This article was downloaded by: [University of Sussex Library] On: 26 September 2013, At: 19:15 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Norwegian Archaeological Review Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/sarc20 What Was the Viking Age and When did it Happen? A View from Orkney James Barrett , Roelf Beukens , Ian Simpson , Patrick Ashmore , Sandra Poaps & Jacqui Huntley Published online: 06 Aug 2010. To cite this article: James Barrett , Roelf Beukens , Ian Simpson , Patrick Ashmore , Sandra Poaps & Jacqui Huntley (2000) What Was the Viking Age and When did it Happen? A View from Orkney, Norwegian Archaeological Review, 33:1, 1-0, DOI: 10.1080/00293650050202600 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00293650050202600 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http:// www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions
Transcript
This article was downloaded by: [University of Sussex Library]On: 26 September 2013, At: 19:15Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: MortimerHouse, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK
Norwegian Archaeological ReviewPublication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/sarc20
What Was the Viking Age and When did it Happen? AView from OrkneyJames Barrett , Roelf Beukens , Ian Simpson , Patrick Ashmore , Sandra Poaps & JacquiHuntleyPublished online: 06 Aug 2010.
To cite this article: James Barrett , Roelf Beukens , Ian Simpson , Patrick Ashmore , Sandra Poaps & Jacqui Huntley (2000)What Was the Viking Age and When did it Happen? A View from Orkney, Norwegian Archaeological Review, 33:1, 1-0, DOI:10.1080/00293650050202600
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00293650050202600
PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE
Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) containedin the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make norepresentations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose ofthe Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be reliedupon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shallnot be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and otherliabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to orarising out of the use of the Content.
This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematicreproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in anyform to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions
What Was the Viking Age and When did itHappen? A View from OrkneyJAMES BARRETT, ROELF BEUKENS, IAN SIMPSON, PATRICK ASHMORE,SANDRA POAPS AND JACQUI HUNTLEY
Department of Archaeology, University of York, England; IsoTrace Laboratory,University of Toronto, Ontario, Canada; Department of Environmental Science,University of Stirling, Scotland; Historic Scotland, Longmore House, SalisburyPlace, Edinburgh, Scotland; Department of Geography, University of Toronto,Ontario, Canada; Department of Archaeology, University of Durham, England
The Viking Age was an important watershed in European history, charac-terized by the centralization of authority, the adoption of Christian ideol-ogy, the growth of market trade, the intensification of production and thedevelopment of urbanism. Together, these phenomena mark the beginningof Scandinavian state formation. However, the dates at which each oc-curred — and the unequal rates at which different state attributes wereadopted in ‘cores’ and ‘peripheries’ — remain to be fully explored and ex-plained. These issues can be illuminated by world-systems theory andbrought into focus by studying the date at which key aspects of the VikingAge were adopted in a Scandinavian periphery — the Norse Earldom ofOrkney and Caithness, northern Scotland. The present study questions notonly why peripheries change, but why they do not change, or change moreslowly than neighbouring cores.
CHIEFDOM/STATE, CENTRE/PERIPHERY
There can be little debate that the VikingAge, traditionally dated from AD 793 to1050 (Morris 1985:210), is perceived as awatershed in European history. Recent re-search has focused on isolating the earliestmanifestation of the period, moving it backto the mid 8th century (e.g. Myhre1993:199, 1998, Ambrosiani 1998:410). It isequally revealing, however, to investigatethe differing dates at which its attributesemerged. This approach is adopted here,using the Norse Earldom of Orkney, Scot-land, as a case study.
Although interpretations vary, the Viking
Age is often perceived as the fulcrum oftransformations from:
— Decentralized to centralized authority(e.g. Randsborg 1980, Mortensen & Ras-mussen 1991, Lindkvist 1996, Berglund1997).— Pagan to Christian ideology (e.g. Sawyeret al. 1987, Roesdahl 1993, Abrams 1995a,Solli 1996, Steinsland 1996, Urbanczyk1998).— Non-market to market exchange (e.g.Hodges 1982, Bigelow 1989:188–190,Hedeager 1994, Saunders 1995, Jansen1997).— Moderate to high levels of surplus pro-duction (e.g. Myhre 1978, 1987, 1992,Christophersen 1991).
This list could be expandedor collapsed,but does isolate relevant issues.It is not-coincidental that these developmentsarecriteria marking the transition from chief-dom to state(Service1971:163,Claessen&Skalnık 1978:640, Johnson & Earle1987:246–247,Sanderson1995:56–57).Per-haps above all else, the Viking Age is re-cognizedas the naissanceof Scandinavianstateformation (e.g. Gurevich1978,Rands-borg 1980, 1990:19,Andren 1989:88,Mor-tensen& Rasmussen1991, Helle 1993:10,Lindkvist 1996, Berglund 1997:263,Thur-ston1997).
Although there is some consensusthatthesedevelopmentswereimportantelementsof the Viking Age, there is less agreementas to when they happened.One orthodoxyassociatesthem with the end of the period.This patternis clear from traditionalconver-sion dates:ca. 995 for Norway and NorseScotland,1008 for Swedenand ca. 965 forDenmark(Sawyer& Sawyer1993:101–104,Morris 1996:187).The monarchsassociatedwith theseconversionshavealso beencred-ited with centralizing royal power (Rands-borg 1980:2, Helle 1993:10, Lindkvist1996:43).It could be arguedthat a similarchronologyappliesto the growth of perma-nent towns and large-scaletrade (Christo-phersen1989,Callmer1994).Intensificationof production is less straightforwardas ithas pre-Viking antecedents(Myhre 1978,1992, Hedeager1992:180–223,).Neverthe-less,agricultural and other resource(antler,steatite,hone-stoneand iron) productionin-creasedin the centuriesaroundthe turn ofthe first millennium (Christophersen1991,Myrdal 1997,Widgren 1997:186,Taavitsai-nenet al. 1998).
One might call this view the millennialmodel, or (after Solli 1996:90) the ‘estab-lished narrative’. There are also, however,
alternative perspectives.Elements of stateformation have been situatedearlier in theViking Age, or evenin the RomanIron Age(Myhre 1978:254, 1987:186–187, 1992,1993,Nasman1991:177,Sawyer1991a:283,Hedeager1992:86, Axboe 1995:232, Solli1996:96). Other scholars place them wellinto the Middle Ages (Gurevich 1978:418,Helle 1993:11,Abrams1995b:30–31,Bagge1996:156–157).For example,one schoolofeconomichistory would begin the ‘commer-cial revolution’ of the ScandinavianMiddleAges aroundor after 1100 rather than withthe first appearanceof ‘ports of trade’ ortowns (Andren 1989:593–594, Bigelow1989:188–190;Nedkvitne1993a:650’Saun-ders1995:42–50).
Much of this diversity restson problemsof definition (cf. Randsborg1980:7–10,He-deager 1992:86). Nevertheless,substantiveissuesare also at stake.There is no simpleanswerto the question‘when did the VikingAge happen?’.This ambiguity may resultpartly from the north–southtemporal clinein the emergenceof the statesof medievalEurope. Different elementsof the VikingAge were adopted earlier in some placesthanin others,perhapsreflectingthe distinc-tion betweencoresand peripheries(Rands-borg 1989, 1991:13–21). This ‘world-systems’modelprovidespart of the answer,but it is not a completelysatisfyingsolution.World-systemstheory suggeststhat periph-erieschangeeither by adoptingcomplexas-pects of a core (spread effects) or bysuffering destructive exploitation (under-developmenteffects) (Chase-Dunn& Hall1991:28,Chase-Dunn& Mann 1998:15,seealso Bintliff 1997:29).However, it has notfully incorporatedagencywithin peripheriesinto explanationsof why they sometimeschangemoreslowly thanneighbouringpoli-ties (e.g. Urban& Schortman1999).To ad-dress this question we will focus on aperiphery(Orkney) — chartingthe chronol-ogy and circumstancesunderwhich innova-tions were acceptedor rejected from itspresumedcore (Norway). In concluding, it
2 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
will then be possibleto considerthe role ofboth core and periphery in the timing ofViking Age socioeconomicchange.
The Norse Earldom of Orkney1 at timescontrolled most of northern and westernScotland (Crawford 1982, 1985, 1987,1995). It was nominally an administrativeunit within Norwegian (the Northern andWestern Isles) and Scottish (Caithnessin-
cluding what is now called Sutherland)states.However, the datesat which chieflysocioeconomicpatternswere replacedwithstate attributesmust be establishedempiri-cally. In contrastto the hypothesisof Pictishcontinuity suggestedby Ritchie (1974,1993:25–29),this paperbeginsfrom the assump-tion, based on linguistic (Fellows-Jensen1984) and subsistencechange(Bond 1998,
Nicholson 1998, Barrett et al. forthcominga, Barrettet al. 1999),that OrkneybecameaNorsepolity in the Viking Age. Our primaryfocus is northern Scotland,rather than theWestern Isles and Argyll. The latter fol-lowed an independenttrajectoryin the Mid-dle Ages(characterizedby Gaelic influence)andultimately emergedasthe Kingdom andLordship of the Isles (Andersen 1991,Brown 1997).
THE CENTRALIZATION OF POWER
The centralizationof power in Viking Ageand medievalNorway was a protractedpro-cessopen to multiple interpretations(Helle1993). Nevertheless,single kings such asHarald Sigurdarsonachieved considerableauthority by the mid-11th century.The con-centrationof power in Orkney both reflectsanddivergesfrom this chronology.
OrkneyingaSagadescribesthe hegemonyof a single dynasty of earls under theauthority of Harald Fine-Hair of Norway(GuDmundsson1965, Sawyer1976). Takenat facevalue, it suggeststhat a local institu-tion of centralizedpower existed within awider Norwegianstateby the beginningofthe 10th century.Conflict occurredbetweenthe contestantsfor the earldom,but its exis-tencewasnot questioned.Is this descriptionlikely to be accurate,however,andif so, forwhat period?OrkneyingaSagais a contem-porary historical source for the 12th andearly 13th centuries(Jesch1992), but likeother ‘kings’ sagas’ its portrayal of earlierperiods is probably suspect(Helle 1993:5).How, then,canoneinterpretthe structureofpowerin 9th–11thcenturyOrkney?
The 9th century remains somewhatob-scure,but Viking Age silver andgold hoardsprovide one way to understand10th and11th century developments.There are 25hoardsin northernand westernScotland—all the datable examples of which weredeposited between ca. 935 and ca. 1065(Graham-Campbell1995:2, 83–84). If asingle poorly recordedoutlier is excluded,
they ceasein the 1030s(Graham-Campbell1995:83–84).Viking Age hoardshavebeeninterpreted in many ways (e.g. Bradley1987, Burstrom 1993, Hardh 1996, Gustin1997,Sheehan1998),but the mostparsimo-niousanalysisis that of Gurevitj (broughttoan English audienceby Hedeager1992:73).He identified two main types:hiddenstoresof wealthandritual depositsassociatedwitheschatological beliefs. Regardlessof thereasonfor the final act of burial, however,one can ask what the silver was originallyusedfor? Basedon Reuter’s(1985,seealsoHedeager1994, Earle 1997:98) analysisofthe useof plunderin early medievalEuropeit is likely that at least the larger hoardswere assembledby chiefs to maintain mili-tary retinues. The Skaill hoard, totalling8.11 kg, depositedca. 950 (Graham-Camp-bell 1995:83,127) is a particularly clearex-ampleof a chiefly treasury.It is amongthelargest Viking Age hoards of Scandinaviaandthreetimes larger thanany 10th centuryexample from Norway (Graham-Campbell1993:180).Somesmallerhoardsmay repre-sentmerchantactivity or the wealthof thosereceiving chiefly largesse,but many wereprobably the stores of independentchiefs.The discovery of 24 hoardsdepositedin ageographically restricted area in a singlecentury thus implies the existenceof multi-ple competing factions. The existence ofmanyhoardsindicatestheexistenceof manychiefs,eachwith their own retinueto rewardwith silver.
