pred-
stavljena javnosti. Ob tem pa Memefest organizira še predavanja, razstave, okrogle
mize in javne intervence. Vendar, ker Memefest ni naveden festival revijalnega
tipa, so tudi njegovi festivalski procesi kompleksnejši, kot se kažejo na prvi pogled.
Memefest je festivalsko obliko že od samega začetka razumel kot medij, kot tak-
tično izobraževalno, raziskovalno in komunikacijsko orodje. Prav to orodje smo
vedno uporabljali za vzpostavljanje drugačnih okvirov kakovosti komuniciranja.
Leta 2001, ko smo začeli s prvim Memefestom, je to bil še mednarodni študentski
festival širjenja idej. Festival smo organizirali dva dodiplomska in en podiplomski
študent ob podpori in pomoči nekaj somišljenikov iz tujine. Memefestov mem
smo širili po različnih mrežah. Res je, da smo se takoj osredotočili na internet in
ga s pridom dobro uporabljali. Projekt je hitro rastel in je hitro presegel študentske
okvire. Prvo leto smo prejeli dela iz petih, drugo leto iz šestindvajsetih, tretje leto
pa iz šestintridesetih držav. V vseh preteklih letih smo prejeli dela iz več kot šest-
desetih držav sveta. Kmalu smo globalno mrežo okrepili z lokalnimi centri, ki so
Memefestovo filozofijo začeli udejanjati v Braziliji, Kolumbiji in Srbiji. Za krajši
čas smo vzpostavili tudi lokalne centre v Avstraliji in Španiji. Zanimivo je tudi, da
je veliko univerz v svoj kurikul vneslo Memefestova izhodišča, tako so študenti
delali na naših izhodiščih znotraj formalnega izobraževalnega procesa.
Močan odziv na Memefest pripisujemo predvsem potrebi ustvarjalcev na podro-
čju medijev in komuniciranja, da se udeležijo procesa, ki bo pomenil alternativo
obstoječim mainstreamovskim oglaševalskim, oblikovalskim in umetniškim festi-
valom, univerzitetnim študijem tržnega komuniciranja in tržnega oblikovanja ter
institucionaliziranim komunikacijskim praksam v javnem prostoru. Med drugim
opažamo, da je danes tudi vse več ustvarjalcev, ki so kritični do prevladujočih ko-
munikacijskih praks in želijo sodelovati pri družbenih spremembah. Veseli smo,
da so se nekateri med njimi pridružili projektu.
Pomembno je povedati, da je Memefest povsem neodvisen. Deluje na volunterski
osnovi in kot intermediarna neformalna institucija in platforma, ki povezuje zelo
različne profile ljudi – teoretike, oblikovalce, umetnike, aktiviste, znanstvenike,
kreativne profesionalce, raziskovalce in pedagoge z različnih koncev sveta. Odvisni
nismo od nikogar razen od nas samih. Tako je od samega začetka leta 2002 in
tako bo ostalo tudi v prihodnje. Biti neodvisen za nas pomeni, da ne delujemo v
polju kompromisnih rešitev, ampak smo zmožni delovati brez pritiskov trga ter da
lahko sledimo visokim kriterijem kakovosti in neodvisne komunikacijske prakse,
raziskovalne dejavnosti, teoretske prakse, kritične misli in poučevanja.
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Polje komunikacijske teorije, prakse in imaginacije, ki ga gradi Memefest, je inter-
disciplinarno. Povezuje predvsem sociologijo, oblikovanje, umetnost in komuniko-
logijo, tiste družbene in humanistične programe, ki nam omogočajo, da komuni-
kacijske prakse ne obravnavamo zgolj iz ene perspektive. Zato z medprogramskimi
povezovanji in multipliciranjem perspektiv vzpostavljamo številne inovativne raz-
iskovalne in teoretske pristope, s katerimi dekonstruiramo in rekonstruiramo ko-
munikacijske diskurze. Na področju vizualnega komuniciranja udeležence npr.
spodbujamo, da k svojim delom priložijo opise, iz katerih je razvidno, kako raz-
mišljajo o njegovi komunikacijski in družbeni umestitvi. Na področju kritičnega
pisanja spodbujamo teoretike, da raziskujejo polje vizualnih komunikacij in dru-
gih komunikacijskih področji ter kritično teoretsko preizprašujejo in vrednotijo
njihove prakse. Da to ni lahka naloga, se lahko prepričate ob branju spremljevalnih
podatkov k vizualnim delom in branju teoretskih prispevkov. Ideologija vizualnega
spektakla in površine podobe ima namreč zelo dolgo roko.
Da bi presegli prepad med teorijo in prakso, vztrajamo na njuni prepletenosti, po-
vezovanju teoretskega vedenja in praktičnega znanja. Menimo, da le tak pristop
hkrati omogoča celostno razumevanje sodobne komunikacijske ideologije in pra-
kse ter refleksivno vzpostavljanje kritične diskurzivne miselnosti in komunikacij-
skih praks. Pozicija kritičnosti je odlika in prepoznavnost Memefesta, ki se kaže
tudi na ravni teoretske produkcije. Memefest je bil tudi za nas teoretsko raziskoval-
no polje in v veliki meri so izsledki raziskovanja pripomogli k oblikovanju koncepta
družbeno odzivnega komuniciranja (Vodeb 2008), ki je danes koherentna teoretska podlaga projekta. Naše strasti do teoretske produkcije ni mogoče razumeti zgolj
kot epistemološko potrebo po artikulaciji prakse, temveč gre za tisto teorijo, ki jo
je treba misliti kot konkretno teoretsko prakso, iskanje alternativnih modelov, kon-
ceptov in teoretskih rešitev za komunikacijsko prakso. Našo ljubezen do komuni-
kacijske prakse pa je treba razumeti kot aktivno udeležbo v družbenokulturnih pro-
cesih. Kot odzivno delovanje, ki nenehno išče optimalni spoj med komunikacijsko
učinkovitostjo in družbeno odgovornostjo, pri tem pa je usmerjeno v proces in ne
v komuniciranje kot produkt.
Z Memefestom smo se učili vsi, ki smo ga spremljali. Na podlagi naših izhodišč
so se k nam stekale misli in komunikacijska dela, ki jih je odlikovala inovativnost,
eksperimentalnost in konceptualna dovršenost. Ob tem pa je kultura, ki je teme-
ljila na grobi nedovršenosti pristopa »naredi sam«, vzpostavljala tiste reze, ki so se
izkazali za ključne. Danes nam omogočajo, da razkrivamo in subvertiramo slepe
pege sodobnih mainstreamovskih estetskih in teoretskih paradigem.
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Težava, ki smo jo hitro zaznali pri prevladujočih komunikacijskih praksah ter do-
jemanju teh v procesu produkcije, tako v praksi kot znotraj študijskih procesov na
univerzah, je hermetična dekontekstualiziranost. Snovanje in vrednotenje komu-
nikacijskih del potekata brez upoštevanja procesov produkcije, distribucije, recep-
cije, legitimizacije ter brez upoštevanja družbenih, kulturnih in političnih učinkov.
Vrednotenje in razumevanje se uresničujeta na površinski ravni podobe in v večini
primerov brez – po našem mnenju izjemno pomembnega – interdisciplinarnega
komunikacijskega znanja, ki povezuje teorijo in prakso.
