Weekend 1 34

FRIDAYDECEMBER 20

2013

vol 1 Issu E 34

MotoR RICkshAws6

shIB NARAYAN DAs18

QuADER MollA27

W E E K E N D T R I B U N E FRI DAY, DECEMBER 20, 2013

1

CoNtENts

EDItoR’s NotE

A wEEklY PRoDuCtIoN oF

DhakaTribunevoluME 1 , Issu E 34DECEMBER 20, 2013

10 FEATUREBlockades

1 EdiToR’sNoTE2 ThisWEEkiNPicTUREs4 BoTTlEdUP5 WhosEliNEisiTANyWAy? He got lucky!8 PosT-RiPosTE Politics9 ToP10 New words in the dictionary12 BigMoUThsTRikEsAgAiN V for victory13 PhoTosToRy Oborodh17 REAlPoliTik East China Sea18 ThoUghTPloT Shib Narayan Das20 iNTERviEW Neils van den Berge21 cRiMEFilE Execution of a war criminal22 ToUghlovE23 WT|lEisURE24 dAyiNThEliFEoF A flag seller25 ThEWAydhAkAWAs Purbani Hotel26 TRAvElogUE Houston, USA27 oBiTUARy Quader Molla28lAsTWoRd

it seems that the humble rickshaw has been omnipresent in Bangladeshi

culture. The three-wheeler provides cheap, eco-friendly transport, is a livelihood for millions of poor Bangladeshis, and also serves as the safest means of transportation during these endless days of oborodhs and hartals. Yet, the rickshaw has also come in for a fair bit of stick: its construction is inefficient and takes a toll on the driver, has (debatably) contributed to Dhaka’s notorious traffic jams, not to mention a steady increase in rickshaw fares over the past few years which questions its epithet as the man’s transport. Our reporter Faisal Mahmud

charts the evolution of the modern rickshaw as it is finding its feet in the contemporary streets of Dhaka. Will a new motorized, efficiently design and cheaper rickshaw answer its detractors?

Elsewhere, our Top 10 this week takes a look at the most interesting words to have crept into our lexicon over the last few years, the DWT team debates whether political propaganda has any kind of potency right before elections, while our Last Word chronicles the last few days of Abdul Quader Mollah before his execution. Stay with the Weekend Tribune as we count down to the end of the year and prepare for 2014. n

Reinventingtherickshaw

6 PickoFThEWEEk Motor rickshaws

EditorZafar Sobhan

Magazine Editor Faruq Hasan

Weekend Tribune TeamSumaiya ShamsFaisal MahmudYusuf BannaShah NahianAdil SakhawatRohini AlamgirFarhana Urmee

Art Direction/PhotographySyed Latif Hossain

CartoonSyed Rashad Imam TanmoyRio Shuvo

ContributorsNaheed KamalJoseph AllchinPhil HumphreysDina SobhanTamim ChowdhuryKamran Reza ChowdhuryUdisa IslamMAB Siddique

DesignMohammad Mahbub Alam

Colour Specialist Shekhar MondalKazi Syras Al Mahmood

ProductionMasum Billah

AdvertisingShahidan Khurshed

CirculationWahid Murad

Email: [email protected]: www.dhakatribune.com

CoverVictory Day celebrations by Syed Latif Hossain


INTERNATIONAL2

thIs wEEk

A Syrian refugee woman fetches water at a refugee camp in the eastern Lebanese border town of Arsal, Lebanon, on December 15. Tens of thousands of impoverished Syrian refugees living in tents, shacks and unfinished buildings throughout Lebanon face a miserable winter as aid organisations scramble to meet their needs, constantly overwhelmed by ever-more Syrians fleeing their country’s war AP/Bilal Hussein

Actor Peter O’Toole, who starred in Sir David Lean’s 1962 film classic Lawrence of Arabia, died on December 14, aged 81

In this handout image from the United Nations Mission in South Sudan, taken on December 17, civilians arrive at UNMISS compound adjacent to Juba International Airport to take refuge. Sporadic gunfire rang out in Juba overnight as the military “cleared out remnants” of a faction of soldiers accused of mounting a coup attempt AP/UNMISS/Rolla Hinedi

In this October 14, 2012 photo, Japan Maritime Self-Defence Force (JMSDF) escort ship Kurama, left, navigates behind destroyer Yudachi, with a flag, during a fleet review in water off Sagami Bay, south of Tokyo. Japan has released a near-final draft of its first national security strategy that calls for a stronger military amid the rise of China AP

A barge carries the Vechthoeve, better known as the Pippi Langkous (Pippi Longstocking) house, on the Vecht river, in Muiden on December 7. The monumental wooden building is being moved 300 metres away to leave place for a new bridge of the A1 highway AFP/ANP/Bas Czerwinski


NATIONAL3

A staggering 27,117 people stand united, holding green and red boards above their heads, to put up the world’s biggest ever human flag at the National Parade Ground on Victory Day Syed Zakir Hossain

A freedom fighter breaks into tears as the Ganajagaran Mancha takes oath on the occasion of the Victory Day at Suhrawardy Udyan in the city on December 16 Syed Zakir Hossain/Dhaka Tribune

Thousands, on December 16, enjoy spectacular fireworks at the capital’s Suhrawardy Udyan, where Pakistan army surrendered in 1971 Rajib Dhar/Dhaka Tribune

HM Ershad, who claims to have been detained, smiles when the PM’s International Affairs Adviser Gowher Rizvi visits him at the CMH on December 15 PMO

Jamaat-Shibir activists go on rampage in the capital’s Fakirapul and Motijheel area on December 13 Nashirul Islam/Dhaka Tribune


TheevolutionofacocktailPhil Humphreys reminded us in his Last Word that politics of protest does not have to be violent at all. As the Molotov cocktail has evolved from a sign of peaceful protest to a weapon used for violence, our local politicians have also changed from representatives to oppressors of the people. Unlike the cocktail, some things never change.

Simon HarrisGulshan, Dhaka

AplacethateveryoneshouldknowI read Faisal Mahmud’s piece about the “asylum” for our war heroes on Victory Day and I felt so ashamed of being a Bangladeshi. To see our war veterans left neglected while crooked politicians are enjoying the fruits of a free nation makes my blood boil. We should raise more awareness about the state of abandon and futility that so many of our freedom fighters face nowadays.

Saif KamalUttara, Dhaka

cloudyMeghnaI enjoyed reading your interview of Dr Meghna Guhathakurta as she is one of the most prominent intellectuals of the country, as well as being the daughter of a martyred intellectual. But I got the feeling that some of the questions were not really answered with the kind of candour we expect from her. I hope in the future your interviews are a bit more direct and frank.

Nudrat TabassumMohammadpur, Dhaka

4 BottlED uP

lETTERoftheweek

LETTERs TO ThE EdITOR

Send us your feedback at: [email protected]

PuppyloveAnimal rights always take a back seat here in Bangladesh. Though it was heartbreaking to read about Tommy’s murder in your Crime File last week, I wasn’t surprised. For some reason, we Bangladeshis tend to think that animal rights come at the expense of human rights. Hats off to the Weekend Tribune for consistently writing about how both people and animals can not only coexist, but help each other as well. Looking forward to more reports about animal welfare in your publication.

Halima ChowdhuryGulistan, Dhaka


5whosE lINE Is It ANYwAY?

hegotlucky!

Rio Shuvo/Dhaka Tribune

Quinton de Kock was lucky. All three of his centuries against us were

because of luck.ishantsharma,indiancricketbowler

Let’s just hope I continue getting lucky.Quintondekock,southAfrican

wicketkeeper-batsman

With the T20 World Cup coming up in Bangladesh, I hope our players get lucky

too! MrMango


6 MOTOR RIckshAwsPICk oF thE wEEk

ThefastandthecuriousFaisal Mahmud writes about the new breed of three-wheelers in town

There is a new kind of rickshaw plying Dhaka’s streets nowadays. There’s hardly any difference

between these rickshaws and the regular ones – they look the same, and the fare is the same. The only difference is, this rickshaw is run by a small motor. People have named it the “motor rickshaw.”

This engine rickshaw is simply a regular rickshaw with a DC (direct current) motor and some gears attached to it. The motor gets the power from rechargeable batteries.

Around 80,000 motor rickshaws are currently on the road in the city, running mostly on Elephant Road, Malibagh, Banani, Uttara, Maghbazar, Baily Road, Dhanmondi, Lalmatia, Gulshan, Banani and Mirpur. And the countryside is flooded with them.

isitlegal?The motor rickshaw “drivers” try to avoid the main roads because this particular vehicle doesn’t fall under any registered mode of transport. “I usually take passengers from one place to another inside the Hatirpool area,” Manju, one such rickshaw puller, said. “The owner of my rickshaw asked me to take short trips inside this area.”

Manju said the motor rickshaw is easier to drive. “I don’t need to paddle and can drive faster than the normal rickshaw. But I don’t take any extra fare, I only charge what a regular rickshaw puller would charge,” he said.

Unlike the regular rickshaws that are issued licence from the Dhaka City Corporation (DCC), the motor rickshaws have unofficial “cards” given by the traffic police. This card is issued depending on where the rickshaw runs. For example, rickshaws plying inside Dhanmondi have a particular card, which the rickshaw pullers can show when stopped by the traffic police in Dhanmondi. Several rickshaw pullers said the traffic police issue this card in exchange of a monthly bill from the owners.