Having rejected the strict legitimacy ofOrkneyingaSagafor the 9th and 10th cen-turies, it is tempting to give it some cre-dence for the 11th. There is corroboratingevidence for the events it describes incontemporary sources such as Adam ofBremen’s History of the Archbishops ofHamburg–Bremen (cf. Tschan 1959:216,GuDmundsson1965:80–81).The cessationof hoardingin the 1030scould thenbe inter-pretedas a function of more peacefultimesand the centralizationof power and wealthunder strong earls such as Thorfinn Sigur-
4 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
darson(died ca. 1065), who is said to haveruled nine earldomsof Scotlandas well asthe Hebrides,Orkney and Caithness(GuD-mundsson1965:81).This processcould ex-plain the end of both large hoards (therewereno longernumerousindependentchiefsand treasuries)and small ones(the conflictwhich necessitatedburial of private wealthhad decreased).It is worth noting that a si-milar interpretation emergesif all hoardsweredepositedfor ritual reasons.Floruits ofritual expressionin Iron Age Scandinaviaweremostpronouncedin periodsof conflict— declining in times of stability (e.g.Randsborg1981:108,Jørgensen1991:124–125,Sawyer1991b,Richardset al. 1995:68,Solli 1996).
The efficacy of this interpretationis sup-ported by the chronology of Danish andIrish silver hoards. In western Denmark,where the solidification of central authorityis associatedwith the late 10th century,al-most all datable hoards fall into Hardh’s(1996:124) early period, AD 900–969.Conversely,Skane, which was brought intothe Danish state more slowly (Thurston1997), has many hoardsdating to Hardh’s(1996:124)later periods:AD 970–1019andpost AD 1019. In Ireland, where powerremainedfragmenteduntil the Anglo-Nor-man conquestand later (Wailes 1995:57),silver hoards continued to be depositedthroughout the 11th century and into the12th (Graham-Campbell 1976:47, Kenny1987:511–513).
Although the hoard evidence suggestssomecentralizationof power in Orkney bythe mid-11th century, this processwas notcomplete.Independentmagnatesplayed animportant role in 12th century events, forwhich OrkneyingaSagais mostreliable.Themostilluminating exampleis SveinAsleifar-son,whosehistoricity is confirmedby inde-pendentsources(Barrett forthcoming). Hislifestyle was essentiallythat of an Iron Agechief. He regularly engagedin a plundereconomy,maintaineda largemilitary retinueby feasting,engagedin feud and paid little
attentionto the authority of earls— one ofwhom he deposed (Barrett forthcoming).Sveincould be dismissedasan obstreperousnoblewithin a decentralizedfeudalstate,butother aspectsof 12th century Orcadianso-ciety were equally anachronistic.Importantexamples are the use of skaldic poetry(Bibire 1988, Bruhn 1993) and the impor-tanceattributedto feastingand giving pres-tige gifts as mechanismsfor maintainingsupport,creatingobligationsandbuilding al-liances(GuDmundsson1965:151,180, 183–184, 201, 286). If takenat face value, theseactivities are virtual signature criteria ofchiefly social organization (Friedman &Rowlands 1977:206–215,Earle 1987:294–296, 1994:953–955,Dietler 1996:97).What,therefore,are they doing in an accountof aprovincewithin theNorwegianstate?
One solution, proposedby Bruhn (1993),is that 12th century Orcadiansconsciouslyattemptedto recreatethe past in the presentin reactionto new externalpressures— in-cluding Norwegianclaims to power.His ar-gument is built in specific referenceto thelate use of scaldic poetry, but feastingandgift-giving could be construedas part ofthe same anachronisticpackage.Althoughelegant, Bruhn’s solution cannot entirelyaccount for 12th century politics. This isevident in the continuedacceptanceof feudby the Earl of Orkney (e.g. GuDmundsson1965:178,207). The key distinguishingfea-ture betweenchiefdomandstateis the exis-tenceof a monopolyon the useof violence(Service 1971:163, Sanderson 1995:56).Feud‘as legal useof force’ by kin andothergroups is an explicit contradictionof stateauthority (Fenger1991:164).It can surviveasan illegal activity within weakstatestruc-tures(e.g.Gilman 1995:242),but its officialsanctionis incompatiblewith the stateasaninstitution.
A similar patternof fragmentedauthorityemergesfrom thestudyof Orkney’srelationswith Norway and Scotland.Sawyer (1976)arguesthat theearldomwasfirst broughtun-derNorwegianroyal controlat theendof the
Table 1. Radiocarbondates,atmosphericcalibrations,�13C values,% marine carbon esti-mates,mixed atmospheric/marinecalibrations and grave characteristicsfor Iron Age tomedievalburials from northernScotland.All analyseswereon humanbonecollagenunlessotherwisenoted.Calibrations were performedusingCALIB 4.1.2 (Stuiver& Reimer1993)and thedatasetsof Stuiveret al. (1998).
6 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
tmosphericlibration modemodes �13C (�0.2%)
Estimated%marinecarbonincollagen
Mixed atmospheric/marinecalibration(2 � range)
Mixed atmospheric/marinecalibrationmodeor modes
Grave-goods? Position
Approximateorientation(head-feet) References
5, 310,315 ÿ19.8 10 132–427 261,280,325 No Right side W–E T. Neighbourpers.comm.5, 267,341,375 Noc Supine W–E Ponting& Bruce19890, 281,291,297,322 ÿ20.2 5 232–418 267,274,334 ? Disturbed ? this study1, 278,295,324,333,5
ÿ18.8b No Disturbed ? Carter& Fraser1996
7, 454,457,522,527 ÿ20.5 1 404–596 440,454,462,516,522 No Supine SW–NE this study7 No Supine SW–NE Morris 19892 ÿ21.2 0 423–646 545 No Right side SW–NE Morris 1989;this study0 ÿ20.9 0 548–668 641 No Supine SSE–NNW Morris 1989;this study5, 610,616 ÿ19.8 10 551–671 642 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;
Barrettet al. forthcominga8 ÿ20.7 0 616–685 657 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;
Barrettet al. forthcominga0 No Supine W–E Downes& Morris 19977, 454,457,522,527 No Supine W–E Downes& Morris 1997
No Supine W–E Downes& Morris 19970 No Left side N–S Bigelow 19859 No Left side N–S Bigelow 1985
No Left side N–S Bigelow 19856 No Prone W–E JamesForthcoming3, 699,715,749,764 ÿ20.8b No Disturbed ? Sharples19980 No Supine SW–NE Close-Brooks19805, 924,939 No Supine SW–NE Close-Brooks1980
No Supine SW–NE Close-Brooks19808 ÿ19.9 8 432–642 550 No ? ? A. Sheridanpers.comm.;
this study2, 790,815,842,859 ÿ19.6 12 775–985 891 No ? ? A. Sheridanpers.comm.;
this study2, 790,815,842,859 ÿ19.4 14 777–989 893 Yes Disturbed ? A. Sheridanpers.comm.;
this study
2, 790,815,842,859 No Supine N–S Dunwell et al. 19955 Yes Flexed E–W Dunwell et al. 19952 ÿ18.4 26 890–1041 995 No Flexed S–N Dunwell et al. 1995;T.
Neighbourpers.comm.2 ÿ18.7 23 885–1035 988 No Supine E–W Dunwell et al. 1995;T.
9 ÿ19.3 15 901–1038 1008 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcominga
1 ÿ18.5 25 995–1166 1033 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcominga
04, 1008,1017 ÿ16.3 50 1129–1270 1213 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcominga
20 ÿ19.3 16 1017–1165 1038 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcomingb
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 7
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
11th century, but even this episode wasshort-lived. The mid-12th century was theheightof Orcadianindependence,markedinideological terms by the promotion of apatronsaint, Magnus,and constructionof acathedralin Kirkwall (perhapsmadeall themore necessaryby its founder’sNorwegianassociations) (Crawford 1988, Brunsden1997). As late as 1195 many Orcadianssupporteda rebellion against King Sverrirof Norway (Sephton 1899:146–152,GuDmundsson1965:297).Earl Harald Mad-
dadarson’sexcuseto Sverrir following thefailure of this campaign(as interpretedbythe king’s contemporarybiographer) alsoshinesadditionallight on the limits of powerwithin theearldomat this time:
Less blame is mine in this businessthan is im-puted to me. I did not plan the rising of thatband. It is true I did not fight against it, for Icould not be hostile to all the peoplein the landas long as I shouldbe Earl over it. The men ofOrkney do not always act as I wish. (Sephton1899:156)
a Includesanerrormultiplier of 1.4,with a minimumof �110years,for Glasgowlab numbersbelowGU-1500(Ashmore1997:240).
b �13C valuesfrom sampleswithout known collagenyields werenot usedto assessdiet or marinereser-voir effects.Samplesfrom Scarmaybecontaminated,asthe threecontemporaryburialsyieldedstatisticallydifferent radiocarbonassays.
c Containedonly middenmaterial.d On bonefrom a horseincludedasgrave-goods.e Either burial 69/104Aor 69/104Bcontaineda jet-like bracelet.f Containedan iron bracelet.
8 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
On the mainland,Scottishroyal authoritywasalsoslow to develop.King William wasforced to fight a military campaignagainstHaraldMaddadarsonin 1196 in order to se-cureanyroyal authorityin northernScotland(Crawford1985:31),andit wasnotuntil 1375that control of Caithnesswas fully cededtotheScottishcrown(Crawford1982:72).
In sum,centralizationof powerwasa late,variable and slow processin ScandinavianScotland.The mid-11th centurycanbe seenasa turning-point— perhapsconsistentwith
the millennial model— but it is not the endof the story. Chiefly behaviourpatternssur-vived in Orkney more than a century laterand Norwegianand Scottishstateauthoritywas very poorly developeduntil at leasttheendof the12thcentury.
CHRISTIAN IDEOLOGY
There is little question that Christianityservedas an important tool in the creationof statesthroughoutpost-RomanEurope.Its
tmosphericlibration modemodes �13C (�0.2%)
Estimated%marinecarbonincollagen
Mixed atmospheric/marinecalibration(2 � range)
Mixed atmospheric/marinecalibrationmodeor modes
Grave-goods? Position
Approximateorientation(head-feet) References
20 ÿ19.1 17 987–1221 1041 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcomingb
34 ÿ16.8 45 1160–1298 1256 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcomingb
43, 1091,1119,1140,55
ÿ21.8 0 1017–1213 1046,1092,1118,1139,1153
No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcomingb
43, 1091,1119,1140,55
ÿ17.6 35 1168–1291 1253 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcomingb
61, 1086,1123,1138,56
ÿ16.7 46 1217–1306 1281 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcomingb
71, 1079,1128,1136,58
ÿ20.8 0 1023–1219 1129,1131,1158 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcomingb
18 ÿ19.4 14 1213–1289 1266 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcomingb
90 ÿ18.8 21 1291–1414 1322,1356,1387 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcomingb
06 ÿ19.7 10 1330–1449 1423 No Supine W–E D. Brothwell pers.comm.;Barrettet al. forthcomingb
9, 920,958 No Supine W–E Barber199640, 1100,1116,1141,51
ÿ19.4 14 1030–1249 1164 No Supine W–E Morris & Emery1986;thisstudy
18 No Supine W–E Driscoll 1993
43, 1091,1119,1140,55
No Supine SW–NE Driscoll 1993
82 No Disturbed ? Driscoll 199390, 1202,1206 No Supine NNW–SSE Hedges197821 No Supine W–E Jamesforthcoming59 No Supine WNW–ESE Jamesforthcoming78 No Right side ? Jamesforthcoming87 No Supine W–E Jamesforthcoming90 No Supine W–E Jamesforthcoming01, 1369,1382 No ? ? Batey199309 Yesf Supine W–E Sharples199826 No Supine W–E Sharples1998
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 9
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
10 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
Fig. 2. 1� and2� confidenceintervalsfor radiocarbondatesof LateIron Ageto medievalburials fromnorthern Scotland.(a) Calibrations using the 1998 decadal atmospheric(terrestrial) data set. (b)Resultsfor dateswhich could be calibratedusingthe 1998‘mixed’ atmospheric/marinedata setandestimatesof % marinecarbon(Stuiver& Reimer1993,Stuiveret al. 1998,seetextandTable1). Blackshadingindicatesthe presenceof grave-goods(sampleTO-7189,from NewarkBay grave69/104B,isambiguousin this regard). Grey shading indicates that the burial was flexed. Both suggestthecontemporaneityof paganand Christian practice in the Viking Age.
