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Graduate School of Development Studies A Research Paper presented by: Yujie Xun (China) in partial fulfilment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of MASTERS OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Specialization: [Economics of Development] (ECD) Members of the examining committee: Drs or Dr or Prof. Dr [Howard Nicholas] Drs or Dr or Prof. Dr [Peter van Bergeijk] Chinese Inflation Determinants Since 1978
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Graduate School of Development Studies

A Research Paper presented by:

Yujie Xun(China)

in partial fulfilment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of

MASTERS OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

Specialization:[Economics of Development]

(ECD)

Members of the examining committee:

Drs or Dr or Prof. Dr [Howard Nicholas]Drs or Dr or Prof. Dr [Peter van Bergeijk]

The Hague, The Netherlands11, 2011

Chinese Inflation Determinants Since 1978

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Disclaimer:This document represents part of the author’s study programme while at the Institute of Social Studies. The views stated therein are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Institute.Research papers are not made available for circulation outside of the Institute.

Inquiries:

Postal address: Institute of Social StudiesP.O. Box 297762502 LT The HagueThe Netherlands

Location: Kortenaerkade 122518 AX The HagueThe Netherlands

Telephone: +31 70 426 0460

Fax: +31 70 426 0799

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Contents

Chapter 1 Introduction 1Chapter 2 Measures of inflation

32.1 Inflation measures 32.2 China inflation measures 4

Chapter 3 Literature reviews8

3.1 General theories about inflation determinants 8Money supply 10Demand side 10Supply side 10Inertial factors 11Institutional factors 11

3.2 Inflation determinants in China 12Money supply 12Demand side 14Supply side 17Institutional factors 18Other factors 20

Chapter 4 Inflation dynamics22

4.1 1997 as the CPI structural break point 224.2 Pre-1997 period 244.3 Post-1997 period 26

Chapter 5 Conclusion30

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List of TablesTable 1: the Comparison of China price indexes 3Table 2: CPI measures’ comparison 5

List of FiguresFigure 1: Alternative Measures of Inflation 7Figure 2: China Total Social Financing 14Figure 3: China Excess Liquidity Measured by M2

growth rate minus real GDP growth rate: 1979-2010 14

Figure4: SOEs’ Employment 16Figure 5: China Nominal Exchange Rate 20Figure6: Import Price Index of All Commodities since

2003 20Figure7: Inflation, Output Gap and Real GDP Growth 24Figure8: China CPI and World Food Price since 1991 27Figure9: China Food Price since 1992 27Figure10: CPI, PPI and Property Price since 2005 29

List of MapsMap 1: China CPI Components 7

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List of Acronyms

CEIC CEIC Data CGD Consolidated government deficitCI Core Inflation CIRC China Insurance Regulatory

CommissionCPI Consumer Price Index CSRC China Securities Regulatory

CommissionFAO Food and Agriculture Organization of

United NationsGAC General Administration of CustomsIMF International Monetary Fund NBSC National Bureau of Statistics of

ChinaPBC People’s Bank of ChinaPPI Producer Price IndicesRPI Retail Price IndexSNA System of National AccountsSOE State-owned enterprises TSF Total Social FinancingUS United StatesVAR Vector AutoregressionVECM Vector Error Correction ModelWB World Bank

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Abstract

This paper explores Chinese inflation determinants for the post-reform period. Given the Chinese economy’s complexity as the world biggest transition economy, the inflation pattern presents recurrent episodes of cyclical inflation surge and decline. And, there is an evident structural break point around 1997. Based on this finding, this paper then examined the inflation determinants for both pre-1997 and post-1997 periods. Each period include 4 cycles, as suggested by the movements of consumer price indexes (CPI). By examining inflation measures and each inflation cycle sources, we concluded that, the pre-1997 inflation cyclical movement is largely determined by excess aggregate demand measured by output gap and price liberalization served as an added factor while the post-1997 period inflation is mainly driven by the costs, especially food prices (both domestic and international food prices).

KeywordsChina, inflation, inflation structural break, inflation cycles, inflation determinants

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Chapter 1 Introduction

China has made great achievement in maintaining price stability and generating economic momentum during the post-reform period, even as China has experienced 3 times’ high inflation attacks and 3 times acute deflation. Recently, inflation has become the hottest economic topic again and China’s leaders have identified inflation as the top priority of 2011. According to the Financial Times, inflation in China moderated slightly in April 2011 but remained stubbornly high at 5.3%, which was above Beijing’s full-year target of 4%. A little bit higher than 5% probably cannot lead to severe social and economic effects, but it still draws wild public concern because China experienced sudden price surge in 1988 and 1994. For example, in 1994 the inflation rate suddenly reached an unprecedented 24%, but the average annual inflation rate during 1979-1993 was less than 9%. Moreover, the central bank has increased deposit-reserve ratio six times and the interest rate four times in 2010, but the inflation still remains in a relative high level and most economists expect tightening measures to continue in the coming months until stubbornly high inflation is brought under control. In light of dismal inflation expectations, it is necessary to review China's inflation history and draw lessons from the past to prevent repeating the past inflation strikes. What determines inflation dynamics? Are there some underlying rules?

The chief objective of this paper is examining the main determinants of Chinese inflation and exploring underlying rules of Chinese inflation dynamics. Even though there are massive studies on causes Chinese inflation; most took place in the framework of econometric researches. In my view, econometric studies take big risks given the vital role the institutional factors played in Chinese inflation dynamics. It is well-known that it is hard to quantify institutional factors such as price liberalization. Besides, the econometric studies neglect distinct features of specific inflation cycles, which is not helpful to understand the whole story and capture the future trend of inflation. The

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bright point of this paper is dividing Chinese inflation into two periods based on inflation structural break points and examining the determinants respectively, and then providing policy suggestions. This paper is organized as follows: the second chapter of this paper addresses China inflation measurements. It is vital to clarify the inflation concept, components, history and current measure issues before we examine Chinese inflation causes. For example, the housing price has not been part of the Chinese inflation basket until now, thus people should be very careful to draw conclusion that the real estate market is the main determinant of inflation. Even Chinese inflation measures have improved; there are still some problems when it comes to inflation baskets and weights.

The third chapter revisits the general theories of inflation sources, and then moves towards Chinese inflation determinants literature review and critiques. There are two main schools thoughts as to the causes of inflation: monetarist views and Keynesian views. Basically, monetarists emphasize long-term money supply effects on inflation while Keynesians tend to analyses inflation in the short run. Monetarists considered money growth as the only cause of inflation by applying an aggregate supply and aggregate demand framework. Keynesians view the causal link between money supply and price level the other way round and focus on demand-pull and cost-push inflation. In my view, all determinants interact to explain inflation dynamics and which determinants play more important role vary in different countries. As to the Chinese inflation literature review, I summarized the inflation sources in five blocks: Money supply (excess liquidity), demand pull (output gap, excess aggregate demand), cost-push (food and oil price) and institutional factors (price liberalization and exchange rate), as well as other factors (asset price, inflation expectation). For each blocks, I criticize their arguments and then come up with my concerns, which is applicable in the fourth chapter. The fourth chapter addressed the determinants of Chinese inflation dynamics. I divided post-reform inflation into 2 periods, 8 cycles. 1997 can be considered as the watershed of the two periods. Each period includes 4 cycles respectively: the pre-1997 period includes 1978-1981, 1982-1986, 1987-1990, and 1991-1996 while the after-1997

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period contains 1997-2002, 2003-2005, 2006-2009, 2010-present. There are two main findings: first of all, as to pre-1997 period, the inflation cyclical movement is largely determined by excess aggregate demand measured by output gap and price liberalization served as an added factor. Secondly, in terms of post-1997 period, the costs, especially food prices (both domestic and international food prices) explain most inflation fluctuates. The last chapter provides policy suggestions based on the previous findings.