However, if a rickshaw puller from Dhanmondi goes to other areas and is stopped by that area’s traffic police, he has to pay a fine.

Akram Hossain, who owns three motor rickshaws, faced problems when he went to register his vehicles. “These rickshaws don’t fall under the

FaisalMahmudis a staff reporter at

Weekend Tribune who specialises in writing

IT and telecom articles with depth and

analysis

Photos: Chanchal Kamal


7

jurisdiction of Motor Vehicle Ordinance (MVO), so the Bangladesh Road Transport Authority (BRTA) doesn’t register them,” he said.

Honli Ltd, the company that Akram bought his rickshaws from, suggested him to get them registered under the non-motorised vehicles licence, issued by both the wings of DCC.

“Interestingly, in April 2013, when I bought those rickshaws, I couldn’t get those registered as non-motorised vehicles as the DCC did not recognise my rickshaws under that category. Finally, a Honli official suggested I rent rickshaw licence from the Dhaka Mahanagar Rickshaw Malik Samity, so that’s what I did,” Akram added.

However, Lutful Alam, owner of two motor rickshaws, claimed he never faced any problems from the traffic police. He said: “I bought these rickshaws 11 months ago; I haven’t faced any problems yet.

“In fact, these rickshaws look exactly like the normal rickshaws. No one can detect the small motor at the back, inside a wooden box,” he added. Alam said he bought these rickshaws because one of his relatives told him these were profitable and legal.

ThesafetyconcernMany regular rickshaw owners have started converting their old rickshaws into the motor ones simply by adding a motor and batteries. Shops in Karwan Bazar, Sutrapur, Hatkhola

and Dholaikhal in Dhaka sell motors at Tk6,000 and batteries at Tk7,000-9,000. Also, a new motor rickshaw is available at Tk 60,000-65,000.

These new rickshaws, increasing in number in Dhaka, are easier to drive for the rickshaw pullers, as it requires next to no physical efforts. However, some believe they are more susceptible to road accidents than the regular ones.

Masum Rahman, from Work for Better Bangladesh, thinks rickshaws are meant to be pulled manually. He said: “I am not opposing to the idea of motor rickshaws as it eases the job for the rickshaw pullers. But if you start running a vehicle three or four times faster than its usual speed, without having proper breaking mechanism, amid the usual Dhaka traffic, then the probabilities of accidents increase significantly.”

howitstartedBeevatech Limited, an Uttara-based company, first marketed the improvised three-wheeler in 2011 by simply fitting rechargeable batteries to the traditional rickshaws.

“This is of course legal, and we have a government-approved patent for this design,” said Saidur Rahman, managing director of Beevatech, the inventor and the largest manufacturer of motor rickshaws in Bangladesh.

“We designed the vehicle three and half years ago and patented it from the government. It is under the non-

motorised vehicle category.” he said.The rickshaws made by Beevatech

do not have batteries like the banned Easy Bike. “Easy Bike has five large batteries that need Tk60 worth of electricity every day. Our designs require four small batteries that only need Tk20 worth of electricity,” Rahman said.

He also claimed many other companies, as well as motor workshops, just installed engines of the Easy Bike in the regular rickshaws. “I don’t know about those, but we have so far manufactured 2,000 rickshaws, and all of those are legal, licensed and well acclaimed,” he said.

WhattheofficialssaySaiful Haque, director (engineering) of the BRTA, said the transport regulator doesn’t approve motor rickshaw in Dhaka or elsewhere. “Also, BRTA is not the authority that deals with non-motorised vehicles. DCC deals with them,” he said.

Haque, however, said BRTA found many motor rickshaws to be using the engines and batteries of Easy Bikes, imports of which were banned in March 2011, and the authorities were directed by the PM to bring the existing ones under a licensing system.

“Now most of the Easy Bikes have been dispersed to the small towns. Some Easy Bike engines have been installed in rickshaws to deceive the authorities,” Haque added.

About the Beevatech rickshaws, Haque said: “Those are manufactured under a patented design, but they do not have proper licence. After the directive from the PM, we formed a joint committee with DCC to put these vehicles under a proper licensing and fitness system. Very soon, we will publish a government circular in this regard.”

An official from the civic body, meanwhile, said they have not yet taken any decisions on legalising motor rickshaws, but they will finalise a guideline very soon. n

Titbitsaboutrickshawsn Around800,000rickshawsand

vansplythecitystreetsusingfakenumberplates

n 87,000validlicenceshavebeenissuedfornon-motorisedvehiclesindhaka.ofthem,79,554areforrickshawsand8,000forvans

n Thelasttimenewlicenceswereissuedwasin1986.Forreasonsunknown,nonewlicenceshavebeenissuedoverthepast27years

n Afullychargedmotorrickshawcanrunforapproximately8-10hours


8

Political propaganda is a form of communication aimed to influence the people of the

country into buying half-truths. The agenda behind the propaganda can range from something trivial to justifying monstrous courses of actions. Countless studies, including the famous experiment conducted by Swarthmore’s Solomon Asch in 1951, suggest that people don’t necessarily need to see to believe. Yet we have nothing to worry about, right? We are all free thinkers and our actions are persuaded by logic and reason? Wrong!

According to psychological studies, propaganda works better than we might think.

One of the main problems of war is drafting citizens into soldiers, since many are limited by cultural and moral prohibitions against killing other human beings, even when under attack. During World War I and II, various posters, comics, textbooks, etc

were published portraying the enemy as a pure evil entity, often resembling demons or rats – anything that would make them appear less human, thus tapping into emotions through images, slogans, selective facts, etc. Normal citizens are therefore fooled into dehumanizing the enemy in their minds and can be morphed into soldiers the country needs.

Quite recently Jamaat-Shibir activists instigated violence in Bhogra, by circulating a picture of Delawar Hossain Sayedee superimposed on the face of moon. They sold the photo as an omen, proclaiming it to be a call for believers to fight and free the Jaamat leader from the government at any cost.

As Edwards Bernays, a pioneer

of public relations and propaganda, wrote in “Propaganda”, “Conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country.” n

doespropagandawork?

yesShah Nahian

Post-RIPostE POLITIcs

NoPhil Humphreys To argue for the effectiveness of

political propaganda is to make fools of us all. It assumes people

cannot think for themselves; they are told what to believe and believe what they are told.

Political propaganda may serve to reinforce a belief that is already held, but since there are no returns to be made in preaching to the converted, the election campaign posters, literature

and broadcasts are necessarily aimed at the undecided; the floating voter. Such people do not wear the colours of any tribe, and tend to vote with their wallets when confronted by a ballot paper in the privacy of a polling booth. What can this party offer me, that the others do not? How will my family and I be better off, if I put my cross here and not there?

In this debate, an important

The WT team debates over whether we really exercise freedom of thought, or are completely controlled by what ‘they’ tell us

Cartoons: Rio Shuvo/Dhaka Tribune

distinction must be made between advertising to fill a knowledge gap, and advertising to change an opinion about something that is already known. The former cannot be construed as propaganda, as the message is either information (if true) or misinformation (if disingenuous or plain false).

Propaganda, then, is an attempt at persuasion in perhaps its purest form. But to qualify the success of political persuasion it must be isolated from all that we associate with it, such as inducements or outright bribes, coercion, and intimidation. Taken literally, a message on its own cannot offer or act like any of these things. n


Twerkv.: dance to popular music in a sexually provocative manner involving thrusting hip movements and a low, squatting stance.

This word only needs a two-word explanation: Miley Cyrus. If you still don’t get it, youtube Miss Cyrus’ latest escapade, and you’ll get the drift.

Selfien. (informal): a photograph that one has taken of oneself, typically one taken with a smartphone or webcam and uploaded to a social media website.

This one is pretty self-explanatory. We’re all doing it, so no point pretending like this one is coming as a surprise. If you didn’t pick it up from Facebook, well we now have Instagram and filters to boot.

Squeeexclam. & v. & n. (informal): (used to express) great delight or excitement.

Though not a state that many Bangladeshis can find themselves feeling just at present, for English majors and nerds, this list will most certainly inspire a squee or two.

lDrn.: a long-distance relationship.

Many of us have faced such a situation at some point in time, and though most will disclaim this, LDRs do sometimes work out. It’s all in the mindset.

DigiTal DeToxn.: a period of time during which a person refrains from using electronic devices such as smartphones or computers, regarded as an opportunity to reduce stress or focus on social interaction in the physical world.

In this day and age of digital modernity, being constantly connected can begin to get you down, and it takes up a lot of our personal time. That’s when a digital detox becomes a necessity.

BuzzworThyadj. (informal): likely to arouse the interest and attention of the public, either by media coverage or word of mouth.

Made infamous by popular website, Buzzfeed, this word pertains to anything that’s worth putting on a viral list on said website.

Derpexclam. & n. (informal): (used as a substitute for) speech regarded as meaningless or stupid, or to comment on a foolish or stupid action.

Since “PG” censorship became a thing, teens worldwide have ingeniously invented special words to express heartfelt slangs, while avoiding parental glares. So when your friends start derping, you can now comfortably call them out on it even in front of disapproving guardians without them catching on.

SrSlyadv. (informal): short for “seriously.”