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 11
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
role in Norway, Denmarkand Swedenhasbeenemphasizedon many occasions.Mon-archy was legitimized by Christiandoctrineand it provideda new ideology with whichambitious rulers could peripheralize en-trenchedpaganpower-structures(Stevenson1996:173,182). Christianity first appearsinNorway in the 10th century, but plays itsmost importantpolitical role in this contextin the 11th (Sawyer 1987, Abrams 1995a,1995b, Solli 1996). When, however, wasthis potential element of state formationadopted in Scandinavian Scotland? TheWesternIsles may have beencharacterizedby religious syncretism from early in theViking Age (Crawford 1987:48, Andersen1991, Brown 1997:223).NorthernScotland,however,presentsa morecomplexproblem.Any attempt to date the introduction ofChristianity in Orkney must consideralter-native models outlined by Morris (1990,1996).Onetakesthe traditional dateof EarlSigurd Hlodvisson’s forced conversion byKing Olaf Tryggvasonin AD 995 asa start-ing-point, but emphasizesthe soundhistori-cal evidencethat a bishopricwasestablishedby Earl Thorfinn Sigurdarsonaround1048.The alternative model assumesthat theNorseadoptedChristianityfrom the indigen-ous Pictish population early in the VikingAge. Settingasidesitesthat remainunexca-vated, early excavationsfor which crucialdetailsare unknownand Christiansculpturedated only by art history (cf. Stevenson1981, Morris 1996, Fletcher 1997:375)themost tangible evidencewith which to ad-dressthesemodelscomesfrom burials, ec-clesiastical architectureand a 9th centuryhagiography,theLife of Findan.
The identification of ‘pagan’ and ‘Chris-tian’ graves presentsepistemologicaldiffi-culties (Abrams 1998:115–116).East–westorientationis of little valueas it occurredinpre-Christian Scandinavia(Roesdahl1987:3). Grave-goodsprobably do indicate non-Christian belief, given that they are rarelyfound in churchyards (see Geake 1997:133–134).The only examplesfrom north-
ern Scotland are an axe from St. Ola’schurchyard, Whiteness,Shetland (Shetelig1945:4), a jet-like bracelet from grave 69/104A or 69/104Bat NewarkBay in Orkneyandan antlercombca.40 cm from the skullof burial 70/28 also at Newark (Brothwell1977:186,pers.comm.).Flexedinhumationsare probably also pagan,given their virtualabsencefrom churchyards(only one occursin the cemeteryof ca. 250 otherwisesupineburialsat Newark)andtheir associationwithgrave-goods(seeTable 1). The absenceofgrave-goods, however, could relate tostatus in addition to worldview (Nielsen1991:251)and is thus an ambiguousindica-tor of Christian practice unlessa burial isalsoassociatedwith a church.
Given their lack of grave-goods,indivi-dual Christian burials can only be datedbyradiocarbonassays.For purposesof chrono-logical comparisonthis study thus focuseson non-Christiangraveswhich havebeensi-milarly dated,making only occasionalmen-tion of burials dated by artefact typologyalone(seeGraham-Campbell& Batey1998:113–142). The dates currently available,30 of which were determinedas part ofthis study, are collated in Table 1 and illu-stratedin Figs. 2a and 2b. Additional dataregardingthe important Pictish and VikingAge cemeteryat Westness,Rousayhavejustbeen published(Sellevold 1999:7), but be-cameavailabletoo late for inclusion in thispaper.The threedatesfrom this site in Table1 areof sampleskindly providedby the Na-tional Museumsof Scotland.
Westnessprovidesthe earliestarchaeolo-gical evidencefor Christian–paganrelations.It was used betweenthe 7th and 9th cen-turies, initially for a number of extendedburials without grave-goodsthat have beeninterpreted as Pictish (and by implicationChristian) (Kaland 1993:312–314,1996:66).A seriesof pagangraves,which do not cutthe earlier burials, were added in the 9thcentury (Kaland 1973:93–97, 1993:312,1996:66).This evidencecould imply somereligious syncretism early in the Viking
12 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
Age, but is equally consistentwith the re-placementof Christianityby paganism.
No othersinglecemeteryhasyieldedsuchclear evidenceof contemporarypaganandChristian graves, but the presenceof aflexed burial, a grave with a ‘jet’ braceletand, possibly,a burial with an antler combin the Christiancemeteryat NewarkBay arealso suggestive.Moreover, if radiocarbondateson humanbonearecalibratedusinganatmosphericcurve (that is assuminga 100%terrestrialdiet) it appearsthat the two burialpracticeswereusedconcurrentlyat differentsites(Table 1, Fig. 2a). Christianburialsas-sociated with ecclesiasticalarchitectureatNewark Bay (seebelow) and Birsay parishchurch (Barber 1996) appearcontemporarywith 9th–10thcenturypagangraves,suchasthose found at Westness,the Brough Road(Morris 1989),Scar(Owen& Dalland1999)and Buckquoy (Ritchie 1977:190).Burials71/3, 69/X and 68/16A from Newark Bayare particularly suggestive.If one assumesno marine reservoircorrectionis necessary,they are unlikely to post-datethe mid 10thcentury(Table1).
It must be asked,however,whetherthesedatesare biasedby marinereservoireffects.Fish was an important componentof theViking Age and medieval Orcadian diet(Barrett et al. 1999).Unlesscorrected,bonecollagenfrom humanswith a mixed marineandterrestrialdiet will appearolder thanter-restrial samplesof the sameage(Mangerud& Gulliksen 1975, Tauber1983, Stuiver &Braziunas1993, Stuiver et al. 1998, Arne-borg et al. 1999).Nevertheless,after marinereservoircorrectionsare takeninto account2
the radiocarbonevidencefor contemporane-ity of paganandChristianburials in Orkneyremainsconvincingfor at leastthe 10th cen-tury (Fig. 2b). ChristianViking Age burialsfrom Newark Bay probablyoverlap the lat-estknown paganburialsof Orkney.Conver-sely, the early ChristiangraveunderBirsayparishchurch(andecclesiasticalarchitecturewhich may be associated)(Barber1996:27–28), can be discountedas it relies on a 14C
date for which marine reservoir correctionhasnot beenpossible.A marinecomponentin the diet of this individual could placethisdatewell into the11thcentury.
By the middle of the 10th century smallchapelswere built at Newark Bay (Broth-well 1977:182)and the Brough of Deerness(Morris & Emery 1986), both on the eastMainlandof Orkney.The upstandingphasesof both aredatedby mid-10thcenturycoinsfound under their floors (Brothwell 1977:182,Morris & Emery1986:356–358,Steven-son 1986:339–340,Brothwell pers. comm.)and by the radiocarbon-datedburials justmentioned.
The Brough of Deernesscoin — foundbetweenthe upstandingstonestructureandan earlier stone-cladwoodenchapel— wasminted under Eadgar (reign 959–975),butwas well worn prior to deposition(Steven-son1986:339,Morris 1996:192).Only a fewgraves were associatedwith this site, butboth building phaseshadaltarsat their east-ern ends (Morris & Emery 1986:315,322,359). Morris (1996:191)suggeststhat theyrepresentprivate chapelsrather than foci ofmonastic activity as once thought. Theystandon a small coastalstacksurroundedbyca. 30 unexcavatedrectilinearstructuresthatare likely to be broadlycontemporary(Mor-ris & Emery 1986:311,365–366).It is easyto envisagethis high-density settlementinan easily defensiblelocation as the strong-hold of a chief or earl andan associatedre-tinue.
Only oneburial wassufficiently preservedfor radiocarbondating. SkeletonBS, whichstratigraphically post-datesconstruction ofthe stonephase(Morris & Emery 1986:350,MF3:E10), yielded assaysof AD 996–1260(GU-1574, 920� 65 BP) and AD 1017–1211 (TO-6697),both calibratedat 2�. The2 � estimateafter reservoircorrectionis AD1030–1250.
In sum, the upstanding(stone) phaseofthe Brough of Deernesswas built between959 and the 13th century, but probably inthe earlier end of this range. This date is
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 13
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
entirely consistentwith the AD 995 conver-sion tradition or with mid 11th century de-velopmentsunder Earl Thorfinn. The samecannot be said, however, for the earlierwooden chapel stratigraphically below theEadgarcoin. It is unlikely to be more re-cent than the mid-10th century.The crucialpoint is that it probably precedes OlafTryggvason’s alleged mission of 995 andthat it certainly pre-datesThorfinn Sigurdar-son. Morris (1990:13, 1996:192) cautionsthat the timber chapelcould conceivablyre-presenta much earlier Pictish structure,butargued on architectural grounds that it ismost consistentwith a Norse milieu. Hehesitatedin assigningit definitively to theViking Age basedon a radiocarbondateofmammalbone (from the samephaseas theEadgar coin) which included pre-Vikingcenturiesin its error range, AD 651–1015(GU-1558,1220� 90 BP, calibratedat 2�;no marine reservoir correction is possiblefor this sample) (Morris & Emery1986:357,Morris 1996:192).However, thefact that the two buildings were virtuallyidentical in size and alignment (Morris &Emery 1986:314) is more easily explainedif the stone church immediately succeededits timber predecessor.The date of con-struction of the woodenphaseremainsun-certain,but it must havebeenin useby themid 10th century.
NewarkBay includesa complexsequenceof late medievalandpostmedievalstructuraldeposits (Brothwell 1977, pers. comm.,Brothwell et al. 1986:56).Underthese,how-ever, therewas a rectangularstonebuildingoriented approximatelyeast–west,with in-ternal dimensions of 4.2 m� 9.5 m andwalls ca. 0.85m thick. It is possiblea chan-cel of later constructionextendedto theeast,but hadbeenconsiderablydisturbed.
This building immediatelyoverlaida sou-terrain of Iron Age date and, most impor-tantly, was surrounded by approximately250 burials (Brothwell 1977:182,Brothwellet al. 1986:56). The latter respectedthestructure,with the exceptionof two graves
insertedinto its floor. They alsoreflecteditsapproximate east–westorientation and allbut oneof thegravesweresupine.Theexca-vation hasnot yet beenfully published,buton grossstratigraphicgroundsit would ap-pear that most of the burials were contem-porary with use of the structure(Brothwellperscomm.;seebelow).
The coins beneaththe flagstonefloor ofthis building were minted under Eadred(reign 946–955) and Anlaf Sihtricsson(York, reign 941–944and 948–952)(Smyth1978, Stevenson1986:340).They provide amid 10th century terminus post quem and,asdiscussedabove,radiocarbondatesof theassociatedgravesare consistentwith a 10thcenturyorigin followed by useinto the 14thor 15th centuries (Figs. 2a, 2b). Only asinglechapelhasbeenexposedthus far, buttwo skeletons dating to the 7th centurysuggestthe existenceof an earlier Pictishphase(Table1).
The existenceof two 10th century Norsechapelsin Orkney is particularly illuminat-ing, given that they corroboratethe contem-poraneity of Christian and pagan practiceimplied by the graves alone. One of thelatest paganburials from Orkney is Buck-quoy in Birsay. A sample provided forradiocarbon dating contained insufficientcarbon,but a cut silver penny of Eadmund(AD 940–946) included among the grave-goodsprovidesa terminuspostquem(Ritch-ie 1977:190).This burial is probably con-temporarywith at least the wood chapelatthe Brough of Deerness.Two other gravesfrom Birsay, BroughRoadCU andDT mayalso represent10th century pagan burials(Morris 1989, Table 1). All three exampleslack the extraordinarywealth of some 9thcentury Orcadian graves (e.g. Kaland1993:314–316),but retain distinctive pagancharacteristicssuch as grave-goods(Buck-quoy and DT) and/orflexedposition (Buck-quoyandCU).
