Anita Cheung 200564279 1
What themes and political marketing strategies can be inferred from Barack
Obama and Mitt Romney’s Facebook images in the 2012 US Presidential
Election Campaign?
Anita Cheung
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the
Requirements for the degree BA (Hons) Communications Studies
Institute of Communications Studies, University of Leeds
May 2013
Supervisor: Stephen Coleman
Word Count: 12,228
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Abstract
This research highlights comparisons in marketing techniques used by incumbent Barack
Obama and governor Mitt Romney in their Facebook images during the 2012 Presidential
Elections. The study aims to identify key themes and subliminal marketing strategies utilised by
both candidates to understand how people are subjected to political rhetoric and spin. The
sample of images analysed were posted online during the final and most eventful month of
campaigning. Findings underline strategies candidates used to convince target audiences of their
policies and of their constructed persona. The study also highlights the changing nature of how
politicians interact with netizens in the Internet age.
Keywords: US Presidential campaign, political marketing and communication, semiotics,
celebrity politics, internet politics, social media, Facebook
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Table of Contents
Introduction............................................................................................................. 5
Literature Review.................................................................................................... 7
Professional political marketing, campaign themes and branding.............. 7
Packaging politics and the celebrity politician............................................ 8
Negative campaigning................................................................................. 12
Televised debates........................................................................................ 13
Rise of the internet and social media politics.............................................. 14
Method ................................................................................................................... 16
Themes and sub-themes deduced from Facebook images.......................... 19
Findings and Discussion......................................................................................... 22
Unexpected findings................................................................................... 22
Political marketing...................................................................................... 36
Packaging the politician.............................................................................. 46
Social media enhancing democracy and inclusivity................................... 52
Televised debates........................................................................................ 54
Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 56
Appendix.................................................................................................................. 61
Bibliography............................................................................................................. 72
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Acknowledgements
Thank you to:
Stephen Coleman, who has been the most willing and
helpful dissertation advisor I could have imagined.
And to my parents, who I am grateful for allowing
me to pursue my true passions.
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Introduction
It is important to investigate how politicians manage their public persona on online
platforms so that citizens can recognise manipulative political rhetorical strategies. Political
communication strategies aim to target not only ‘voters’ minds but also… their hearts’, as
studies have revealed political campaigns can elicit emotional reactions in voters (Schemer,
2012:413). This poses the risk of political bias, especially as Wallas (1920) notes how people
are emotional, prejudiced and extremely susceptible to propaganda and symbolic appeals.
However, it is difficult to define or categorise propaganda because almost everything is
imperceptibly loaded with hidden intentions and beliefs (Bernays, 1995), but not everything has
propagandist intentions. Modern political spin, exchangeable with the term Public Relations, is
the attempt to persuade, adjust, and engineer public support for a cause, movement, or
institution (ibid). For example, Heller (2006), a renowned political artist, says persuasive
graphics/propaganda is highly edited information that deliberately ignores information that may
be harmful to the promoted cause. In Heller’s experience, he mentions that political graphics are
often commissioned by lobbyists or the government to influence people in indirect ways (ibid).
However, it should be considered that not every individual is defenceless to propaganda appeals,
and that texts are open to endless possible interpretations (Hall, 1980). Marketing and
advertising are also relevant fields that have the functional value of persuading people to believe
or act on a cause. These commercial forms of communication have recently permeated politics
and have altered the way people perceive and reflect on political issues.
Political marketing has transformed into a crafted art and industry of its own. This is
evident in the professionalised and ‘packaged’ aesthetics of advertisements across various media
platforms. While politicians have little control of what the media publishes about them, they
now have increased authority on online channels such as Social Networking Sites (SNSs).
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The 2012 United States presidential election is a valuable case study which showcases
how new media has changed the practices of political campaigning. With the proliferation of
users on SNSs, politicians now have the opportunity to engage with potential viewers in
innovative ways. This campaign is also significant in demonstrating how visually saturated our
society has become, as candidates posted more images on Facebook than on any other medium,
including Instagram. This study also examines the increasing personalisation of politics to
observe how this may increase civic engagement and loyalty to a political party.
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Literature Review
Professional political marketing, campaign themes and branding
A ‘new style’ of politics is said to have emerged in the 1950s, which changed the nature
and financing of campaigns due to the heavy reliance on advertising (Gunlicks, 1993). Contrary
to popular belief, advertisements do not strive to sway undecided voters; instead, they aim to
mobilise their base supporters (Hebblewaithe, 2012). However, it has been increasingly difficult
to identify central party supporters. This is partly because individual identity with common
institutions of nation states, governments, and political affiliation is weakening in Western
societies (Bennet, 2003). In response to the new style of decentralised politics, American
political culture is increasingly relying on professional marketing to target the 10% of swing
voters (ibid). Consequently, campaigning has evolved from party-centred, labour-intensive
campaigns which relied on volunteers, to candidate-centred, ‘mass media advertising, marketing
techniques, and professional campaign consultants’ (Gunlicks, 1993:19).
A growing concern for many academics and political scientists is the trivialisation of
political arguments as ‘appearances take precedence over reality, personalities count for more
than policies, [and] the superficial matters more than the substantive’ (Harrop, 1986:235). As
such, Coleman (2011) has found that voters increasingly expect candidates to be representative
personalities that they can trust, rather than being evaluated on their policies.
Harrop (1986) believes media consultants and PR representatives are partly responsible
for transforming the techniques and style of political communication. These media professionals
have integrated commercialised practices into politics, evident in how the current criteria for a
‘smart’ campaign is one that uses the principles of corporate branding (Burton and Shea, 2010).
The idea of politics being ‘packaged’ is a relatively new phenomenon, where ‘goods are
designed to present a particular image rather than to serve a specific function’ (Harrop,
1986:237). To build a coherent image, a campaign must be committed to consistency, strategic
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timing, and effective packaging (Burton and Shea, 2010). Consistency is essential because
voters seek a leader who will remain faithful to their proposed policies (Bradshaw, 1995). As
Pels (2003:46) says, ‘presentation and performance are increasingly salient in a culture saturated
by image management, style consultancy, branding and design’. Therefore, paid media is now
necessary in order to make published media visually appealing, as it affects the overall
impression one has of a candidate (ibid). For example, Pels (2003) found that people were
disappointed with politicians who had poorly designed websites. Therefore, new technologies
increase user demand for stylish aesthetics that ‘rarefy’ a politician, similar to how celebrities
are rarefied against millions of average citizen (Pels, 2003:51).
Campaign themes are crucial in shaping voter opinions because they summarise party
policies and key messages. Good campaign themes are those that carefully balance what voters
want, what the candidate can provide, and what their opponent has to offer (Burton and Shea,
2010). Themes are meant to be broad to ‘incorporate a variety of ideas, appealing to a wider
range of voters’ (ibid:132). Campaign themes are also crucial for formulating or identifying
clusters of supporting groups because ‘without a target, a campaign has no direction; without a
theme, it has no rationale’ (ibid:116). In order to be effective, themes have to be reiterated and
mediated via many channels so that people can be familiar with a candidate’s ‘brand’, their
policies, and their beliefs (ibid; Bradshaw, 1995). Candidates also need to remain active on
online communities so that the ‘image on the public mind must never stop’, as Bennet
(2003:143) says the key for governing and policy success is permanent campaigning.
Packaging politics and the celebrity politician
All politicians live under a constructed persona which is either constructed by them or
for them (Street, 2012). Drawing on Erving Goffman’s (1959) dramaturgical theory, people in
positions of power constantly maintain a ‘front’ when they appear in public. There will always
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be a motive to mobilise his efforts to communicate an impression favourable to his interests.
One will plan his activity to best produce the response he desires, which is why citizens need to
be wary of politicians’ concealed motives. This presents a difficulty for citizens to be able to
evaluate a politician’s authentic character, especially since public appearances and intimate
‘offstage’ moments are likely to be contrived situations. The reliance on PR is partially
attributed to the fact that a slight erroneous detail can devastate a candidate’s image and result in
a loss of respect and trust (Maarek, 2011). Therefore, measures are taken to avoid negative
publicity, as politicians are being scrutinised more than ever (Street, 2004).
To appeal to masses and gain trust of potential voters, politicians actively attempt to
project a consistent, ‘authentic’ self. Authenticity in politics is a paradox in itself: voters seek
genuine candidates who can relate to and understand their needs as real people. However, this is
problematic as there is now a ‘mass customisation’ of politics which has become the norm to
reach individuals with seemingly ‘personally tailored messages’ (Burton and Shea, 2010:116).
Efforts are insincere as voters are treated as ‘statistical constructs’ rather than human beings, and
are targeted based on demographic characteristics or ‘known “facts” about individuals’ (ibid:79).
However, to an extent, segment analysis is useful to provide correlations with party preference
and factors such as income, gender, location, marital status, race and occupation (ibid). It is also
useful in understanding the thinking of voters, which is a requirement of effective political
communications to be able to relate to audiences (Kavanagh, 1995:13). The other paradox is
how politicians perform a role in order to influence voters instead of simply being who they are.
In order to achieve authenticity, the performance must give off sincerity, or the performer must
at least be convinced of their own sincerity (Goffman, 1959).