Texting is the new calling. With apps like Whatsapp and Viber, texting is even more popular. And with texting comes the natural shorthand, because since you can’t be bothered to make a call, why bother typing out the whole word? Srsly, get with the programme.

foMon.: fear of missing out; anxiety that an exciting or interesting event may currently be happening elsewhere, often aroused by posts seen on a social media website.

You know the saying “The grass is always greener on the other side?” Well even if you don’t, we’ve all felt FOMO at some point or the other, like when we’re walking past a room and hear a lot of noise, and we immediately feel like maybe something fun is going on, and we get this urge to want to be a part of it. It’s okay. There’s nothing wrong with feeling this way. In fact, it just might make us friendlier as people!

99toP 10 NEw wORds IN ThE dIcTIONARy

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RohiniAlamgir likes looking into the details of seemingly simple matters. She is constantly working on her autobiography because she thinks her life is worth reading about

Tl; Drabbrev.: “Too long; didn’t read”; used as a dismissive response to a lengthy online post, or to introduce a summary of a lengthy post.

Writers probably get this the most from their editors, but this is also a great way to put a stop to those annoying comments from irritating friends on social networking sites.

Rohini Alamgir consolidates a list of the new words that have been introduced into the Oxford Dictionary online this year. The Oxford Dictionary ‘language research programme collects around 150 million words of current English in use each month.’ The order of this list is based on a social media poll. To take part in the next one, please visit www.facebook.com/DhakaTribune

Boostyourvocab!

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Rio Shuvo/Dhaka Tribune


10 FEAtuRE BLOckAdE

TheblindsideFarhana Urmee discovers the true face of the constant street protests plaguing Bangladesh

The Burn and Plastic Surgery Unit of the Dhaka Medical College Hospital (DMCH) is full of

patients with burns, not caused by any unexpected fires at home or at work. Rather, theirs was the misfortune of being common commuters or vehicle runners, who needed to work despite the consecutive seventeen-day blockade and constant hartals by the opposition parties. Their identities have become a date of accident and particulars of their injuries that are written on forms on their bedsides. Their link to each other: they are all hartal victims. Political violence is experienced and accepted (!) by the people now; it forms a part of our daily routine. The result: hospitals are running out of space and the victims’ cries are heard less with each passing day.

geeta sen was seen on television asking the prime minister what her fault was: being a common citizen

of Bangladesh or being the common commuter who has to travel through city to earn her living, regardless of hartals and blockades. She blamed the current state of politics which endangers lives of all commoners like her; she questioned all the politicians’ role in creating such suffering for the people, such as being burnt by a petrol bomb, thrown at a moving bus.

A few victims have also realized the cruel reality that they are valueless on their own; their lives are only worthy of being temporary news specials in the media. Interestingly, television reports on blockade burn victims are seen to endow the audience with the information like “what to do if your vehicle is blazed,” rather than urging an end to such violence, as if arson is inevitable and unstoppable.

shameem, a 27-year-old clothes store employee was going to Karwan Bazar by a bus when it was set ablaze by a

petrol bomb. 15% burn injuries were sustained by most of his body, and both his arms were completely burned. He refused to share his story; he would much rather have shared his pain.

Such incidents of political violence – the killing and abuse of common people for no reason – may have different merits for people with vested interest, but it only causes suffering for the victims and their families. Though the victims are supported by the medical facilities and will be further supported with Tk10,000 each by the Prime Minister during their recovery.

sabed Ali, a 30-year-old CNG driver, however, does not know what to do with this money. He was the only wage earner of his six-member-family. Now, burnt, hospitalised, and facing long-term admittance for full recovery, this seems a paltry amount to him. Applying antibacterial cream on the burned and exposed flesh of Sabed’s

face, his wife cries and says that she does not know how will they survive now: “This tiny pack of cream costs Tk200 each, and I have other necessary expenses after his treatment (which they are providing for free).”

These sorts of accidents not only bring pain to the survivors, but also anxiety to the family members. Most of the victims are the sole bread earners of these families, and so have gone out during blockades or hartals. They are not only worried about whether or not full recovery will be achieve, but also about how to make ends meet while recovery is taking place. This resultant effect is threatening a downward spiral for the Bangladesh economy that is as frightening and painful (for the common people) as the burns many of them have suffered.

Amzad is among the 16 severely burned victims of the arson attack on a moving bus on November 28.

Nashirul Islam


11

This 42-year-old businessman was in the bus near Shahbag and now has 25% burns on his body and inhalation problems. “Did you notice how butchers skin animals? I have never wondered how it would feel if it were alive. I know now,” says Amzad. He is scared of doctors and nurses, because the dressing process is excruciatingly painful. His family was not interested in talking with the press, thinking that the media can only hinder the process of the treatment and can do no real good. Amazad’s sister Dipa Islam is very frustrated with the politics of Bangladesh: it has left her only brother scarred for life. She does not believe the politicians and strongly says that there is little humanity left in our country.

It is not only the commuters, but also the drivers. It is not only in the cities, but also in the highways across the

country. The fear of arson attacks is everywhere, among everyone.

Truck driver, Mohammad Milu, says it was clearly he who was targeted and not his vehicle. He now has seven percent burns on his face and hands. He remembers the goons in Ghorashal coming towards his loaded Sylhet-bound truck and throwing something though his open window. Both the driver and the helper fell victim to this attack.

The hospital scene is terrifying and shocking. When you walk into the burn victims ward, you see some crying out of pain, some lying around feeling anger toward the politicians, while some thank God for sparing their children. And they all have the same the question in refrain: why not kill them rather than keeping them alive to suffer this much pain? No one

is doing anything to right this wrong. No one is giving them any solution to their problems. The National Human Rights Commission, established to fight for the rights of humanity, is hardly seen in action, even after such a massive massacre happening in the country. The common people, at least, expect the Commission to urge the politicians to stop violence.

shirin, the 18-year-old and six months pregnant garments worker, was set ablaze accidentally from her kitchen stove but claimed to be an arson victim in the hospital. Newspapers revealed her husband’s intention to have her be treated as a hartal victim with the hope of getting some financial help from the government and to avail the free treatment. Shirin is simply on of the many poor people in Bangladesh who struggle for food and shelter everyday, and to whom

expenditure on health is an expensive luxury. How face can we judge her for cheating and trying to take advantage of the situation?

But the story does not end here. There are clearly some publicity hunters as well. Some philanthropists are really extending their hands to help these unfortunate people. Some are visiting them with envelopes of money and, of course, are accompanied by television cameras and photojournalists when they do so. The sound of camera clicks and flashes of light often come like a storm, merely a mockery of the pain of the sufferers. This is not a story; it is not fiction. This is the reality of Bangladesh, and it is time to stop being blind to the pain of our people, of our nation. n

Nashirul Islam

Dhak

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i came across a blog that said during an opposition rally at Suhrawardy Udyan in October there were

images of balloons with Ghulam Azam’s, Sayeedi’s and others’ faces on them. The caption read: “Those who opposed Bangladesh’s freedom towered over Suhrawardy Udyan on Friday, their pictures in the floating balloons reminding the nation of the irony of its contemporary politics.” It has been a difficult year for Bangladeshis.

When I go to Suhrawardy Udyan, all its social, historical, national and physical attributes overwhelm my senses, and then there are the trees, and oddly a total sense of anarchic freedom. It started for me when I took an impulsive walk to Shahbagh at an unseemly hour and found myself in what can only be described as a dream. It was magical, to walk with countless others, and when we got there and heard the chanting and slogans, regardless of what some people have to say, for the majority, it felt liberating and it made us deliriously happy.

Can you recall what it’s like to live in fear – lest we ask the wrong question, say the wrong word or phrase, and the disorientation that comes with not knowing the full story? If you don’t, then you cannot comprehend how unbelievably relieving it felt to just be able to gather on the roads and take part in a rally, screaming “tui razakar” with delight and laughing at the silly phrase, to be able to demand hanging of men like Ghulam Azam, who happened to be safely cocooned and guarded not too far from where we stood. So all those who accused people gathered at Shahbagh of being bloodthirsty murderers look real stupid now – or ought to – because no one actually went up and dragged that evil degenerate to the road to tear him to pieces, did they?

In the past few weeks, I was unable to sleep, eat or think. I felt nauseous and kept breaking out in hives. Nothing helped, the meds just knocked me out for hours, leaving me like a zombie for remaining days. I was freaking out, literally and physically, until late on last Thursday night, when I walked home from Shahbagh, where I saw a family of several older ladies with flowers in their hair, a couple of school-aged girls and a gawky young boy, plus one elderly gentlemen, holding hands and laughing as they danced in a row. They were rejoicing at the death of a man who had been found guilty of, among

other crimes, an 11-year-old girl’s gang rape and her two-year-old brother’s death – he was dashed against the floor – and the killing of their parents, just to remind you, in case you still resent the fact that people demanded he be punished for his crimes and think death penalties are too harsh.

A lot of people balked at the thought of capital punishment, the fact that people were shouting to hang a man. I have no such qualms. I do not believe violence is not the answer, because the answer would really depend on what the question is. When a petition was doing the rounds to stop the violence, though, I agreed with that sentiment, but for whatever reasons, I didn’t manage to put my name to the campaign/petition. Something held me back until the night they said Quader Molla would hang, and then didn’t hang him and finally hanged him till death. I felt so many emotions at once – it was unnerving. I was not sad, nor did I feel bad for wishing to watch him hang. I admitted to myself a long time ago who I am. I do not pretend to be more, or less.