Two interpretations,not mutually exclu-sive, follow from theseobservations.First,the possiblecontemporaneityof chapelsand
14 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
‘semi-pagan’burials at single sites such asNewark Bay probably indicatessome syn-cretismduring the emergenceof a Christianworldview or mentalite (see Crawford1975:16, Lonnroth 1987:27). Second, thecontemporaneityof Christian chapels andpaganburials at different sitesmay indicatethat competingfactions employeddifferentideologies— a well known scenarioelse-where in Viking Age and medievalScandi-navia (Stevenson1996:182).For example,itis possible that some occupantsof Birsay,now thoughtto be a Viking Age elite centre(Hunter et al. 1993:273,Morris 1995),werepaganin the 10th centurywhile the inhabi-tants of another chiefly settlement andstronghold, the Brough of Deerness,wereexplicitly Christian. The establishmentof abishop’s seat at Birsay in ca. 1048 underEarl Thorfinn (Morris 1996:188)could thenbe seenasa symbolicact by the first Chris-tians to achieveabsolutepower in the earl-dom. Viewed in this light, Adam ofBremen’s 11th century observationthat itwas Thorfinn who brought Orkney into‘EuropeanChristendom’(Morris 1996:188)may takeon newresonance.
Having discussedthe 10th century evi-dence in some detail, it remains for us toconsiderthe 9th century.The Life of Findanindicates the existence of an Orcadianbishop around AD 850 (Omand 1986,Thomson1986:279),implying that the coex-istenceof Christianandpaganchiefswasal-readyestablished.No early medievalbishopcould function without secular patronage(Stevenson1996), but the concurrentexis-tence of a paganelite is clearly evidencedby 9th century burials with extravagantgrave-goods (e.g. Kaland 1993:314–316).The bishop in the Life of Findan hasocca-sionally beenidentifiedasa Pict andhis ex-istence equated with the continuity ofPictish authority in Orkney (Lamb 1995:23,Lowe 1998:8).As Thomson(1986:280)hasnoted, however, ‘since the Life describesOrkneyaslying next to the land of the Picts(iuxta Pictorum gentem), it was clearly not
regardedas part of Pictland, and so mustalreadyhavebeenunderNorsecontrol.’
MARKET TRADE, STAPLESAND THEINTENSIFICATION OF PRODUCTION
The associationof market trade,intensifica-tion of production and state formation inNorth-western Europe has a long historywhich neednot be rehearsedhere.Much ofthis discussionwasonceframedin termsofsubstantivisteconomics,which assumesthatnon-statesocietiesemploy reciprocity (gift-giving) andredistributionratherthanmarketexchange,and that a statemonopolyon theuseof violence is a prerequisitefor marketexchangeand its ultimate corollary, urban-ism (e.g. Skovgaard-Petersen 1981:12,Hodges1982,1989). It hasbecomeincreas-ingly evident, however, that market andnon-market trade coexisted in both theViking Age andmedievalperiod throughoutEurope(e.g.Miller 1990:104–105,Gaimster1992:21, Ingimundarson1992:222, Hedea-ger 1994, Hardh 1996:165, Gustin 1997:147).
If market trade was well establishedinthe Viking Age, what contrast,if any, canbe drawn with later exchange?In studiesofthe emergenceof the modernworld-system,Wallerstein(1974,1980,1993)hassuccess-fully side-steppedthe substantivistissue,fo-cusing instead on the distinction betweeninter-regionaltradeof low-bulk, high-value,luxury goods and low-value, high-bulk,-necessities(hereaftercalledstaples).The lat-ter may move freely within a polity, but thegrowth of long-range trade in staplesis akey to understandingsocioeconomictrans-formations.
It is a ‘commercial revolution’ of thiskind which probablymarksthe Viking Age–medieval transition in the Scandinaviannorth (Lopez 1976:94–95, Andren 1989,Nedkvitne 1993a).A few low-value goods,soapstoneand hone-stones,were exportedfrom Viking Age Norway (Christophersen1991) and perhaps Shetland (Crosby &
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 15
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
Mitchell 1987:502, Buttler 1991), but itseemslikely that thesetravelledincidentally,perhapsas ballast (see Buckland & Sadler1990), with luxury cargoeslike the walrusivory describedin the 9th century accountof Ohthere(Fell 1984:20).3 When can onefirst identify the long-rangetradeof true sta-plessuchasdried cod, fish oil, grain, butterand wool? Thesedevelopmentsare easiestto observein historical sources,but shouldalsorequireintensificationof productionthatmay be detectableusing zooarchaeological,stableisotopic,archaeobotanical andpedolo-gical evidence(e.g.van der Veen& O’Con-nor 1998). Intensificationcould also implyan increasein populationsizeor in the scaleof a non-producingelite, which may in itselfbe a corollary of stateformation (Morrison1994:118–130).
Dried fishDried fish (particularly of the cod family)wasoneof the most importantexportsfromthe North Atlantic region in the MiddleAges. It has been suggestedthat it wastraded as early as the 9th century (Hagen1995:160),but this assumptionis basedex-clusively on an anecdotein Egil’s Saga,written in the mid 13th century (Nordal1933:41–42).Convincing evidence regard-ing the Norwegianfish tradefirst emergesinthe 12th century(Helle 1968:102,Nedkvitne1976,Bertelsen1992:179,Urbanczyk1992:133–139, Nedkvitne 1993b:195, Sorheim1997:109, Perdikaris 1998:135) and Ice-land beganto export this staplearoundtheturn of the 14th century (Gelsinger 1981:183).
Unlike Norway and Iceland,little histori-cal documentationexists regardingtrade inmedieval Orkney (seeBarrett 1995:37–43).Moreover,mostdried fish tradedfrom NorseScotlandduring the Middle Ages probablytravelled via Bergen, becoming indistin-guishablefrom Norwegian exports in Eng-lish and continental records.The antiquityof this arrangementis unknown, but theNorwegiancrown preventedforeignersfrom
trading directly with its North Atlantic‘colonies’ between1294 (Urbanczyk 1992:76) and the 15th century (Friedland 1983:87–88). The few historical sourcesthat doexist regardingNorseScotlandhavebeenre-viewed elsewhere (Barrett 1995:180–183,1997:633–634).The earliest evidence is a12th century anecdotedescribingOrcadiansat Grimsby (GuDmundsson 1965:130), amedieval fish market and port of call forNorwegian vessels(Helle 1968:103,Rigby1993). Following this laconic record, how-ever, the surviving historical evidence forfish trade from northern Scotland dates tothe 14th and15th centuries(Friedland1983,Barrett1997:634).
Given the paucity of historical evidence,the antiquity of fish tradeis an archaeologi-cal problem.It canbe addressedby studyingthe methods of fish processingemployed,changesin the intensity of fishing activityandthe relationshipbetweenlocal diet asre-flectedby stablecarbonisotopes(seebelow)and fishing intensity. The first and secondmethodshavebeenconsideredin detail else-where (Barrett 1995:193–273,1997, Barrettet al. 1999) and will thus be reviewedonlybriefly. The third method is presentedherefor thefirst time.
Historical, pictorial andzooarchaeologicaldataprovidea modelof how cod family fishwerebutcheredprior to drying or dry saltingin the Norse North Atlantic (Barrett 1995:222–236, 1997:619–620). Cranial bonesand the anterior portion of the vertebralcolumn were typically removed and dis-cardedat processingsites,whereasappendi-cular elements (immediately behind thecranium) and posteriorcaudalvertebraere-mained in the dried and exportedproduct.Thus, both the processingand consumptionof dried fish can be tentatively identifiedbasedon distinctive patternsof cut marksand skeletal element frequencies (Barrett1997, Barrett et al. 1999). Data of thesekinds suggestthat dried fish werebeingcon-sumed locally, at the elite residence ofEarl’s Bu, Orkney, for example (Barrett
16 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
1997:628–633),by the 11th–12thcenturies.The best-known production centres arePhase8 at St. Boniface, Orkney, (Ceron-Carrasco 1994, 1998) and Phase 1 atRobert’s Haven, Caithness(Barrett 1997).The former probablybeganto accumulateinthe 12th century(Lowe 1998:207),the latterat some point in the 13th century (Barrett1997:620).They both exhibit zooarchaeolo-gical characteristicsconsistent with driedfish productionandarelargemiddens(Phase8 at St. Bonifacewasestimatedto total over5650 m3 (Carter 1998:195))dominatedbycod family fish bone,marineshell and peatash. The shellfish probably served as baitbased on postmedieval analogy (Fenton1978:542), and Ceron-Carrasco(1994:210)hassuggestedthat the ashcould relateto therenderingof fish oil. This product,which isextracted from fish livers by boiling(McGregor 1880:145), was exported fromNorway to England by 1230 (Helle 1968:106).
Two other fish middensof this kind areknown in the region: Freswick Links andQuoygrew—Nether Trenabie (hereafterQuoygrew). Sandwick South, also inter-preted as a possible fish processingsite
(Bigelow 1985:123–124, 1989:189–191)may be reassessedon the basisof ongoingpostexcavation analysis (Bigelow pers.comm.).The relevantphasesof the northerncliff areas of Freswick Links, Caithness,probably date to the 12th–14th centuries(Barrett 1995:99–103,326, Morris et al.1995). However, the selective procedureusedto subsamplebonefrom the enormousassemblage(Joneset al. 1995:153)preventsdetailed analysis of the butchery strategyemployed.Quoygrew,Orkney,was sampledby Colley (1983:208–217,1984) in 1978andis now underfurther excavation(Barrettet al. 1998, Simpson et al. 1998a). Onlyzooarchaeologicaldata from 1978 are cur-rently available, but these are consistentwith cured fish production (Colley 1984:127, Barrett et al. 1999). Work on this sitein 1997 establishedthe existenceof a fishmidden ca. 40 m� 15 m in dimension,which probably accumulatedin the 11th–13th centuries,basedon radiocarbonassaysfrom upperandlower strata.4
Thesesites,andother lessspecializedde-posits,suggestthat fishing activity begantointensifyat somepoint in the11th–12thcen-turies. Figure 3 illustrates the total number
Fig. 3. Temporaltrendsin theintensityof fishingbasedon thenumberof identifiedfish bonespecimensrecoveredduring excavationsin northernScotland(after Barrett & Oltmann1998,Barrett et al. 1999andreferencestherein).Abbreviationsare usedto indicatethequality of recoveryon an ordinal scale:no sieving(n), minimalsieving(m),partial sieving(p), substantialsieving(s) or total sieving(t). Otherpotentialbiasesare discussedin the text.
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 17
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
Fig. 4. Temporaltrendsin themarinecontributionto thenorthernScottishdiet basedon �13C and14Cassaysof human bone. More positive �13C values imply a greater reliance on marine foods. (a)Calibrationsusingthe1998decadalatmospheric(terrestrial) dataset.(b) Calibrationsusingthe1998‘mixed’ atmospheric/marinedata set and estimatesof % marine carbon in the collagen samples(Stuiver& Reimer1993,Stuiveret al. 1998,seetext and Table1).
18 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
of fish bone specimens recovered fromnorthern Scottish zooarchaeologicalassem-blagesdating betweenthe Middle Iron Ageand the Middle Agesafter collectionsquan-tified using unusual procedureshave beenomitted (Barrett& Oltmann1998,Barrettetal. 1999,andreferencestherein).The impor-tanceof fish probably increasedin the Vik-ing Age (a pattern also observablein theavailable stable carbon isotope data, seeFigs. 4a, 4b), but the most notableintensifi-cation occurred in the 11th–12thcenturieswith the appearanceof fish middens andother fish-rich sitessuchas Earl’s Bu (Bar-rett 1997) and Beachview(Rackham1996).Inter-site differences in recovery methodscould bias this pattern(Barrett et al. 1999),but there is almost as much variability ofthis kind within each period as betweenthem (Fig. 3). The data are also biasedbydifferencesin samplesize,but this factor ac-tually underestimatesthe increasing abun-danceof fish bonein medievalassemblages.Open area excavations at Iron Age andViking Age phasesof sites such as Howe(Smith 1994), Pool (Nicholson 1998),Brough Road Areas 1, 2 and 3 (Morris1989), Sævar Howe (Hedges 1983) andSkaill (Buteux 1997), produced less fishbone than the small (1 m� 2 m, 0.5 m�0.75 m and0.5 m� 0.5 m) samplecolumnsused to investigatemedieval fish middensat Robert’s Haven (Barrett 1997), St.Boniface(Lowe 1998:16–17)andQuoygrew(Colley 1983:209,Barrettet al. 1998).