Goffman (ibid:5) assumes a politician’s performance only exists because ‘the tradition of
his group or social status require this kind of expression’. The socially constructed role of the
modern politician is gradually blurring with that of the celebrity. For example, politicians are
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more frequently appearing on non-traditional political platforms, such as entertainment shows,
music videos, and cameos. However, this poses another conflict of authenticity, as these staged
and scripted performances are not reflective of candid behaviour or one’s true personality
(Coleman, 2011). Instead, Goffman (1959:2) theorises true character is ascertained ‘indirectly,
through his avowals or through what appears to be involuntary expressive behaviour’ of what an
individual ‘gives off’. According to some, the emphasis on the ‘cult of personality’ is considered
to be ‘a necessary or inevitable product of social and political change’ (Street, 2011:251). There
are benefits to this shift, as Coleman (in Street, 2004:442) argues that ‘forms of popular culture
can resonate with people in ways that traditional forms of political communications cannot’. In
effect, politicians are humanised and personalised, representing those who do not usually
identify with politicians (ibid).
It is rare for politicians to attain celebrity status, with the exception of Barack Obama,
who emerged ‘as a celebrity of the highest order’ by the end of the 2008 presidential campaign
(Keller, 2010:121). Before Obama, the political world had not witnessed a phenomenon parallel
to the Obama hype which went viral worldwide, ranging from ‘Obama girl’ on YouTube,
circulation of speeches on the internet, and fanfare made by many young supporters (ibid).
Meyrowitz (1985) attributes Obama’s celebrity to his ability to resonate with a diversified body
of voters by shedding his elitism and presenting himself as a ‘common man’. Even then, many
politicians have tried emulate these strategies but without pronounced success (Pels, 2003).
Therefore, it will be valuable to investigate what strategies Obama utilises to cultivate his
celebrity status and devout fan following.
Obama has had the most prominent celebrity endorsements in history from all industries,
ranging from film, sports, fashion design, media, intellectuals, and so on. Prominent public
figures include Steven Spielberg, George Clooney, Ellen DeGeneres, Muhammad Ali, Cristiano
Ronaldo, and Tom Ford (CNN, 2012). In addition, Stevie Wonder, Beyoncé, and Bruce
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Springsteen even performed at Obama’s 2009 inauguration. Celebrity endorsements of
candidates can be extremely beneficial, as Veer et al (2010:445) found that it can drive voter
intention if politics is not initially salient in the eligible voter. However, it has the potential to
equally repel those who are already engaged with political issues (ibid).
Many politicians admittedly aspire to become celebrity figures, although underlying
motives might vary from one politician to another. Some politicians may aspire to obtain
celebrity status for personal confidence and fantasy, while others may desire the political
advantages of celebrityhood. Journalists have criticised the use of modern political techniques
that market politicians like movie stars. Examples include using Hollywood directors to produce
election broadcasts (Street, 2012), or planning photo opportunities with entertainment figures,
such as when Tony Blair posed with the England Football Team (Pels, 2003).
Although the rise of celebrity politics has faced harsh criticism, a celebrity politician can
effectively promote national interests and global issues (Keller, 2012). Obama is a leading
example of this, as he attends world tours and meetings in various countries and has even won a
Nobel Prize for his extensive efforts. Keller (ibid:122) identifies how celebrity politics is
normalised as an ‘important, perhaps key, segment of global and regional politics’. Though
some critics argue that celebrity politics is reflective of bad political diplomacy and protocol,
Keller (2010) recognises the benefits that a celebrity politician can bring to the nation: diplomats
and foreign governments may be more willing to work with a nation with a celebrity politician,
as celebrity status can generate positive press and improve a country’s reputation on an
international scale.
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Negative campaigning
According to Ansolabehere et al. (1994:829), political campaigning has become
‘increasingly hostile and ugly’. As such, candidates are increasingly employing rhetoric tactics
and lacking the systematic accountability in verifying the accuracy of their claims (ibid).
Research has found individuals are more likely to remember negative information, and that
negative political marketing ‘increases voters’ cynicism about politics and the electoral process’
(ibid:829). This causes citizens to become demotivated to participate in politics and can result in
decreased voter turnout (ibid). However, Schemer (2012) found that people’s attention and
involvement in campaigns increased when negative affective states were elicited by negative
campaigning. This is because negative emotions, such as fear or anxiety, enhance people’s
interest to seek information, furthering their political involvement and party identity (ibid).
However, a limitation of this explanation is that you cannot measure the degree of influence or
isolate the effectiveness of a political advertisement. Another weakness of Schemer’s (2010)
study is how the effectiveness of a campaign message depends on a viewer’s predisposition and
willingness to accept the message (Kavanagh, 1995).
When a candidate establishes a positive image and continues to develop their image with
a series of issue advocacy advertisements highlighting their achievements, it is common for their
opponent to return with critical ‘attack’ advertisements (Burton and Shea, 2010). Beyond
personal destruction, a hostile campaign is hypothesised to foster a bad government (ibid).
Televised debates
Debates are opportune events for candidates to make clear, brief, and novel statements
while reinforcing campaign themes. Equally, debates can highlight potential weaknesses, as
candidates place themselves at risk of attracting unwanted media attention. Aggressive tactics
are most prone to receive negative media backlash, which is not uncommon due to the
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confrontational nature of debates. Furthermore, candidates who deviate from a pre-set message
place themselves at risk of appearing incoherent or inconsistent.
Debates are a useful tool for citizens in judging the differing party views on important
topics affecting the nation (Burton and Shea, 2010). Consequently, viewers have the potential to
change their partisanship when seeing a direct comparison of party views and policies in a
controlled, objective environment. Additionally, viewers may change their views on party
leaders by observing how candidates handle pressure and scrutiny.
Rise of the internet and social media politics
Many academics have recognised how the Internet has expanded the public sphere and
democratised politics (Castells, 1996). Not only does the Internet collapse time and space, but it
also abolishes geographical and cultural boundaries (Boyd, 2008). Furthermore, with the nature
of media content, there is no additional cost in communicating with several people or
broadcasting a message to millions, thus politicians can vastly expand their reach (Boyd, 2008).
The Internet is also democratic in the way politicians are subject to the same rules that apply to
other users on SNSs. Nevertheless, Clift (2008) highlights how media platforms such online
news, campaigns, forums, blogs, other SNSs appear to be public, but are still privately
controlled spaces. For example, those who manage a politician’s Facebook page can still enable,
disable, or delete comments and posts as they wish. However, the digital divide should be
addressed, as it is undemocratic in how it excludes those who do not have the resources to use or
access to communication technologies (Oates, 2008).
The recent integration of social media in politics has created new opportunities
and benefits for civic engagement. Participating in politics has become more
convenient as individuals can now engage with organisations without visiting official
party websites or registering new accounts. Instead, people can participate in online
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spaces they visit regularly on their preferred social network (Harfoush, 2009).
Furthermore, social media has the potential to be extremely influential as networks are
often comprised of user-generated or campaign content that is forwarded from one
person to another (Graf and Mayer, 2008). Likewise, people are more likely to trust
reviews from peers and acquaintances rather than reviews produced by corporate
bodies. Boyd (2008) elaborates the reasons why people decide to participate in social
media politics, including the desire to develop one’s identity, to negotiate one’s status,
to maintain a sense of belonging to a community, and for civic engagement.
According to the 2012 National Pew Survey, 35% of social media users have utilised
SNSs to encourage people to vote, and 34% have used the tools to post their own thoughts or
comments on political and social issues (Raine and Smith, 2012). Although some may argue
SNSs are not diversified since groupthink occurs in spaces where similar values are shared,
statistics have shown otherwise: the large majority of people (73%) disagree with the political
postings of their friends among SNSs, while only 25% mostly or always agree with their friends’
postings (ibid). Although it is not guaranteed that people are more likely to vote or be persuaded
to vote for a candidate due to their peers, netizens now have increased political exposure and
access to many platforms to formulate their own opinions. For example, Pew statistics of the
2012 election results highlight substantial findings: 30% of registered voters were encouraged
by family and friends to vote for Mitt Romney or Barack Obama via posts on SNSs such as
Facebook and Twitter (Raine, 2012). Also, once citizens had voted, 22% let others know how
they voted through social media (ibid).
Social media has also changed the level of interaction between candidates and their
followers, personalising the experience of politics. On SNSs, people experience a ‘shared sense
of purpose’, which is often nurtured by making netizens face issues together (Cooper, 2009).
Strategies include asking people to show support in sharing a post, creating online badges for
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social network profiles, inviting people to sign online petitions, and any activity to engage and
build rituals for members (Harfoush, 2009). The cultivation of a sense of online community is
important to make viewers feel valued, although creating genuine, meaningful online
relationships require commitment, time, and energy as you ‘can’t rush it and you can’t fake it’
(ibid:7). It is important for followers to feel passionate towards a party’s cause, which can be
enhanced through promotional outreach and online events which ‘add fanfare, and increased
attention, and advertising’ (Cooper, 2009:200).
Obama is a principal example of a politician who effectively utilises social media in his
campaigns. Harfoush (2009) attributes Obama’s success to his understanding of social media
and the social movement of America’s youth. In the 2008 presidential campaign, Obama did not
see young people as a liability; instead, he took people’s needs seriously and believed he could
create real change. Other reasons why Obama stands out from his opponents is his
personalisation of the online experience, as the ‘Obama team has their personal touch when
reaching out to the community’ (ibid:7). Obama effectively crafted an image as someone who
would listen to the community’s problems and engage the electorate with popular issues (ibid).