As I watched that family dance, I was certain of one thing: we are justified to ask for closure by hanging these evil incarnate for the victims; those who survived the war waited all these years to see men like Molla pay for their crimes, not flash a V-sign and smile. Whether he meant victory, vendetta or something ruder, doesn’t matter.

Sometimes, we need violence to act against violence. Is it justifiable? Not always. Is it moral? Possibly not, but those are not the same. War is brutal, but that doesn’t mean men who rape and torture people, especially innocent civilians, are excused. It is criminal and they must answer for their crimes. If we want to create our unique national identity removed from the way things have gone till date, we must confront our past. While forgiveness and reconciliation are noble sentiments, so is justice.

I turn to Krishnamurti’s take on how violence is “not merely killing another. It is violence when we use a sharp word, when we make a gesture to brush away a person, when we obey because there is fear. So violence isn’t merely organised butchery in the name of God, in the name of society or country. Violence is much more subtle, much deeper ...”

Nelson Mandela, for whom tributes have been pouring in, was hailed

as a saint, a god and many other things he did not wish to be. He was a brave man; not a saint, but a sinner – a terrorist who was seen in his fatigues the night before he was arrested all those years ago. Until 2008, his name was still listed as a member of a terrorist group in the US as well as the UK, which was only removed several years after he became South Africa’s president. Jahanara Imam was accused of treason too, when she demanded justice for the war crimes in 1971, but unlike Mandela, she died with that label on her head.

Shahbagh united many; there are still critics, and that is good. They insist on calling a handful of attention seekers “leaders” of a “movement,” speak of government sanctions, and declare what should or should not be done. They are naive, and do themselves and fellow Bangladeshis an injustice by denying all of us the sheer joy of being able to shout out “tui razakar” (for which I will always be grateful to the late Humayun Ahmed).

Those complaining would do well to remember that the genocide of 1971 remains one of the least publicised events of the past century, and continues to be so in the international media, as we saw with the very slow, reluctant and, do I dare say, lopsided reporting about Shahbagh.

42 years down the line, what the spirit of 71 means to each of us varies. We want reconciliation, but first the nation demands justice – whatever form it may take – for which we will reckon with our collective guilt. But, for now, “Phashi chai!” n

12

Once you see something as false, which you accepted as true, being human, you can never go back tobelieving it to be true again

Naheedkamal is an irreverent and

irreligious feminist. An old soul of

indeterminate age, with one too many opinions and a very

loud voice (for a little person), she laughs a lot, mostly at herself.

She lives in Dhaka, against her best

judgement. Mostly, Ms Kamal rants, a lot!

BIg Mouth stRIkEs AgAIN

vforvictory

NAhEEd kAMAL

In Bangladesh, no good deed goes unpunished. If it wasn’t for Jahanara Imam, would we have had Ekattorer Ghatok Dalal Nirmul Committee, the Gono Adalot, or this generation, who were raised on stories about the brave men and women and a people’s trial? Let’s not forget those caricatures that made it easier to laugh at such evil


Photo stoRY OBOROdh 13

A nation in chaosA photo story by Dhaka Tribune

During the 18-party alliance blockade, the supporters ignite a BRTC bus in the capital’s Jatrabari area Dhaka Tribune

A bank official injured in a bomb attack during blockade Mahmud Hossain Opu/Dhaka Tribune

A Dhaka bereft of any traffic sounds like an oasis amidst a landscape of chaos, and that’s what an oborodh (blockade) should be. Yet oborodhs

deliver more than they promise: violence, deaths, and pillage have become a norm. For weary Dhakaites who now have to literally risk life and limb just to take their kids to school, an urge for things to return to normalcy now ironically means the madcap dash of cars, buses, and rickshaws all jumbled together pre-oborodh days, without a threat of a Molotov cocktail or tear gas shells literally ending their journey. Our Photo Feature this week focuses on a city under siege, its denizens yearning to break free. n


14 Photo stoRY OBOROdh

BNP-backed professors of Dhaka University take out a procession in front of the campus Nashirul Islam/Dhaka Tribune

All the leading businessmen sign a petition in an FBCCI meeting asking for a cease in political violence Syed Zakir Hossain/Dhaka Tribune

A worker of the Mohila Jubo League is arrested by the police during a procession in the capital’s Tejgaon area, during the 18-party alliance blockade Dhaka Tribune

Lawyers, favoured by BNP, protest the 15th Amendment to the Constitution by burning an effigy of the former Chief Justice Nashirul Islam/Dhaka Tribune


15

Dr Kamal Hossain talks to the media after meeting with UN Assistant Secretary-General Taranco at Hotel Sonargaon, where they discussed solutions toward lessening the current political violence Nashirul Islam/Dhaka Tribune

Jamaat-Shibir activists set fire to several cars in the capital’s Motijheel area the day after the execution of convicted war criminal Quader Molla Syed Zakir Hossain/Dhaka Tribune

A child is seen collecting the debris of the cars that were set ablaze by Jamaat-Shibir activists following the execution of convicted war criminal Quader Molla Syed Zakir Hossain/Dhaka Tribune

A Jamaat-Shibir activist is arrested by the police for setting fire to several cars in the Motijheel area of the capital the day after the execution of Quader Molla Syed Zakir Hossain/Dhaka Tribune

UN Assistant Secretary-General Taranco talks to the press at Hotel Sonargaon about solutions toward stopping the current political unrest Mahmud Hossain Opu/Dhaka Tribune


Photo stoRY16 OBOROdh

A train gets derailed in Gaibandha, as the supporters of the blockade unhinged the tracks the night before, during the 18-party Alliance blockade Dhaka Tribune

Police recover a large number of petrol bombs from the city’s Malibagh area Dhaka Tribune

Hartal activists are seen throwing a petrol bomb Dhaka Tribune

Jamaat Shibir activists wreak havoc in Motijheel after the execution of Quader Molla Nashirul Islam/Dhaka Tribune

A young victim of a car bomb hurled by a hartal activist dies later at the Dhaka Medical College Hospital Mahmud Hossain Opu/Dhaka Tribune


Next year it will be 100 years since the start of the First World War, or the Great

War. A conflict “great” only in that it irredeemably scarred the twentieth century and demonstrated the true horrors that industrialised warfare is capable of. This conflict was born out of very little but shaped the rest of the century; the bloodiest that we as a race have known.

It is then of exceptional concern that tensions now rising in the East China sea, over a handful of small, uninhabited islands threatens to boil over. Just like the First World War, the conflict is at the confluence of growing global power and affluence.

BirthpangsofanewwarThe islands in question are known to the Japanese as the Senkakus and to the Chinese as the Diaoyu. Both nations claim them and with the Japanese in possession of a “Mutual Security” deal with the US, since the US occupied the country in 1945, they are effectively a protectorate of the US. This means the US is obliged to wade in, as they have.

The rumpus all started last year when, fearful of the actions of a private owner of one of the islands, the Japanese government forcibly bought it. Allegedly, this was to prevent the nationalist owner from provoking the Chinese, but the government’s purchase had precisely that effect.

Neighbourlychit-chatThe two neighbours, though close trade partners, share a bitter history. Between 1939 and 1945 over 5 million Chinese citizens were murdered in Japan’s conquest and occupation of China. Thousands of women were kept as “comfort women”: sexual slaves for the Japanese forces. This history still grates.

As China has now overtaken its neighbour, and former oppressor, economically and continues to grow at impressive rates, its military exertions have similarly grown.

RedalertAs a result, at the end of November, China declared an, “air defence identification zone” around the islands. This would oblige aircraft of any nation flying through it to inform the Chinese authorities of their movements. Should they not, the Chinese will scramble jets to the scene. None among the Japanese, the South Koreans, the Taiwanese and the

US recognise the zone, giving rise to potential confrontations.

The US rapidly flexed its well-oiled muscles and flew two unarmed B-52 bombers through the zone, just to show they could. The Japanese were also naturally alarmed. But the question now is could this increased tension escalate pitting some extremely well stocked militaries in tussles that they simply cant back out of?

There have been repeated close calls in the contested zone, where seemingly insignificant events could have lead one side to fire on the other. On December 5, China’s first aircraft carrier, the Liaoning, was cruising through the contested waters with a fleet of other ships when, according to Chinese state run press, it was “harassed” by a US destroyer. The USS Cowpens, according to the US, had to take “evasive” manoeuvres to avoid colliding with the Chinese vessels.

EscalationsinevitableThe Japanese, in response, have pledged a new militarisation with increased spending and mobilisation, to keep a pace with the rapidly growing Chinese forces. In 1911, the German Kaiser did precisely the same thing to try and catch up with the British Royal Navy, then the largest in the world. Six years later, and over 16 million men had been killed, including around 27,000 from the Indian sub continent.

Willhistoryrepeatitself?The similarities between the drum beating then and now are ominous. The build up of military forces, that sense of national destiny that is manifest in China’s new assuredness, after years of mistreatment that particularly under the leadership of assertive nationalist Xi Jinping looks set to see the country project itself ever further into the region. The Japanese, meanwhile, will be determined to maintain their anointed position as Asia’s number 1; the outcome could be disastrous. n

17REAlPolItIk EAsT chINA sEA

ThenextWorldWar?Joseph Allchin reads the signs emanating from Asia, and warns WT readers of larger, impending global crises

As a former White House China director, Paul Haenle put it (as quoted in the Financial Times), this was a ‘message to the Chinese that you have taken a very provocative step at a bad time.’