If fishing intensified in the 11th or 12thcenturies,how might onedeterminewhetheror not the resultingproductwasexported?Itis clear from the zooarchaeologicalrecordjust discussedthat dried fish wereproduced,but equally clear that they could be con-sumedlocally. Oneoption is to comparethechronology of fishing intensification withtemporaltrendsin the ratio of marineto ter-restrialproteinin humandiet asindicatedby�13C assays.If the intensity of fishing in-creasedbetween the Viking Age and theMiddle Ages with no correspondingchange
in stablecarbonisotopevalues,it could bearguedthat the largercatchwasintendedforexportratherthanlocal consumption.
The available �13C values for gravesofLate Iron Age to medievaldatefrom north-ern Scotlandare presentedin Table 1 andFigs. 4a–4b.5 The dietary implications ofstable carbon isotope signatures(expressedas �13C in partsper mil relative to the stan-dard PeeDee Belemnitella) for humanbonecollagenarerelatively well understood(Tau-ber 1981,Johansenet al. 1986,Ambrose&Norr 1993, Liden & Nelson1994, Richards& Mellars 1998). In environments,such asthoseof Scotland,which lack C4 plants,themore positive the �13C value the greatertheamountof marineproteinin a diet. Endpoint�13C valuesfor 100%marineand100%ter-restrial diets appropriatefor Scotlandhavebeenestimatedasÿ12.0% andÿ20.6%, re-spectively (Barrett et al. forthcoming b).Precise dietary reconstruction is proble-matic, but more positive �13C valuesdo in-dicate a greater reliance on marine foods(Ambrose & Norr 1993; Ambrose et al.1997).
Student’s t-tests comparingthe �13C va-lues of Viking Age and medieval samples(definedby the presenceof gravegoodsandthe modesof calibrated14C dates)show nosignificant difference between the twogroups(Table2). It doesnot matterwhetherthe burialsareclassifiedby periodusing themodesof 14C datescalculatedwith the at-mospheric curve or by the mixed atmo-spheric/marinecalibration.Theseresultsareconsistentwith the hypothesisthat the ap-parentincreasein fishing in theMiddle Ageswas intendedto supply export trade ratherthan local demand,but larger samplesizeswill be requiredin the future to control forpossibleage,sexand/orgeographicalbiases.
CerealsBy the 12th century,Norway was importingcereal products (e.g. Sephton 1899:129).Orkney may have beenboth exporting andimporting grain aroundthe sametime. The
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 19
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
earliestrecordof grain exportappearsin the13th century historical work, IslendingaSaga. An Orcadianmerchanttook a cargoofmeal to Icelandin ca. 1203 (Johannessonetal. 1946:240,Gelsinger1981:118).Anotherreference,in BandamannaSaga, mentionsthe purchaseof Orcadianmalt and grain byan Icelander (Jonsson1936:358–359).Thissagais a fictional work, set in the 11th cen-tury, but its incidental details are probablyapplicableto the late 13th century when itwas composed (Magerøy 1993:35). Aspeechattributed to Sverrir of Norway in1186 has also been interpretedas evidencefor the exportof grain (Thomson1987:110).The king thanked Orcadians, Shetlandersandothersfor ‘such thingsasmakethis land[Norway] the richer,andwe cannotdo with-out’ (Sephton 1899:129). The Orcadiangrain trade is next recorded in ca. 1424,when the export of nine or ten shiploadstoScotlandin a yearof dearthcontributedto adisputebetween‘the peopleof Orkney’ anda royal administrator (Clouston 1914:36–37).
Archaeobotanical evidencefor the exportof cerealsfrom northernScotlandis not yetforthcoming. The widespreadcultivation ofbarleyandoatsin the Viking Age andMid-dle Agesis well established(e.g.Donaldson& Nye 1989, Huntley & Turner 1995, Nye1996,Bond 1998),but it is presentlyimpos-sible to identify the origin of importedcerealsrecoveredin consumerregionssuchasIceland(e.g.Amorosiet al. 1992:182).
The bestevidencefor agriculturalintensi-fication that can be associatedwith the de-velopmentof tradederivesfrom the studyoffossil and relict soil propertiesusing fieldcharacteristics,lipid biomarkers and thinsection micromorphology of resin-impreg-nated soil samples. The productivity ofarableland in northernScotlandwas main-tainedand improvedby the addition of sea-weed, animal dung and turf stripped fromuncultivated land (Simpson 1997:365,Davidson& Carter1998:828).This processcreatesdeepenedanthropogeniccultivationhorizons,known as plaggensoils, recogniz-able by their thickness and constituents.They began to form in the Iron Age orearlier (Dockrill & Simpson 1994, Lowe1998:204–206,Simpsonet al. 1998a,b, c,Barrett & Simpson unpublished),but themost extensive expressionof this processcanbe tentativelydatedto the Middle Ages.The Soil Survey of Scotland (1981) hasidentified approximately7 km2 of deepenedtopsoil located in the West Mainland ofOrkneyand(to a muchlesserdegree)on theislandof Stronsay.This is not a comprehen-sive survey,given that small plots of plag-gen soil have since been identifiedelsewhere(e.g.Barrettet al. 1998,Davidson& Carter 1998, Lowe 1998, Simpsonet al.1998c),but it doesisolate an important fo-cusof agriculturalintensificationin theWestMainland.Here,soils composedof redepos-ited turf, ruminant manure,pig manureandseaweed(Simpson 1997, Simpson et al.
Table2. T-testcomparisonof �13C valuesfor Viking Ageand medievalburials from north-ern Scotland.Theabsenceof a significantdifferencecould imply that the increasein fishingevident in the zooarchaeological record (Fig. 3) was partly intendedto supply an exporttrade.
CalibrationMethod Viking Age Medieval Variance1 t-value DegreesofFreedom
Significancelevel
Differenceinmeans?
Atmospheric n = 17 n = 8 equal 0.577 23 0.569 noMean=ÿ18.95 Mean=ÿ19.28
Atmospheric/marine n = 15 n = 10 unequal 0.870 11 0.403 noMean=ÿ19.27 Mean=ÿ18.73
1 Basedon Levene’stest for equalityof variances.Pooledt-testonly usedif variancesareequal.
20 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
1999) cluster around Norse farm nameswhich arelate in a relativechronologicalse-quence establishedon onomastic groundsandthusprobablypost-dateinitial Scandina-vian colonization (Simpson 1993:7). Bulksamplesfrom the Netherskaillsoil profile atMarwick provided (2�) calibrateddatesofAD 999–1222(SRR-4115,930� 55 BP) at65–70 cm and AD 1405–1522(SRR-4114,440� 55 BP) at 25–30 cm in depth. Soildatesmustbe treatedcautiously,given reju-venationeffects and uncertaintiesregardingthe age of redepositedmaterial (Simpson1993:7–8,1997:367–368),but theseassaysdo imply that accumulationbegan duringthe Middle Ages in at least one location.Although more dateson plaggen soils arecalled for, this evidenceis broadly consis-tent with the earliest historical records ofgrain export.
Historical evidencefor importationof cer-ealsbeginsin the reign of RobertI of Scot-land (1306–1329),whenan annualrenderofgrain was made to St. Magnus Cathedral,Orkney (Crawford 1982:63). Although nottradein the strict sense,this cargoprobablyreflectsthe productsof moremundanetrans-actionsthat did not enter the royal accountbooks.Raregrainsof breadwheattype (Tri-ticum aestivum) recovered from medievaldepositsin Orkney and Caithnessmay alsoimply that cerealswere imported (Huntley1994, Huntley & Turner 1995:222). Thismaterialhasnot yet beendirectly dated,butcomesfrom sites with associatedradiocar-bon assays.SeventeenTriticum aestivumgrains(plus 11 grainsidentifiedonly asTri-ticum sp.) were recoveredfrom ca. 12th–14th century deposits at Freswick Links(Huntley & Turner 1995:222), two more(plus two cf. Triticum specimens)camefrom13th–14th century deposits at Robert’sHavenandthree(plusonecf. Triticum aesti-vum, two hexaploid Triticum sp. and oneTriticum sp. grain) were found in 11th–12thcentury depositsat Earl’s Bu (Huntley un-published). Given the potential economicimplications of trade in wheat, it is neces-
sary to address the arguments for andagainstthis interpretationin somedetail.
Recordsof wheat production in the farnorth of Scotlandare extremely rare. Mostaccounts indicate that only barley (Hor-deum) andoats(Avena) wereproduced(e.g.Anon. 1760:56,70, Buchanan1733:41,Hall1807:530,Withrington & Grant 1978, Pen-nant 1979:174,177, Hewison 1997). More-over, the few referencesto wheat growingthat do exist are associatedwith experimen-tation (Anon. 1814:35–36,Anon. 1845:28,65, Withrington & Grant 1978:280,Nayloret al. 1987). In the first Statistical Accountof Scotland (Withrington & Grant 1978:280), for example,wheatwasgrown in onlyone of 28 recorded Orkney and Shetlandparishes.An estateowner in Shapinsayat-temptedto introducewheatalongwith otherimprovementsto his land. A mid 1980sex-perimentof theAberdeenSchoolof Agricul-ture involved planting two plots of winterwheat at Bilbster (a shelteredriver valleysite in the Caithnessinterior), but only oneof them successfullymatured(Naylor et al.1987).
Although it is impossible to reconstructthe environmentaltolerancesof past wheatpopulations(Hillman et al. 1995:197),it isneverthelessinstructiveto comparethemini-mum requirementsof modern and earlymodern wheat with climate data from Or-kney (which are also relevant to the north-east coast of Caithness where FreswickLinks and Robert’s Haven are located,seeDry & Robertson [1982:9–12]) (Fig. 5).Low summertemperaturesand poor condi-tions in the harvestseasonare critical limit-ing factors. Average summer temperaturesdo not reach Percival’s (1974:5) minimumof 13–148C and are well below the idealrange of 18–198C (Wheeler & Mayes1997:231).Wheat grown in northern Scot-land is unlikely to matureuntil mid-Septem-ber or October(Pennant1979:170,Naylor etal. 1987) when averagetemperaturesdropeven further below the publishedminimumandrainfall increasesdramatically(Meteoro-
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 21
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
logical Office 1989:6). Precipitation at theend of the season hinders ripening andmakesharvestingdifficult (Hall & Russell1909:17,Nuttonson1955:30,Thomsonet al.1992:343).Moreover, the rising numberofgusty days in September and October(Davidson & Jones1985:17–19)would in-creasethe chancesof lodging, shakingand/or damage from sea spray (see Anon.1845:45, Withrington & Grant 1978:147,169,225,339–340).
In sum,the early modernhistorical recordand 20th century climate data imply thatwheatcultivation is unlikely to besuccessfulin northernScotland,supportingthe hypoth-esis that it was imported.However,equallystrong alternativelines of evidencesuggestthat it could have been produced locally.First, wheat might have been grown withgreater successin the putative ‘MedievalWarm Period’ thoughtby someto character-ize the Viking Age and early Middle Ages
(cf. Hughes& Diaz 1994,Ogilvie & Farmer1997:130).Second,five Triticum sp. rachisinternodeswererecoveredat FreswickLinks(Huntley & Turner1995:222)andoneTriti-cum aestivum rachis internode was exca-vated at Earl’s Bu (Huntley unpublished).Onemight expectthis chaff at a cerealpro-duction rather than consumptionsite (Hill-man 1984). Third, emmer wheat, Triticumdiccocum, is a tracefind at severalsitesdat-ing from the Neolithic to the Iron Age(Lynch 1983:172,Boardman1992:MF2:A5–A12, Dickson 1994:128, Carter et al.1995:458,Bond 1998:86). It may be moresuited than breadwheat to the climate lim-itationsof northernScotland,6 but doesindi-cate that wheat could be grown on a smallscalein prehistoricOrkney. Lastly, the cur-rent lack of direct AMS dateson the wheatitself makesthe hypothesisthat this cerealwas imported as early as the 11th or 12thcenturiesspeculative.