The Obama team also shared narratives of people’s experiences of those who had the chance to
meet Obama, making Obama appear to be a genuine, friendly figure. This highlights the
‘importance of storytelling when building an online community’ (ibid:11).
This section brings to attention the tension between the (semiotic) logic of Facebook and
political logic: where do you draw the line between political professionalism and an offstage
private life? What content are people more likely to be interested in on Facebook – personal or
political content? What patterns and strategies can be inferred from the posted images in terms
of semiotics and rhetoric, and how effective are these images? These are all questions to be
addressed and discussed in the following chapters.
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Methodology
To compare the marketing strategies of Barack Obama and Mitt Romney, it was decided
content analysis and observations would be the best methods to adopt for this investigation. The
triangulation of qualitative and quantitative methods increased the understanding of what was
being studied, due to the combination of perspectives applied. It also increased the study’s
reliability and left more room for additional interpretation and points of view (Greetham, 2009).
Content analysis was the more quantitative method, and the rhetorical, semiotic
observations were the qualitative method. A system of coding was created to quantify the
themes and categories images belonged to understand the themes, marketing tactics, and policies
each party emphasised. The frequency of images posted was recorded to enable the comparison
of numerical data. Obtaining numerical data increased the study’s validity as it relied on a
quantifiable, standardised, and replicable scientific method. Since content analysis can observe
mass-mediated popular art forms (McNamara, 2006) such as Facebook, the study has high
ecological validity by observing real life.
Observations were useful in extracting interpretations that were overlooked or could not
be deduced through quantitative methods as it provided additional analysis and recognition of
visual and rhetorical patterns. The qualitative, observation notes were extremely helpful as many
nuanced details were missed when focusing on pure visuals (semiotic content analysis). For
example, the following image from Obama’s photoset denotes Obama pointing to an ‘Early
voting ballot receipt’:
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Image 48
This photo was initially categorised under ‘nationalism’ due to the graphic on the ballot sheet,
which is an abstraction of the elements of the American flag. However, the connotative meaning
of this image encourages viewers to vote, which is characteristic of ‘inclusivity’. This highlights
the importance of being attentive in observing images, as one could easily categorise this under
the ‘miscellaneous’ category.
The study mainly examined primary sources, specifically photos posted by Obama and
Romney’s Facebook marketing team. However, secondary sources, such as third-party audience
polling sites and articles reporting the outcomes of the televised debates provided further insight
to the claims and references Obama and Romney’s graphics stated. The limitations of audience
polls are recognised, as polls are merely samples of the population and not accurate reflections
of public opinion. However, the incorporation of these secondary sources furthered the overall
scope of the study. For example, when Romney’s statistics were traced to its original source, it
was found information had been carefully selected and manipulated in a way to favour the
Republican Party’s view. This demonstrated the fundamental aim of political marketing: to
persuade viewers according to a narrow perspective with concealed intention.
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To gain a comprehensive understanding of political spin tactics, the timing of images
was also observed to identify the types of messages and images that were posted leading up to
significant events. The televised debates and the week leading up to and during the voting
period was closely observed to discern how each party motivated their followers to vote. The
study analyses photos posted in the period of October 1st to November 6
th, chiefly because it is
one of the most decisive months in the entire presidential campaign, as research has concluded
voters pay most attention to ‘the weeks from Labour Day in September to Election Day in
November’ (Fowler, 1995:208). Moreover, Cooper (2009) has found it is the time between
elections that issues regarding policies, not politics, will have the most impact in transforming
the political process. The time frame chosen is also significant because the televised debates
occurred throughout October, a spectacle recognised as the ‘cornerstone of campaigns’, bearing
high potential to impact voter decisions (Maarek, 2011:18).
Procedure:
The background research provided context and narrowed the focus of the study to
modern American political marketing, how politicians craft their image, and semiotics/visual
communication. The reading also provided an understanding of the shifts in political marketing
tactics with the introduction of new technologies. Furthermore, it elucidated the changing values
and expectations citizens have of political leaders.
To create a database one could easily return to, every image was numbered by order and
date, such as 1. Oct 1, 2. Oct1b, 3. Oct 2, and so on (see Figure 1). This system of coding was
logical, clear, and made it easy to count the frequency of images posted per day. Screenshots of
each image were captured to record the caption accompanying each photo, the number of likes,
and comments made by Facebook users (see Figure 2). However, due to the high volume of
photos, the focus of the study was narrowed to a more realistic and manageable objective to
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purely analyse the semiotic and rhetorical strategies of images. As a result, the study’s focus was
narrowed and produced data-rich results.
In the period that was studied, Romney posted 254 images while Obama posted 95
images. The sample was large enough to generalise to each candidate’s overall campaign
strategy, and was focused enough to act as a microcosm of their wider campaign efforts. A
chronological timeline of images was created to provide convenient access to an overall view of
posted images, which proved to be extremely useful (see Figures 3 and 4). Space was left
between the margins so that notes, dates, and frequencies of the images could be recorded.
The themes analysed in the findings are not the same as those outlined in the literature
review. The themes developed with increasing familiarisation and observation of images over
time, as themes and tactics of each party were not immediately obvious. Notes were taken
throughout the analysis to note changes in perception and to identify subtle tactics that were
previously unnoticed. Each image was also supplemented with comprehensive notes of its
denotative and connotative meanings. Particular attention was paid to diction, rhetoric, and
emotive language, in addition to visual analysis.
Themes and sub-themes deduced from Facebook images
Both parties shared themes general themes such as ‘polices’ or ‘branding’, but individual
categories had to be created for Romney. After the key categories and sub-categories were
defined, a table was created to allocate each image to its relevant category (see Figure 5). Some
images only belonged to one category, while several images embodied overlapping themes. To
ensure consistency in categorising images, this process was completed twice. After classifying
the images, data was collated into tables in Excel so that effective bar graphs and pie charts
could be created to highlight significant relationships and findings.
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Shared categories by Obama and Romney:
(Graphic) design – This is the only category that was not quantified, as almost every image used
graphic design elements. Elements of design such as colour, typography, filters and effects were
recorded to capture the tone of an image. Design consistency was also noted to observe whether
a coherent visual style was maintained.
Branding – Any images that included the party logo, merchandise, and thematic campaign
colours.
Quotes – Usually photographs of candidates integrated with quotes. Design elements were
significant in these images to generate inspiration, nationalism, respect, or political action.
Mass supporters – Spectacles that showed mass supporters at a candidate’s rally to project a
sense of unity, community, and even a cult following.
Professionalism – Photographs characterised by the candidate engaged in important meetings,
interacting with significant public figures, close-ups of a candidate delivering a speech, and
serious facial expressions.
Celebrity – Photos that reflected celebrity behaviour, such as candidates appearing on
entertainment shows or celebrity endorsements.
Inclusivity – Images that directly addressed and interacted with followers. Images belonging to
this category created a sense of belonging and loyalty to the respective party.
Targeting groups – Graphics that either addressed specific groups, or photographs of people of a
certain ethnicity, age group, or profession.
Debate – Photos that promoted upcoming debates or references to past debates.
Negative campaigning – Any form of oppositional attack or comparison of a candidate’s
policies as superior to their opponent’s.
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Sub-categories:
Some categories were sub-divided into more specific themes to ascertain more conclusive
patterns and results. For example, ‘policy’ branched into policies mentioning job creation,
unemployment, education, taxes, healthcare, trade, energy, deficit, war, new policy plans, and
comparative policy.
Within ‘targeting groups’, social sub-groups were divided into those being addressed or
represented in the images, such as: women, youth, minorities, seniors, Anglo-Saxon seniors,
Hispanics, farmers, manual labourers, and the middle class.
An ‘other’ category included categories of nationalism, voting support, achievement, and
‘miscellaneous’ – a category for the few images that did not relate to any previously established
themes.
Romney-specific categories:
Mitt Romney’s photos highlighted distinguished strategies such as fan competitions, extensive
slogans, and efforts to relieve Hurricane Sandy.
Note:
Many of the photos of ‘mass supporters’ naturally have ‘branding’ elements included,
such as fan signs which incorporate the Romney or Obama logo, or the presence of the
American flag, which is expressive of ‘nationalism’.
Politicians were excluded in the categorisation of race or age. For example, Barack
Obama and his wife Michelle Obama were not included in the ‘Diversity’ category, and
Joe Biden, Jil Biden, Mitt Romney, and Ann Romney were not included under ‘Anglo-
Saxon seniors’.
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Findings and Discussion
Observer bias:
Despite active efforts to remain impartial, there is a possibility that data interpretation
will be biased. Interpretations are subject to variation, as Hall’s (1980) notion of polysemy states
that signs and texts are open to infinite interpretations. This is also mitigated by factors such as
education, background, age, and ethnicity (Berger, 1998).
Note: Numbers in the square brackets indicate the photo number of a candidate’s photoset.
Unexpected findings
The observations of this study indicate that general themes and impressions that emerge
in the early stages of data analysis remain consistent until the end. Nonetheless, interesting and
unexpected findings are uncovered when quantifiable data is accumulated. The disparity in the
amount of images the candidates post is significant, as Romney posts over twice as many
images than Obama. Romney posts an average of 6.7 photos a day, while Obama posts 2.5.