JosephAllchin is a freelance reporter. Follow him on twitter: @J_Allchin


18 thought Plot shIB NARAyAN dAs

TheflagofourfathersFaisal Mahmud speaks to one of the (unrecognised) original designers of our nation’s flag

history has acknowledged Quamrul Hasan as the designer of our national flag. This is

true. He did design the flag – a red circle adorning the centre of a green backdrop – that we have today. But there were others who contributed to this symbol of national pride, too.

Shib Narayan Das is neither a vexillologist, nor a seasoned artist. Yet

he, too, had a hand in designing our first flag back in 1970.

ThemakingoftheflagThough the internet has given the honour to Das, he refuses this recognition. In his own words: “That map was a collective idea, and not just my own.” Das said creating the national flag was just a small part of

the war: “If I was not present there, somebody else could have done it. It is not a big deal.”

Right after the 1962 education movement, a few people, including Sirajul Alam Khan, started thinking about creating a group called Nucleus. “The history of our country hasn’t given Sirajul Alam Khan his due recognition. But I am saying here, with full

Syed Latif Hossain/Dhaka Tribune

We should be generous about the Liberation War. Everybody worked for the independence. Giving credit to some and not the others only represents our lack of respect

FaisalMahmudis a staff reporter at

Weekend Tribune who specialises in writing

IT and telecom articles with depth and

analysis


colour in Islam.”Das said they had also discussed

that the map at the centre wouldn’t be needed after liberation. “It was decided at that time that the map would be removed from the flag after attaining liberation,” he said. “The removal of the map was decided in the meeting where we first made the design of the flag.”

He said that, on February 14, by the side of Chhatra League office at Balaka Bhaban in Nilkhet, there was a tailor shop called Pak Fashion. There, a tailor named Khaleq first sewed the flag. “I then drew the map on that flag with gold colour, while sitting on the balcony of Shahjahan Siraj’s room in Iqbal Hall (now Jahrul Haque Hall).”

The flag, however, was raised before being given to Bangabandhu. Anticipating imminent Pakistani onslaught, the executive committee of the Bangladesh Chhatra League – led by ASM Abdur Rab, then vice president of Dhaka University Students Union – hastily called an emergency meeting at midnight on March 2 at Modhur Canteen in the campus. There, Rab reasoned that there was no alternative but to hoist the national flag of independent Bangladesh, which had been designed as an insignia during Sheikh Mujib’s campaign.

On March 3 at 11am, on the Dhaka University premises, popularly known as Battala, students from all over the campus gathered to witness the historical moment as Rab pulled down the Pakistani flag and burned it. Moments later, he hoisted the flag of independent Bangladesh.

Apoliticalactivisttothecore“I don’t want to be remembered as the designer of the flag. I was a freedom fighter and, above all, I was a political activist. I still am,” Das said.

His political idol was Dhirendranath Datta, who was the first person to raise the demand in the parliament that Bangla should be the national language: “During my leisure time at school I used to attend political gatherings where Dhirendranath Datta used to speak. After seeing my interest, he as well as other attendees started to give me various books about politics. I was just a student of Class VIII in Comilla District School. I was supposed to sit for an exam in 1962, but I couldn’t because the education movement had begun. I was directly involved with the education movement. My duty was to create a strike in the District School, Fayzunnisa School.

“Creating a strike in District School during the Pakistani military regime was hard. It was as hard as invading the governor’s house. However, we tried, and it happened. That’s what started my direct affiliation with politics.

“Politics is in my blood. I am a lifelong political activist with certain ideology. But the politics that I have seen around these days is not the one I grew up idolising,” Das explained.

He said young generation shouldn’t learn the wrong history that is fed to them by the politicians. “Time has come to raise questions. Time has come to break the shackles and young generation should do that,” he advised. n

responsibility, that if Sirajul Alam Khan hadn’t motivate us, a lot of activists of that time, then independence might have been delayed,” Das said.

Other people who were involved with Nucleus were Marshall Moni and Kazi Arif Ahmed. “AL leader Aabdur Razzaq was also involved with the movement, but he didn’t continue,” Das clarified. He said the Nucleus’s movement got its impetus in 1969 during the mass upsurge.

One important incident of 1969 was the killing of Sergeant Jahrul Haque. His death inspired leaders like Sirajul Alam Khan, Marshall Moni, Kazi Arif Ahmed, Shahjahan Siruj and ASM Abdur Rab to commemorate the death by forming a group called Joy Bangla Bahini. Joy Bangla Bahini wanted to design the flag of an independent Bangladesh.

“By this time, the independence movement by Chhatra League was in full swing,” Das said.

This group planned to give Bangabandhu the flag at the Paltan

Maidan. “It was decided that the flag should have the same look as the one we have today. The only difference was that there was a yellow map in the middle of the red circle,” he said.

Why did they decide to create the flag in such a fashion? “Well, the green represents the natural beauty of our country and the red dot is a symbol of struggle and movement. We added the map because using the word ‘Bangla’ would be confusing. When we were initiating movements with slogans like ‘Joy Bangla,’ there was much confusion: Which Bangla (Bengal)? Purbo Bangla (East Bengal), Poschim Bangla (West Bengal), or both Bangla? So, we decided to specify the land of the then Purbo Bangla,” Das explained.

Some questioned why they had decided to have green in the flag, similar to the Pakistani flag. Das had the answer: “We used green because we had no other colour to represent the nature of Bangladesh. Pakistan used green for a different purpose. They used it because it is a sacred

Theflagofourfathers19

Followingtheflagn itwasanunknownAwami

leagueworkerwhohoistedtheflagatRamnaRacecourseonMarch7,whereBangabandhusheikhMujiburRahmandeclaredBangladeshindependenceandcalledforthearmedstruggleagainstthePakistanioccupationarmy

n BangabandhuhoistedtheflagathisownresidenceindhanmondionMarch23

n AftertheliberationWar,thenationalflagwasofficiallyadoptedonJanuary17,1972.Forsimplicity,theyellowmapofthecountrywasomitted

n TheflagofBangladeshwasfirsthoistedattheUnitedNationsinNewyorkinseptember1974.chinahadtwiceuseditsvetoagainsttheadmissionofBangladeshintheUNin1972and1973.Atlastthenewcountrywasrecognised

Wikipedia

Wikipedia

The flag designed by Shib Narayan Das

Redesigned version by Quamrul Hassan


20 INtERvIEw NEILs vAN dEN BERgE

Niels van den Berge, 28, is a former Green Party member of the Dutch parliament, who

arrived in Bangladesh last December to take up a volunteering position with a local NGO in Dinajpur. He spoke about his reasons for leaving his political life behind and his aspirations for and experiences of Bangladesh. This interview was taken in October this year.

WhoorwhatinspiredyoutocometoBangladesh?It has always been a dream of mine to go to a developing country and work with the “feet in the mud,” as we used to say in the Netherlands, but there were always political responsibilities and ambitions holding me back. At the 2012 election, I was no 8 on the list of candidates for the Green Party and we had 10 seats, but we lost six and only got four, so I was out.

hadyouplannedforlifebeyondtheelection,ifyoulostyourseat?Not really. I have always been workaholic and addicted to politics. After the elections, I realised maybe my life was a little empty. I had a nice social life at the weekends, but that was it: politics and parties. I was missing something in life. I was offered a position to stay as an adviser, which I had done before for about nine years, but I was disappointed because of internal fight in the party. I realised it was time to do something else, and a time for reflection as well. I thought it was the right time to live my dream.

howdoyourdayslooknow?Every day is different in Bangladesh, but I usually spend a typical day in two ways: doing desk work at the small field office of my partner organisation GBK in Birampur upazila in Dinajpur, contacting potential donors and discussing future activities with my colleagues such as monitoring and evaluation, and project implementation, or doing field work, when I visit two youth clubs that I work a lot with, and two others I see irregularly.

howdoyoutravelaround?I have a Hero bicycle, like the locals. I used to cycle a lot in the Netherlands, too. The poor people in my area are all very happy to see me cycling; they are always waving at me and asking me to stop and talk to them. The more well-to-do people, however, try to coerce me into buying a motorcycle. Maybe I am breaking the social rules! If that’s the case, I am happy to do so. Provoking

and setting unexpected examples, as long as it is done respectfully, can help to change social and cultural rules.

howconsciousareyouofbeingperceivedasawealthyforeigner?Very;,I experience it often. Most people think I am very rich; quite a lot of them ask me for money. When I tell them I don’t have loads of money, they don’t believe me. The guy I usually buy my bus tickets from asked me for money once. When I told him I was doing voluntary work here and “I am not rich,” he laughed at me. When I told him my salary (Tk12,700 a month), he thought I was joking and asked: “12,700 dollars?” I said no, and he kept on laughing. I felt offended, actually. I can understand that it is out of context for him. People see a white man and they think he must be rich, and in most cases this is true. But for volunteers it is not the case.

howhaveyouintegratedintorurallifeinBangladesh?As much as possible. I learned the language, got used to the delicious, spicy Bangladeshi kitchen and made many friends. I have proposed to my partner organisation to spend some nights in the village with a host family I know, to really live in the community and live their lives. But they didn’t allow me for security reasons, which is disappointing. I have come to know the Bangali people as very hospitable, warm-hearted and hard-working. I would love to contribute more to the social and sustainable development of their country. Besides, I did not only fall in love with the country and its people, I found my own true love as well.