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Chapter 2 Measures of inflation

2.1 Inflation measuresInflation is a rise in the general level of prices of goods

and services in an economy over a period of time. Inflation also reflects erosion in the purchasing power of money. Given the importance of inflation in maintaining social stability, how to measure inflation and which measurement should be used as the main macroeconomic indicator is crucial for analyzing and guiding national macroeconomic policies. Inflation is estimated by calculating the inflation rate of price index, usually CPI (consumer price index). As for China, there are two base years of CPI: either 1978=100 or PY (previous year) =100 for the reason that China began to liberalize the prices towards a market-guided economy since 1978. Other measures include GDP deflator, producer price indices (PPI), core price indices (CI) and retail price index (RPI). GDP deflator, calculated by (nominal GDP/real GDP)*100, targets all goods that were produced domestically, which are different from CPI “fixed” basket of goods and services. PPI refers to the ex-factory price index of industrial products while CPI measures the average price changes in consumption level. Even CPI and PPI are not strict corresponding relationship given PPI doesn’t include services prices, it’s abnormal if the two trends deviate from each other for a long time because it should comply with price transmission theory. As to core inflation, there are three main measures: the CPI excluding food and energy, the 15-percent trimmed mean and the median. Michael and Stephen (1993) compared 3 measurements of US core inflation and found that “the median has the strongest relationship with past money growth and provides the most accurate forecast of future inflation”. Yi Xu (2006) argued CPI excluding food and energy is the better method to measure core inflation in China by comparing different measures. Theoretically, CI is normally used to examine long term price trends because it excludes the short term volatile components such as food and oil prices from a broad price index.

All in all, each price index measurement has advantages and disadvantages, respectively. CPI and PPI can be measured easily in both annual and month levels, but they are easily affected by supply shock and transitory fluctuation, for example, variation of basket items (Yi,

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2006). In short, CPI and PPI cannot reflect basket items variation in time and then give rise to inaccurate inflation figures. GDP deflator tends to be more stable and allows changing with people's consumption and investment patterns, but cannot be measured in time. Table1 presents the comparison of 4 main price indexes in China.

Table 1: the Comparison of China price indexes

Monthly or annually issued Coverage(if including service or investment)CPI Both Service included, investment, exports and imports

excludedRPI Both Not include service and investment PPI Both Usually include investment, exclude serviceGDP deflator Usually annually All products and servicesSource: Author’s own illustration based on Yi Xu(2006)

It’s worth noting that some scholars even try to calculate their own reliable price index because of their distrust of official price indices as discussed above such as CPI, PPI and RPI. For example, Feltenstein and Ha (1991) developed the “true price index” method for China on the basis of the equations below:

Where PT is the true price, P is the official retail price; R is the real volume of consumer retail sales. Subsequently, Li and Leung (1994) and Hasan (1999) updated the data and developed this approach to avoid price measurement problem. The reliability of this method still needs further studies, but it still fails to answer why the official price index is so questionable? For answering this question, we have to review Chinese inflation measures’ history and the disputed points. Specifically, how did Chinese inflation measures develop since 1978? What are the issues of the recent inflation measures?

2.2 China inflation measuresBefore 2000, compared to most western countries who

use CPI as one “target” to guide monetary policy, the Chinese government adopted RPI as a monetary policy guide. But using RPI as main price index gave rise to some unintended consequences. First of all, retail prices in China that is a mixture of list price (administratively determined) and market price (determined in country fair trade) is only partially influenced by monetary policy, which misled policy makers to make inappropriate decisions (Li Yunqi, 1989). As Li (1989) indicated, when policy makers “used the increase in retail prices to evaluate the effectiveness of tight monetary policy in 1986, they incorrectly concluded that the policy had not worked, encouraging them to give it up”. Besides, RPI cannot fully reflect the overall price fluctuation for the reason that it excludes services and investment, which contradict the emerging trend that the service sector and investment products play more and more

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of an important role in Chinese economic activities. Thirdly, RPI is not convenient for international comparison since CPI is more widely used. Thus, since 2001 CPI became the most widely-used method to guide policy. Other measurements include PPI, RPI, GDP deflator, real estate price index, and corporate goods price index (the former wholesale price index) and so on. The PBC is in charge of the wholesale price index and PPI while General Administration of Customs (GAC) is responsible for the import price index. Other price indexes are calculated by the National Bureau of Statistics of China (NBSC). As to measure method, except export import price index and GDP deflator adopt Paasche index, others are measured by Laspeyres formula (Yi Xu, 2006).

As CPI became increasingly important as an inflation indicator, its measure has been significantly improved, but its weights and basket components still cause extensive debate. According to the newly released document by NBSC, there have been 3 important reforms since 1978. In 1983, NBSC set up Urban Social Economic Investigation Team in charge of price index. They altered data collection methods, basket items and weights, as well as survey frequency. First of all, investigators went to thr market to collect data directly instead of indirect data collection. Secondly, they unified commodity catalogues. Thirdly, weights of workers consumption price index should be based on urban household expenditure database. Fourthly, they adopted overall weighted average price index. Fifthly, they decide to use monthly CPI to replace quarterly CPI. In 1994, more reforms were taken: separating CPI and RPI with different classification, catalogues and weights, calculating annual prices by monthly price average, extracting agriculture production price index from RPI. The third significant reform happened in 2001 when a series of reforms were carried out including calculation formula, base year, monthly price index calculation and annual price index calculation. Specifically, the international Laspeyres index was adopted instead of weighted average, which not only reflects more reasonable price trends, but also facilitates international indicator comparison. As to the base year, they decided to use a fixed base year, and change it every 5 or 10 years. The latest base year should be 2010. Besides, the basket items’ weights need to be adjusted every year based on annul household consumption expenditure database (Yi Xu, 2006). The differences are presented as followed:

Table 2: CPI measures’ comparison

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Before 2001 After 2001Calculation formula Weighted average Laspeyres indexBase year Flexible based on report Fixed. 2000 is the first base

yearMonth-on-month price index cal-culation

Current month price/last month price

Current month base index/last month base index

Monthly year-on-year price index calculation

Current month price/ price of the same month in last year

Current month base index/ base index of the same month in last year

Annual price index calculation Average of monthly price in-dexes

Average of current year month base indexes/ Average of last year month base indexes

Quantity of consumption and services’ catalogues

325 550

Source: Author’s own illustration based on Yi Xu(2006) and NBSC

Even though CPI measures have been improved significantly, significant problems have aroused broad suspicion of official price indexes. In my opinion, the public suspicions of CPI concentrate on three aspects: price control, CPI basket and CPI components’ weights. As to price control, even as China began to liberalize prices since 1978 and have liberalized more than 90% commodities until now, it is a gradual process and some vital commodities are still under control.

In terms of CPI basket, according to NBSC, current China CPI includes 8 categories: food, entertainment & sports & service, rental & utility, transportation & communication, healthcare, clothes, household durables and tobacco & alcohol. The main disputed point is whether housing should be included in the CPI basket. Based on recent NBSC website information (Chinese version), there are two main reasons to exclude housing from the basket: on the one hand, to be in conformity with 1993 System of National Accounts (SNA), CPI should reflect prices of the most recent and relevant consumption and services, and, housing is investment behaviour rather than consumption behaviour. On the other hand, the housing expenditure is not equal to current housing consumption, which means housing payment concentrates on the short run but housing is indeed long run consumption. Moreover, they argue that housing actually is not excluded from the basket, but has been reflected in the rental & utility section. Apparently, the argument released in 06/10/2011 by the Urban Department of NBSC is questionable. First of all, it is unconvincing to use 1993SNA to justify the legitimization of CPI basket because 1993SNA itself has confronted many criticism. Xianrong Yi, former director of Financial Development Department of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, indicated that 1993SNA cannot reflect the consumption pattern any more. Secondly, many households nowadays adopt instalment payment due to price surges in

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real estate, which implies housing has become the main part of household monthly expenditure. Thirdly, there are many countries, for example, the United States, that not only takes housing as CPI component, but also gives it the relative higher weight. According to 2011 CPI detailed report of US Bureau of Labor Statistics, housing plays the most important role in CPI that is 41.5% of the whole cake. It doesn’t imply China should replicate the American system given the idea is suspecting the underlying logic of rental & utility representing housing.

With regards to the CPI weight, since NBSC never reveal the weights of the 8 components, some scholars calculated NBSC CPI weights by themselves. Figure1 is the most widely-cited source in the media. Other estimations, even though different from map1, the difference is not more than 1%, and, food and entertainment take the biggest share of CPI composition without a doubt. Recently, NBSC revealed the weights variation and decided to adopt a new base year 2010 instead of 2000. The new changes include decreasing food weight by 2.21% and increasing rental & utility weight by 4.22%. But is 4.22% still underestimated for rental & utility compared to food weight? Also, given that it is the first time to change the base year since CPI reform in 2001 and recent food price surge attracted broad attention, the public doubt the reliability of decreasing food weight and representativeness of 130,000 households’ expenditure sample data. Even the public sentiment cannot be used as a benchmark to judge NBSC’s statistics, incompleteness and non-transparency of NBSC price index easily guide the public to negative inflation expectations.