Memefest je sčasoma razvil metodologijo, ki omogoča visoko strokovno in celo-
stnejšo obravnavo komunikacijskih teorij in praks, ob tem pa je vzpostavil posebno
socialno orodje, s katerim sodelujoče povezujemo v skupnostni proces raziskova-
nja in ustvarjanja znanja o dobrem komuniciranju. Izhajajoč iz konceptov kritične
pedagogike smo udeležence, ki so na festivalu sodelovali s svojimi deli, z žirijo
povezali tako, da smo omogočali medsebojno komunikacijo in transparentnost
pisnih komentarjev vsakega člana žirije. Udeleženci so tako na podlagi različnih
komentarjev urednikov in kuratorjev sestavili širšo sliko mnogoterih perspektiv
obravnavanja njihovega dela. To je eden izmed pomembnih pedagoških momen-
tov, katerega, tako pravijo udeleženci, ne srečujejo znotraj univerzitetnih študijev.
Med drugim je Memefestu uspelo zaradi njegove odprtosti in dovzetnosti za in-
terdisciplinarnost in heterogene perspektive razmišljanja vzpostaviti platformo, ki
skupaj s festivalskimi intervencijami omogoča tudi celostnejše razumevanje kom-
pleksnosti in nians komunikacijskega dela. Pomemben vidik Memefesta je tudi
njegova multikulturna perspektiva. Na enaka izhodišča se odzivajo ustvarjalci iz
tako različnih okolij, kot so Slovenija, Kolumbija, Brazilija, Združeni arabski emi-
rati, Srbija in Severna Amerika.
Kot proces izobraževanja je Memefest bolj formativen kot selektiven. Ves proces
je odprt, inkluziven namesto ekskluziven. S festivalom ne proizvajamo zvezd, res
pa da izpostavljamo tiste ustvarjalce, ki so po našem mnenju odlični in prodorni.
Namesto tekmovalne kulture želimo spodbujati sodelovanje. Menimo namreč, da
prav sodelovanje rojeva najboljše rezultate. Vsa leta smo si prizadevali sodelovati s
strokovnjaki, ki jih poleg strokovnega znanja, praktičnih izkušenj in teoretske vir-
tuoznosti odlikuje predvsem integriteta. Veseli smo, da lahko sodelujemo z neka-
terimi najboljšimi umi širokega polja kritičnega, radikalnega, družbeno odzivnega
komuniciranja.
Rezultat dolgoletnega sodelovanja je tudi pričujoča knjiga, kompendij izbranih
tekstualnih in vizualnih del. Pri urejanju kompendija sva urednika želela predsta-
viti Memefest kot koherentno celoto in hkrati organizirati in vsebine v logičnem
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sosledju podati tako, da bodo vam bralcem omogočala podroben in kronološki vpo-
gled v genezo festivalskega procesa.
Po začetnih razpravah Oliverja Vodeba in Bruna Latourja so dela predstavljena v
okviru festivalskih let. Znotraj teh so ločena po področjih: sociologija, komuniko-
logija in vizualne komunikacije. Te tri kategorije so bile namenjene študentom.
Posebej so objavljeni dodiplomski in podiplomski prispevki. Na začetku vsakega
festivalskega leta so objavljena izhodišča, na podlagi katerih so kot odgovor in raz-
mislek izbrana dela tudi nastala. Na koncu so objavljena izbrana dela eksperimen-
talne kategorije »Beyond …«. V njej smo spodbujali dela, ki jih uvrščamo v parti-
cipatorno komuniciranje; kategorija pa je bila odprta, vsakdo je lahko sodeloval.
Vsako delo vsebuje osnovne podatke o avtorju, državi in opis ideje, če gre za vizu-
alna dela, ter povzetek ter ključne besede, če gre za tekste. Urednika/kuratorja sva
se odločila, da prispevke pustiva v jeziku, kot so bili poslani na Memefest. Nekateri
so torej v slovenskem, nekateri v angleškem jeziku. Zmagovalnih del nisva posebej
izpostavljala, tokratno refleksijo, ocenjevanje in kontemplacijo povsem prepuščava
bralcu. Vsa praktična komunikacijska dela ne izpolnjujejo nujno vseh kriterijev
družbeno odzivnega komuniciranja. Objavljena pa so zato, ker so pomemben in
zanimiv del raziskovalnega procesa na poti njegove konceptualizacije. Na koncu
so objavljeni kratki pogovori z nekaterimi sodelavci ali člani ekipe Memefesta ter
nekaj fotografskega gradiva, ki je nastalo ob različnih priložnostih.
Knjiga s pregledom del Memefesta ponuja vpogled v različne ravni družbeno odziv-
nega komuniciranja. Hkrati pokaže, kaj vse je s tovrstnim načinom dela in povezo-
vanja med angažiranimi posamezniki mogoče narediti ter se izogniti kapitalskim
režimom, institucionalnim okvirom, akademskemu karierizmu, obrtniškemu
populizmu in umetniškemu elitizmu. Tak način dela, takšna pozicija delovanja
namreč povzroča specifične družbene učinke ter teoretsko in praktično refleksijo.
Sami smo v procesih Memefesta izredno uživali, bili smo inspirirani in obogateni.
Hvala vsem, s katerimi smo sodelovali. Še na mnoge podvige!
Oliver Vodeb in Nikola Janović
Ljubljana, november 2010
158
Titl
e | A
DID
AS
Au
tho
r | P
rim
ož
Mah
ne
Co
un
try
| SI
Facu
lty
| Fac
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for
Soci
al S
cien
ce,
Com
mun
icat
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Stud
ies,
Lju
blja
naFi
eld
| 3A
158
159
Titl
e | L
AB
OU
R P
OW
ERA
uth
or
| Dar
ja G
ud
ac, M
atja
ž V
alen
čič
Co
un
try
| SI
Facu
lty
| Aca
dem
y of
Fin
e A
rts,
V
isua
l Com
mun
icat
ion,
Lju
blja
na
198
This is a fetishist approach to commodity; a social dominance that follows systems
where things can be identified and used to satisfy primitive needs and which finally
ends in the spectacle, where the sensory world is replaced by a collection of images,
which are presented to us as objects of pure sensation.
Objects are deprived of the sense of functionality and become a reflection of the proc-
ess of searching for one’s self. They become an extension of the self.
Further, expansion of the economic power in the form of commodity causes a trans-
formation of the human work into a good/work for which we are paid wages. The po-
litical economy considers a »proletarian« as nothing more than a worker who must
be given an existential minimum in order to survive and be able to work. The idea
is how to make maximum profit with a minimum investment. This suggests that
our primitive drives cannot be replaced by any of the following: modern technology,
science, sociology as a humanist science, spiritual societies that make endless efforts
to make people aware about mortality, or education; we are falling from one abyss
to another.
Power and authority are the greatest passion and desire. But the biggest passion may just be a trap!»The free market is nothing more than expanding freedom for some people only
and establishing exploitation and injustice« (Chomsky 1997). Market options were
opened so that the nation could choose freely. Unfortunately, we have fallen into our
own trap because by advertising, the free market does not give a neutral complete in-
sight and thereby the consumers’ choice is not free anymore. Mass media are inter-
ested in a distinguished audience with big buying power. The success of media and
their survival is influenced by the choice of an advertising agency that consequently
succeeded by knowing which companies with big annual income to chose.