youareona12-monthplacementinyourorganisation.Whathappensafterthat?I want to stay much longer now. I find it very inspiring to work here and I can feel the change every day. The country

is full of opportunities, though there are many challenges too. Next year, I will start working as an M&E manager for a Dutch NGO in Bangladesh. I am also thinking about setting up a demonstration and learning farm, where young farmers can come for internships – to learn and practise new innovations. It’s one of my ideas.

howdoyoureadthedevelopmentagendainBangladesh?I am very much in favour of development aid, but there are too many NGOs in this country already and the way they operate is not always the right way. Of course, those NGOs achieved great results and Bangladesh is on track to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, but the sheer number of NGOs has downsides as well. I see them competing with each other, for microfinance and beneficiaries, for example, which causes trouble because you have to be critical in selecting those able to pay back the money – you don’t want to put them in more financial trouble then they already have. And many NGOs are competing for donor money. This could be positive as it could lead to more quality, but I have also seen it lead to less sometimes, because NGOs tend to be less critical in monitoring and evaluation if they want to show

good results to get more funding.

howwouldyouimprovethesituation?I think there are too many asset transfers and people are made dependent on development aid. Bangladesh actually has a rich history in self dependency and volunteerism. There were a lot of rural initiatives by the communities themselves, but I think it got destroyed by centralisation of the national government after independence, and also by the huge amount of donor organisations and NGOs being set up in and entering the country after independence.

Whatchangeshaveyouseenatthecommunitylevel?At first people were only asking for money. They told me: “You come from Europe, please solve our problems.” Now, after 10 months, they are coming to me with their own ideas. For example, one of my youth clubs proposed providing seeds to local families for homestead gardening. They asked me: “Can we do that, from our savings? Can you help us make that happen?” So it is changing, but it takes time, and they need to understand first that you really don’t have a big bank of money. n

Philhumphreys is a British former

journalist who worked as a

management adviser to an NGO in Rangpur,

before joining the Dhaka Tribune as a

consultant

AdreamerofdevelopmentPhil Humphreys talks to the young development worker about his experience of working in Bangladesh

Photos: Courtesy


Dhaka Tribune

21CRIME FIlE ExEcuTION Of A wAR cRIMINAL

Judgement,42yearsinthemakingAdil Sakhawat takes a final look into the hanging of Quader Molla

ThedeadMan’sWalk

Adilsakhawatwanted to be in the army, but failing that, fights crime by reporting on it. Send him information at [email protected]

on December 12, Jamaat-e-Islami leader Abdul Quader Molla, well known as the

“Butcher of Mirpur,” was hanged for the atrocious crimes he committed during the Liberation War of 1971.

A jail so urce said that the Jamaat leader was taken to the scaffold around six to seven minutes before his execution; it finally took place at 10:01pm and was conducted by chief hangman, Shahjahan Bhuiyan. He was the chief hangman during the execution of five of the culprits of Bangabandhu’s murder. Inspector general (prison) Mainuddin Khandakar, deputy inspector general (prison) Golam Haider, senior jail super of Dhaka Central Jail Forman Ali, jailor Mahbubur Rahman, civil surgeon of Dhaka Abdul Malek, and jail doctor Rathindranath Sombhu were all present during the execution.

Deputy commissioner of Dhaka district, Shaikh Yusuf Harun, confirmed, “Quader Molla was hanged at 10:01 pm. He was hanged for 20 minutes, till death.”

Earlier that day, the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court (SC) rejected the defence petition for reviewing the death sentence of war crimes convict, the Jamaat-e-Islami assistant secretary general, Abdul Quader Molla.

On December 10, Molla’s lawyers rushed to the residence of the chamber judge of the SC, Justice Syed Mahmud Hossain, with a petition seeking stay on his execution shortly after the government announced that the Jamaat leader would be hanged at 12:01am on December 11.

The chamber judge stayed the execution order against Quader Mollah until 10:30am on December 11, in deference to the defence petition.

Quader Molla’s lawyer Abdur Razzak then rushed to the Dhaka Central Jail and handed over a copy of the stay order to the jail authorities.

Many freedom fighters gathered outside of the Dhaka Central Jail on hearing about the execution. Motaher Hossain, a freedom fighter under sector 1, said, “the whole nation is finally relieved of this disgrace.” Another freedom fighter, Syed Abul Moyazzem, who fought under sector 2, explained: “This is the beginning. We expect to see all the war criminals’ execution before our death.”

The freedom fighters also thanked the prime minister and all pro-Liberation War forces for their continuous efforts to bring the war criminals to justice.

Later, at around 11:15pm, an ambulance carrying the body of Quader Molla came out of the jail and took his body to his village home, Amirabad in Sadarpur upazila of Faridpur, under the full security of police, Rab and the Border Guard, Bangladesh, a 14-vehicle procession. He was then buried beside the grave of his mother.

Just after the final order for execution, extra high security was provided for the whole of Dhaka city and the village of Quader Molla.

Deputy commissioner of Lalbagh division Mohammad Harun-or-Rashid said that the highest security was ensured through the whole city and also in front of the central jail, stating, “We expect that they cannot do anything destructive since we are ensuring strict security throughout the city.”

Quader Molla was executed after three years and five months of his arrest for the crimes he had committed 42 years ago. In the capital, Ganajagaran Mancha activists burst into ecstasy. They brought forward a jubilant procession at the Shahbagh intersection: the place where they had gathered after the International Crimes Tribunal-2 (ICT-2) on February 5 sentenced him to life imprisonment. They thought the life term verdict inadequate as punishment for the crimes he had committed. They continued their demonstrations for nearly a month, following which the government amended the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act, paving the path for appeal by the state to the higher court.

On December 13, six people were killed across the country, with an injury list ranking 15 people in Pirojpur, 25 in Satkhira, 5 in Jessore, 22 in Noakhali, 50 in Habiganj, and 10 in Brammanbaria.

Massive destruction occurred throughout the country. In many districts Jamaat-e-Islami activists blocked the roads with trees and set fire to many houses and businesses owned by Awami league leaders across the country.

Jamaat-e-Islami (Pakistan) has claimed that they have racked up one more shaheed (martyr) when Abdul Quader Molla was hanged in Bangladesh. They made this statement in a post on their official Facebook page. Jamaat-e-Islami’s (Pakistan) post provoked much anger.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) also showed their concern over fair trial. HRW had asked the Bangladesh government to immediately halt the death sentence against war crime convict.

The present government has published their thoughts on their decision to bring forward judgment against war criminals as part of their election manifesto. As a result, after gaining power, this government re-established the International War Crime Tribunal in 2010. This tribunal has already given its verdict toward seven war criminals. The tribunal has sentenced six convicts to the death penalty, and 90 years jail for one of them. n

2010July 13

Quader Molla arrestedJuly 21

Investigation starts

2011December 18

Formal charges submitted to ICT 1

2012April 16

Case transferred to ICT 2

May 28 Molla indicated on six

charges

2013February 5

Life sentence pronounced

March 3 Government appeals

for capital punishmentJuly 23

Appeal hearing endsseptember 17

Appellate division pronounces verdict

December 5 Full verdict released

December 8 Tribunal issues death

warrant December 10

6:30pmGovernment announces

the hanging of Molla to occur at 12:01am on

December 1110:20pm

Chamber judge of SC postpones the

execution until the 10:30am of the next day

December 12: Appellate division rejects the review

petition10:01pm

Quader Molla hanged to death


22 tough lovE dINA sOBhAN

Well, you’ve avoided mentioning one crucial piece of information: your sister’s age. If she’s 12, then it’s perfectly acceptable and even adorable that your husband spends so much time on her. If she’s 25, then maybe it’s a little weird. Or vice versa. Actually, both are a little weird, but for somewhat different reasons. Either way, you might have to ask yourself why your husband chooses

to spend so much time with your sister instead of you. If it’s because you prefer to shop and host kitty parties than spend time with your husband, you are creating a space between you that may allow anyone, not just your sister, to creep in and knock you back to singledom. Sometimes you gotta take one for the team, wifey, and if that means engaging in some tedious outing with your hubby

for the sake of togetherness, then so be it. So it doesn’t look too suspicious, you should join them the next time they decide to go to a game or “drive around town” together, or better yet, tell your sister to go find a buddy of her own that doesn’t happen to share your bed and your bank account.

Recentlyi’velostalotofmyenthusiasm for everything.

igotoworkandjustdothebasics. i spend most of the timeat home reading or watchingmovies, and my girlfriend thinksi am neglecting her. i’ve stoppedsocialising and have been feelinglethargic. i don’t feel depressedor sad as such, i just don’t havethe energy to be really activeanymore. i’m 34 years old, butsometimes i feel i’m 50! do youthink this is normal, or should iseeksomesortofhelp?