Due to various defects of CPI, some scholars suggest using core inflation to guide monetary policy. They have no intention to undermine the significance of CPI, but argue that CPI needs more improvements and core inflation can serve as a complementary indicator. By comparing core inflation and CPI, we could easily find out whether fluctuant factors play important roles in certain period inflation. PBC has showed great interest in core inflation under recent inflationary pressure. Sheng Songcheng, the head of the financial survey and statistics department of PBC, argued that “Core inflation, a measure of inflation which excludes certain items that experience volatile price movements (notably food and energy) could reflect basic price fluctuations more accurately and reduce the influence of temporary factors on monetary policy”. Zhou Xiaochuan, the PBC governor, had a similar comment that the country's

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monetary moves such as raising interest rates are more closely related to the core inflation situation than the official CPI figures (Wang Xiaotian, 2010).

Even main price indexes in China need more improvements in the future; comparison of these indexes will help to explore their applicable conditions instead of providing obscure remarks. Figure 1 presents the main price indexes in China. Firstof all, all price indexes have similar patterns in terms of peaks and valleys, which implies long-term dynamics are relatively reliable compared to specific price numbers. Secondly, GDP deflator fluctuation is smaller than other price indexes, which comply with our previous analysis that short-run volatile factors have a relative small impact on the GDP deflator because it estimates a long-term inflation trend. Thirdly, PPI probably could serve as a precautionary signal for predicting future inflation since the CPI peaks followed by PPI peaks in 1993 and 2003(Haiyan Xia and Caixia Xu, 2000).. Fourthly, there is a slight difference between CPI and RPI, the differences concentrated on after-1990 period, probably because the service sector became more and more important.

Map 1: China CPI Components

Source: NBSC, Chinatells.

Figure 1: Alternative Measures of Inflation

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Source: Author’s own illustration based on CEIC, IMF and WB

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Chapter 3Literature reviews

3.1 General theories about inflation determinants

There are two main schools thoughts as to the causes of inflation: monetarist views and Keynesian views. Basically, monetarists emphasize long-term money supply effects on inflation while Keynesians tend to address inflation in the short run.

Monetarists considered money growth as the only cause of inflation by applying an aggregate supply and aggregate demand framework. Starting from the natural equilibrium level, the money supply increases shifts in the aggregate demand curve rightward followed by the unemployment rate decline and wage increase, which leads to the aggregate supply curves's shift leftward until it reaches the new equilibrium (Dem and Gao, 2001). The new equilibrium presents a higher price level. As monetarist economist Milton Friedman stated, "Inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon". They believe that any change of money supply will change the price level, which obeys Fisher’s equation MV=PQ where M is the nominal quantity of money, V is the velocity of money in final expenditures, P is the general price level and Q is an index of the real value of final expenditures. However, this view has two important assumptions: constant V and Q, which has been challenged by Keynesian thinkers. What if V is not constant and stable? How about the time lags between M an P given that P is sticky, especially in the short run?

Keynesians view the causal link between M and P the other way round and focus on demand-pull and cost-push inflation. Specifically, one important assumption of Keynesian model is that the aggregate supply curve is horizontal and then vertical, which implies the aggregate demand increase probably due to government spending would not fuel price at the very beginning, but further demand and spending increases will become inflationary. According to Robert J. Gordon's (1988)’ "triangle model", inflation can be driven by demand pull inflation, cost push inflation and built-in inflation. Demand-pull inflation indicates that the excess demand will stimulate spending

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and investment, which requires increasing the quantity of money in circulation faster than the real growth rate of the economy and will then lead to price rise. Cost-push inflation implies that producers will pass cost increases on to consumers’ price. The cost increases could originate from wages increases, raw materials price increases, import price increases and indirect taxes increase or government subsidies reduction. Built-in inflation is closely related to wage spiral, which assumes that firms will pass higher labor costs on to consumers since workers require higher wage to keep up with the price, which will then lead to a vicious inflation circle. In terms of cost-push inflation, monetarists believe that "cost-push arguments for inflation are misleading because they primarily are based on some microeconomic observations on the supply-side" and "in general that the firm- or industry-specific cost increases cannot be inflationary as long as they are not related to, or accommodated by, increases in the money supply" (Aykut and Faruk, 2002). Their argument only shows inflation is a monetary phenomenon to some extent, but cannot prove money supply is the determinant of inflation.

The third block of explanatory factors of inflation is inertial factors such as expected inflation, price stickiness and possible indexation experiences in the economy (Aykut and Faruk, 2002). The traditional Phillips curve addresses the tradeoff between wage inflation and unemployment while the new Phillips curve imports inflation expectation assumptions. Many studies related to inflation occurred in the framework of the Phillips curve (Roberts, J. M. 1995; Fuhrer, J C, 1997; Bhanthumnavin, 2002; Razzak, W. A. 2002; Gali J., Gertler M. and Lopez-Salido D, 2005; Genberg H. and Pauwels L. 2005; Rudd, J. and Whelan K. 2005; Scheibe J. and Vines D. 2005; Pami Dua, 2009). The traditional backward looking Phillips curve usually can be

modelled as , while the new forward looking Phillips curves is

“where π denotes inflation rate, E is the expectations operator, D denotes domestic demand side factors, X represents external demand side factors, Z represents domestic supply side factors and T represents external supply side factors” (Pami Dua, 2009).

However, Pami’s new forward model does not cover all inflation determinants. According to Aykut and Faruk (2002), most inflation causes analysis assume that

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“financial markets are highly developed and functioning very well in the presence of necessary laws and rules”, but for developing countries with poor financial system, institutional, political and cultural factors need to be taken into consideration.

Therefore, the theoretical causes of inflation discussion can be summarized in five blocks: money supply, demand, and cost, as well as inertial and institutional factors. But how do these five blocks interact to contribute to inflation? Based on US experience, Laurence (1993) argued that "the average inflation rate over long periods is determined by the extent to which the average rate of money growth exceeds the average growth rate of real output. Short-run inflation fluctuates around its long-run average because of demand shocks, such as large increases in government spending, and supply shocks, such as sharp rises in the prices of food and energy". I think he provides a good perspective to analysis inflation dynamics. Besides, I believe institutional factors play an important role in explaining short-run inflation fluctuation, especially for developing countries. But how does the long-run link to the short-run? According to Laurence (1993), “the distinction between short-run and long-run determinants of inflation is blurred by the fact that short-run changes often influence the long-run trend” via inflationary expectations or inertial factor. He used the US as an example to explain that the Fed often fulfilled inflation expectation by raising the money supply in order to avoid recession when a demand or cost shock raises short-run inflation and then stimulate inflation expectation. In brief, inflation is determined by excess liquidity in the long run while short-run inflation fluctuation is explained by demand, cost and institutional factors, besides, inertial factors serve as bridge between the short-run and the long-run. In practice, how are these five blocks determinants captured in research?

Money supplyThe impact of the money supply on inflation is

controversial. M2 (Money and quasi money) is widely-used indicator, defined as “the sum of currency outside banks, demand deposits other than those of the central government, and the time, savings, and foreign currency deposits of resident sectors other than the central government” (World Bank). However, it takes risk if employing M2 in itself for inflation analysis given that inflation occurs when the supply of money exceeds the

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demand. Therefore, the measures of “excess liquidity”, defined as the deviation of the actual stock of money from an estimated equilibrium level, is considered as very useful tools to quantify future price pressures (Thorsten and Dieter, 2005). Thorsten and Dieter (2005) indicated that “excess liquidity measures consider inflation as a purely monetary phenomenon: neither the ‘output gap’ nor ‘liquidity gap’ – although both form an integral part of the concepts – can be held responsible for inducing a persistent rise in the price level”. They introduced four measures of excess liquidity: the price gap, the real money gap, the nominal money gap and the money overhang, and, the empirical evidence shows that the price gap played an important role in determining Euro area future inflation.

Demand sideAs to demand side, most studies used output gap,

defined as to estimate the demand pressure. Based on Pami Dua (2009), output gap models work well in developed countries because they have already had developed financial markets, which “the transmission mechanism from monetary policy to the real economy (via the interest rate) is expected effective”. But for developing countries, Coe and Mcdermott (1997) argued output models didn’t work for some Asian countries like China, India and Thailand. Therefore, Pami Dua (2009) suggested using real money gap as potential inflation determinant for developing countries.