Fig. 5. Limiting factorsfor wheatcultivation in thefar north of Scotlandbasedon modernclimatedatafrom Kirkwall, Orkney.
22 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
Butter and woolMoving to the productsof pastoralism,it isknown that butter was tradedfrom Norway(Sephton 1899:129), and that wool wasexported from Iceland (Ingimundarson1995:333),by the 12th century. Wool mayhave been exported from Norway severalcenturiesearlier as textiles of the Veka and‘Birka’ types (BenderJørgensen1992:138–140). It hasalso beenargued,however,thatpre 11th centurytradein textiles focusedonhigh value weavesand materials(includingsilk), with local productionof utilitarian fab-ric (Walton Rogers1997:1826–1830).
Typically, the evidenceregarding NorseScotland is more ambiguous.The clearestpicture emerges for butter. A dispute in1222 between the bishop and people ofCaithnessinvolved an increasein the buttertax or tithe (GuDmundsson1965:298–299,Crawford 1985:28). Butter also appearsinthe earliestsurviving secularrent andtax re-cords — from the 15th and 16th centuries(McNeill 1901:325–327;Thomson 1996).Some of the butter was probably intendedfor consumptionby elitesandtheir retainers,but ecclesiasticalandsecularpaymentswereoften destinedfor trade in better-documen-ted regions and centuries (e.g. Shaw1980:165–166,173, McNeill & MacQueen1996:237). Contrary to Gelsinger’s (1981:111–115) claim, wool was probably notan important export from Norse Scotland.Wadmel (wool cloth) does appearin 16thcentury Shetlandic rentals (McNeill 1901:325–327), but is not found in recordsfor Orkney and Caithness(e.g. Thomson1996).
Butter or wool exportshouldtheoreticallyinfluence the managementof cattle andsheepherdsand thus lead to changesin theage structureof faunal assemblages(Legge1981, McCormick 1992, Ingimundarson1995:57–97).Dairying is likely to leavetheclearestpattern— the mostimportantsigna-ture criterion being a cull of surpluscalves(Legge1981,McCormick 1992).When thiswas first recognizedin medieval phasesat
Sandwick South in Shetland, Bigelow(1989:188–189, 1992:19) suggested thatthere may indeedhave beenan intensifica-tion of dairying aroundthe 12th century(beit to supportan elite superstructureor trade).Recently, however, this pattern has alsobeen identified at earlier Viking Age andmedieval sites (Rackham 1996:164–167,Barrett& Oltmann1998,Bond 1998:85).AtPool, Orkney, the mortality of youngcalvesappearsto have increasedat the Iron Age/Viking Age transition(Bond 1998:85).Thiseconomicpatternmay thus representa cul-turally defined herd managementstrategy(introduced during Scandinaviancoloniza-tion) rather than the growth of trade or in-creaseddemandfrom a hierarchy of non-producers.
URBANISM
The earliestNorwegian‘port of trade’, Kau-pang in Vestfold (Blindheim et al. 1981),flourishedin the 9th century,but it was fol-lowed only slowly by formal urban organi-zation elsewherein Norway. Archaeologicalevidence dates the developmentof townssuch as Nidaros, Oslo and Bergen to the11th century (Herteig 1985, Schia 1987,Christophersen1989). In Orkney, Brøgger(1929:121, see also Owen 1993:332,Graham-Campbell& Batey 1998:56) onceargued that the Viking Age cemetery atPierowall,Westray,providedevidencefor atrading centre, which he equatedwith theplace-name Hofn (haven) in OrkneyingaSaga. As Small (1968:15) and Morris(1985:233) have observed,however, it isdifficult to sustainthe hypothesis.The sagareferenceis to the 12th centuryanddoesnotimply trade (GuDmundsson1965:162–163).Moreover,the 17 identified gravescomparepalely with the hundredsnear KaupanginNorway (cf. Thorsteinsson1968:164–172,Blindheim et al. 1981).
There is some evidence that Thurso(Dasent1894:155)andWick (Pryde1965:28,47) in Caithnessmay have functioned as
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 23
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
townsby the13thor 14thcenturies.However,Kirkwall in Orkneywasundoubtedlythepri-mary urbanfocusof the earldoms.Its devel-opmentcanbedatedto the12thcenturybasedon both historical and archaeologicalevi-dence.A mid 13th century accountof thetranslationof therelicsof Magnus,thepatronsaint of Orkney, to Kirkwall in ca. 1135 re-cordsthat ‘the markettown of Kirkwall hadonly a few housesbut sincethenit hasgrownconsiderably’(Palsson& Edwards1987:37,45, Thomson1987:61–62).Two yearslaterSt. Magnus Cathedralwas founded in thistownby theEarlof Orkney(Cruden1988:78).Kirkwall’s subsequentrole asan administra-tive andeconomiccentreis clearfrom thehis-torical record (e.g. Dasent 1894:365–369,Donaldson 1974:36, Thomson 1987:114–115).
Archaeological evidence for Kirkwall’surban statusis also unambiguous.Substan-tial portions of St. Magnus Cathedralandthe Bishop’s Palacedate to the 12th and
13th centuries (Simpson 1961:72, Cruden1988, Fawcett 1988) and McGavin(1982:401–402;see also Cox et al. 1998)identified a possiblejetty sealedby depositsincluding Scottish and English pottery of13th to early 14th centurydate.The settledareaexpandedconsiderablyfrom the 13th–14th centurieson (McGavin 1982:430–431;Lamb 1993:45–48).At the 57 Albert Streetsite, ca. 33 m of shorehad beenreclaimedby the 15th–16th centuries (McGavin1982:430–431).
DISCUSSION
Our understandingof the OrcadianVikingAge remains imperfect. Nevertheless,it isnow possibleto constructa tentativechron-ology of its five main socioeconomicattri-butes (Fig. 6), to contrast this model withthe timing of similar developmentsin Nor-way and to interpretthe resultsvis-a-vis thetenetsof world-systemstheory.
Fig. 6. A tentativechronologyfor the adoptionof stateattributesin NorseOrkney.
24 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
The centralizationof authority in Orkneyis best attributed to the end of the VikingAge andlater in the Middle Ages.Like Nor-way, the first clear consolidationof powerwithin the earldom probably began in the11th century,beforewhich multiple compet-ing chiefsvied for authority.However,someelementsof this heterarchycontinued intothe 12th century — when chiefly feastingandgift-giving werestill practisedandinde-pendentmagnatesengagedin feud with im-punity. The incorporation of the earldominto Norwegian (and Scottish) state struc-tures was also a slow process.Althoughthere was a short-lived attempt at directNorwegian interferencein the 11th century(Sawyer1976),Orkneyremainedlargely im-mune from externalauthority until the endof the12thcentury.
In contrast, Christianity was an earlyfeature of Norse Scotland— possibly pre-datingNorwegiandevelopmentsby approxi-mately a century.It is likely that competingViking Age factions espoused differentideologiesgiven archaeologicaland histori-cal evidencefor the concurrentexistenceofboth Christian and paganelites in the 9thand 10th centuries.7 The more hierarchicalChristian worldview may have achievedlasting dominanceduring Earl Thorfinn Si-gurdarson’s11th century efforts to consoli-date central authority. Later, this ideologyservedto emphasizeOrcadianindependence— the clearestexampleof which is the mid12th century creationof a patron saint, the‘martyred’ Earl Magnus, as a consciousequivalentof the royal saintsof NorwayandDenmark(Brunsden1997).
More researchis necessarybeforethe in-tensificationof productionin NorseScotlandcan be fully understoodand comparedwithNorwegian analogues.Economic changesassociatedwith the beginningof the VikingAge, suchas increasesin the importanceoffishing and dairying, may representthe in-troductionof new subsistencestrategiesdur-ing Scandinaviancolonization rather thanintensification of production to support an
elite hierarchyor trade.The useof plaggensoils to enhance agricultural productivityprobablyexpandedin the Middle Ages, butthis phenomenonis not yet closely dated.Onepatternof intensificationdoesstandout.Distinctive fish middens,createdby prepar-ing cod and related speciesfor drying andperhapsfish oil extraction,first appearedinthe 11th or 12th centuries. Fish middenscould representincreasingdemandfrom amore centralizedelite hierarchy— or evenpopulationincrease.However,the lack of acleardifferencein themarinecarboncontentof human bone collagen from Viking Ageand medieval burials suggeststhat any in-crease in production may have been in-tendedfor export.
The earliest historical evidence for thegrowth of tradein staplessuchasfish, grainand butter datesto the 12th and 13th centu-ries. The developmentof urbanism wouldappearto parallel this chronology.Kirkwall,the principal town of NorseScotland,wasinexistenceby the 1130s,and probably grewrapidly thereafter.Both developmentsmayslightly post-datesimilar eventsin Norway.
How can this chronologybe interpreted?The first observationof importanceis thatthe five characteristicsof the Viking Ageunderconsiderationdid not occur as a con-temporary state-formation package. Norwere they adoptedsimultaneouslyin a Nor-wegian‘core’ andScottish‘periphery’. Whywas this so?World-systemsspreadand un-derdevelopmenteffects(Chase-Dunn& Hall1991, Bintliff 1997, Chase-Dunn& Mann1998:15) may provide part of the answer,but cannot explain Christianity which wasprobablyadoptedin NorseOrkneya centuryor more beforeNorway. Given the politicalimplications of Christian ideology (Steven-son 1996), its espousalin Norse Scotlandquestionsthe likelihood of Norwegiansuzer-ainty and arguesagainstconsolidationof ahierarchical core-periphery relationship intheViking-Age.
A core-periphery relationship probablydid emerge between Orkney and Norway
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 25
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
during the 11th century transition to theMiddle Ages,when the earldomwas brieflysubjectedto direct Norwegiancontrol (Saw-yer 1976).Spreadeffectsmay thenhaveledto the growth of trade in staples,as Orca-dianswere influencedby the slightly earliergrowth of Norwegiancommercein productssuch as dried fish. Moreover, the 11th cen-tury towns of Norway must have servedasmodels for the later developmentof Kirk-wall. World-system underdevelopmentef-fects may also have played a role in thiscase.The delay betweenthe growth of ur-banismin Norway and Orkney could relateto unequalrelationshipsbetweenthe two —particularly if Scottish products such asdried fish were exportedto Europeanmar-kets via Norwegianports,as later legal evi-dencesuggests(Friedland1983).
It couldalsobearguedthateffectsof under-developmentexplain why chiefly socioeco-nomicpatternscontinuedin Orkneywell intothe 12th century. Impededcomplexity andfactional competitionhaveresultedfrom theexploitationof peripheriesduring recentepi-sodesof Europeancolonization(Frank1966,Fried1967,Chase-Dunn& Mann1998:15).Itis evidentfrom thehistoricalrecord,however,that this explanationdoesnot work in theOr-cadiancontext.Thecontinuityof chieflyorga-nization — complete with feasting, giftexchange,scaldicpoetryandfeud— into the12th centurywasconcurrentwith a delay ineffectiveincorporationof NorseScotlandintothe Norwegian(or Scottish)state.Orcadianindependencewas manifestedboth symboli-cally (with the creationof a patronsaintandconstructionof a cathedraldedicatedto him,seeBrunsden(1997), Crawford (1988)) andmilitarily (in actsof aggressionagainstNor-wegianandScottishkings,seeGuDmundsson(1965:297),Crawford(1985:31)).
The late survival of chiefly organizationin peripherieshasbeenrecognizedcross-cul-turally (e.g. Yoffee 1993:71).In a study ofthe Scottish highland clans, Dodgshon(1995:101)arguedthat this is dueto ‘oppor-tunity costs’:
Seenfrom Edinburgh, the difficult and isolatednatureof the regionmadethecostsof incorporat-ing it into the wider statehigh. At the sametime,the rewardsof suchincorporationwould not havebeen attractive given the region’s low potentialfor extractingsurplus.