Obama is much more consistent in posting about 1-4 images a day; while Romney is
unpredictable and fluctuates between posting 4-15 images on some days (see Table 6). These
figures reflect the efforts in building rituals with the online community. Furthermore, Romney
reposts the same images numerous times, while Obama only repeats two images. Romney’s
strategy is demonstrative of what Bradshaw (1995) says about reiterating policies and messages
to familiarise viewers with campaign a brand image. However, Obama’s strategy still manages
to address the central themes that Romney also addresses.
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Nationalism:
Obama’s images (16.8%) have more traces of nationalism compared to Romney’s
images (14.2%) (see Table 7 and Figure 8). This is surprising since Romney’s photographs
appear to feature more American flags and because many of his graphics are memorable for
incorporating stars and stripes. While Romney cultivates nationalism in obvious ways through
patriotic quotes and the motif of the American flag, Obama’s approach is much more nuanced.
For example, Obama’s graphics manipulate elements of the American flag in innovative ways,
as exemplified in the following images:
Image 16 Image 81
Furthermore, many of Obama’s quotes are inspirational and express nationalistic attitudes.
These patriotic sentiments are often amplified in the way images are embellished with special
filters, fonts, and illustrations, as demonstrated below:
Image 14
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In contrast, Romney’s images are much more obvious in expressing patriotic sentiments.
For example, the motif of the American flag frequently appears in backgrounds, stage designs,
and in the crowds of supporters:
Image 5 Image 86
The difference in how the candidates portray nationalism may be attributed to differing
personal or party values. Since America has been a land of refuge for many immigrants in the
past, Obama may not have wanted to exclude those who were not inherently American, such as
recent green card holders, immigrants, or minority cultures. For example, one of Obama’s aims
on immigration reform is to ‘[lift] the shadow of deportation of hardworking young people’
(Organising for Action, 2013). Therefore, Obama may not have wanted to repel potential voters
with jingoism that could be misconstrued for xenophobia. In contrast, Romney has attacked
Republican policies in the past for being ‘too soft on immigration’ (Koba, 2012), which may
rationalise the emphasis on the American flag and Southern culture in Romney’s images.
Targeting voters:
Romney reaches out to more specific groups of voters, while Obama speaks to a broad
audience and rarely identifies target groups. By applying Burton and Shea’s (2010) findings, it
is concluded Obama’s approach is more constructive because he appeals to wider audiences
through broad themes. Romney especially targets young voters, the middle class, Hispanics,
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farmers, women, seniors, businesses, and Southern states (see Figure 9). Romney’s targeted
audiences are those that Obama does not pursue, reflecting what Bradshaw (1995:37) says about
appealing to potential voters who can be persuaded by the ‘contrasts presented by the
candidates’.
The primary group Romney targets are young Americans (28%), namely university
students or recent graduates (see Figure 10). The 11 graphics addressing young Americans
either encourages students to vote or highlights student debt, the increase in tuition, and
unemployment figures of America’s youth. Many images are evidently tailored to specific
audiences, as Jacobson (1999) states, it is crucial to identify and understand the specific
audience you want to communicate a message to, and then design your image in such a way that
enables the audience to comprehend it effectively. This concept is elucidated in image 218,
which shows two young women with badges that read ‘YOUNG AMERICANS FOR
ROMNEY’ [218], or image 2, which shows a group of young Americans holding up a
‘ROMNEY RYAN’ sign. The graphic below is an especially influential graphic which
effectively resonates with university graduates:
Repeated images 78, 140, 192 Redesigned image 249
The same image is posted two more times [140, 192], then redesigned with the same
information [249]. This strategy is used to reinforce the gravity of America’s depression and
attempts to convert or convince impressionable voters. Interestingly, the only particular group of
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people Romney addresses to vote are students, especially in the few weeks leading up to the
voting period. For example, the image that reads ‘Classes all day? Vote absentee for Mitt’ is
repeated six times from October 15th
to October 31st. This demonstrates calculated timing and
repetition of important messages to effectually motivate young voters.
The next most targeted groups Romney pursues are Hispanics and the middle class, both
comprising 14% of all target groups. Eight of Romney’s images are in Spanish, which seems
unnatural and incongruous in context of his other images [15, 67, 158-160, 221-223]. Most of
these images targeting Hispanics are about unemployment [41, 246, 173], although one image
proposes a policy to improve trade agreements with Latin America [203]. Another way Romney
tries to win favour of the Hispanic community is by criticising Obama’s leadership. An example
of this is in image 203 which highlights ‘ZERO NEW TRADE AGREEMENTS sought in Latin
America’ during Obama’s term, while underlining the benefits of Romney’s proposed trade
agreement.
It is surprising to discover middle class Americans are Romney’s third most targeted
group because no memorable images that address the middle class come to mind. This rather
contradictory result is attributed to the inconspicuous way Romney addresses the middle class,
highlighted by the yellow boxes below:
Repeated images 64 and 204 Image 174
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On the other hand, Obama never mentions the middle class once. This is interesting as middle
class values are generally more aligned with the Democratic Party than the Republican Party. A
possible explanation for this is that the Republican Party aimed to change their party image and
attempted to gradually form an association with middle class principles.
Another group Romney targets is businesses. Of the three photos that directly address
small businesses, two of these images are ironic and express attitudes incongruous to business
values. While image 81 says, ‘Support small business, sign the petition’, the background image
is not of a small business but of a large, corporate, and established factory. The other image is a
policy proposal which reads, ‘Champion small business: Repeal Dodd-Frank and replace with
streamlined, modern regulatory framework that works for Main Street’ [174]. However,
deregulated markets tend to be unfavourable to small businesses, as big businesses will often
consolidate markets and offer incomparable rates to compete with. The careless incongruity in
the images expresses a misunderstanding of values and an insincere appeal to businesses.
While Obama’s supporters are ethnically diverse, the individuals in Romney’s images
are predominantly white. However, there are three exceptions; image 224 is of NBA player
Greg Anthony, another is of a Hispanic student holding up a ‘Romney Ryan’ sign alongside
other white students [2], and the other is of an Asian male standing in the second row on a stage
with other supporters [84]. It is evident one of Romney’s strongest base supporters are white
seniors. This is not only deduced from the crowds of supporters in Romney’s photographs but in
his proposed policies that aim to benefit retiring citizens or seniors. Furthermore, Romney also
appeals to farmers [58, 164, 165, 206], construction workers [81, 93], and coal miners [31]. This
is significant as Open Secrets (2012) revealed the top four sectors that donated to the Republican
Party in the 2012 election which were of related disciplines: finance and real estate donated
$57.5 million, energy and natural resources contributed $9.6 million, construction gave $9.5
million, and agribusiness donated $7.3 million. This corroborates Hebblewaithe’s (2012) claim
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that the aim of political images or advertisements is to motivate the support base, and in
Romney’s case, to possibly appeal to certain groups to encourage party funding.
It is interesting to observe the different strategies Obama and Romney use to appeal to
women voters. Romney highlights job loss statistics of women in the Obama economy and
claims he ‘can do better’, but never specifies the policies that will benefit women [13/157, 104,
126, 168, 189]. This reflects the ‘mass customisation’ and mass appeal to women as Romney’s
efforts are shallow.
In contrast, Obama establishes a much more human connection with women and emphasises
women’s rights and equality. This is exemplified by the following images:
Image 126
Image 189
Repeating Images 13 and 157
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Image 20 Image 31
A subliminal strategy can be observed in image 31 in the highlighting of positive and
empowering words and phrases such as ‘better off, fairly and equally, health, decisions you
make’. Obama is also very inclusive of viewers, as image 53 asks viewers to ‘share this if you
agree: a vote for Barack Obama is a vote for women’s health and women’s rights’. This
contradicts Pels’ (2003) sentiment that the ‘personalisation’ of politics takes away attention
from political principles and complex matters; instead, it makes viewers care more. Overall,
Obama’s images are much more positive than Romney’s, achieved by using brighter colours and
friendlier typography, especially compared to Romney’s image 126 and 189 which are dark and
ominous. This discrepancy may be because Romney seeks to highlight the economic
misfortunates under Obama’s presidency, while Obama aims to focus on positivity in order to be
re-elected.
Celebrity:
Contrary to expectations, Romney posted more photos of celebrity endorsements than
Obama (see Figure 11). This may have been Romney’s attempt to compete with Obama’s
impressive list of celebrity endorsements. It is also reflective of the integration of popular
culture and entertainment values. Obama only posted three images of or with celebrities: one
image shows Obama being interviewed on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart [34], which is a
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popular American talk show; another shows Obama engaged in a meeting with Colin Powell at
the White House [65], which shows Obama has an influential network; and the other image is a
portrait of comedian Will Ferrell [73], which appeals to young voters who recognise Ferrell.
Obama’s images may not have featured many celebrities because there were existing channels
outside of Facebook for celebrity endorsements, considering the range of talent that supported
Obama throughout his campaign. Another explanation may be because Obama did not want to
trivialise or eclipse politics, which refutes literature that claims superficial matters are
emphasised over substantive matters (Harrop, 1986).
In the seven ‘celebrity’ images Romney posted, three are repeated images of Paul Ryan
with musician Kid Rock. In the image, Kid Rock is signing a guitar, assumedly for a Republican
fan, which suggests that the Republican Party is very giving to their community. Three other
images show Romney shaking hands with important individuals, which suggests Romney is an
active and influential figure in the political sphere. The final photograph is of former NBA
player Greg Anthony holding a sign that reads ‘I VOTED FOR MITT’ [224]. Anthony is a
symbolically significant figure because he previously voted for Obama in 2008 but had ‘lost
faith in him’. Therefore, using Anthony aimed to persuade voters to switch parties (Condon,
2012). Furthermore, Anthony was born and raised in Nevada, which was a swing state in the
2012 Presidential Election. Therefore, not only did Anthony have the potential to influence his
fans, the African-American community, but also those who considered switching parties.