The measurement of output gap is another concern, there are four main approaches: aggregate production function with constant TFP (total factor productivity) trend, aggregate growth accounting method with a time varying TFP trend, sectoral data with time varying sector TFP trend and statistical filters’ method (including Hodrick-Prescott, Baxter-King, and Christiano-Fitzgerald filters). The results vary by applying different methods.

Supply sideIn terms of supply, for developing countries, given the

importance of agriculture sector and food’s relative greater weight of CPI, food price increase, caused by weather or international price fluctuation, not only effects short-run inflation, but also engender a sustained inflation via inflation expectations (Pami Dua, 2009). Besides food

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shock, another significant supply shock could be energy, especially crude oil. However, because some developing countries have domestic energy price subsidies or price control, the supply shock in this sense probably cannot be reflected in CPI.

Inertial factorsInertial factors indicate inflation expectation, price

stickiness and indexation experience (Aykut and Faruk, 2002). Price stickiness and indexation are easy to understand, but inflation expectation is a complicated explanatory factor. Undoubtedly, the state of inflation expectation plays a significant role in actual inflation. People will take some anti-inflationary activities in advance such as gold and real estate investment if inflation expectation holds which further push the relative sector’s price and probably affect the overall price indexes. But how is inflation expectation measured and how is its effect on inflation estimated? Basically, there are three types’ expectations: static, adaptive and rational expectations (Berkeley macroeconomics lecture notes from J.Bradford DeLong). Static and adaptive expectations are formed based on previous inflation rates and experience while rational expectations are generated by looking forwards at government current and expected future policies. People will hold static expectation if inflation is low and stable for a relative long period. Adaptive expectation will prevail if inflation changes very slowly and previous inflation has been shown as a good guide for the current year. Both static expectation and adaptive expectation can be considered as backward-looking expectations and rational expectation is forward-looking inflation expectation. Backward expectation usually is captured by last period’s inflation while forward expectations can be various. For example, Pami (2009) used 4 estimation specifications for forward-looking expectation: naïve forecast, perfect forecast, ARIMA (one quarter ahead and four ahead forecast) and core inflation. And he found both backward-looking and forward-looking inflation expectations play an important role in explaining Asian economies, but China is an exception where backward expectation is not significant. Prakash and Swagel (2001) found past realizations of inflation account for 10%-20% inflation movements and inertial factors dominate the inflation process in developing countries with fixed exchange rate regimes by analyzing 53 developing countries’ annual data from 1964-1998

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(excluding China). Moreover, Bernanke (2007) argued the rational model is useful for thinking about credibility and institutional design such as labor unions, but it didn’t work well for “economies in which (1) the structure of the economy is constantly evolving in ways that are imperfectly understood by both the public and policymakers and (2) the policymakers' objective function is not fully known by private agents”. Therefore, for developing countries, especially emerging markets, the expectation formation is even more difficult owing to underdeveloped financial market and obscure policy signals.

Institutional factorsInstitutional factors can be various including

institutional modification, political reforms and cultural changes (Aykut and Faruk, 2002). One of the most referred to institutional inflation explanatory factor is exchange rate. As to exchange rate, the researchers focused on two aspects: does exchange rate have pass-through effects on inflation and how? Does exchange rate regime matter? In terms of pass-through effects, many empirical studies have shown the existence of the effect, but the point is how to capture the effect given that the relationship between exchange rate and inflation is a mutual causal interaction. It is well-known that inflation will affect exchange rate by PPP (Purchasing power parity) while exchange rates can influence inflation via the prices of traded final goods and imported intermediate goods, and through their impact on inflation expectations (Ho, C. and R.N. McCauley, 2003). Theoretically, import price will be affected directly, and, if the biggest share of imports belongs to immediate products for future production or be used for final consumption; exchange rate increase will give an upward pressure on inflation due to import cost rise. Therefore, Ito and Sato (2006) argued that the ideal analysis of interaction between the exchange rate and domestic inflation should take bi-directional causal relationship into consideration. Moreover, they found exchange rate shocks are significant in determining CPI for Indonesia, Korea and Thailand by applying VAR analysis of the exchange rate pass-through. They also compared the pass-through effects on different price indexes including CPI, PPI and import price indexes, and found that it is the largest on the import price index, the second on PPI and the smallest on CPI. It is worthwhile to pay attention to because it shows import inflation is the most influenced indicator, and for the countries that

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exclude imports from CPI basket, the impact of exchange rates will be underestimated. In terms of countries’ difference, Ho, C. and R.N. McCauley (2003) argued “exchange rate considerations can be expected to play a prominent role in emerging market economies, given the substantial influence of the exchange rate on inflation in these economies”. And, some scholars even found the effect on Latin America is stronger than Asia (Kamin and Klau, 2001; Goldfajn and Werlang, 2000; Loungani and Swagel, 2001). With regard to exchange rate regimes, Prakash and Phillips (2001) found that money growth and exchange rate changes played a more important role in countries with floating exchange rate regimes than in fixed exchange rates’ countries.

All in all, the general inflation sources can be concluded as following:

Money supply: excess liquidityDemand: output gapSupply: agriculture, food, crude oil pricesInertial factors: inflation expectation, price stickiness,

indexationInstitutional factor: exchange rate, institutional

modification, political reforms and cultural changes

3.2 Inflation determinants in China

Money supplyAs we discussed before, it is not convincing to use M2

supply directly to analyze inflation. But there are still some scholars using statistical analysis to examine the relationship between M2 and inflation. For example, Porter (2010) argued money growth has little impact on inflation but monetary policy does effect PPI and food inflation via interest rate. Theoretical findings are even more specific and complicated. Yusuf (1994) indicated 1985 and 1988 inflation surges have nothing to do with money growth.

In terms of excess liquidity, there are two main questions: how to measure it and how does it affect inflation in China? As to the measurement, even international society hasn’t reached consensus. But the most used method in China is M2/GDP (the ration of monetary aggregate to nominal GDP) (Yu, 2002; Han and Cui, 2005; Li and He, 2007; Makin, 2007; Zhang and Pang, 2008; Yiping and Hua,

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2010). For example, Zhang and Pang (2008) examined the relationship between M2/GDP and inflation in China between 1997 and 2007, and found excess liquidity, ignited by huge foreign capital inflows and massive foreign exchange purchases, has imposed significant pressure on inflation in China. Yiping and Hua (2010) argued excess liquidity is as important as output gap in explaining inflation trajectory by applying a VECM from 1997 to 2009. Li and He (2007) held different opinion that the excess liquidity did not cause overall price increase.

However, this measure has raised various doubts. For one thing, M2 is inadequate to gauge excess liquidity as financial markets become more and more complicated. According to Xiao Gang, chairman of the Bank of China, “liquidity’s implications have grown to include negotiable securities, derivatives, private equity funds, hedge funds, and financial instruments”. This is why PBC decided to use Total Social Financing (TSF) as the monetary policy guide instead of M2 in early 2011. According to PBC, TSF= RMB-denominated loans of all terms + foreign currency-denominated loans of all terms + consignment loans + trust loans + bank’s acceptance bills + corporate bills + stocks of non-financial enterprises + insurance claims + property investment by insurance companies + monetary increase of other natures within a given period (Citibank). Figure 2 shows that the structure of financing sources is moving from traditional bank loans to other channels. Even PBC argued that this new indicator could better reflect the relationship with other macro indicators such as GDP and CPI; whether it would be the new benchmark still need to be proved given its various data sources are from diverse departments with different policy considerations. For another thing, according monetarist, changes in M2 are supposed to induce corresponding changes in nominal GDP, how can M2/nominal GDP measure “excess” money stock if two variables interacted to the same direction?

This paper adopted excess liquidity measured by M2 growth rate minus real GDP growth rate. Even financing channels in China have experienced big changes but the main source is still bank loans and the significant change happened in recent years. Thus M2 can be used to estimate the long run relationship between excess liquidity and inflation. Figure 3 showed there is no significant relationship between liquidity and inflation in China. Usually they move to opposite directions, and for significant

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inflation peaks such as 1989 and 1994, excess liquidity increases were not evident.