This explanationis convincingfrom the per-spectiveof an expansionisticcore, but doesnot addresswhy theoccupantsof peripheriesmakethe choicesthey do. Whenthe issueisframed in these terms it becomesevidentthat the late survival of chiefly organizationin Orkney(andperhapssimilar contexts)re-presentsa periphery’ssuccessin maintain-ing an indigenous form of social organi-zation.This successwasachievedby ensur-ing that the ‘costs’ of expropriation by acore remainedhigher than potential ‘bene-fits’ — through the exercise of militarypower, ideology and diplomacy.The careerof Earl Thorfinn Sigurdarson, mentionedabove,is a clearexampleof this process.Heeffectively manipulateddiplomacy(with po-tential Norwegian and Scottish overlords),military power(usinga retinuesupportedbyfeastingandplunder)andChristianideologi-cal support(solicited from as far a field asRome)(GuDmundsson1965:28–83).Return-ing to thequestionposedat theoutsetof thispaper,it is possiblethat peripheriesdo notchange,or changemore slowly than neigh-bouring polities, becausethey may some-times representsuccessfulresistanceto coreexpansion.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This study was funded by the SocialSciencesand HumanitiesResearchCouncilof Canadaas a componentof the VikingAge TransitionsProject. It was inspired bythe Tromsø Arctic Archaeology Seminar‘The North Atlantic and Northwest RussiaAD 800–1400’organizedby Reidar Bertel-sen in 1996. Human bone samples werekindly donatedby Anne Brundleof the Tan-kerness House Museum, Orkney, Theya
26 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
Molleson of the Natural History Museum,London,andAlison Sheridanof theNationalMuseumsof Scotland.SarahKing assistedwith collecting the samples; �13C wasmeasuredfor all TO samplenumbersby theEnvironmentalIsotopeLaboratory (EIL) ofthe University of Waterloo. Stable isotopemeasurementsfor GalsonandCnip werede-termined by Michael Richardsof the Uni-versity of Oxford and kindly provided byTim Neighbour.Don Brothwell, SarahCol-ley, MagnarDalland,HeatherJames,OlwynOwen, Sophia Perdikaris, Alison Sheridanand Steffen Stummann Hansen are alsoowed special thanks for permissionto in-clude their unpublisheddata.IAS gratefullyacknowledgesthe contributions of SteveDockrill, Richard Evershed,Ian Bull andPim van Bergenin developingthe analysisof anthropogenicsoils in the NorthernIsles.Work at Quoygrew received support fromthe Orkney IslandsCouncil, the Hunter Ar-chaeologicalTrust, the Societyfor MedievalArchaeology,the University of GlasgowandHistoric Scotland.The assistanceof HeatherJames,the excavationsupervisorsand thecrew is gratefully acknowledged,as is thelocal support of George and MargaretDrever, JamesDrever, Linda and StephenHagan,Julie GibsonandAnne Brundle.By-ron Moldofsky draftedFig. 1 andNicole Or-etsky assistedwith library research.Duringthe writing of this paperwe have benefitedfrom suggestions,offprints and unpublishedreports received from Diane Alldritt, Col-leen Batey, Gerald Bigelow, Julie Bond,Ruby Ceron-Carrasco,Axel Christophersen,Gordon Cook, Tony Davis, Steinar Gullik-sen, Daphne Lorimer, Christopher Morris,RebeccaNicholson, Terry O’Connor, Mi-chael Parker Pearson,Berit Sellevold andNiall Sharples.
NOTES
1 More accurately the joint earldoms of Orkney andCaithness,but Orkneywill be usedfor convenience.
2 For samples with appropriate data available, marine
reservoircorrections havebeencalculatedusing CALIB4.1.2 (Stuiver & Reimer 1993), the mixed atmospheric/marinecalibrationdatasetof Stuiveret al. (1998),a DRvalue (which accountsfor local variation in the marinereservoir)of 1� 8 years (Heier-Nielsen 1995:881)andpercentmarinecarbonestimatesbasedon staplecarbonisotopeanalysis.The methodology is discussedin moredetail elsewhere(Barrettet al. forthcomingb). Althoughthis method provides the best approximationcurrentlyavailable, it may result in dates that are too ‘young’.Humansdo not eatshellcarbonate,thematerialon whichthe correctionsarebased(Harkness1983).Carbonin thesoft tissues of marine organismsmay come from adifferent source(probablytheir food, ultimately derivedfrom phytoplankton), which may appear ‘younger’ inradiocarbon terms than the dissolved inorganic carbonusedin shell production (Dyke et al. 1996;Barrettet al.forthcoming b). For thesereasons,thedifferencebetweendatescalibratedusing the atmosphericand mixed atmo-spheric/marine models must be viewed as a maximumpossible offset. Atmospheric calibration will tend toproduce datesthat are too old, whereas marinereservoir‘corrections’ may produceassaysthat aretoo young.
3 Other Viking Age trade goods, such as antler combs(Weber 1993) and iron (Martens 1992:4–5), whichoccupy a grey area between high and low-value areomittedfrom the presentdiscussion.The statusof wood,which must have been transportedto treelessnorthernScotland(e.g.Crawford1995,Owen1993:332),is alsoanambiguous indicator of ‘ trade’ in staples. MedievalNorwegian law allowed Icelandersto ‘cut all the woodthey want in the king’s forests’ (Gelsinger1981:71–72)andit is likely thatOrcadianscouldalsocollect their ownsupplies in Norway or further southin Scotland.
4 Barley from immediately underthe homogenizedsurfacelayers,yielded2� calibrateddatesof AD 1159–1291(TO-7117, 800� 50 BP) and AD 1039–1264 (TO-7530,860� 40 BP). Bonefrom a calf skeletonexcavatednearthe baseof the middenprovideda 2� assayof AD 996–1162(TO-7529, 970� 40 BP).
5 As samples, with less than 5% of their originalprotein (equivalent to less than 1% collagen yield bybone weight) surviving after biochemical purificationcan produce anomalous isotopic resul ts (Taylor1997:90–91), six samples with yields below thisthresholdhavebeenomittedfrom Table1. Threesampleswith �13C valuesof <ÿ22 havealsobeenleft out. Theyare probably contaminated by humic acids(van Klinken1999:691).�13C valuesfrom otherstudiesfor which yielddata (or carbon:nitrogen ratios within the acceptablerangeof 2.9–3.6,seeAmbrose(1990))wereunavailablehave not beenusedto assessdiets or marine reservoircorrections. �13C data produced in association withradiometric radiocarbondateshave been omitted, as asmall fractionation effect can be induced during thecombustionof largesamples(G. Cook pers.comm.,seeTaylor 1987).
6 Emmergrowsrapidly, tillers well, is relatively immunetorust and fungi (Percival 1974:73,188–189)and is quitetolerantof intermittentsoil water logging during growthanddevelopment(Davis & Hillman 1988:600–601).
7 A further possible10th centurychapelhasrecentlybeenreportedat Kebister,Shetland(Owen& Lowe 1999).
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 27
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
REFERENCES
Abrams, L. 1995a. The Anglo-Saxonsand theChristianizationof Scandinavia.Anglo-SaxonEngland24, 213–249.
Abrams, L. 1998. History and archaeology:theconversionof Scandinavia.In Crawford,B. E.(ed.),ConversionandChristianity in theNorthSeaWorld. St. John’sHousePapersNo. 8, St.Andrews.
Ambrose,S. H. 1990.Preparationand character-ization of boneandtooth collagenfor isotopicanalysis.J. Arch. Sci 17, 431–451.
Ambrose,S. H., Butler, B. M., Hanson,D. B.,Hunter-Anderson,R. L. & Krueger, H. W.1997.Stableisotopicanalysisof humandiet intheMarianasarchipelago,WesternPacific.Am.J. Phys.Anthropol104, 343–362.
Ambrose, S. H. & Norr, L. 1993. Isotopiccomposition of dietary protein and energyversusbonecollagenand apatite:purified dietgrowth experiments. In Lambert, J. B. &Grupe, G. (eds), Prehistoric Human Bone:Archaeologyat the Molecular Level. Spring-er-Verlag,Berlin.
Ambrosiani,B. 1998.IrelandandScandinaviainthe early Viking Age: an archaeologicalresponse.In Clarke,H. B., Nı Mhaonaigh,M.& O Floinn, R. (eds),Ireland and Scandinaviain the Early Viking Age. Four Courts Press,Dublin.
Amorosi, T., Buckland, P. C., Olafsson, G.,Sadler,J. P. & Skidmore,P. 1992.Site statusand the palaeoecologicalrecord:A discussionof resultsfrom Bessastadir,Iceland.In Morris,C. D. & Rackham,D. J. (eds),NorseandLaterSettlement and Subsistence in the NorthAtlantic. University of Glasgow Departmentof Archaeology,Glasgow.
Andersen,P. S. 1991. Norse settlementin theHebrides: what happenedto the natives andwhat happenedto the Norse immigrants?InWood,I. & Lund, N. (eds.),PeopleandPlacesin Northern Europe500–1600. Boydell Press,Woodbridge.
Andren, A. 1989.Statesandtownsin the MiddleAges:theScandinavianexperience.TheoryandSociety18, 585–609.
Anon, 1760. A History of the Whole Realm of
Scotland, Civil, Natural, and Ecclesiastical.JohnWood andCompany,Edinburgh.
Anon, 1814. GeneralReport of the AgriculturalState,andPolitical Circumstancesof Scotland.Abernethy& Walker, Edinburgh.
Anon, 1845. The New Statistical Account ofScotland.W. BlackwoodandSons,Edinburgh.
Arneborg, J., Heinemeier, J., Lynnerup, N.,Nielsen, H. L., Rud, N. & Sveinbjornsdottir,A. E. 1999. Changeof diet of the GreenlandVikings determinedfrom stablecarbonisotopeanalysisand 14C dating of their bones.Radio-carbon141, 157–168.
Ashmore, P. 1997. Radiocarbon dates fromarchaeologicalsites in Argyll and Arran. InRitchie, G. (ed.), The Archaeologyof Argyll.EdinburghUniversity Press,Edinburgh.
Axboe, A. 1995. Danish kings and dendrochro-nology: archaeologicalinsights into the earlyhistory of the Danish state. In Ausenda,G.(ed.), After Empire: Towardsan EthnologyofEurope’s Barbarians. The Boydell Press,Woodbridge,Suffolk.
Bagge,S. 1996.From GangLeaderto the Lord’sAnointed.OdenseUniversity Press,Odense.
Barber,J. W. 1996. Excavationsat St. Magnus’Kirk, Birsay.In Morris, C. D. (ed.),TheBirsayBay Project Volume2: Sitesin Birsay Villageand on the Brough of Birsay, Orkney. Uni-versityof Durham,Departmentof ArchaeologyMonographseriesno. 2, Durham.
Barrett,J. H. 1995.‘Few knowan earl in fishing-clothes’.Fish middensand the economyof theViking AgeandLateNorseearldomsof Orkneyand Caithness,northern Scotland. Ph.D. Dis-sertation,University of Glasgow.
Barrett, J. H. 1997. Fish trade in Norse Orkneyand Caithness:a zooarchaeologicalapproach.Antiquity 71, 616–638.
Barrett, J. H. Svein Asleifarson.New Dictionaryof National Biography. Oxford UniversityPress,Oxford (forthcoming).
Barrett, J. H., Beukens, R. & Brothwell, D.Radiocarbondating and marine reservoircor-rection of Viking Age Christian burials fromOrkney.Antiquity (forthcomingb).
Barrett, J. H., Beukens,R. & Nicholson, R. A.Diet andethnicity during the Viking coloniza-tion of Scotland:evidencefrom fish bonesandstablecarbonisotopes(forthcominga).
Barrett,J.H., Nicholson,R. A. & Ceron-Carrasco,R. 1999. Archaeo-ichthyologicalevidencefor
28 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
long-term socioeconomictrends in northernScotland: 3500 BC to AD 1500. J. Arch.Science26, 353–388.
Barrett, J. H. & Oltmann, J. 1998. A report onmammal,bird and fish bonefrom excavationsat Sandwick North, Unst, Shetland, 1995.Historic Scotland.