Even though Romney posts several more ‘celebrity’ images than Obama, the celebrities
in Obama’s images resonate with a more mainstream popular culture that have a greater reach
and impact on individuals who follow entertainment media.
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Negative campaigning:
A striking result from the findings is how profusely negative campaigning strategies are
utilised by both parties: 22.4% of Romney’s images and 13.7% of Obama’s images are
distinctive of negative campaigning (Table 12). While Obama’s graphics mostly highlight
comparisons between his and Romney’s divergent policies, Romney’s graphics blatantly
criticise Obama.
Unemployment is a central theme in Romney’s photos, which comprises 25.9% of his
policies (see Table 13). Romney’s chief strategy is in highlighting unemployment numbers
under Obama’s term. A unique feature he uses is the combination of statistics that target a
specific audience. For example, image 41 highlights unemployment figures of Hispanics:
Image 41
This tactic is also used to appeal to women and young Americans to make issues more relevant
to the group being addressed.
Another principal strategy of Romney’s marketing team is the criticism of Obama’s
spirit of hope and optimism, demonstrated in the following graphic:
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Repeating images 75, 122, 138
The rhetorical questions in the image are effective in making the viewer doubt Obama’s ability
to create real change. But what is equally powerful is the greyed, tattered effect of the Obama
logo in the background which is suggestive of decay and despair. This highlights the influential
impact of visuals, in addition to Barthes’ (1991) notion of the interdependent relationship
between texts and graphics.
Romney’s use of diction and emotive language is particularly persuasive, further
exemplified in the following quotes: ‘HOPE AND CHANGE has failed the youth of America.
HALF of new college graduates are unemployed or underemployed’ [28, 29, 49, 65, 66], which
is repeated five times, in addition to the graphic that says: ‘young Americans deserve better,
much better’ [105]. Furthermore, Romney’s slogans indirectly disparage Obama, such as ‘Can’t
afford four more years’ and ‘We need a real recovery’, which both appear 10 times. These
slogans progressively become internalised in the viewer to doubt Obama’s capabilities as a
leader. The following images were released consecutively on November 2nd
and also
demonstrate Romney’s use of emotive language and rhetorical diction. Notice the bolded and
larger font of the word ‘failed’:
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Image 230 Image 231
The date these images were released is significant, as voting was due to close within four days,
which reflects Romney’s last minute attempts to persuade voters not to vote for Obama. In the
same time period, Obama released a series of graphics highlighting his major achievements.
Therefore, these findings support Burton and Shea’s (2010) notion that an opponent is likely to
attack a candidate who has an established positive image.
The following image posted by Obama’s team demonstrates effective rhetorical
strategies achieved by the sarcastic emphasis of the word ‘delighted’, in addition to the
compelling logic of Obama’s point of view. Visual rhetoric is utilised to portray red as a
negative colour, as psychological studies have concluded humans intrinsically affiliate red with
negative feelings of danger, alert, and urgency (APS, 2011).
Image 67
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The following images also demonstrate how Obama’s team uses party colours to their advantage
to accentuate underlying messages:
Repeating image 17/61 Image 22
Both images strategically situate the Democratic Party above the Republicans. The selection of
photographs is also significant to idolise Obama and deprecate Romney: in image 17/61, Obama
is laughing with a group of children, while Romney is alone and looks up to Obama with a
hopeful expression; in image 22, Obama and Biden exude professionalism and confidence in
their body language, whereas Romney and Ryan look flustered and almost criminal, accentuated
by furrowed eyebrows and dark circles under their eyes. Furthermore, the red filter in image 22
is especially effective in associating negative connotations with the Republican Party. The
camera angle in image 22 is also evocative of the Democrats being superior and righteous as the
camera looks up at the Democrats and down on the Republicans. Interestingly, there is a
noticeable similarity in one of Romney’s images:
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Image 226
What is also interesting is how Romney’s team reverses the party colours in this image, which
may suggest a deliberate avoidance of the colour red due to its negative associations.
It was difficult to determine whether certain images were indicative of negative
campaigning or not, such as the following image which informs viewers of Romney’s
inconsistent behaviour. Although, Goldstein (1995) says it is acceptable for potential voters to
know about ‘flip-flops’ because the candidates are not going to highlight their own inadequacies,
therefore it is legitimate for their opponents to do so.
Image 23
The date this image was released is also significant as it is posted a day after the second
televised debate to provide viewers with context. Romney’s dumbfounded expression gives the
impression that he is not trustworthy or reliable, which complements the text explaining his ‘flip
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flop’. The subtle ways Obama’s team brings light to Romney’s weaknesses is subliminal yet
more credible than the way Romney directly attacks Obama, as it reflects poorly on Romney’s
character.
Political marketing
Semiotics: Graphic styles
While Romney and Obama’s graphics appear to look similar with first impressions, it is
evident their respective styles are tailored to different audiences. Obama’s images are
representative of modern mainstream graphic design with the use of playful fonts, stylised filters,
and skilfully crafted vector illustrations. The use of bright blue is emphasised to represent the
Democratic Party and to convey openness, friendliness, and peace. This hue of blue is usually
combined with turquoise and lighter green to add the positive aura generated in Obama’s images:
Images by row: 1, 11, and 12, 15
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Obama’s graphics/images naturally appeal to younger spectators due to its vibrant, eye-catching
designs. The artistic effects and general aesthetic of Obama’s photographs are similar to those of
Tumblr or Instagram. This is significant as Instagram is a popular online photo-sharing
community with a dominant audience of 18-29 year olds, which classifies the bracket of young
American voters (Dougan and Brenner, 2013).
Image 4 Image 59
Obama’s photoset is cohesive and consistent in design. One of the main ways this is achieved is
through the recurring presence of the campaign logo in meaningful graphics. For example, the
logo is especially manifest in the images posted from November 4th
until voting closed on
November 6th
. These images are particularly bright, colourful, and eye-catching and highlight
Obama’s major accomplishments:
Images 75,77, 78
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Images 79, 81, 82
It was tactful of Obama’s team to make these graphics extremely effective and memorable in the
most crucial and final days of voting. These images support Snow’s (2009:69) statement about
how the Obama brand’s ‘logo and design work had a powerful consistency’ that successfully
captured the essence of ‘hope, change, and action’.
On the other hand, Romney’s style is more formal and professional, achieved through
the limited use of colour, typography, and illustration style. Graphics are complex and detailed,
and generally darker and duller in colour than Obama’s graphics. Furthermore, many of the
images are statistics, graphs and charts, which establishes a sense of professionalism and
legitimacy. Also, Romney’s policy graphics are cohesive in using a consistent colour palette of
red, white, and blue, which also reiterates Romney’s nationalistic values:
Image 48 Image 97
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Another defining feature of Romney’s images is the use of non-professional photos, especially
of masses of people who attend his conventions. This is interesting because these blurry, low-
resolution photographs feel more personal and less corporate than Obama’s pristine photos:
Romney’s image 164 Romney’s image 37
Obama’s image 3
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Another interesting finding is how several of Romney’s graphics imitate Obama’s graphics with
the use of similar fonts and colours:
Obama’s image 7 released October 4th
Romney’s images 38 and 42 released on October 6th
Furthermore, four of Romney’s images use filters and typefaces similar to Obama’s images, also
with the same purpose of conveying nationalistic and inspirational sentimentalities [14, 125, 148,
249]:
Image 154 Image 148
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Romney and Obama’s overlapping styles suggest there is either a mainstream design style, a
standardisation of political marketing, or that one party may have emulated the style of the
oppositional party.
Camera angles are expressive in conveying power hierarchies, as briefly mentioned
earlier. The photos of Obama and Romney speaking on stage are significant, as the camera angle
is usually on an equal plane as Obama but looks up at Romney. Obama’s team may have wanted
to embody party values of equality, while Romney wanted to be perceived as a leader that
people idolise and respect:
Image 69 Image 91
Image 212 Image 136
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Brand identity:
‘Branding’ is more present in Obama’s images (38.9%) than Romney’s images (29.5%)
(see Table 11). A large part of Obama’s branding is due to the effective harnessing of the party
logo and consistent colour palette. Another significant portion of branding is comprised of party
merchandise. Both parties are successful in nurturing party loyalty by establishing brand
identities. Similar to how companies create brand identities and market their products to
customers, Obama’s team promotes offers on merchandise to their Facebook followers. This
finding supports previous research that states clever campaigns use the principles of corporate
branding (Burton and Shea, 2010). As such, political merchandise serves a publicity function to
promote party affiliation and allegiance. Romney produces a wider range of merchandise than
Obama, including t-shirts, beanies, stickers, buttons, and pins, whereas Obama only sells t-shirts
and car magnets. Interestingly, Romney promotes his merchandise in a similar way product
placements are subliminally integrated in commercial advertising, reflecting the commercial and
‘packaged’ nature of political marketing:
Image 245 Image 248
Slogans:
While Obama’s branding is emphasised through visuals, Romney’s branding is more
dependent on verbal rhetoric. Romney creates numerous slogans to cultivate inspiration, such as
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‘We need a real recovery’, which appears 10 times, along with other slogans such as ‘Commit to
MITT’, and ‘America’s comeback team’ (see Table 14). Two of Romney’s slogans are
dismissive of Obama, which reinforces Romney’s key strategy of negative campaigning. For
example, ‘We need a REAL RECOVERY, and ‘Can’t afford four more years (of President
Obama)’ both appears 10 times. However, the most striking slogan is ‘Clear eyes. Full hearts.