2 You might just be an intensely dull person who has decided to drop the facade and is coming to terms with your true nature. You probably exerted a great deal of energy in the past going out and pretending to enjoy yourself, and are now spent, cashed out and dry, as it were. There’s nothing intrinsically wrong with being an introvert, but trying to be otherwise is hypocritical and patently unfair to the extroverts who go out seeking stimulating conversation and a good time and have to deal with the likes of you. Inform your “neglected girlfriend” that she has been replaced by

your beloved copy of Pather Panchali, and that the only way you two can maintain a friendship is if she joins your book club, which is comprised of you and your cat. Of course, there may be something more serious going on, like a thyroid condition, which not only makes you lethargic but also grumpy and fat. Or it may just be common or garden-variety depression, even though you don’t know it yet. Depression does not necessarily entail sitting in a pool of your own tears – it can just start with hating everyone and everything and developing an intense bond with your sofa or bed. I suggest you

get your derriere off said sofa or bed and seek a second opinion. You don’t want to spend your 30s feeling like you’re 50 because when 50 comes around, you’ll be too creaky and tired to do anything about it. n

dinasobhan is a freelance writer

and cautions readers not to take her

“advice” here too seriously!

Got a problem? Write to Dina at weekend@

dhakatribune.com

Syed Rashad Imam Tanmoy/Dhaka Tribune

My husband has a strongrelationship with myyounger sister. she is kind

of tomboyish, and spends a lotoftimewithmyhusbandplayingvideo games, going to cricketgames,anddrivingaroundtown.Although i initially laughed itoff, my friends think this hasthe potential to become an“unhealthy” relationship. shouldi continue togive themspace,orniptheprobleminthebud?

1


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DAY IN thE lIFE oF A fLAg sELLER

Yusuf Banna spends a day with the ‘seasonal’ businessman

My encounter with Md Sikandar Ali, a flag seller, was strictly business – my business. I was

interested more in finding about his life than in buying a flag. I met him a few days before Victory Day, early in the morning. Carrying a pole with flags of different sizes, Sikandar answered my questions in a rush, not too keen to waste time with me – time that he could use to walk the streets looking for potential flag buyers.

Originally a fruit and vegetable vendor, Sikandar turns to flag selling ahead of the national days. In his late 30s, he has been selling flags for the past 15 years. “I came to Dhaka from Gopalganj in search of work in the late 80s,” he said. “I sell fruits and vegetables in a van all over the city, along with my two brothers. I’m actually quite regular in the Lalmatia area.”

When asked why he sells flags, Sikandar replied: “I enjoy it. I’ve seen the Liberation War. Selling flags is my way of celebrating our independence.” He takes five days off from his regular job to sell flags, before Independence Day and Victory Day. “I invest Tk6,000-7,000 in getting flags and bandanas from a retail shop that I know in Chawk Bazar,” he says. He usually sells seven or eight different sizes of flags – from 12x6-inch to 6x3-foot flags. The prices range from Tk10 to Tk150.

Is flag selling profitable as an

occupation? Sikandar thinks it is, since the sale increases as the national day approaches. “But I have to walk a lot,” he said. “I get out in the morning and stay on the streets till late night, with short breaks to take meals and rest.” He starts from Rayer Bazar, as he lives there, and covers Shankar bus stand, Dhanmondi, Farm Gate, Green Road and New Market.

However, business suffered greatly this year. With the ongoing political feuds resulting in violent hartals and

blockades, Sikandar could not sell many flags and failed to reach his Tk3,000 profit margin. “People are scared to get out of their houses. The usual crowded places, like Dhanmondi Lake, Ramna Park and Suhrawardy Udyan, were empty. There were no cars on the road. Who am I supposed to sell flags to if there is no one out?” he asked, worried. “Usually, I sell the highest number of flags the day before Victory Day. But this year, there was hartal on that day. I could sell very few flags. Most of my

merchandise remained unsold and I could not return them,” he added.

However, Sikandar’s celebration of victory was not entirely ruined. “I had to walk even more!” he said. Who were his customers? “Everyone,” he said proudly, “especially the young ones.” He did manage to enjoy the occasion despite the political turmoil, because he is proud to be a Bangladeshi. n

spreadingthepatrioticlove24

Atypicalflagsellingdayforsikandar

9amStarts from his home

9-11amCovers the area between Rayer

Bazar and Mohammadpur11am

Stops at Farm Gate to take a tea break

11:15am-2:00pmCovers the entire area of Ramna

and Dhaka University2-3pm

Has lunch and rests at Dhanmondi Lake

3-6pmTakes a round of the lake

and then walks towards New Market, then comes back to

Dhanmondi Lake6-9pm

Keeps strolling around Dhanmondi Lake, before packing

up and going home

yusufBanna is a staff writer at Weekend

Tribune. He would be happier if he could be

a full-time poet. He also dreams of being a painter and is envious

of those who are

Chanchal Kamal


25PuRBANI hOTELthE wAY BANglADEsh wAs

Chanchal Kamal

Once upon a time, there was only one place you could go to if you wanted quality cakes, pastries and pies, and that was Purbani Hotel. Located right in the middle of Motijheel, Purbani was a landmark in Dhaka with its grand lobby, luxurious rooms, and of course quality bakery. When my first child was born, we celebrated his birthday with a big cake from the bakery. Of course, now there are lots more options, and hardly anyone realises that Purbani is still alive. But for me, the hotel will always have a special place in my heart.

Shahana SiddiqueMirpur, Dhaka

Purbani Hotel, 1976

Bangladesh Old Photo Archive

Today


From the aeroplane, one notices vast, flat terrain with pockets of forested ranchlands. Clusters of

skyscrapers are connected by rings of superhighways; this is the land of gushing oil, blooming strip malls, and plentiful pickup trucks; this is Houston. The subtropical city has so much vacant land that is makes someone from a dense area wonder: Why don’t people living on top of one another just shift to this expansive frontier?

This city is part of America’s energy belt, which stretches from Oklahoma City to New Orleans. Booming energy firms define its expansive character. This is home to colossal companies such as Halliburton and Aramco Services Company. A subsidiary of Saudi Aramco, the state-owned global petroleum and chemicals enterprise, ASC moved its services operations into Houston in 1974, joining other industry giants as one of the energy capitals of the world.

ASC manages international office operations from a suburban office building in the Bellaire area. The 11-storey, over 419,000sq-ft Braeswood Tower II is enclosed by a concrete perimeter, with security bollards preventing vehicular access to the building. Inside, the white interior lobby has waist-height optical turnstiles that provide access to visitors and personnel. ASC access control systems and uniformed security personnel resemble high-security federal buildings.

The city is a knowledge centre with a natural resource-based economy from shale deposits experiencing a fracking boom. The city prospers not just due to pumping out resources from the ground, but also for combining technology with its resources. Cheap

energy from natural gas has been a boon for the city; and property plus sales taxes from the bulk of its revenues. Oil has been its foundation upon its discovery in 1901. This formed vast private fortunes, and over the decades, wealthy philanthropists built fancy art galleries and showpiece skyscrapers. There are blocks of stately homes and art galleries, such as in River Oaks, the wealthiest area.

In recent years, the megalopolis has shifted back to its urban core, restoring midcentury buildings, renovating vacant factories into fancy restaurants, and setting up art galleries in neglected neighbourhoods. In 2008, the 12-acre Discovery Green urban park was planted in downtown. With its artificial lake and grassy knolls, it has been a stellar success with Houstonians of all ages. The broiling summers are probably a cause for the air-conditioned underground tunnels that form a network for downtown buildings. In 2004, Houston rolled in its light-rail system, covering downtown and its southwest area.

The commercial centre of southwest US has one of the world’s major seaports. Southwest has the oil deposits, and Houston automatically became the nation’s leading oil-

refining centre. Unsurprisingly, Houston’s wealth fluctuates with oil prices. Boomtown growth took place in the 70s, during high energy prices. During the mid-‘80s, as oil prices fell, Houston lost thousands of jobs. However, the economy made a comeback in the ‘90s, and Houston continues its role as the nation’s energy supplier. Texas Gulf Coast holds the nation’s largest oil-refining centre and the world’s grandest oil firms have their operations in Houston. This region produces volumes of petrochemicals and is a leading manufacturer of petroleum equipment.

My visit to Houston ended with a dinner at Dhaka Café. This

mid-sized, cafeteria-style restaurant adjacent to a bar and gas station serves authentic Bangladeshi food, such as fish and kachchi biriyani. The well-lit interior has minimal decoration and a grocery on back. A glass showcase displays sweets, a counter next to the cash register holds aromatic cha, an elevated television plays Bengali channels. Although simple in style and substance, this restaurant is part of Houston’s diverse energy.

This restaurant is part of the Bangladeshi community, an estimated

15,000 residents, some of whom are diligently involved in building a 13,000-square-foot community centre. The $2.5m building project is on a four-acre site in southwest Houston. The site is currently under construction for a two-story building, with a fence and community garden already in place. A makeshift building in the site provides operations space.

This is the landmark project for Bangladesh Association Houston, an organization running since 1978. The association was launched by Bangladeshis in the University of Houston, and is currently run by over 100 volunteers. From hosting Bangladesh cultural performances to holding charity fundraisers, this organization runs the gamut of operations to support community development.

This is a warm city, not just with the weather but with almost every friendly face you meet on the streets. Black gold has done wonders for its economic growth, and the down-home Texas charm remains strong. Upon visiting this diverse city on the bayou, one is compelled to agree with its tagline: Houston, it’s worth it. n

26 tRAvEloguE hOusTON, usA

Tamim Chowdhury writes about the sultry winds and black gold in a bustling boomtown

Tamimchoudhuryis a Communications

Analyst based in greater Washington, DC. He is still trying

to figure out what that means, both

communications and Washington boggle

his mind in more ways than one

houstonhappening

Photos: Courtesy


onceuponatimeThe execution of Quader Molla exorcises a particularly painful chapter in Bangladesh’s history, making him the first person to die for crimes against humanity during the country’s struggle for independence with Pakistan in 1971.