Figure 2: China Total Social Financing

Source: CEIC and PBC, CEIC estimates

Figure 3: China Excess Liquidity Measured by M2 growth rate minus real GDP growth rate: 1979-2010

Source: Author’s own illustration based on CEIC and World Bank

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Demand sideThere are four sources of excess aggregate demand:

consumers, enterprises, governments and international factors. According Li (1989), there is a huge investment demand by enterprises and a similarly huge consumer durables demand, made possible by the newly granted autonomy. The international factors including massive trade surplus and foreign investment become more and more important to influence inflation since mid-1990s (Oppers, 1997). In terms of government spending, Naughton (1995) argued the main source of macroeconomic imbalance in China is government’s intention to keep high level fixed investment. World Bank report (1995) concluded that the main cause of recurring inflationary pressure in China is the monetary accommodation of surges in local-government-led investment demand and of a rising consolidated government deficit (CGD). They found 5 sources of CGD: “1) falling revenue-to-GDP ratio due to the absence of a national tax service; 2) dwindling share of central government revenue as a result of fiscal decentralization; 3) rising government investment expenditures; 4) heavy burden of subsidies to SOEs; and 5) poor budgetary coverage and procedures”.

SOE played a vital role in stimulating aggregate demand at the first twenty years of China reform. Governments gave huge credit to SOEs and encouraged the investment to achieve national economic targets. As Li (1989) indicated “a fundamental cause of overextended investment is China’s outmoded economic system in which most of the enterprises are owned by the government at various levels”. The underlying logic is governments intended to maintain high level investment and commitment to SOEs via bank’s credit expansion, leading to upward pressure on inflation. There are two main methods to finance SOE: cheap credit from the state-banking system and policy loans from the central bank by money creation (Brandt and Zhu, 2001). Undoubtedly, both methods are bound to inflation. But why does the government support SOE through money creation and cheap credits? Why not issue bonds? First of all, it results from the conflict between SOE’s high political position and low productivity. Since 1978, the state decided to give SOEs more autonomy as part of economic decentralization, but its balance sheet didn’t improve due to its’ national ownership and competition with non-state owned enterprises. Moreover, different from private firms, SOEs take both economic and social responsibility given its

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close relationship with socialism, which implies they should make profits and take care of employment at the same time. According to Brandt and Zhu (2001), “despite a sharp drop in its output contribution, the state sector’s share of total employment and fixed investment remained fairly constant up through 1993”. How can they cover their budget deficit? They were financed by government and banks. Secondly, the central bank was not independent and the financial market was incomplete. That’s why SOEs can get money easily from the banks and printing money was the only choice for the banks to finance falling SOEs with low repayment ability. As Li (1989) indicated, both Finance Ministry and SOEs could cover their budget deficit through overdrafts on its account with PBC without any restrictions. Thirdly, credit plans were used to facilitate SOEs’ investment. According to Brandt and Zhu (2001), central government used credit plan to ensure a big portion of credit was directed to SOEs given the financial sectors’ increasing interest in more profitable non-state sectors. The credit plans were normally indicative plan. But for protecting SOEs, the central government resorted to administrative or mandatory credit plan sometimes. The change of credit plan would affect investment and then influence inflation from demand side. It is worth nothing that the SOEs reform has been at the fourth stage, which allows bankruptcy and fair market competition after 1996. The unemployment rate sharply increase can be considered as vital signal of SOEs 1996 reform based on figure4.

Figure4: SOEs’ Employment

Source: Author’s own illustration based on CEIC

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As we discussed before, output gap is the frequently used indicator to measure demand-pull inflation pressure. There are massive studies on China’s output gap (Chow and Li, 2002; Heytens and Zebregs, 2003; Scheibe, 2003; Stefan and Peng, 2005; Scheibe and David, 2005; Zeng and Ying, 2009; Li, 2010; Shen and Li, 2010; Porter, 2010; Zheng and wang, 2010). The arguments surround two aspects: how to measure China's output gap and whether output gap plays a significant role in inflation.

As to measurement, most studies have shown that different methods present similar dynamic patterns and lead to strikingly similar estimates. Moreover, they found production function estimation is more useful than other output gap estimation alternatives (Stefan and Peng, 2005; Scheibe and David, 2005; Li, 2010; Porter, 2010). The underlying reason, according to Porter (2010), is that “the filter-based measures are naïve time series that avoid any economic assumptions but many of them, in turn, implicitly impose symmetry on the cycle and an assumption that the economy spends a similar amount of time above potential as it does below potential”. Admittedly, the statistical filters’ methods depend on various assumptions and lack of economic theories’ support. But, the production function approach has disadvantages as well, for instance, the appropriate functional form for the production function is not clear, and, in order to make estimation possible, productive inputs such as labour, machinery, natural resources and intermediate inputs must be aggregated into a few variables like capital and labor, thus, it requires high quality data on variables, which is difficult to obtain in Mainland China owing to measurement errors and lack of credibility (Iris and Scot, 2000; Stefan and Peng, 2005). Given the complexity of output measures and data quality, the results of output studies in China are various, some scholars even figured out new approaches for China, for example, Ryota and Shinsuke (2005) found “output gap proxied by electricity consumption per unit of capital is a better measure of inflation pressure than another alternative”. Most recently, Zheng and Wang (2010) argued output gap estimates have significant diversity across different methods and Clark’s unobserved components method fits the model well through estimating China’s quarterly output gap during the period 1992 to 2010. Shen and Li (2010) showed the results of production function method are different from the results of growth accounting and HP filter approaches, but they didn’t present which methods are more convincing. Li hongjing (2010),

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researcher of PBC, updated the data of capital. labor and human resources through various critical analyses, estimating 1978-2009 output gaps via production function method, which I consider as most reliable estimation.

Besides output gap measurement issue, another disputed point is whether output gap plays a significant role in inflation. The disputes concentrated on empirical studies. Some scholars’ studies have shown the importance of output gap in determining China inflation. For example, using quarterly data from 1988 to 2002, Scheibe and David (2005) argued output gap, the exchange rate and inflation expectations have great influence on inflation by employing a vertical long-run Phillips curve. Yiping and Hua (2010), by analyzing both year-on year and month-on-month data from 1998-2009, confirmed excess liquidity, output gap, housing prices and stock prices positively affecting inflation. However, some others suggested domestic output gap has a limited impact on inflation. For example, using data from 1996-2009, Porter (2010) found domestic output gap is not significant in inflation via comparing 4 output gaps measures’ estimations and indicated inflation expectations, lagged inflation, and relative foreign cost pressures are all significantly increasing domestic inflation. Stefan and Peng (2005) studied the relationship between inflation and output gap in mainland China for the period 1982-2003 and concluded that the simple application of the Phillips model didn’t fit the data well. So they predicted some important variables such as price deregulation, trade liberalization are omitted, and then modelled these variables as unobserved variables. The new model fit the data much better. Thus, the complexity of the relationship between inflation and output gap has shown the unreliability of quantitative approach. Scholars could drive the model to the “right” direction, which is in accordance with their expectation.

Supply sideMost cost-push inflation (from both domestic and

international food and oil prices perspectives) studies happen in the econometric framework (Zhao, 2006; Wang and Zhang, 2008; PBC, 2009; Qin, 2009; Fang and Wu, 2009; Tan and Luo, 2009; Zhang and Liu, 2011). For example, Wang and Zhang (2008) concluded that world food price plays a main role in domestic inflation in the short run while the influence of world oil prices on inflation works in the median and long term by examining an

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extended Phillips curve and VAR model. The Project Team of Business Management Department of PBC (2009) found international oil price shock has stronger pass-through effects than exchange rate on the import price, PPI and CPI. Besides, they argued RMB appreciation on curbing the inflation is comparatively weak given that the main causes of recent inflation are upriver price chain shock, demand shock, monetary policy shock through a structural VAR model. Fang and Wu (2009) stated that money growth is the vital reason while external shocks were the secondary causing inflation. In external shocks, international food price had a greater impact on inflation in China than international oil price by examining a Bayesian VAR model.

But the econometric analysis takes risks. In China, as a transition economy, price liberalization (including food and oil prices) is an unavoidable process towards market economy. It would have great influence on inflation indexes by intervening in the basket items’ price directly in an administrative way. Thus price liberalization can be considered as a vital potential inflation cause, but it is predictable that quantitative method will undermine the importance of price reform if we take post-reform period as a whole to examining the causes of inflation. As Scheibe and David (2005) said, it is important to figure out “whether retail prices in China were sufficiently free during the estimation period to allow for a meaningful estimation of a Phillips curve results”. Therefore, it is necessary to clarify the process of Chinese price liberalization.