Somehow, we really became biological parasites of our own social
heritage.« (Graham Walas, Our social heritage)
Whenever we speak about a spirit of a group of people we soon find ourselves in
a serious mess, except in case we consent to a separation between the instinctive
characteristics and the stereotypes of formulas and patterns that are important in
building the world of ideas. It is precisely the lack of this kind of differentiation that
is to blame for superficial talk about the collective spirit, national soul, and race psy-
chology. Clearly, a stereotype (regulated more or less stable image of the world, to
which we adjusted our habits, taste, abilities, and hopes) can be transferred from a
{
199
generation of parents to a generation of children, so it almost becomes a biological
fact.
There is no scientific proof for the affirmation that people are born with the politi-
cal customs of the country in which they were born. In the first place, the explana-
tions should be looked for in kindergartens, schools, the church, and in the kind of
television broadcasting; not in the limbo where the Group Spirit and the National
Soul inhabit.
To have a complete understanding of other people’s actions (before we learn what
they think they know), for the sake of being impartial, we need to assess not only
the information they were given, but also the thinking through which they were
filtered. For European stereotypes is, for example, Americanization a compensa-tion (at least superficially) for all that is American.
The most curious and most entrenched are those influences that create and pre-
serve the treasury of stereotypes. We learn about the world before we even see it,
we imagine the majority of the things before we experience them, and if education
does not sharpen our awareness, these prejudices deeply manage our perception.
What is essential is the nature of the stereotype of credulity, which depends on all
of those patterns that compile our life philosophy, and in this way, we are conse-
quently able to describe the world by our standards and laws. If our philosophy
tells us that every man is just a part of the world and that its understanding in
the best case catches only phases and aspects in a rough net of ideas, then we are
inclined to the fact that we know that stereotypes are just stereotypes and are there-
fore taken easily and modified with pleasure.
These are the facts that the media should be aware of and take into account as well
when improving and elevating the level of advertising and mass accumulations.
Slovenes, as a nation, should be working mainly on elevating the national aware-
ness. Unfortunately, in real life, nobody has a public opinion about each public
question, because a man thinks that a public question does not exist if he himself
did not create a public opinion. The scope of attention today is substantially too
small for any kind of plan to be achieved, a plan that foresees that all the citizens
of the whole country would wake up, be acquainted and ambitious about a number
of changes that are needed.
However, no human life is worthy of manipulation for utilitarian reasons by some
»divinities« as they like to treat themselves that are so seated in high places.
Fest
ival
Ou
tlin
es:
Co
mm
un
icat
ion
St
ud
ies
and
So
cio
log
y
CYBERWAR IS COMING!
John Arquilla and David Ronfeldt
International Policy Department
RAND (1993)
The information revolution and related organizational innovations are altering the
nature of conflict and the kinds of military structures, doctrines, and strategies
that will be needed. This study introduces two concepts for thinking about these
issues: »cyberwar« and »netwar.« Industrialization led to attritional warfare by
massive armies (e.g., World War I).Mechanization led to maneuver predominated
by tanks (e.g., World War II). The information revolution implies the rise of cy-
berwar, in which neither mass nor mobility will decide outcomes; instead, the side
that knows more, that can disperse the fog of war yet enshroud an adversary in it,
will enjoy decisive advantages.
Communications and intelligence have always been important. At a minimum,
cyberwar implies that they will grow more so and will develop as adjuncts to overall
military strategy. In this sense, it resembles existing notions of »information war«
that emphasize C3I. However, the information revolution may imply overarching
effects that necessitate substantial modifications to military organization and force
posture. Cyberwar may be to the twenty first century what blitzkrieg was to the
twentieth. It may also provide a way for the U.S. military to increase »punch« with
less »paunch.«
Abstract
220
221
Whereas cyberwar refers to knowledge-related conflict at the military level, netwar
applies to societal struggles most often associated with low intensity conflict by
non-state actors, such as terrorists, drug cartels, or black market proliferators of
weapons of mass destruction. Both concepts imply that future conflicts will be
fought more by »networks« than by »hierarchies,« and that whoever masters the
network form will gain major advantages.
»Knowledge must become capability.«
- Carl von Clausewitz, On War
Suppose that war looked like this: Small numbers of light, highly mobile forces
defeat and compel the surrender of large masses of heavily armed, dug-in enemy
forces, with little loss of life on either side. The mobile forces can do this because
they are well prepared, make room for maneuver, concentrate their firepower rap-
idly n unexpected places, and have superior command, control, and information
systems that are decentralized to allow tactical initiatives, yet provide central com-
manders with unparalleled intelligence and »topsight« for strategic purposes.
Warfare is no longer primarily a function of who puts the most capital, labor, and
technology on the battlefield, but of who has the best information about the bat-
tlefield. What distinguishes the victors is their grasp of information--not only from
the mundane standpoint of knowing how to find the enemy while keeping it in the
dark, but also in doctrinaland organizational terms. The analogy is rather like a
chess game where you see the entire board, but your opponent sees only his own
pieces; you can win even if he is allowed to start with additional powerful pieces.
We might appear to be extrapolating from the U.S. victory in the Persian Gulf war
against Iraq. But our vision is inspired more by the example of the Mongols of
the thirteenth century. Their »hordes« were almost always outnumbered by their
opponents, yet they conquered, and held for over a century, the largest continental
empire ever seen. The key to Mongol success was their absolute dominance of
battlefield information. They struck when and where they deemed appropriate,
and their »arrow riders« kept field commanders, often separated by hundreds of
miles, in daily communication. Even the Great Khan, sometimes thousands of
miles away, was aware of developments in the field within days of their occurrence.
Absent the galvanizing threat that used to be posed by the Soviet Union, domestic
political pressures will encourage the United States to make do with a smaller
Emergent Modes of Conflict
{
289
in prevladujoče ideologije neoliberalne globalizacije. Zaradi tega se nam pričujočo
razpravo zdi smiselno nadaljevati v smeri teoretske postavitve kibervojne ob bok so-
dobnim oblikam oblastnih odnosov.