Quader Molla, assistant secretary general of Jamaat, was born in Amirabad village under Sadarpur of Faridpur in 1948. After passing his HSC examinations, he attended a Qur’an Tafsir and joined the Islami Chhatra Sangha, then student wing of Jamaat. He passed BSc in 1968 from Faridpur Rajendra College.

In 1970, Molla took admission in Dhaka University to complete his Master’s degree in physics. Shortly, he became the president of the university unit of Chhatra Sangha. After independence, Quader Molla was arrested in 1972 for his anti-liberation role. But General Ziaur Rahman released him from prison in 1975. He completed a master’s degree on educational administration in 1977 and joined Udayan High School in Dhaka as a part-time teacher.

ThestartofhiscareerQuader Molla joined Jamaat in May 1977 and was appointed as the private secretary to then the party chief, Ghulam Azam, the following year.He joined Bangladesh Rifles Public School and College as a senior teacher in 1978 and started writing columns in Jamaat’s mouthpiece the daily Sangram. In 1981, he joined the newspaper as its executive editor and became the vice-president of the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists.

Molla was elected ameer (chief) of Dhaka city unit of Jamaat in 1985 and the party’s central publicity secretary in 1991. The next year, he was picked up as secretary of Jamaat’s Dhaka city unit and then ameer of the unit. In 2000, he was appointed as the

assistant secretary general of Jamaat central committee.

AlvsMollaAs the Awami League government initiated the trial of the war criminals in 2010, he was arrested on July 13 the same year on charges of killing 345 people during the War of Independence in 1971.

On May 28 last year, the International Crimes Tribunal framed six charges against Quader Molla for his involvement in murders and mass killings. According to the charges, he “actively participated” in the killings of at least 381 unarmed people in Dhaka’s Mirpur and Keraniganj areas in six different incidents. He also aided the Pakistani occupation army to kill and rape civilians. For his atrocities and for siding with Pakistani troops during the 1971 war, Molla was dubbed the “Butcher of Mirpur”, his moniker referring to the place where he led the al Badr militia in slaughtering a large number of resident, including women and children.

PastcatchingupThe tribunal, set up in line with the International Crimes Tribunal Act, 1973, referred in the judgement that Quader Molla was found guilty of the offences of “crimes against humanity” enumerated in section 3(2) of the Act in five charges brought by the state.

The tribunal awarded him life sentence and 15 years in jail for the war crimes. He was found not guilty in one charge.

The government later amended the ICT Act and inserted a provision to give the prosecution scope to appeal against the tribunal verdicts. Earlier, only the defence could do so. Later, the government filed appeals with the Appellate Division seeking capital punishment as the prosecution could prove three charges “beyond reasonable doubt.”

The Appellate Division in its

judgement overruled the sentence and awarded the Jamaat-e-Islami leader death penalty. He was charged in December 2011 with abetting the Pakistani army and actively participating in the 1971 atrocities and was convicted of killing 344 civilians as well as rape and other crimes. He denied all charges against him.

AmassmurdererfinallygetshisdueMolla was tried on six counts, including playing a role in the killing of 381 unarmed civilians and was found guilty on five of six counts of crimes against humanity and war crimes. He was initially sentenced by the tribunal to life in prison – this caused huge anger in the country. Many took to streets demanding he be executed. On 17 September the Bangladesh Supreme Court increased his life jail term to a death sentence. Following his death sentence the attorney general ruled out an appeal, meaning his only chance of clemency would be a presidential pardon. And as per media reports, Molla refused to seek presidential clemency.

Upon his execution on December 12, Molla became the first war crimes convict to be sent to the gallows since the country’s independence in 1971.

ThatdarnedvBut back to his infamous V-sign. Apparently exalted by the life sentence given by a war crimes tribunal on February 5, that V must have been the tipping point that literally cost him his head.

He had remained untouchable for 38 years since the murder of

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman even after masterminding the murder of hundreds of innocent people. The senior Jamaat-e-Islami leader’s celebration with a haughty smile brought together the people, who were previously thought to be divided over many issues.

The people, irrespective of their ages and religious and political identities, protested the “lenient” life-term and poured onto the streets across the country demanding death sentence for Quader Molla.

The V-sign triggered the Shahbagh movement that demanded capital punishment for all war criminals and a ban on the politics of Jamaat and its students’ wing Islami Chhatra Shibir.

The observers then predicted that Quader Molla must die for the V-sign he had showed with a lopsided smile.

vforjusticeThe experts’ prediction comes true as the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court on September 17 handed down capital punishment to Quader Molla, who had run a concentration camp in Mirpur in the capital and committed massacres.

“He should have cried and feigned to have not got justice, to earn people’s sympathy. Instead, he was seen happy and was smiling. This made people extremely angry,” said a Jamaat-leaning journalist. Opposing the Shahbagh movement, the Islamist parties buried their internal political differences and accelerated the Hefazat-e-Islam to counter the Shahbagh activists, say observers. Gradually, Hefazat has become a major political issue in Bangladesh. n

27oBItuARY QuAdER MOLLA

TheButcherofMirpurflasheshislastv-signKamran Reza Chowdhury and Udisa Islam map the last few days of a war criminalAlthough most of us aren’t familiar with the atrocities of 40 years ago, Quader Molla’s flash of arrogance - his naughty V-sign at getting a relatively “lenient” sentence earlier this year - seemed to have charged people up. And when Molla’s wife made a similar sign at her husband’s seemingly last minute reprieve of a death sentence, the innocuous gestures must have created some sort of history. It’s not everyday that a V-sign lands you in the gallows.

ThechargesMurder of PallabTribunal and SC

gave 15 years imprisonment

Killing of Mehetun Nesa, her mother and two brothersTribunal and SC


Murder of Khandakar Abu

TalebTribunal and SC


Killing of Osman Gani and Golam

MostafaTribunal gave

acquittal and SC gave life sentence

Killing of 344 people at Alubdi villageTribunal and SC

gave life sentenceKilling of Hazrat Ali and five members of his family and

rape of his daughterTribunal gave

life sentence and SC gave death

sentence

Dhaka Tribune

kamranRezachowdhuryandUdisaislam are staff reporters at Dhaka Tribune


28 lAst woRD

like many other parts of the world, Bangladesh has witnessed a booming business in media in

the last few years of the 20th century, facilitated by the ever-developing field of information technology and globalisation. Especially after the end of the Cold War, the media has been more influential in shaping public opinion. That’s not to say that media was not powerful before; it’s just that the way the media works is very different from even a decade ago.

Contemporary Bangladeshi media has gone through many upheavals. Between the late 70s and the early 90s, when democracy was struggling to find a foothold in Bangladesh, there were a few newspapers and only the state-run radio and TV channels, which were under strict supervision of the military government. After the autocracy was put to an end and a democratic government was formed through the general elections in 1991, a new era began for Bangladeshi media.

The idea of privatised media took form after the Liberation War (even though nationalisation was a priority for the new government to protect its infant industries), but it was halted in the mid 70s, when freedom of expression became non-existent.

After the 1991 elections, the nation saw an opening for media

privatisation. New newspapers came out, and at end of the decade, private TV channels were launched. The number has gradually grown over the years, expanding Bangladeshi media even more. The beginning of the 21st century saw immense growth of online media.

Now, most media houses (newspapers, TV, radio, etc) are privately held and profit-oriented. Their major earnings come from the advertisements of both the government and private enterprises. Most media houses lean towards particular political ideologies, so naturally they favour the parties that follow their ideologies. Then there is also the recent trend of businessmen trying their hands in media. This strange mix of business, politics and media makes the media’s role interestingly different than what it should be in a democracy.

It’s true that the newly emerging media has got a lot of backing from former political and cultural activists who were active in the movement against the undemocratic regimes before the 1990s as the work force. But on the other hand, contemporary media outlets also smack of crony capitalism where businessmen cozy up to the interests of politicians, and free speech and objective reporting take a backseat.

Thus, our media is now at a crossroads between being inspired by the 1971 Liberation War, but also having to kowtow to the whims and caprices of businessmen and politicians. Phrases like “freedom of speech” and “digital Bangladesh” are double-edged swords; they can actually be catch-phrases by politicians to get votes, or can lead to substantial changes in the economy. At the same time, with the development of media, Bangladesh enjoys a new ally to articulate a vision that had often been left on the wayside.

democracy is the power vested in people to choose their

representative to govern themselves. The media should be inextricably related to the democratic process of the society. However, that’s not the case here. In Bangladesh the right to information act has not been implemented yet. So the media is still left in a chaotic, unaccountable process. The development of media efficiency depends on how it can go hand in hand with democratic development; the more the demand for objective media, the more unbiased and efficient it can be. n

Can media and democracy walk hand in hand?

Themanymanifestationsofmedia

MAB sIddIQuE

As democracy was restored in the 1990s, Bangladesh witnessed the reincarnation of liberal values, and revival of Bangali nationalism that was suppressed by the autocratic regime

Media has tools that are double-edged swords: they can work both for accountability and transparency, but at the same time also serve vested interests

MABsiddiqueis a staff reporter at Dhaka Tribune.

He specialises in reporting on

political affairs and has a background in economics and

literature

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