Institutional factorsAs Lin and Li (1996) stated, "the boom and bust cycle in

the Chinese economy is the result of institutional incompatibility arising from the piecemeal and partial approach to reform". The inflation indexes have confronted plenty of critics, companying with Chinese distinct institutional backgrounds, the inflation causes exploration become even more intricate and complex. This session will present two vital institutional factors: price liberalization and exchange rate reform.

Price liberalizationActually, there are quite few studies on the relationship

between inflation and price liberalization, especially for econometric analysis because it is hard to find solid variables. But still some scholars tried to quantify transition economies price liberalization and examined the relation

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with inflation (Aslund and Johnson, 1996; de Melo and Gelb, 1996; Ernesto, 1999). Their empirical studies usually showed a positive relation for post-communist countries. But it is difficult to apply to China given its complicated geographical and political characteristics. In China, the studies focused on theoretical explanations. For example, Li Yunqi (1989) concluded the primary causes of Chinese inflation are price reform inflation and excess demand inflation. Chang and Hou (1997) argued the 1994 inflation was structural rather than monetary. They believed it is food price increases, a step of price reform, caused the 1994 inflation. Basically, price decontrol is supposedly positively related to inflation, but is it long-term or short-term effect and how influential it is rely on: what kind of commodities was influenced under price liberalization? How big was the influence? When was the price liberalization over? Therefore, it is vital to illustrate price decontrol history.

In China, most commodities were priced by the state under the planned economy. Along with the Open Up policy in 1978, the state began to liberalize the prices step by step. Ding (2010) concluded China price reform as 4 stages after 1978 reform and opening up: the combination of adjustment and liberalization and the increase of market factors (1979-1987), failure in making price breakthroughs and relevant improvement and rectification measures (1988-1992), prudently carrying out macro-control and steadily liberalizing market price (1992-2001), and China’s price policy under the backdrop of globalization (2002-). Compared China price reforms to the inflation pattern showed by figure1, we can find that the peaks of each inflation cycle usually accompanied by an important price liberalization policy, especially the inflation peaks of 1980, 1985, 1988 and 1994. How price decontrol had significant influence on China inflation will be elaborated in chapter4.

Exchange rateIn terms of exchange rate, first of all, the empirical

research shows that exchange rate influenced import prices more than other price indexes, which is in accordance with previous inflation indexes analysis that import price index is easily affected by exchange rate and import prices probably would pass on to overall price index. So the disputed point is whether the pass-through effect is significant for prices, especially for CPI. Shi and Xu(2008) examined the pass-through of RMB exchange rate to various domestic prices during the period of 1994—2007 and found exchange rate

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shocks have disinflation impact on domestic price after RMB exchange rate regime reform in July 2005. Moreover, they indicated that 1% exchange rate increase will lead to 0.52 % decline in import price after 7 quarters and 0.38% and 0.20% decline in PPI and CPI respectively after 12 quarters, and, the pass-through of RMB exchange rate is significantly different within CPI, which means the pass-through effect on food, cloth and household facilities is higher than others. Cheng and Liu (2007) found the pass-through effect of nominal RMB appreciation is statistically significant for both import price and consumer price based on VAR analysis. And, Huang and Gu indicated the exchange rate regime shifting from fixed to managed system has strong implication for domestic inflation persistence and exchange rate shocks have significant long term effect on price fluctuations. However, Lan and Qiu (2009) argued the effect is quite weak even RMB appreciation seems like will impose a downward pressure on inflation.

Theoretical work shows exchange rate played a vital in 1994 inflation. To clarify the relationship between inflation and exchange rate, we need to go back to the two major exchange rate regime reforms since 1990s: 1994 reform and 2005 reform. According to Huang and Gu, the main decision of 1994 reform is merging the official RMB exchange rate into a market rate and pegging to the US dollar. The main instrument the Chinese government used to move towards market rate is devaluation, and the RMB has been depreciated to 8.7 until 1994 (Morris and Nicholas, 2009). From the Figure4, we can see that the exchange rate has no big fluctuation in the following ten years until 2005. The 2005 reforms included: firstly, ending fixed nominal exchange rate and linking RMB to a basket of currencies rather than being pegged to the dollar, secondly, the exchange rate becomes more flexible and its value based more on market demand and supply, thirdly, appreciating RMB against dollar (Morris and Nicholas, 2009). Therefore, theoretically, 1994 exchange rate reform would impose an upward pressure on inflation and 2005 reform help decrease inflation rate in 2005. Comparing the figure1, 5 and 6, we can find: first of all, 1994 exchange reform followed by significant CPI surge, but it didn’t last for long. Secondly, 2005 appreciation led to import price decrease in a short term, but post-2005 import prices fluctuation cannot be explained by exchange rate, for instance, the import price surge in 2008.

Figure 5: China Nominal Exchange Rate

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Source: Author’s own illustration based on WB

Figure6: Import Price Index of All Commodities since 2003

Source: US Department of Labor.

Other factorsAsset prices (real estate and stock prices) also are

involved in explaining inflation owing to housing price surge and instability of the stock market. Will excess liquidity cause asset boom? Does asset boom have spill-over effect on CPI? Asset prices can affect inflation via various channels: real estate investment and consumption, rental prices, and inflation expectation. Several studies have been done on developed countries (Belke and orth, 2007; Greiber, and Setzer, 2007; Giese and Tuxen 2008). Belke

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and orth (2007) estimated major OECD countries via a variety of VAR models, and found positive shock to global liquidity leads to permanent increases in the global GDP deflator and in the global house price index. Giese and Tuxen (2008) showed a global liquidity surge raised house prices but had limited effect on stock market by applying I(1) and I(2) co- integrated VAR models for 6 industrial economies. In the case of China, the relationship between asset prices and inflation is quite new because the asset prices surge just happened in recent few years. Wang (2005) found sound relationship between real estate expected return and inflation expectation. Duan (2007) indicated that house prices exert ascending pressure on inflation through aggregate demand and consumption, moreover, the effects is significant in the long run even as it seemed limited in short run. Yu (2008) argued housing price has greater influence than stock price by establishing a VAR model, which comprises seven variables, such as inflation, monetary supply, output gap, interest rate, stock price and housing price. Huang and Hua (2010) found housing price and stock price account for 0.06% and 1.38% of CPI variance respectively by examining structural variance decomposition. Given that housing price has not become the component of CPI in China until now, whether housing price have significant spill-over effect on CPI basket commodities is questionable.

Therefore, the sources of china inflation can be

concluded as following:Demand: output gap, excess aggregate demand

(consumer, enterprises and governments demands)Supply: food price (both domestic and international

prices) Institutional factors: price liberalization, exchange rateOther factors: asset price, inflation expectation

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Chapter 4 Inflation dynamics

According to previous inflation measures analysis and literature review critics, we realize the following: first of all, Chinese inflation dynamics is an extreme complex and intertwined process, and there are no single determinants that can explain China post-reform inflation trend. Secondly, even many inflation determinants studies took place in the framework of econometrics; it takes big risks for either ignoring institutional factors because of difficulties of quantifying them, or undermining distinct features of specific inflation cycles.

In my view, Chinese inflation since 1978 can be divided into 2 periods, 8 cycles. 1997 can be considered as the watershed of the two periods. As figure7 shows, the fluctuation of pre-1997 period is much more evident than after-1997 period. Using previous year’s inflation as the CPI benchmark, you can observe that pre-1997 period inflation rate floated between -12% and 11% while the variation range of after-1997 period is between -7% and 5%. Each period includes 4 cycles respectively: the pre-1997 period includes 1978-1981, 1982-1986, 1987-1990, and 1991-1996 while the after-1997 period contains 1997-2002, 2003-2005, 2006-2009, 2010-present. As to the pre-1997 period, the inflation cyclical movement is largely determined by excess aggregate demand measured by output gap while price liberalization served as an added factor. The figure7 presents that the movements of output gap and CPI have the similar pattern in pre-1997 period. With regard to the post-1997 period, the costs, especially food prices (both domestic and international food prices) explain most inflation fluctuations. As figure8 shows, the international food price also follows CPI cyclical pattern in post-1997 period.

4.1 1997 as the CPI structural break pointWhy is 1997 the structural break point? First of all, figure 7 has showed that the CPI fluctuates

in post-1997 period is much smaller than pre-1997 period. Pre-1997 period inflation rate floated between -12% and 11% while the variation range of after-1997 period is between -7% and 5%. Besides, other macroeconomic

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indicators such as GDP, output gap, excess liquidity movements have the similar characteristic.