Sodoben družbenopolitičen kontekst in vojnaPo informacijsko-komunikacijski revoluciji
Sodobne elektronske informacijsko-komunikacijske tehnologije so danes že tako
prepredle celotno (zahodno) družbo, da si je življenje brez njih (skorajda) nemogoče
predstavljati. So tam, kjer se nam kažejo kot očitne, in so tudi tam, kjer jih morda ne
bi pričakovali. »Moderne države, multinacionalne korporacije, vojaška moč, državni
aparat za vzdrževanje blaginje, satelitski sistemi, politični procesi, oblikovanje naših
predstav, sistemi za nadzor dela, medicinsko izdelovanje naših teles, komercialna
pornografija, mednarodna delitev dela in religiozni evangelizem so tesno povezani z
elektroniko« (Haraway, 1999: 266). Družbenosistemski pomen sodobnih tehnolo-
gij je predvsem v tem, da so omogočile prehod, ki ga Harawayeva (1999: 260) opiše
kot »prehod iz organske industrijske družbe v polimorfen informacijski sistem«. Na
mesto klasičnih hierarhičnih oblik družbene organiziranosti in tudi političnih odno-
sov vedno bolj stopa logika mreženja, ki deluje rizomatično in sicer v smislu, da »ko-
munikacija poteka od enega do katerega koli drugega soseda, kjer stebla ali kanali ne
preeksistirajo, kjer so vsi posamezniki izmenljivi, se definirajo prek nekega stanja, v nekem trenutku tako, da se lokalne operacije koordinirajo in da se končni globalni
rezultat sinhronizira, neodvisno od neke središčne instance« (Deleuze in Guattari,
2000: 36–7). Logika razsrediščenosti, fluidnosti in fleksibilnosti je postala način de-
lovanja sodobne družbe same. Ker pa se sodobna tehnologija seveda ne razvija sama,
temveč jo je treba omogočiti, se nam postavlja vprašanje ne toliko o samem pomenu
te tehnologije, ampak o političnih pogojih, ki jo omogočajo. Ker je kapitalizem neke
vrste spoj med ekonomijo in vojaško močjo države, pravzaprav ne preseneča, da so,
na primer, danes globalen internet najprej začeli uporabljati v vojaške namene, nato
pa je hitro sledilo tudi prestrukturiranje celotne ekonomije. Državno generiranje
sodobne tehnologije se nam tako pokaže kot eden prvih pogojev za neoliberalno
globalizacijo, ki je prevladujoča paradigma delovanja sodobne oblasti. Kot je dejal že
Foucault (2000: 99), sodobna oblast deluje kot mreža in morda bi lahko celo daja-
li, da njeno funkcioniranje vedno bolj omogoča tudi informacijsko-komunikacijska
tehnologija.
Formiranje novega političnega režima
Neoliberalen koncept urejanja globalnih odnosov postane popolnoma prevladujoč
po koncu bipolarne delitve sveta. Od takrat lahko tudi jasneje vidimo nastavke in
logiko formiranja novega svetovnega globalnega reda in nove strukture vladavi-
ne, ki jo Negri in Hardt (2003) imenujeta Imperij. Ta temelji na nizu nacionalnih
290
ter nadnacionalnih entitet (Svetovna banka, Svetovna trgovinska organizacija,
Mednarodni denarni sklad, NATO idr.), katerih delovanje je v prvi vrsti usmerjeno
na zagotavljanje nemotenega procesa globalizacije neoliberalizma, ki nasilno širi
in opredeljuje nove prostore kapitalističnega (o)vrednotenja. To so morda najbolj
eksplicitno artikulirale Zapatistke in Zapatisti, ko so neoliberalizem označili kot
režim globalne vojne za nove trge ter ozemlja, kot četrto svetovno vojno (za tretjo
štejejo hladno vojno), kot »vojno proti ljudem, proti človečnosti, proti kulturi, proti
zgodovini /.../, ki je že povzročila več smrti in uničenja kot velike svetovne vojne«
(Marcos, 2001: 173). »Njegova strategija vključuje privatizacijo, reducirane socialne
izdatke, razbijanje sindikatov, ograjevanje zemlje, nižje plače, višje dobičke, pro-
sto trgovino, prosto mobilnost kapitala in pospešeno izkoriščanje naravnih virov«
(Marcos, 2001: 70). Zadnjih nekaj desetletij so pri teh neoliberalnih strategijah
imele glavno vlogo t. i. brettonwoodske institucije, v zadnjem času pa vedno večji
pomen dobiva modificirana vojaška formacija z imenom Organizacija severnoa-
tlantskega sporazuma. S tem pa vojna, ki jo vsiljuje neoliberalizem, vse bolj dobiva
obliko gospodarskega diktata, ki je podprt s konkretnim vojaškim nasiljem. Poli-
tična doktrina neoliberalne globalizacije je tako »izumila« nek novum v zgodovini
– vojno kot globalen režim. Ta pa znotraj neoliberalne dogme prostega kaotičnega
globalnega trga in države v vlogi nočnega čuvaja uničuje pridobitve družbenih bo-
jev zadnjih stoletij, na drugi strani pa na novo ureja politične, ekonomske, socialne
in kulturne odnose ter jih upravlja v skladu z neoliberalno logiko in v svetovnem
merilu. Vprašanje, ki si ga je zastavil Foucault (1991 : 110), je, »kako se oblast iz-
vaja«. Napeljuje na odgovor, da je danes sredstvo izvrševanja neoliberalne oblasti
prav režim vojne. Ta pa tudi ni več vezan izključno na vojaški konflikt, ampak se
razprostira v kompleksnosti celotne svetovne družbe. Ali, kot pravi podkomandant
Marcos (2001: 92): »Vedno vojna. To je neoliberalizem«.
Kaj danes pomeni vojna in kdo je sovražnik?Nova strategija vojaške intervencije
Tudi sodobna vojaška posredovanja so torej namenjena predvsem zagotavljanju
možnosti za globalizacijo neoliberalizma. Z vojaškimi intervencijami se, pod ideo-
loško retoriko prinašanja demokracije in osvobajanja podjarmljenih ljudstev, dele-
girajo spremembe v strukturi in obliki državnih režimov prek nastavljanja lokalnih
oblastnikov, ki so odprti do neoliberalne vizije oblikovanja sveta. Z vojaško inter-
vencijo se ustvarja pogoje za prosto trgovino, za tržno ekonomijo in neoliberalni
»razvoj« skoraj na vseh koncih sveta. To potrjuje tudi podatek, da je država, ki
se ji danes predpisuje nesporen primat v konstelaciji sveta, v svojem najvišjem
vojaškem dokumentu Strategija nacionalne varnosti ZDA (2002: 23) zapisala: »Pro-sti trgi in prosta trgovina sta ključni prioriteti naše nacionalne varnostne strate-
gije«. V tem istem dokumentu definirajo tudi sovražnika, ki je včasih potreboval
Fest
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Ou
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Vis
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Co
mm
un
icat
ion
DESIGN IS NOT ENOUGH
Tony Credland, Brian Holmes, Sandy Kaltenborn
What happens to graphic design when it leaves the professional
discourse behind, to do political work in activist groups and social movements?
That's the question we wanted to explore with the students and community mem-
bers at Concordia University.
The answers have been different for us, and they'll be different for everyone in-
volved. But we know that the experience of political engagement takes design prac-
tice away from the forms in which it usually appears in society today: as advertising,
art, information or propaganda.
Advertising first. It's one of the most powerful forces in our societies, and it's actu-
ally a form of politics itself, with a clear agenda: the promotion of consumer capi-
talism. But it's a politics without conflict, without debate, addressed to spectators
with no way of talking back. It reduces the citizen to a consumer. As a professional,
client-led, mass-produced process, advertising is Enemy Number 1 for politically
engaged designers, not least because it occupies all the biggest and flashiest spac-
es: TV commercials, billboards, neon signs, lightboxes, endless magazine pages...
Two residual opponents to advertising are art and information (newspapers, jour-
nalism). You could say they're Enemies Number 2 and 3 - but they're already much
easier to work with and transform. Art in our societies stands for the individual, for
subjectivity: It's the opposite of organized party politics and propaganda. Which is
fine for us, because we don't believe in political parties as they're organized today,
310
Fest
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St
ud
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and
So
cio
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y
Douglas Rushkoff
NOWHERE TO HIDE
Once a teen has been identified as part of the »target market,« he knows he’s done
for. The object of the game is to confound the marketers, and keep one’s own, au-
thentic culture from showing up at the shopping mall as a prepackaged corporate
product.