Can’t lose!’, which could have been an adaptation of a verse in Psalms quoted from the Mormon
church: ‘Who shall ascend to the hill of the Lord? Or who shall stand in his holy place? He who
hath clean hands and a pure heart’. This correlation is significant as it connotes Romney has
God on his side, and that he is the most worthy and strongest candidate. It can further be
deduced that this is a deliberate appeal to religious Americans in Southern states, as
demographics highlight the South as one of the most concentrated regions of Christian faith
(USCB, 2012). It is surprising to discover each slogan only comprises 1.2% to 3.9% of
Romney’s images when slogans are one of the most memorable features in Romney’s images.
However, when the slogans are combined, they amount to 17.3% of all images.
Obama’s official slogan in the 2012 campaign is ‘Forward’, which appears seven times
and totals 7.4% of his images. The diction of ‘forward’ is appropriate to Obama’s re-election, as
it insinuates a perseverance to stay with Obama and to continue developing policies he
instigated during his 2008 term, such as Obamacare. This is especially obvious in the graphic
that reads: ‘We’ve come too far to turn back now it’s time to keep pushing forward’ [84].
Compared to 2008’s campaign slogans of ‘Change we can believe in’ and ‘Yes we can’, the
change in tone is substantial. A possible explanation for this may be that Obama did not want to
oversell his performance as an incumbent, as some Americans have voiced disappointment
regarding Obama’s leadership, such as Greg Anthony.
The motto ‘forward’ is so subtly integrated with other information that it often risks
being overlooked. However, there is one instance when the word ‘forward’ stands on its own:
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Image 13
This photograph is effective in creating an aura of hope and suggests there are better times
ahead, which is achieved by to the illuminating and calming sunset. Most of the time, the slogan
‘forward’ is a secondary element, as observed in the image below. This is reflective of
subliminal marketing techniques employed to familiarise viewers with the Obama motto, logo,
and party policies:
Image 40
Despite the economic hardship America has endured in the last four years, Obama has
continued to develop an uplifting and positive spirit. Hope and inspiration is effectually
embedded in Obama’s images, which is fostered by the use of emotionally moving quotes and
enticing artistic effects and setting:
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Campaign strategy
Overall, Obama’s images promote community values, his achievements, future plans,
equality, and Democratic policies. Achievements are one of the most prominent categories for
Obama, which comprises 11.6% of his images to reassure potential voters that he is an effective
leader. Moreover, Obama posted several graphics presenting statistics of how many jobs have
been created since he has been in office. [7, 11, 57, 68, 81], which may have been a response to
the numerous job loss statistics Romney posted on his own Facebook page. Policy is a key
feature for both candidates, which comprises 60% of Obama’s images and 50.8% of Romney’s
images. Both candidates addressed the same issues and topics regarding new policy plans,
employment, education, taxes, healthcare, trade, energy, deficit, and war in relatively similar
proportions (see Figure 15, Table 16and Table 17).
Image 18
Image 38
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Packaging the politician
Obama’s image
Obama’s projected image is someone who is friendly, considerate, genuine, kind, fun,
relatable, understanding, sensible, proficient, and charitable. Candid photographs of Obama
engaged in offstage activities effectively reveal his personality and interpersonal skills. Obama’s
portrayal of the ‘common man’ comprises 13.5% of his images, and is extremely effective in
making viewers feel relatable to him.
Observations are consistent with research that states political campaigns are becoming
increasingly personalised and based on storytelling elements (Maarek, 2011). Obama is a
leading example of this recent phenomenon, as he often personalises his background and his
success story to personify the American Dream. This is especially evident in the following quote:
‘let’s face it: a mixed kid born into a single mom is not likely to become president of the United
States. But in America it can happen because of education’ [56]. This quote is also effective in
invoking admiration, respect, and pride in the viewer.
The following photograph is especially effective in revealing Obama’s affable and
authentic nature, which shows Obama greeting a Hispanic janitor with a ‘fist bump’, which is
also a symbol of giving respect. This photo can resonate with many individuals as it implies
Obama is unpretentious and interacts with all types of individuals in the community regardless
of race, occupation, class, and so on. The photograph is especially meaningful because it was
one of the only images that Obama repeated. Furthermore, it was the last photo Obama posted
before it was announced he had been re-elected.
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Repeating images 2/95
Obama’s genuine and charismatic smile appears in many images and makes him easy to
be fond of. Although Romney smiles in some of his images, his smile is not as inviting, and the
majority of his photographs are of him looking pensive or stern:
Image 35 Image 64
Image 18 Image 100
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The impression Obama gives off is reflective of Goffman’s (1959) theory of how the
authentic self is communicated through involuntary behaviours. But however genuine, ‘offstage’,
and candid Obama appears to be, it is important to consider that online spaces are a form of
‘media-created, politician-manipulated reality,’ and that online posts are carefully crafted
(Swanson and Mancini, 1996: 270). This relates to Coleman’s (2011:51) idea that:
The plausibility of a politician’s blog is not determined by how much they show of themselves,
but by whether readers feel that they are witnessing an authentic self with which they can engage
as themselves.
Another image that humanises Obama is one that shows him visiting a children’s school, as
shown below. In this image, he is surrounded by crowds of smiling children, reflecting a
compassionate and father-figure disposition:
Image 41
Other images provide a glimpse into Obama’s private sphere, such as the following images
which display affectionate interactions between Obama and his wife, and of Obama visiting his
children’s school:
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Image 19
Image 49 Image 32
This privileged backstage view of the President with his family is characteristic of celebrity
marketing. It is also reflective of the paradox Tolson (2001) mentions of celebrities attempting
to appear ordinary.
Despite Obama’s success in fostering a positive and Samaritan image; an immaculate
image can risk coming across over-manufactured and hollow. For example, image 25 captures
Obama personally phoning citizens in a volunteer call room. The photograph implies Obama
does not perceive himself to be superior to his employees, and also shows he is very involved in
his campaign; however, this photo opportunity is likely to be a prearranged situation. This
reflects Coleman’s (2011) expression of ‘neutral banality’, as PR tactics tend to overcompensate
potential risks with the standardised practice of staged events and scripted interactions.
Obama’s team is also skilled in capturing positive energy, characterised by photographs
of smiling crowds and volunteers. Romney’s marketing team is not as effective in this as his
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volunteers look tired, stressed, and demotivated in the image below. Furthermore, the higher
quality photograph and editing skills of Obama’s photographs suggest that Obama uses a more
professional and practiced marketing team than Romney:
Romney’s image
Romney appears to have a stern temperament, as he is seldom smiling in his images.
Romney also gives the impression that he is a professional, respected, and patriotic leader,
which is mainly achieved through the numerous photos of him delivering speeches at rallies and
conferences. Furthermore, while Romney posted 64 images of large crowds of people at his
events and rallies, Obama only posted 13 (see Figure 11). Romney’s leadership qualities are
enhanced through promising quotes such as, ‘If I’m elected, we will have a real recovery with
pro-growth policies that will create 12 million new jobs and rising incomes for everyone’
[Repeat images 155; 200; 220]. However, these quotes are often elusive in how Romney would
implement a real recovery, which makes one question false hope and his credibility: ‘We’re
going to make sure that we have the jobs that we need. America is going to remain strong. And
we’re going to make sure that we remain the hope of the earth’ [144, 175].
Image 62
Image 25
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An explanation for Romney’s absent private sphere may be related to Goffman’s
(1959:15) theory of how people in power maintain a front to implicitly request observers to
‘take seriously the impression that is fostered before them’. Therefore, Romney may have
wanted to keep his private affairs and professional life separate. As such, there is only one
image that shows Romney in a casual setting. In this image, Romney is sat in a living room in
front of a television eating home-delivery pizza. There are three other adults in the room, but it
is unclear whether they are his colleagues, friends, or family. Romney is still in office attire but
has loosened his collar and rolled his sleeves up, which indicates he is disciplined, hard-working,
and has minimal time to relax:
Image 87
Though Romney succeeds in constructing a persona of a diligent and committed
campaign leader, his extremely limited private sphere may have caused potential voters to feel
detached and less relatable to him. With reference to Coleman (2002:46), politicians need to
recognise the failed strategies of 20th
century political communication regarding media
representation as we are at a crossroads of ‘profound consequences for the future of political
communication’.