Secondly, more than 90% of consumer prices have been liberalized until 1997, which implies the price distortions resulting from administrative intervenes decreased significantly. There are few direct price interventions implemented by government after 1997. According to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 95% of consumer goods and 80% investment goods had been relaxed by 1999. The Chinese government tends to use monetary policies to adjust prices such as interest rate, exchange rate and money base, especially when China was accepted as a member of WTO (World Trade Organization) after 2001.

Thirdly, the financial reforms, especially the 1997 financial conference, provided a relatively stable macroeconomic environment through strengthening the role of PBC and monetary policies, which contributed to stabilize the inflation. Instead of administrative price adjustments, the state tends to use monetary policies to affect inflation after 1997, which implies market replacing the government began to play the vital role in macroeconomics. Actually, the financial reforms including institutional, exchange rate regime and interest rate regime reforms have had processed gradually before 1997, which help facilitate the functions of market. But, the most important reform took place in the First National Financial Conference in November 1997, which rooted from the Asia economic crisis. In order to avoid potential financial risks, several major measures were adopted to manage non-performing assets and supervise financial sectors after the conference. Specifically, the state decided to issue 270billion RMB bonds to increase the capital of four main national banks, and set up four capital management companies to deal with 1394billion toxic assets separated from the bank’s assets. Besides, China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC) and China Insurance Regulatory Commission (CIRC) were set up to supervise the security and insurance markets. And PBC “replaced the quota management of credit with assets-to-liabilities ratio management”, which helped control the credit distribution, especially SOEs credits (Zhang and Clovis, 2010). Most importantly, PBC retracted all provinces’ branches and established nine region branches instead, which prevented the interferences of local governments and strengthened the independence of monetary policies. According to Zhang and Clovis (2010), since the late 1990s, PBC has increased

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its commitment to price stability in both words and actions and “adopted a composite measure of quantity-based (e.g. money supply) and price-based (e.g. interest rate) tools for implementing its policies, with the quantity-based tool being a predominant policy instrument”, which kept the inflation of the after-1997 period low and stable.

Fourthly, the statistically studies have shown the 1997 structural break. For example, Zhang and Clovis (2010) used a univariate regression form

(where where c denotes a constant, is the rate of inflation, p is the optimal lag order specified for the AR model, and ut is a serially uncorrelated error term) to examine China inflation persistence from 1981 to 2007 and found a structural change around 1997. Specifically, first of all, they run a Andrews-Ploberger structural break tests for AR model and found the AR process of the CPI inflation is unstable over 1981-2007, moreover, they found “a significant structural change in the persistence parameter of the CPI inflation around 1997”. Then they estimated the sub-samples for the two periods: 1981-1996 and 1997-2007 and the results suggested the CPI inflation persistence over 1981-1996 is higher than 1997-2007, which reflected “the variation of the CPI inflation before the break point is much more evident than after the break point”. Furthermore, they took real annual GDP growth rate into consideration to examine the robustness of the baseline findings and the break date for the overall parameter stability coincide with the first model.

4.2 Pre-1997 periodThe characteristics of pre-1997 period cycles can be

summarized as: (1) the variation of all major economic variables is more evident compared with after-1997 period; (2) the positive output gap usually accompanied by the inflation peaks and the movements of output gap and CPI have similar cyclical pattern, as figure7 suggested; (3) the price increase rooted from price liberalization have great influence on all inflation cycles; (4) the soft landing of the fourth cycle benefited from the increase of trade surplus and foreign investment, which offset the influence of price liberalization to some extent; (5) both facial and monetary tools are significant to drive down the inflation in a short term.

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Figure7: Inflation, Output Gap and Real GDP Growth

Source: Author’s own illustration based on CEIC, WB and Li (2010)

The first cycle over 1978-1981, based on Oppers (1997), early administrative price adjustments and a limited SOE reform pushed up the aggregate demand through increasing farmers’ income, SOEs investments and granted wages. In 1979, for encouraging agricultural productivity and pushing forward the household land contract responsibility system, the state raised the overall purchasing price of 18 major agricultural products such as grain, oil crops and hogs, as well as the selling price of 8 major non-staple food stuffs including pork and vegetables (Ding, 2010). Most products belonged to CPI basket items. Moreover, the state introduced “double track price system” to facilitate the price reform gradually in order to avoid social panic and began to liberalize the prices from the agriculture sector in 1979. The “double track price system” means farmers were paid fixed prices for planned quantities and could sell the production surplus in markets freely while the coupon system also applied to consumers (Scheibe and David, 2005). The market price was relatively high because of limited agriculture products supply. According to CEIC, 1979 price policies followed by 5.5% CPI increase in 1980. Then the state “responded to the emerging demand pressures by tightening quantitative credit controls, increasing interest rate, and more selective approval of investment projects” (Oppers, 1997), which drove down both inflation and real GDP in 1981 .

As to the second cycle 1982-1986, the real GDP reached nearly 15% in 1984 and overheating was built up by 1985 with CPI 6.4%. According to Oppers (1997), the underlying

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reasons were: more liberalized prices, increasing SOE autonomy in setting wages and allocating social funds, some liberalization of foreign trade and exchange system, as well as lacked monetary policy tools and soft budget constraints. Besides, he indicated that the total wage bill expanded by 45% while the credit increased to 76% in the last quarter of 1984. Since 1984, in terms of agriculture sector, the government kept raising the prices of grain, cotton and oil crops, but at the same time, liberalized the purchasing and selling price of most agricultural and sideline products; as to industrial sector, “double track price system” was imported in 1984 and the state decided to remove the restrictions on price mark-ups of the self-produced and self-sold products (Ding, 2010). The 1984 price liberalization followed by the second inflation peak 6.4% in 1985. The responses were: tightening credit policy, controlling PBC lending, depreciating RMB and raising interest rate, which pulled down both inflation and real GDP in 1986 via affecting real economy and imports.

In terms of third cycle over 1987-1990, unlike the first two cycles, the inflation rate far exceeded the real GDP growth rate, which implied the price reform also played a vital role in accelerating CPI except aggregate demand driven by credit expansion. On the one hand, given the increasing problems of SOE and slowdown economic growth rate, the state eased credit plan temporarily and gave banks more freedom to set interest rate since mid-1986, which stimulated aggregate demand through increasing retail sales and investment (Oppers, 1997). On the other hand, the price decontrol kept deepening and price breakthrough in 1988 pulled CPI to a record high. Since 1986, the government relaxed the control of prices of industrial products and liberalized 749 small commodities falling into the category of 24 major commodities, moreover, the state council issued the Regulations of the People’s Republic of China on the Control of Prices in 1987, which legalized the enterprises’ pricing rights for their own products (Ding, 2010). Not surprisingly, all these factors have fuelled inflation to some extent. However, it is not enough to mount 10.7% CPI in1988. According to Ding (2010), for alleviating the accumulating inflation pressure, Chinese government leaders decided to adopt western scholars’ suggestion to make price breakthroughs in July 1988, which caused the panic buying spree immediately. From the 1988 monthly CPI figure, you can see a significant price surge in the following August. In October, the state council issued “the Decision on Tightening up Price

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Management and Strictly Controlling Price Surge” and carried out the ceiling prices for both agricultural and industrial products. Accompanied with tightening monetary policies, the CPI dropped quickly with -0.24% in November. In a word, CPI in 1988 experienced dramatic changes and the average level of CPI is extremely high. The responses included: postponing price reform, reducing credit growth, decreasing M2 growth rate to 18% in 1989, reducing SOE investment, controlling imports and increasing nominal interest rate. All measures functioned quickly and pulled down real GDP to 4% in 1989, and then CPI and output gap decreased sharply in 1990.

With regards to fourth cycle 1991-1996, as Oppers (1997) stated, it is the first time China achieved a soft landing. The main reason is foreign factors’ (trade surplus and massive foreign direct investment) contribution to accelerating aggregate demand. On the one hand, similar to the third cycle, food price increase resulting from grain procurement prices surge is the main source of 1994 inflation peak, but later food price inflation decreased along with increased food production and import. The turning point of price reform is the south trip of the top leader Deng Xiaoping in 1992, which strengthened the reform confidence and started to liberalize prices in a more planned way. Except for salt, transportation and strategic products, most consumer prices have been liberalized. Chai (1997) found more than 90% of consumer prices had been liberalized in 1992. The prices of coal, oil and steel were gradually liberalized in 1993 and the CPI came to the fourth peak after reform in 1994 with 8.2%. On the other hand, the authorities implemented a 16 points program to deal with overheating issue; theoretically, it should lead to aggregate demand reduction and slowdown of real GDP, however, facilitated with the exchange rate reform and significant RMB depreciation, both exports and foreign investment increased significantly that prevented the economy growth from sharp decline.