The so-called »Generation X« adopted the anti-chic aesthetic of thrift-store grunge
in an effort to find a style that could not be so easily identified and exploited. Grunge
was so self-consciously lowbrow and nonaspirational that it seemed, at first, im-
pervious to the hype and glamour normally applied swiftly to any emerging trend.
But sure enough, grunge anthems found their way onto the soundtracks of televi-
sion commercials, and Dodge Neons were hawked by kids in flannel shirts saying
»Whatever.«
The members of Generation X are putting up a good fight. Having already devel-
oped an awareness of how marketers attempt to target their hearts and wallets,
they use their insight into programming to resist these attacks. Unlike the adult
marketers pursuing them, young people have grown up immersed in the language
of advertising and public relations. They speak it like natives. As a result, they are
more than aware when a commercial or billboard is targeting them. In conscious
defiance of demographic-based pandering, they adopt a stance of self-protective
irony distancing themselves from the emotional ploys of the advertisers.
Excerpt from Advertising chapter of the book Coercion
322
323
Lorraine Ketch, the director of planning in charge of Levi’s trendy Silvertab line,
explained, »This audience hates marketing that’s in your face. It eyeballs it a mile
away, chews it up and spits it out.« Chiat/Day, one of the world’s best-known and
experimental advertising agencies, found the answer to the crisis was simply to
break up the Gen-X demographic into separate »tribes« or subdemographics and
include subtle visual references to each one of them in the ads they produce for the
brand. According to Levi’s director of consumer marketing, the campaign meant to
communicate, »We really understand them, but we are not trying too hard.«
Probably unintentionally, Ms. Ketch has revealed the new, even more highly ab-
stract plane on which advertising is now being communicated. Instead of creating
and marketing a brand image, advertisers are creating marketing campaigns about
the advertising itself. Silvertab’s target market is supposed to feel good about being
understood, but even better about understanding the way they are being marketed
to.
The »drama« invented by Leo Burnett and refined by David Ogilvy and others has
become a play within a play. The scene itself has shifted. The dramatic action no
longer occurs between the audience and the product, the brand, or the brand image,
but between the audience and the brand marketers. As audiences gain even more
control over the media in which these interactive stories unfold, advertising evolves
ever closer to a theater of the absurd.
Today, the cathode-ray tube is no longer a receive-only device but, through the In-
ternet, video games and camcorders, a portal to self-expression. Media has become
a two-way street. Kids are as likely to deconstruct imagery as absorb it.
The proliferation of all these devices, plus the advent of fax machines, VCRs, mo-
dems, and cellular telephones, has fundamentally altered the shape and function of
the mass media. It is now an open system -- a mediaspace. Anyone can contribute,
and no one can be sure how what he throws in there will be deconstructed, repur-
posed, and distributed. A top-forty song might be sampled and recycled by a rapper.
A news report may be deconstructed and exposed as propaganda by a public-access
show or Internet newsgroup. A rock video may be mocked by commentators like
Beavis and Butt-head. A commercial can be satirized by a late-night comedy show
for its clumsy efforts at manipulation and the audience will get the joke.
The media is a chaotic place. Like an ocean or a weather system, it no longer re-
spects authority. In fact, those who attempt to impose their authority are ridiculed,
while brilliant and valuable tidbits emerge from the most remote and seemingly
Titl
e | S
OLD
Au
tho
r | A
ish
a A
l-A
nsa
riC
ou
ntr
y | A
EFa
cult
y | A
mer
ican
Uni
vers
ity o
f Sha
rjah
Pr
of. A
mir
Ber
bic
and
Prof
. Sho
aib
Nab
i M
ultim
edia
Des
ign
Fiel
d |
3AC
ateg
ory
| un
derg
radu
ate
Hea
dli
ne
| H
uman
ity fo
r sa
leD
escr
ipti
on
of
Idea
| Th
e id
ea o
f a tr
ap o
r a
chai
n th
at h
olds
a p
erso
n is
wha
t cro
ssed
my
min
d w
hen
I fir
st th
ough
t of t
his
proj
ect.
Peop
le in
this
w
orld
are
in a
jour
ney.
The
y tr
y to
do
thei
r be
st.
How
ever
, som
e m
iss
the
righ
t tra
ck a
nd s
hift
. Som
e pe
ople
bec
ome
like
obje
cts
with
no
feel
ings
. The
y no
long
er a
ct a
s hu
man
s. T
hey
are
guid
ed b
y th
eir
desi
res.
I ch
ose
to s
tick
a ba
ggag
e ta
g on
a h
u-m
an’s
han
d, s
ince
trav
el b
ags
pass
thro
ugh
a jo
ur-
ney,
too.
Peo
ple
beca
me
iden
tifie
d by
num
bers
and
co
des.
How
ever
, the
y do
not
not
ice
the
tran
sitio
n th
ey p
ass
thro
ugh.
By
this
tim
e th
ey fe
el d
iffer
ent
and
they
act
diff
eren
t. W
e co
uld
be th
e on
es w
ho
put t
hose
cha
ins
on o
urse
lves
.
435
Titl
e | S
OM
ALI
AN
WO
MEN
Au
tho
r | A
na
Gre
go
rič
Co
un
try
| SI
Facu
lty
| Aka
dem
ija z
a lik
ovno
um
etno
st,
Viz
ualn
e ko
mun
ikac
ije, U
nive
rza
v Lj
ublja
niFi
eld
| 3A
Cat
ego
ry |
unde
rgra
duat
eH
ead
lin
e | 9
8% o
f Som
alia
n w
omen
are
ge
nita
lly m
utila
ted.
Des
crip
tio
n o
f Id
ea |
Fem
ale
geni
tal m
utila
-tio
n (F
GM
) is
the
term
use
d to
ref
er to
the
rem
oval
of
par
t, or
all,
of t
he fe
mal
e ge
nita
lia .I
t is
gene
rally
of
a c
ultu
ral n
atur
e an
d it
is b
elie
ved
to e
nsur
e cl
eanl
ines
s, p
reve
nts
prom
iscu
ity a
nd e
xces
sive
cl
itora
l gro
wth
, pre
serv
es v
irgi
nity
, enh
ance
s m
ale
sexu
ality
, … m
en h
elp
cont
inue
the
prac
tice
by r
efus
ing
to m
arry
wom
en w
ho h
ave
not h
ad
FGM
. FG
M is
pra
ctic
ed in
at l
east
26
of 4
3 A
fric
an
coun
trie
s w
here
the
prev
alen
ce v
arie
s fr
om 9
8 %
of
wom
en in
Som
alia
, to
5 %
in Z
aire
. Mos
t gir
ls
unde
rgo
FGM
whe
n th
ey a
re b
etw
een
7 an
d 10
ye
ars
old;
it is
per
form
ed w
ith s
harp
sto
nes,
bro
ken
glas
ses,
sci
ssor
s, o
r un
ster
ilize
d ra
zor
blad
es
with
out a
nest
hesi
a. T
his
is c
lear
ly a
phy
sica
l and
ps
ychi
cal t
ortu
re p
erfo
rmed
on
a po
wer
less
you
ng
girl
s th
at a
re r
obbe
d of
thei
r ch
ildho
od, a
nd a
re
forc
ed to
live
thei
r w
oman
hood
with
out e
njoy
men
t or
ple
asur
e…
443
Titl
e | E
GO
SIST
EMA
uth
or
| Leo
n V
idm
arC
ou
ntr
y | S
IFa
cult
y | L
jubl
jana
/ A
kade
mija
za
likov
no
umet
nost
in o
blik
ovan
je /
viz
ualn
e ko
mun
ikac
ijeFi
eld
| 3B
Cat
ego
ry |
unde
rgra
duat
eH
ead
lin
e in
En
gli
sh |
Egos
yste
mD
escr
ipti
on
of
Idea
| Th
e hu
man
is th
e on
ly
spec
ies
in th
e w
orld
that
is c
onsc
ious
ly d
estr
oyin
g its
elf a
nd o
ther
s. T
he w
orst
rea
son
is th
at it
doe
s it
mos
tly b
ecau
se o
f its
EG
O, w
ithou
t any
con
scio
us fo
r ot
her
bein
gs. T
otal
ly in
diffe
rent
, blin
dly
stri
ving
for
its
goal
, rel
igio
us, m
onet
ary,
or
any
othe
r, w
ithou
t any
et
hics
or
mor
al s
ense
, not
aw
are
of it
s ow
n do
om ..