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Social media enhancing democracy and inclusivity
Obama’s images support Pels’ (2003) claim that politicians are becoming increasingly
personal in the way they address their community members, such as the graphics which
encourage viewers to share photos to show support of ‘Team Obama’. This is consistent with
what Boyd (2008:225) says about social media functioning as ‘echo chambers’ to spread values
within personal networks if content is valued:
Image 8
Obama’s images also support Harfoush’s (2009) claim that Obama’s team has a ‘personal touch’
with online communities. Obama’s images are twice as inclusive as Romney’s, with respective
totals of 22.9% and 11.4% (see Table 11). Obama is also thoughtful and grateful by thanking his
community when he reaches targets for fundraising. Furthermore, Obama seems to listen to the
community and recognises the importance of narratives, demonstrated in the image below:
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Image 57
This image expresses the woman’s personal thoughts and opinions on why she supports Obama,
which makes the reasons more relatable and convincing to the average citizen. Furthermore,
Obama is inclusive in the way he frequently asks people to join a debate party, help get out the
vote, and to go vote. Although Romney (6.3%) does not ask people to vote as much as Obama
does (14.6%), Romney hosts competitions to ‘win to join debate night’ [4], to grab a bite with
Paul Ryan [32], and to ‘join the day on the road with Marco and Mitt’ [187]. Romney’s team
even offer to cover people’s airfare if they want to attend the Vice Presidential and Presidential
debates [43, 55, 82, 133]. Although Romney’s ‘inclusive’ images are less frequent than
Obama’s, they feel more personal and are more unique.
Anita Cheung 200564279 54
Televised debates
The timing and content posted after the televised debates is significant. The televised
debates were aired on October 3rd
, 16th
, and 22nd
. On October 4th
, a day after the first debate,
Obama released an image highlighting Romney’s policies that could jeopardise America’s
health care, economy, and tax rates. The graphic quotes Obama describing Romney’s plans as
the ‘same failed policies that crashed our economy and hurt our middle class’ [6]. This
defensive technique employed by the Democratic Party may have been a response to popularity
polls following the first debate, as the majority of polls indicated Romney performed better than
Obama: Romney rocketed from 44% to 48%, while Obama dropped from the lead to 47% (BBC,
2012). On the same day, Romney posted nine photos, six of which are characteristic of negative
campaigning by presenting statistics of job losses in the swing states [17, 22-24]. One of the
images claims ‘Obama’s Small Business Tax Hike threatens 710,000 jobs’ [23, 92, 114].
However, when the source was traced to The Washington Post’s original article, it was reported
‘only 3% of small business owners who pay pass-through taxes do so in the two highest income
brackets’ and that ‘Democrats say their political rivals have consistently overstated the small
business connection to increased tax rates on the rich’ (Harrison, 2012). This highlights the use
of rhetorical spin tactics exercised by both parties to manipulate and persuade viewers.
A day after the second debate, Obama only posted one photo which was relevant to the
debate. The image quotes what Obama said in the debate, describing how ‘Governor Romney
doesn’t have a five-point plan. He has a one-point plan—and that plan is to make sure that folks
at the top play by a different set of rules’ [30]. This quote demonstrates Obama’s oratory skills
in convincing viewers that Romney is elitist while Obama defends equality. On the other hand,
Romney posted 12 photos subsequent to the second debate, nine of which are reflective of
Romney’s dominant strategy of negative campaigning.
Anita Cheung 200564279 55
The day after the final debate, Obama released two photos which are two quotes; one
which is an inspiring quote by Biden about Obama: ‘He has courage in his soul, compassion in
his heart, and steel in his spine’ [38]. The other image criticises Romney’s outdated approach:
‘You seem to want to import the FOREIGN POLICIES of the 1980s, just like the SOCIAL
POLICIES of the 1950s and the ECONOMIC POLICIES of the 1920s’ [39]. Therefore, a
pattern can be deduced where Obama highlights Romney’s ineffective policies in the aftermath
of a debate, while Romney’s strategy is to release many images that are critical of America’s
situation under Obama. For example, Romney posts 18 photos following the final debate, the
most he posted in the period being studied, with half of the photos highlighting Obama’s
shortcomings. The high frequency of images Romney posts is what Boyd (2008:14) might
characterise as using social media as a ‘spamming device’, which can irritate and repel followers.
Anita Cheung 200564279 56
Conclusion
This study has investigated modern American political marketing practices and observed
the changing ways in which politicians engage with netizens on social media channels such as
Facebook. This study has shown that politics has become increasingly commercialised, as it has
become standard for campaigns to embody marketing techniques used in corporate branding.
Distinct brand identities were created by Romney and Obama by repeatedly displaying the party
logo, promoting party merchandise, and designing images in a consistent visual style. Not only
are campaigns ‘packaged’, but politicians are also carefully managed to maintain a coherent
identity. Both candidates were successful in appearing authentic, which may either suggest that
candidates were reflecting their true personality in the photographs, or that they had effective
publicity managers and marketing professionals to ensure a consistent image was being
maintained. Either way, it is important to remember that online spaces are privately controlled;
therefore, it is expected that each graphic was designed with intent and that each photograph
was carefully selected before it appeared on Facebook.
Romney’s image as a professional, efficient leader was communicated through
photographs of him standing before by large crowds of supporters, his serious disposition, and
his limited private sphere. On the other hand, Obama’s persona was multifaceted, as his
backstage photographs revealed personality traits of friendliness and kindness, while other
photographs presented his professional and leadership qualities. As such, Obama demonstrated
supplementary representation, as people could relate to the ordinary activities he engaged in, yet
Obama still bared leadership qualities of a successful President. The emphasised importance of
the ‘image’ echoes the notion that voters expect more from their candidates than just their
policies, which may illuminate reasons why there is an increasing emphasis on personality.
Despite allegations that the personalisation of politics has trivialised complex political matters
and policy (Pels, 2003), findings pointed otherwise, as the majority of both candidates’ images
Anita Cheung 200564279 57
were of policies. In effect, politics is becoming more appealing and inclusive of a wider
spectrum of society, as politicians have filtered into mainstream popular culture, appealing to
those who were not previously as engaged in politics.
Despite the digital divide, the Internet has evidently been beneficial for politicians as
they can communicate to vast communities on a more personal level, reflected in the
competitions Romney hosted and the ‘fan’ photos Obama shared. The benefits are mutual, as
netizens actively engage in commenting, liking, and sharing relevant Facebook posts created by
politicians. Rituals were established by both parties by posting multiple photos a day to keep the
community updated and involved. The graphics Obama created to ‘share if you agree with…’
demonstrated efforts to involve the community and the potential influence politicians have on
social media to echo their values in a meaningful way. Thus, developing technologies are ever
more valuable and innovative in the ways citizens engage with politics.
The televised debates were significant events in the time period being studied, as the
graphics released days after the debates highlighted the importance of strategic timing in
political marketing and a trend in negative campaigning. The images exhibited rhetorical
strategies utilised by both candidates: Obama’s criticisms of Romney’s policies were convincing,
and Romney’s spin on statistics made Obama’s policies seem harmful to the economy.
Frequency was also found to be another important element in political marketing, as Obama
posted significantly fewer images per day compared to Romney. This suggests that Obama
posted fewer but more powerful images than Romney and did not want to overwhelm or annoy
his followers. In contrast, Romney repeated many of his images and posted numerous photos per
day, but may have meant his viewers were more familiar with his policies and values.
While both candidates addressed the same topics regarding deficit, war, healthcare, taxes,
and so on, the candidates devised unique approaches in how they communicated their key
messages. This is ultimately because the candidates aimed to reach different voters, thus
Anita Cheung 200564279 58
different strategies were used to appeal to one’s target audiences. Consequently, reasons can be
deduced as to why graphics were designed the way they were; Romney’s graphic style was more
serious, formal, professional, and complex to appeal to an older audience, while Obama’s
graphic style was colourful, optimistic, modern, and trendy to appeal to a younger audience.
Negative campaigning was one of Romney’s core strategies, which was employed to
persuade people that America’s economy had not improved under Obama. Romney’s rhetorical
strategies were more dependent on text, while Obama’s strategy was more reliant on visual
rhetoric. For example, Romney frequently stated facts and figures, often used emotive language,
and applied many slogans in his images. This was supplemented by Romney’s slogans which
expressed critical sentiments about Obama and how America needed a ‘real recovery’ and could
not ‘afford four more years’ of Obama. Romney also appealed to pockets of voters by posting
photographs of particular social groups, or presenting policies that would benefit a given group.
This relates to what Burton and Shea (2010) call the ‘mass customisation’ of politics, as
Romney often targeted mass groups of people based on defining characteristics of occupation,
age, and ethnicity.
Obama’s broad themes may have been reflective of his understanding of the social and
political fragmentation in the US in order to appeal to the widest audience possible. His main
strategy was to cultivate optimism so that viewers would associate positivity with his leadership.
Obama’s team often highlighted his accomplishments and were effective in creating
inspirational graphics, usually in the form of quotes and artistic photographs. As such, very few
images expressed negative sentiments. Even images that were categorised as ‘negative
campaigning’ never directly criticised Romney. Instead, Obama’s team either compared the
candidates’ differing policies, or utilised visual elements such as camera angles and colours to
suggest subliminal meanings. Defining features of Obama’s photographs was the exposure of
backstage moments and the ‘common man’ element. This strategy reflected celebrity behaviour,
Anita Cheung 200564279 59
as viewers engaged in the spectacle of Obama’s personalised life and became acquainted with
his personality.
Findings from this study ascertain political marketing is loaded with intention and spin
strategies that aim to persuade viewers to support one’s party. Therefore, a course of action
should be taken to make netizens vigilant of the spin tactics they are subjected to, as many of
these strategies are subliminal. The current findings add to our understanding of political
marketing and the development of political conduct in the 21st century. The differences in the
candidates’ marketing strategies reveal that political marketing is not standardised; instead,
marketing tactics are tailored to a candidate’s target audience. Furthermore, the images
demonstrate that political marketing has become more professionalised, evident in the
professional editing, graphics, and high photo quality. While this study identifies contemporary
political communication practices, it does not evaluate or compare past presidential campaigns,
which makes it difficult to characterise the transformation of political communication strategies.