4.3 Post-1997 periodThe features of post-1997 period cycles include: (1) the

cyclical inflation is mostly driven by cost, mainly food prices (both domestic and international food prices). As figure8 shows, CPI and world food prices present the similar pattern in post-1997 period; (2) inflation fluctuates moderately from -8% to 5% while output gap and real GDP vary slightly; the output gap started to become positive

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since 2006 and real GDP growth rate peaked in 2007. The underlying reasons are: RMB appreciation and government’ policies to stimulate aggregate demand. However, the recent economic crisis helps to cool down China's economy without significant harms; (3) monetary tools such as interest rate and money base are frequently applied to adjust inflation rate (Li, 2010); (4) the overheating and soft-landing arguments are popular in post-1997 period given that China have achieved soft-landing in 1997.

Figure8: China CPI and World Food Price since 1991

Source: Author’s own illustration based on CEIC and FAO

As to the first cycle over 1997-2002, investment kept expanding after 1997 and real GDP still rose with a small inflation peak in 2000 with CPI 1.8%. The fluctuation of this period didn’t attract wide attention, but it need to be addressed because it pointed out that food prices became to rise significantly since 2000, as figure 9 showed. Both food

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PPI and CPI started to increase significantly and world food price reached a small peak in 2001. It is worth to note that China became part of WTO since 2001, which implied the domestic food prices would be more influenced by international food prices.

Figure9: China Food Price since 1992

Source: WB

In terms of the second cycle over 2003-2005, the main reasons of 2004 CPI acceleration are prices increases in food, raw material and fuel. According to World Bank (2004), the non-food CPI raised less than 1 percent during 2003 and 2004 while overall inflation indexes experienced significant increase. They further indicated that “the largest contribution stemming from increased food prices—which were 13.9 percent higher in August than a year ago—while the CPI for water, electricity and fuel price increased by 9.6 percent”. Besides, they found the PPI also increased by 6.8 percent and the PPI for raw material and fuel by 12.9 percent. During this period, even investment still increased quickly and real GDP continued climbing, inflation expectation was relatively low, static inflation expectation held and soft-landing was expected in future. International food price increase also contributed to 2004 inflation because of weather, reducing global grain stock and increasing demand of biofuel (Nikos, 2008). As figure8 shows, the world food price experienced a quick surge with more than 10% price increase in 2004.

With regards to the third cycle 2006-2009, the main cause of 2007 inflation peak is the food prices increase, both international and domestic price increases. In terms of domestic food prices, unlike the second peak addressing grain prices increase, the pork price played a vital role to accelerate the food prices in 2007, and then led to overall

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CPI rise to 3.3% given the big weight of food sector in CPI components (21food). According to World Bank report 2007, CPI rose to 6.5% in August 1997, which was the highest since more than a decade and well above the central bank’s 3 percent indicative target. At the same time, they found non-food inflation declined to 0.9% in July 2007, partly because administrative controls on various prices, including utilities and fuels. In terms of international food price, affecting by international oil prices surge and massive food demand of biofuel, the average international food prices increase more than 20% and lasted for two years until 2009. Besides food prices, asset prices including both stock and housing prices have risen significantly in 2006, which probably had spill-over effect on later inflation. As World Bank report indicated, even official data suggested moderate asset price data, many believe actual price rises are significantly higher by comparing to urban income growth and real estate price rises in other countries. However, CPI is not an issue of concern in 2008 because: (1) the state have adopted tightening policies to tackle inflation in the late 2007, which caused investment growth declined in 2008, mainly in real estate and construction; (2) “the pressure from higher raw material prices is easing as prices of oil and other raw commodities continued to decline in international and domestic markets” (World Bank report, 2008); (3) the pork price increases in 2007 due to lack of supply would recover in a short run given the short production cycle of pigs.

In terms of the ongoing fourth cycle over 2010-present, the food prices increase still plays a vital role to drive up the recent inflation. According to the World Bank 2010 report, the higher food prices contributed to 2/3 inflation increase, mainly because of domestic problematic weather but with additional impact from higher international food prices. Besides, the spill-over effect of property price is another concern, especially housing prices. As figure10 presents, property price experienced a sharp increase in 2010. The housing prices are widely considered as overestimated and beyond people’s affordability. Moreover, salary increase and RMB appreciation are other key concerns of this cycle. Whether wages should raise and will it affect production cost, which will pass to inflation caused by wage spiral. As World Bank report (2010) showed, unit labor costs in manufacturing rose significantly in the first 3 quarters of 2010 due to the particularly high wage increases granted earlier this year. They also predicted that it cannot grow to a serious problem in a short run given the

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cost increase usually offset by the high productivity by reviewing Chinese inflation history. During 2010, PBC have increased deposit-reserve ratio six times to tackle with rising inflation, besides, the state boosts food supply via increasing food import, releasing grain reserves and distributing subsidies to farmers. However, CPI rose to 5.4% in March 2011. Compared with previous food inflation, this one presented as overall food prices increase. Vegetable prices are the key driver of 2010 food inflation; it has come down at the early of this year and followed by the prices increase of meat. Whether China could achieve another soft-landing is still questionable given the strong inflation expectation rooted from the failure of controlling housing prices and inflation. If rational inflation expectation holds and governments don’t give evident signals, the future of this cycle is pessimistic.

Figure10: CPI, PPI and Property Price since 2005

Source: WB

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Chapter 5 Conclusion

This paper viewed Chinese inflation as a cyclical pattern, divided Chinese inflation into two periods to examine their determinants respectively, and concluded that pre-1997 period inflation is mainly determined by output gap and price liberalization while post-1997 period inflation is mostly influenced by the costs, especially food prices (both domestic and international food prices). Why did PBC policies seem useless to tame recent inflation in 2010? What are the implications for future?

Theoretically, as China's economy has become more and more market-oriented and the monetary tools such as interest rate and money base are frequently used to adjust macroeconomics, PBC’s policies that increasing reserve bases six times and interest rate four times in 2010 are supposed to exert downward pressure of inflation. But CPI still keeps at a relative high level. It doesn’t imply these monetary tools are useless, the purposes of these measures are restricting overinvestment and excess money stock. They need time to work. In the long term perspective, it would help control inflation at a low level in future.

At this moment, the most urgent thing is taming food prices. According to post-1997 period analysis, cost factors, mainly food prices, play a vital role in driving short-run inflation cycles, which implies the government need to insure food security through various policies such as increasing food reserves and providing farmers’ subsidies to prevent short-term inflation surge. Besides, Chinese domestic food prices have become more and more influenced by international food prices because of its increasing food imports and exports. Prevention of a short-term inflation surge also requires policy-makers to deal with the relationship between domestic market and international market. Another point needed to be addressed for this inflation cycle is the spill-over effect of few food commodities price increase on overall price index. Because food takes biggest share of CPI in China and people can feel price increases immediately, the CPI could easily be fuelled if rational inflation expectation holds rooted from food prices surge. The food price inflation requires governments’ quick responses to prevent food speculation and keep prices stable.

For post-1997 period, another factor need to be addressed is housing price given housing price’s increasing

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effect on inflation expectation and wage. Workers are asking a salary raise as real estate price increase, and then labor cost will increase, which will push inflation later. Strong inflation expectation holds because the public are not sure whether governments determine to solve this problem at the cost of fiscal revenue and banking sector in the near future. Recently, governments have implemented series policies to control housing prices and housing prices have begun to decline since October. For containing inflation expectation and preventing inflation vicious circle, the property market control policy cannot be loosened.

The third suggestion is about inflation measures. Even though the measures have been improved significantly in past decades, there are still many problems such as basket components and weights. When asset prices become more and more important, whether housing prices should be included in CPI basket relies on not only measure techniques, but data transparency. Otherwise, long-term suspicion of official data has strong implication for inflation expectation.

Finally, even the output gap didn't contribute too much to post-1997 inflation period; it is still a vital factor we cannot dismiss given that the pre-1997 inflation experience has show the great effect of overheating and Chinese governments’ continuous emphasis on investment to stimulate aggregate demand.

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