.
Titl
e | O
KU
PATO
RA
uth
or
| Jak
a K
ram
berg
er, U
go
U
go
wsk
y, L
eon
Vid
mar
, Em
ina
Dju
kić,
Nat
aša
Bel
tran
Co
un
try
| SI
Facu
lty
| Aca
dem
y of
Fin
e A
rts,
Lju
blja
naFi
eld
| 3B
Cat
ego
ry |
post
grad
uate
Titl
e in
En
gli
sh |
Inva
der
Hea
dli
ne
| Haj
de d
a lu
duje
mo!
Hea
dli
ne
in E
ng
lish
| Le
t’s r
ock!
Des
crip
tio
n o
f Id
ea |
» Kur
ent«
is S
love
nian
et
hnic
al c
ostu
m, a
mas
k th
at is
wild
ly p
arty
ing
arou
nd a
nd is
tryi
ng to
mak
e ev
eryo
ne d
ance
and
ju
mp
arou
nd, i
n sh
ort t
erm
s, h
e is
gat
heri
ng to
geth
er
grou
ps o
f peo
ple
to jo
in fo
r th
e sa
me
unim
port
ant
goal
– to
par
ty, i
t doe
sn’t
mat
ter
why
... W
e us
ed
»Kur
ent«
as
a sy
mbo
l to
show
the
hege
mon
y of
W
este
rn a
rmed
forc
es, e
spec
ially
the
USA
and
NAT
O,
whi
le th
ey a
re s
till p
ushi
ng th
e w
orld
to jo
in th
em
at a
sho
otin
g pa
rty
in th
e re
gion
s of
the
Mid
dle
East
...
the
cos
tum
e sy
mbo
lizes
arm
y cl
othe
s an
d th
e he
ad m
ask
sym
boliz
es th
e la
ck o
f ide
ntity
of n
o br
ain
sold
iers
who
are
join
ing
this
non
sens
e op
erat
ion.
The
ep
ilogu
e of
our
film
is a
war
ning
for
all i
nvad
ers
in th
e w
orld
– a
t the
end
you
won
’t m
ake
it ...
452
Znano je, da med političnimi in oglaševalskimi kampanjami že dolgo ni več bi-
stvene razlike. Politiki svoj imidž med volivce pošiljajo enako, kot oglaševalci na tr-
žišču uveljavljajo produkt. Kandidati v volilne kampanje vlagajo ogromne količine
finančnih sredstev in najemajo najboljše agencije, ki njihove politične programe
preoblikujejo in vpletejo v oglaševalsko kampanjo; če program že ni drugotnega
pomena za (sproduciranim) imidžem. Komunikološki pristopi v oglaševanju so se
razširili torej tudi na področje aktivnosti politikov in družbenega delovanja, zato ni
nenavadno, da državljani svojo participacijo najaktivneje in najštevilčnejše izkaže-
jo v enkratnih, časovno omejenih dogodkih, nato pa za nekaj časa prepustijo dolo-
čeni meri apatije. Politiki večkrat poudarjajo pomembnost enotnosti in združeva-
nja volivcev, in ker to počnejo v slogu tržnega komuniciranja ter v intervalih, ljudje
izgubljajo občutek za kontinuiteto. To se kaže tudi v posameznikovem odnosu do
narave in v nezmožnosti vkomponiranja ekološke ozaveščenosti v življenjski slog,
v njegov vsakdan. Ker pa je mem o veličini narave vendarle izjemno močan, ob
prelomnih dogodkih – posebno ob naravnih katastrofah – javnosti vzbudi skrb. Da
ta skrb ni pogosta in da ne preseka kampanjske aktivnosti ali se celo obrne h kon-
tinuiteti, poskrbijo velike korporacije in množični mediji. Chomsky in Hermann v
dokumentarnem film The Myth of the Liberal Media trdita, da so mediji konserva-tivni, ker so podrejeni ideološko konservativno obarvanim in močnim korporaci-
jam ali posameznikom. Kakšne meme bodo generirali in širili mediji, korporacije
določajo in dosegajo s propagandnim modelom s petimi filtri – to so koncentracija
lastništva, oglaševanje, viri informacij, negativen odziv (»flak«) in ''antikomuni-zem'' (»anticommunism«). S tem ko je več medijev v rokah enega, se zmanjša plu-ralnost medijev in poveča zastopanost interesov samo ene strani. Oglaševanje je
glavni vir sredstev komercialnih medijev, zato so ti prisiljeni ostati zvesti podje-
tjem, ki predstavljajo finančni vir. Medij si ne more privoščiti očitkov o ekološki
škodi, ki jo podjetje povzroča, če taisto podjetje kupuje medijev oglasni prostor.
Kakšne informacije bodo prišle do javnosti, je odvisno tudi od virov, ki jih mediji
uporabljajo in ki so nemalokrat vedno isti in lojalni kapitalu. Za medije je tudi
najceneje in najbolj priročno, če imajo en stalen, dosegljiv, a enostranski vir. Ne-
gativen odziv, ki se nanaša na negativno sprejeto medijsko sporočilo, je razumljen
v širšem smislu in je lahko v obliki pisem, telefonskih klicev, tožb ali drugih obli-
kah pritiska. »Antikomunizem« postane sredstvo nadzora množice in ustvarjanja
množične psihoze ali strahu. To vlogo je v ZDA in po svetu v zadnjih letih prevzel
islam in je uspešen kot razlog in podpora velikim odločitvam in potezam.
Ker korporacije v medijih vidijo ključ do uspeha in možnost vplivanja na ljudi, se
bodo vedno trudile, da bodo množična občila ena od njihovih adutov. Ameriško
podjetje General Electrics pokriva med drugim tudi panoge letalskih motorjev,
električne energije, plinskih turbin. Vse so vezane na neobnovljive naravne vire,
453
zato je jasno, da se bo podjetje zavzemalo za izrabo teh virov, saj je od tega odvisna
prodaja njihovih izdelkov in s tem prihodek. Hkrati je General Electrics lastnik
televizijske mreže NBC, leta 2004 pa je kupil francoski medijski konglomerat Vi-
vendi in si dodatno zagotovil infrastrukturo na evropskih tleh. Ne le podjetja, ki
proizvajajo porabnike neobnovljivih virov, ampak vsa druga so vezana na vire in
porabijo ogromne količine energije za predelavo inputov v outpute za potrošnike.