Therefore, further research might compare current political marketing strategies with those
during the onset of Internet age, or explore how Obama’s Facebook campaign strategies have
evolved since his 2008 campaign. Another useful study could observe Romney and Obama’s
strategies on other mediums such as television or radio to compare how marketing approaches
are adapted to different platforms.
With the recent introduction of politics in social media, politicians are at a turning point
as they have the opportunity to reinvent ways to engage with citizens in the virtual political
sphere. Audiences are more easily identified and targeted as individuals willingly subscribe or
follow politicians’ social media accounts. The challenge politicians’ face on social media is
finding the balance between creating interesting, relevant posts to the widest audience possible,
as some people may be more intrigued by a politicians’ character than their policies. To adapt to
changing societal expectations of politicians, the personalisation of politics is perhaps something
Anita Cheung 200564279 60
politicians should embrace. While the bulk of politics is about policies and solutions to a
nation’s problems among many other complexities, the personalised experience netizens have of
politics on social media can make individuals more attentive of and care about politics.
Ultimately, politicians should extend their efforts to involve and represent the widest community
possible to fulfil the aims of democracy.
Anita Cheung 200564279 61
Appendix
Figure 1. Sample screenshot of Obama’s numbered and dated images.
Anita Cheung 200564279 62
Fig
ure
2. S
ample
scr
een s
hot
taken
on N
ovem
bea
r 28
th, 2012:
the
imag
e is
an e
nla
rged
thum
bnai
l fr
om
Obam
a’s
tim
elin
e dis
pla
yin
g
the
photo
gra
ph’s
cap
tion, nu
mber
of
likes
, sh
ares
, an
d c
om
men
ts m
ade
by u
sers
.
Anita Cheung 200564279 63
Fig
ure
2. S
ample
scr
een s
hot
taken
on N
ovem
ber
28
th, 2012. T
he
imag
e is
an e
nla
rged
thum
bnai
l fr
om
Obam
a’s
tim
elin
e dis
pla
yin
g
an a
ccom
pan
yin
g c
apti
on a
nd t
he
num
ber
of
likes
, sh
ares
, co
mm
ents
of
foll
ow
ers.
Fig
ure
3. S
ample
of
Bar
ack O
bam
a’s
Fac
ebook i
mag
es i
n c
hro
nolo
gic
al o
rder
. P
hoto
gra
phs
read
fro
m r
ight
to l
eft,
star
ting f
rom
the
bott
om
rig
ht
han
d c
orn
er (
Pag
e 1 o
f 2 s
how
n).
Nu
mber
s in
the
red c
ircl
es i
ndic
ate
freq
uen
cy o
f
post
ed i
mag
es p
er d
ay, an
d d
ate
is p
rese
nte
d i
n d
ay/m
onth
fo
rmat
.
Anita Cheung 200564279 64
Fig
ure
4. C
oll
ated
sam
ple
of
Mit
t R
om
ney
’s F
aceb
ook i
mag
es i
n c
hro
nolo
gic
al o
rder
sta
rtin
g f
rom
the
bott
om
rig
ht
han
d
corn
er (
Pag
e 2 o
f 6 s
how
n).
Anita Cheung 200564279 65
Figure 5. A scanned image of raw data in the process of being organised into appropriate sub-
themes.
Anita Cheung 200564279 66
Obama Romney
01-Oct 2 5
01-Oct 1 6
01-Oct 1 5
01-Oct 4 9
01-Oct 3 7
01-Oct 1 10
01-Oct 1 3
01-Oct 1 6
01-Oct 2 7
01-Oct 3 4
01-Oct 1 8
01-Oct 1 9
01-Oct 2 3
01-Oct 2 3
01-Oct 2 8
01-Oct 1 6
01-Oct 2 12
01-Oct 1 7
01-Oct 3 12
01-Oct 2 1
01-Oct 0 4
01-Oct 1 9
01-Oct 3 16
01-Oct 4 18
01-Oct 3 8
01-Oct 3 10
01-Oct 2 10
01-Oct 3 6
01-Oct 2 2
01-Oct 3 1
01-Oct 2 10
01-Oct 3 4
01-Nov 3 5
02-Nov 4 3
03-Nov 10 3
04-Nov 8 9
05-Nov 5 5
Total: 95 254
Average: 2.5 6.7
Table 6. Table showing the frequency and averages of images posted by Romney and Obama in
the period being studied.
Anita Cheung 200564279 67
Other: Obama (#)
Romney (#)
Obama (%)
Romney (%)
Nationalism 16 42 16.8 16.5
Voting support 14 16 14.7 6.3
Achievement 11 4 11.6 1.6
Miscellaneous 2 9 2.1 3.5
Table 7. Data reporting the frequency and percentages of how often nationalism, voting support,
achievement, and miscellaneous/uncategorised photos appear in Obama and Romney’s
Facebook photos.
Figure 8. Other notable recurring elements in Barack Obama and Mitt Romney’s Facebook
photos: nationalism, encouraging voting support, and highlighting the candidate’s achievements.
Figure 9. A graph illustrating the different target groups pursued by Barack Obama and Mitt
Romney.
16 14
11
42
16
4
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
Nationalism Voting support Achievement
Other recurring aspects in Barack Obama and Mitt Romney's photos
Obama (#)
Romney (#)
6
27
3
13 11
5
13
5
9
3
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Targeted audience groups
Obama
Romney
Anita Cheung 200564279 68
Figure 10. A pie chart displaying the percentages of each target group Romney pursues.
Figure 11. Bar graph displaying the frequency of key themes that recur in Barack Obama and
Mitt Romney’s Facebook photos: branding, policies, professionalism, quotes, mass supporters,
inclusivity, celebrity, funding, debate, negative campaigning, and ‘the common man’.
Women 6%
Young 28%
Minorities 3%
Middle class 14%
Anglo Saxon
seniors 12%
Addressing seniors
5%
Hispanic 14%
Farmers 5%
Manual labour 10%
Businesses 3%
Romney
37
57
8 9 13
22
3 3 3
13 13
75
129
21
12
64
29
7 14
9
57
1 0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
Central themes recurring in both Barack Obama and Mitt Romney's Facebook photos
Obama
Romney
Anita Cheung 200564279 69
Obama (%) Romney (%)
Branding 38.9 29.5
Policy 60.0 50.8
Professionalism 8.4 8.3
Quotes 9.5 4.7
Mass supporters 13.7 25.2
Inclusivity 23.2 11.4
Celebrity 3.2 2.8
Funding 3.2 5.5
Debate 3.2 3.5
Negative campaigning 13.7 22.4
Common man 13.7 0.4
Table 12. Main themes of both parties displayed in percentages.
POLICY: Obama Romney
Obama % of total policies
Romney % of total policies
New policy plans 3 24 7.9 22.2
Job creation 5 12 13.2 11.1
Unemployment 0 28 0.0 25.9
Education 9 6 23.7 5.6
Taxes 5 11 13.2 10.2
Healthcare 3 7 7.9 6.5
Trade 1 1 2.6 0.9
Energy 5 8 13.2 7.4
Deficit 3 9 7.9 8.3
War 4 2 10.5 1.9
Comparative policy 14 14 36.8 13.0
Current policy 5 7 13.2 6.5
Total 57 129
Table 13. Frequency and percentages of policies present in Romney and Obama’s images.
Romney specific: Frequency (#) Percentage
(%)
Competitions 7 2.8
Unemployment issues 28 11.0
Hurricane Sandy 3 1.2
Can't afford four more years 10 3.9
Comeback team 3 1.2
Commit to Mitt 4 1.6
Clear eyes, full hearts, can't lose 7 2.8
We need a real recovery 10 3.9
Total 72 28.3
Table 14. Frequency and percentages of themes specific to Romney’s Facebook images.
Anita Cheung 200564279 70
Figure 15. Bar graph displaying the frequency and different types of policies present in Barack
Obama and Mitt Romney’s images.
Obama (%)
1. Branding 38.9
2. Inclusivity 14.7
3. Policy 5.3
4. Mass supporters 8.4
4. Common man 9.5
5. Negative campaigning 13.7
6. Quotes 23.2
7. Professionalism 3.2
8. Comparative policy 3.2
9. Celebrity 3.2
9. Funding 10.5
9. Debate 13.7
Table 16. Percentages of how much each category is apparent in the 95 images posted on Barack
Obama’s Facebook page (in descending order). Categories with the same percentages are
labelled with the same ranking.
3 5
0
9
5 3
1
5 3
4
14
5
24
12
28
6
11
7
1
8 9
2
14
7
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Policies emphasised by Barack Obama and Mitt Romney
Obama
Romney
Anita Cheung 200564279 71
Romney (%)
1. Branding 29.5
2. Mass supporters 25.5
3. Negative campaigning 22.4
4. Inclusivity 11.4
5. Professionalism 8.3
6. Policy 5.5
6. Funding 5.5
7. Quotes 4.7
8. Debate 3.5
9. Comparative Policy 2.8
9. Celebrity 2.8
10. Common man 0.4
Table 17. Percentages of how much each category is apparent in the 254 images posted by Mitt
Romney’s Facebook page (in descending order).
Anita Cheung 200564279 72
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