Če bi želeli, bi energetika najbrž že lahko temeljila na alternativnih virih, a si eko-
nomija prizadeva, da bi maksimalno izkoristila energetsko razsipno mehanizacijo
za proizvodnjo, saj so v vire vložena velika sredstva. Tako kot tudi LCD-zasloni
niso prišli na trg, dokler proizvodnih zmogljivosti za katodne ekrane niso čim bolje
izkoristili, čeprav je bila tehnologija razvita že dlje, tako tudi osebna vozila na alter-
nativni pogon ne bodo masovno in cenovno zlahka dostopna na tržišču.
Gospodarstvo in politika gresta v krogih elite pogosto z roko v roki. Z vzponom
desničarskih strank po Evropi in pritiski kapitala imajo mediji težko nalogo oprav-
ljati družbeno odgovorno delo in ozaveščati javnost o težavah ekologije. Če že niso
pod pritiskom korporacij in politike, ki bi filtrirale informacije za javnost, pa se so-
očajo s težavo raziskovalnega novinarstva in kot vir informacij uporabijo medije, ki
so.pod takim pritiskom. Pogosto mediji tudi trčijo ob težavo, ker tudi okoljsko po-
gojenih informacij ne posredujejo s kontekstom. Prizor, ko aktivisti Greenpeacea
napadajo naftno ploščad, lahko hitro sugerira napad vandalov, ki vnašajo anarhijo
v družbeni red in napadajo gospodarstvo države. Potrošnik bo prizor lahko dojel
ne zgolj kot napad na ploščad, ampak kot napad na njegovo svobodo – svobodo,
ki mu je ponujena s tem, da lahko izbira med produkti in da lahko kupuje tudi
naftne derivate za svoje osebno vozilo, simbol potrošniške družbe. Tudi ko poro-
čajo o vse aktualnejši temi gensko spremenjene hrane, se mediji preozko osredo-
točijo na zdravje potrošnika take hrane, premalo pa poudarjajo vpliv nasadov teh
rastlin na sosednje nasade nespremenjenih rastlin, ki so po naravni poti oprašene
z manipuliranimi geni in tako uhajajo nadzoru. Posameznik je vsakodnevno iz-
postavljen številnim informacijam, ki imajo take ekološke implikacije, a ostanejo
zakrite. Toda naravne katastrofe niso več samo medijski spektakli iz tujih držav in
težava »drugih«, temveč podnebne spremembe na lastni koži občuti vse več posa-
meznikov, kar jih navdaja z negotovostjo. Ljudje se vse bolj zavedajo, da se narava
maščuje, kot namiguje Hitchcock. Mediji so od časa do časa začeli poročati tudi o
teh tematikah. Letos je aktivistični skupini L'Alliance pour la Planete uspelo v me-dije lansirati akcijo pod geslom »Pustimo planetu, naj pet minut počiva«. Prvega
januarja je precej ljudi za pet minut res ugasnilo luči, v medijih pa je bil dogodek
precej odmeven. Da več takih ali še učinkovitejših akcij nevladnih organizacij ne
uspe prodreti v medije, daje slutiti, da protagonisti svetovne ekonomije občasno
le dopustijo aktivističnim ciljem, da v medijih najdejo prostor. A le tu in tam, le
2003
The issue of the media type defining the message (style determining substance) has
become one apparently inextricable knot. Leaps in communication technologies are
most often funded by companies anticipating sales of their products: funded by spe-
culation of future sales, fueling the cyclical tango of debt and consumption. Thus,
the owners of the message determine the medium, but once in place, the medium
itself is the box into which subsequent messages must fit.
If a culture jammer seeks to communicate through one of the popular mediums,
she must indeed struggle against editors and other information packagers. But even
if she succeeds in preserving the integrity of her message, she must then struggle
anew with the minds of her audience, which have become accustomed to viewing
information offered in a certain way. Both television and the Internet offer a chorus
of conflicting voices, each vying for attention. Magazine covers compete visually on
the newsstand. »Don’t listen to that other voice,« each is admonishing. »Pay atten-
tion only to me.« Those who watch television commercials grow increasingly more
cynical, even as they continue to consume greater and greater quantities of goods.
Advertisers are forced to continually devise new routes into the minds of the media-
wise. People sense when others are only after their pocketbooks, and on some level,
they must resent it. The market model of communications actually breeds a kind of
distrust of those same communications.
K. B. HolingsworthNOTES IN THE MARGINCountry | USFaculty | University of Houston SociologyDescription of Idea | Alternative methods of communication outside the market-driven modes exist as everyday opportunities for connection.Email | [email protected]
487
488
Fine, say some, that may be true of a passive medium like television, but what about
the Internet? As the Internet has evolved in fits and starts, its characteristics have
become too manifold to label it definitively as a medium for the dissemination of
market culture, or an aid to expressing alternatives to that culture. Somehow, it
seems to have encompassed both, and resembles nothing more than what a typical
city intersection would look like if drivers tried to follow road rules for the United
States, Britain, Germany, Russia, and Columbia all at the same time. Because of this
lawlessness, librarians who once had to encourage patrons to explore the great, eq-
uitable lands of digital information now conduct classes warning student research-
ers not to blindly accept an online assertion. Sure, you can access the White House
online, but you can also go to www.whitehouse.com. And the chorus of voices grows
louder, in German, in English, and in Japanese.
Culture jammers who hope to cover more ground through these types of popular
media risk launching their precious ideas on a sea of babble. If they want to be truly
effective, they need to communicate in a medium that fits their message: they need
to shout from an unexpected angle – from the margins.
The margins of culture exist anywhere we can express alternatives to or questions
about the dominant cultural messages: between two friends or twelve, on a bathroom
wall, on the sides of cars, on hand-printed T-shirts. Nothing new has to be created –
we just have to rediscover and rightfully possess the everyday mediums available to
us. There is something about the human dialogue that makes people wait for a live
operator rather than go through a phone menu. There is something about human
handwriting that says, »This is my own message, which I cared enough to create. I
didn’t just buy it from someone else.« (Contemporary ad design often makes use
of fonts that resemble handwriting.) There is something about a little preprinted
sticker reading »The sun works just fine« on the price tag of a hair dryer that lets the
potential purchaser know that another human hand has touched that spot.
What characterizes a dominant message? Although the voices of the billboards, the
top magazines, the television, etc., fight battles about the details of where the money
should be spent – they do all agree on one thing: that the money should be spent.
Now. Because the consumer deserves to have – is expected to have – everything.
These are some of the meta-messages that the jammers seek to counter. Secondly,
the popular media is full of statements, demands, warnings, and appeals; but rarely
questions for the receiver to answer. If there are questions, they lead the listener
back to one of the meta-messages (»Don’t you deserve the best?«). When writing in
the margins, culture jammers can take advantage of the chance to posit open-ended
questions. Statements can be brushed off; questions invite investigation.
504
Integrated Technologies:
In these times of »heightened security,« the TICU takes a Do-It-Yourself approach
in confronting the rhetoric of »Big Brother.« More than creating an undercover,
Mission: Impossible aesthetic, the TICU’s full surveillance suite provides grassro-
ots access to mobile communications technologies. Whether used to produce inde-
pendent community news or to monitor such »un-American« activities as corporate
dumping or police brutality, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit will investigate the limits
of »neutral technologies.« Equipped with a mobile satellite Internet system, the
captured video can be viewable in real-time and recorded via a remote website. Ad-
ditionally, the various surveillance technologies are used to accumulate recordings,
which will provide a unique audio/video account of the local geography. As such,
the vehicle’s GPS unit helps determine the routes taken as the Tactical Ice Cream
Unit maps out the urban landscape through its daily tour of duty.
Community Experience:At various times, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit invites visitors to explore the interior,
view documentation of the street operations, or collaborate on »missions.« Local
community groups may also suggest uses for the TICU (i.e., support a strike, a bea-
ch clean-up, protest, or a neighborhood block party). Whether lurking in a corporate
parking lot or chillin’ in a neighborhood park, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit is sure to
attract people from all walks-of-life.
Always Prepared:The TICU is prepared to augment any event. Should the Tactical Ice Cream Unit
wander into the vicinity of a rally, protest, or civil uprising, it is equipped to provide
a valuable service by supplying activists with various, in-demand items (water, first-
aid, film, gas masks, water balloons, etc.). In addition to offering delicious frozen
desserts, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit serves as a mobile oasis where activists can
quench their thirst, replenish their energy, reload their cameras, document unfol-
ding events, protect themselves against various crowd dispersants, shield themsel-
ves from the elements, and arm themselves with educational materials – all without
having to leave the protest vicinity. In short, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit seeks to
protect, provide, energize, invigorate, and educate its audience.
Operations:The TICU is divided into a »mother ship« (Central Command Van) and a »scout«
(Tactical Ice Cream Cart) to better facilitate a range of operations in a wide variety
of public spaces. Acting both as a transport and as a re-supply vessel, the Central
Command Van (CCV) offers valuable support for the Ice Cream Away Team. By
adopting the form of the nomadic street vendor, the TICU can successfully navigate
505
through zones of increasingly privatized public space in a manner, which is only
encouraged by the authorities’ request to »move along.« In so doing, the Tactical
Ice Cream Unit is sure to encounter yet another citizen in need of nourishment.
Providing food and food-for-thought, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit merrily activates
public space with wholesome information and good humor.
567AAdidas 6, 176, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 346aktivizem 25, 45, 234, 271, 357avtentičnost 8, 111, 127, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 186, 188, 189, 192, 193, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363
Bblagovna znamka 28, 38, 120, 124, 141, 149, 173, 175, 176, 188, 189, 190, 191, 307, 332, 352, 354, 356
CC3I 220, 222, 225, 227, 228, 229, 288, 291civilna infrastruktura 239cool 7, 49, 103, 127, 162, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 180, 193, 324, 326, 329, 340, 346, 348, 484, 503, 549culture jamming 27, 28, 29, 32, 43, 44
Ddemokracija 138, 142, 186, 248, 260, 261, 284demokratično sprejemanje odločitev 255dialog 15, 31, 32, 44, 257, 262, 543diskurz 33, 34, 109, 110, 112, 113, 118, 142, 149, 150, 172, 233, 240, 241, 246, 292, 306dizajn 33, 255, 258, 259, 300, 306, 307, 308, 309DIY 26, 281družba 40, 46, 69, 123, 132, 137, 141, 142, 143, 147, 194, 200, 257, 269, 275, 279, 300, 301, 307, 353, 357, 450, 451, 465, 470, 473, 476družbena konstrukcija 233, 594, 598družbena odgovornost 15, 42, 453, 454, 474družbene spremembe 15, 30, 33, 35, 41, 43, 45, 130, 301, 361družbeno odzivno komuniciranje 30, 31, 32, 34, 44, 46, 52, 54, 69družboslovne znanosti 254, 255, 256državljanstvo 138, 303
Eekološka ozaveščenost 449, 450, 455ekonomija daru 25elektronska participacija 255elektronski napad 239epistemologija 115
Stva
rno
kaz
alo
569
komuniciranje 15, 17, 19, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 52, 54, 69, 126, 133, 172, 180, 233, 236, 238, 247, 258, 261, 275, 280, 332, 334konflikt 32, 251, 269, 270, 274, 290kontinuiteta 450kontrakultura 173, 175korporacije 116, 123, 124, 131, 139, 140, 233, 235, 236, 237, 270, 289, 452kreativna revolucija 175, 180, 181, 183kritika 27, 28, 31, 32, 113, 123, 124, 127, 128, 129, 131, 139, 180, 181, 182, 184, 186, 187, 251, 252, 282, 286, 292, 293, 300, 304, 306, 307, 308, 358, 360, 362, 363kultura 17, 25, 34, 37, 113, 129, 132, 138, 139, 140, 141, 144, 146, 173, 178, 179, 182, 200, 255, 278, 305, 309, 332, 358, 362, 475, 579
Mmarketing 124, 125, 129, 130, 177, 181, 306, 307, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357mediji 27, 115, 124, 126, 138, 139, 142, 147, 233, 235, 237, 241, 332, 334, 450, 452, 453, 464, 465, 466, 467memi 332, 449, 450mirno reševanje sporov 255množični mediji 115, 124, 138, 139, 142, 241, 450, 452moč 27, 28, 33, 37, 43, 117, 119, 123, 124, 127, 142, 143, 150, 176, 183, 185, 235, 242, 247, 248, 250, 256, 283, 284, 285, 288, 289, 302, 466, 470, 475, 478, 571, 572, 573, 594, 595, 596, 597, 598
Nnajstniške kulture 358, 359, 360nasilje 234, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 363, 475, 476, 596, 598nematerialna potrošnja 351, 356neoliberalna globalizacija 288, 292nostalgija 189, 191, 192
Ooblikovanje 17, 29, 41, 126, 190, 245, 257, 289, 300, 304, 309, 362, 442oglas 109, 111, 112, 113, 126, 191, 192, 193, 334, 451oglaševalska industrija 177, 359oglaševanje 32, 41, 43, 109, 123, 124, 125, 128, 129, 130, 143, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 332, 334, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363, 450, 451, 452oglaševanje kot kritika družbe 180oglaševanje kot propaganda 123
Pparticipacija 255, 257percepcija 146, 147, 176, 240, 241, 246, 308, 332, 451, 464, 465, 468pluralizacija 276, 280, 281, 282, 486podoba 27, 33, 42, 144, 147, 150, 300, 307, 308, 477postfordizem 351, 364, 538postmodernizem 145, 148, 149, 191, 192postmoderno oglaševanje 189potrošnik 113, 124, 139, 140, 189, 191, 192, 332, 333, 334, 335, 354, 449, 450, 451, 454potrošniška izbira 138potrošniška kultura 138, 139, 140, 141potrošnja 142, 180, 186, 351, 352, 356, 470potrošnja simbolov 351prikriti piarovec 332, 335proces reprezentacije 38, 173, 175produkcija 25, 45, 109, 116, 128, 186, 302, 361, 474propaganda 115, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 130, 225, 310, 311, 317, 323, 429, 503