Barrett, J. H., Simpson, I. & Davis, A. 1998.Cleat, Loch of Burness, Quoygrew-NetherTrenabieand Trenabie.Discovery& Excava-tion in Scotland1997, 61.
Batey, C. E. 1993. The Viking and Late Norsegravesof Caithnessand Sutherland.In Batey,C. E., Jesch, J. & Morris, C. D. (eds),Caithness,Orkney and the North Atlantic inthe Viking Age. Edinburgh University Press,Edinburgh.
Bender Jørgensen,L. 1992. North EuropeanTextiles until AD 1000. Aarhus UniversityPress,Aarhus.
Berglund, B. 1997. Changes in the powerstructure around AD 1100 on the northernNorwegiancoast.Theimportanceof waterwaysandof theorganisationof tradein building andmaintenanceof power. In De Boe, G. &Verhaeghe, F. (eds), Rural SettlementsinMedieval Europe: Papers of the ‘MedievalEuropeBrugge1997’ Conference. I.A.P. Rap-porten6, Zellik.
Bertelsen,R. 1992.An archaeologicalperspectiveon the Medieval north–southconnection. InMedieval Europe 1992 Exchangeand TradePre-Printed Papers. Medieval Europe 1992,York.
Bibire, P. 1988. The poetry of Earl Rognvald’scourt. In Crawford, B. E. (ed.), St MagnusCathedral and Orkney’s Twelfth CenturyRenaissance. Aberdeen University Press,Aberdeen.
Bigelow, G. F. 1985. Sandwick,Unst and LateNorse Shetlandeconomy.In Smith, B. (ed.),ShetlandArchaeology:NewWorkin the1970s.The ShetlandTimesLtd., Lerwick.
Bigelow, G. F. 1989.Life in medievalShetland:An archaeologicalperspective.Hikuin 15, 183–192.
Bigelow, G. F. 1992. Issuesand prospectsinShetlandNorsearchaeology.In Morris, C. D. &Rackham,D. J. (eds),Norseand Later Settle-ment and Subsistencein the North Atlantic.Universityof Glasgow,Departmentof Archae-ology, Glasgow.
Bintliff, J. 1997. Regional survey, demography,andthe riseof complexsocietiesin theancientAgean: Core-periphery,neo-Malthusian,andother interpretivemodels.J. Field Arch 24, 1–38.
Blindheim, C., Heyerdahl-Larsen,B. & Tollnes,R. L. 1981. Kaupang-FunneneBind I. Uni-versitetetsOldsaksamling,Oslo.
Boardman,S.1992.Thebotanicalremainsfrom apit. In Pollock, R. W. The excavationof asouterrain and roundhouse at Cyderhall,Sutherland.Proc. Soc. Antiqu. Scotland122,MF2, A5–A12.
Bond, J. M. 1998.Beyondthe fringe? Recognis-ing changeandadaptationin PictishandNorseOrkney. In Mills, C. M. & Coles, G. (eds),HumanSettlementin Marginal Areas. OxbowBooksMonograph100,Oxford.
Bradley, R. 1987. A comparativestudy of thehoardingin thelateBronzeAge andtheVikingeconomies.In Burenhult, G., Carlsson, A.,Hyenstrand,A. & Sjøvold,T. (eds),TheoreticalApproaches to Artefacts, Settlement andSociety. British ArchaeologicalReport, Inter-nationalSeries366,Oxford.
Broberg, B. & Hasselmo, M. 1992. Urbandevelopmentin Swedenin the Middle Ages.In Ersgard, L., Holmstrom, M. & Lamm, K.(eds), Rescueand Research: Reflections ofSociety in SwedenAD 700–1700.Riksantik-varieambetet,Stockholm.
Brøgger, A. W. 1929. Ancient Immigrants: AHistory of the Norse Settlementof Scotland.The ClarendonPress,Oxford.
Brothwell, D. 1977. On a mycoform stonestructure in Orkney, and its relevance topossible further interpretations of so-calledsouterrains.Bull. Inst. Arch 14, 179–190.
Brothwell, D., Tills, D. & Muir, V. 1986.Biological characteristics.In Berry, R. J. &Firth, H. N. (eds),The Peopleof Orkney. TheOrkneyPress,Kirkwall.
Brown, M. M. 1997. The Norse in Argyll. InRitchie, G. (ed.), The Archaeologyof Argyll.EdinburghUniversity Press,Edinburgh.
Bruhn, O. 1993. Earl Rognvaldand the rise ofsaga literature. In Batey, C. E., Jesch,J. &Morris, C. D. (eds),Caithness,Orkneyand theNorth Atlantic in the Viking Age. EdinburghUniversity Press,Edinburgh.
Brunsden,G. M. 1997.Politicsandlocal tradition
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 29
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
within the cult of Saint Magnus of Orkney.NorthernStudies32, 129–139.
Buchanan,G. 1733.Buchanan’sHistory of Scot-land. D. Midwinter andA. Ward, London.
Buckland, P. C. & Sadler,J. 1990. Ballast andbuilding stone: a discussion.In Parsons,D.(ed.), Stone:Quarrying and Building in Eng-land AD 43–1525. Phillimore, London.
Burstrom, M. 1993. Silver as bridewealth. Aninterpretationof Viking Age silver hoardsonGotland,Sweden.Curr. Swed.Arch 1, 33–37.
Buteux, S. (ed.) 1997. Settlementsat Skaill,Deerness,Orkney. British ArchaeologicalRe-portsBritish Series260,Oxford.
Buttler, S. 1991. Steatite in the Norse NorthAtlantic. Acta Arch 61, 228–232.
Callmer,J.1994.Urbanizationin Scandinaviaandthe Baltic region c. AD 700–1100: tradingplaces, centres and early urban sites. InAmbrosiani,B. & Clarke,H. (eds),TheTwelfthViking Congress: Developmentsaround theBaltic and the North Sea in the Viking Age.Riksantikvariea¨mbetet and StatensHistoriskaMuseer,Stockholm.
Carter,S.1998.‘Farm mounds’andtheformationof the Area 1 sediments.In Lowe, C. (ed.),St.BonifaceChurch,Orkney:CoastalErosionandArchaeologicalAssessment. Sutton PublishingandHistoric Scotland,Edinburgh.
Carter, S. & Fraser, D. 1996. The Sands ofBreckon,Yell, Shetland:archaeologicalsurveyand excavationin an area of eroding wind-blown sand.Proc. Soc.Antiqu. Scotland126,271–302.
Carter,S. P., McCullagh,R. P. J. & MacSween,A. 1995.TheIron Age in Shetland:excavationsat five sitesthreatenedby coastalerosion.Proc.Soc.Antiqu. Scotland125, 429–482.
Ceron-Carrasco,R. 1994.Theinvestigationof fishremainsfrom an Orkney farm mound.In VanNeer, W. (ed.), Fish Exploitation in the Past:Proc. 7th Meeting of the ICAZ Fish RemainsWorking Group. Musee Royal de L’AfriqueCentrale,Tervuren.
Ceron-Carrasco,R. 1998.Fish bone.In Lowe, C.(ed.), St. Boniface Church, Orkney: CoastalErosion and ArchaeologicalAssessment. Sut-ton Publishing and Historic Scotland, Edin-burgh.
Chase-Dunn,C. & Hall, T. D. 1991.Conceptual-izing core/peripheryhierarchiesfor compara-tive study. In Chase-Dunn,C. & Hall, T. D.
Chase-Dunn,C. & Mann,K. M. 1998.TheWintuand their Neighbors: A Very Small World–systemin Northern California. University ofArizona Press,Tucson.
Christophersen,A. (ed.) 1989. Royal authorityandearlyurbanisationin Trondheimduringthetransition to the historical period Archaeologyand the Urban EconomyFestschriftto AsbjørnE. Herteig. Arkeologiskeskrifter No. 5 Histo-risk Museum,Bergen.
Christophersen,A. 1991. Ports and trade inNorwayduring the transitionto historicaltime.In Crumlin-Pedersen,O. (ed.), Aspects ofMaritime Scandinavia AD 200–1200. TheViking Ship Museum,Roskilde.
Claessen,H. J. M. & Skalnık, P. 1978.The earlystate:modelsandreality. In Claessen,H. J. M.& Skalnık, P. (eds),The Early State. Mouton,The Hague.
Clarke,H. & Ambrosiani,B. 1991.Townsin theViking Age. Leicester University Press,Lei-cester.
Close-Brooks,J. 1980. Excavationsin the DairyPark, Dunrobin, Sutherland,1977. Proc. Soc.Antiqu. Scotland110, 328–345.
Clouston,J. S. 1914.Recordsof the Earldom ofOrkney. The Scottish History Society, Edin-burgh.
Colley, S. M. 1983.Therole of fish bonestudiesin economicarchaeology:with special refer-ence to the Orkney Isles. Ph.D. Dissertation,University of Southampton.
Colley, S. M. 1984. Some methodologicalpro-blemsin the interpretationof fish remainsfromarchaeological sites in Orkney. In Desse-Berset, N. (ed.), 2nd Fish OsteoarchaeologyMeeting. Centre National de la RechercheArcheologique,Notes et MonographiesTech-niques16, Paris.
Cox, E., Owen, O. & Pringle, D. 1998. Thediscovery of medieval deposits beneath theEarl’s Palace,Kirkwall, Orkney. Proc. Soc.Antiq. Scotland128, 567–580.
Crawford,B. E. 1982.ScotsandScandinaviansinmedieval Caithness:a study of the period1266–1375.In Baldwin, J. R. (ed.), Caithness
30 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
a Cultural Crossroads. Scottish Society forNorthernStudies,Edinburgh.
Crawford,B. E. 1985.The earldomof Caithnessand the kingdom of Scotland,1150–1266.InStringer,K. J. (ed.), Essayson the Nobility ofMedievalScotland. JohnDonald,Edinburgh.
Crawford, B. E. 1987. ScandinavianScotland.LeicesterUniversity Press,Leicester.
Crawford,B. E. (ed.)1988.St.MagnusCathedraland Orkney’s Twelfth-Century Renaissance.AberdeenUniversity Press,Aberdeen.
Crawford,B. E. 1995.Earl andMormaer:Norse–Pictish Relationships in Northern Scotland.GroamHouseMuseum,Rosemarkie.
Crosby,D. D. B. & Mitchell, J.G. 1987.A surveyof British metamorphichonestonesof the 9thto 15thcenturiesAD in the light of Potassium-Argon and Natural RemanentMagnetizationStudies.J. Arch. Sci 14, 483–506.
Cruden,S.1988.Thefoundingandbuilding of thetwelfth-century Cathedral of St Magnus. InCrawford,B. (ed.), St. MagnusCathedralandOrkney’sTwelfth CenturyRenaissance. Aber-deenUniversity Press,Aberdeen.
Dasent,G. W. 1894.TheSagaof Hacon.HMSO,London.
Davidson, D. A. & Carter, S. P. 1998. Micro-morphological evidence of past agriculturalpracticesin cultivated soils: The impact of atraditional agriculturalsystemon soils at PapaStour,Shetland.J. Arch. Sci 25, 827–838.
Davidson,D. A. & Jones,R. 1985.The Environ-ment of Orkney. In Renfrew, C. (ed.), ThePrehistory of Orkney. Edinburgh UniversityPress,Edinburgh.
Davis, M. S. & Hillman, G. C. 1988. Effects ofsoil flooding on growth and grain yield ofpopulationsof tetraploidandhexaploidspeciesof wheat.Ann Botany62, 597–604.
Dickson,C. 1994.Plant remains.In Smith, B. B.(ed.), Howe: Four Millennia of Orkney Pre-history. Society of Antiquaries of ScotlandMonographSeriesNo. 9, Edinburgh.
Dietler, M. 1996.Feastsand commensalpoliticsin the political economy: food, power, andstatusin prehistoricEurope.In Wiessner,P. &Schiefenhovel,W. (eds),Food and the StatusQuest:An Interdisciplinary Perspective. Berg-hahn,Oxford.
Dockrill, S. J. & Simpson, I. A. 1994. Theidentificationof prehistoricanthropogenicsoils
using an integrated sampling methodology.Arch. Prospect1, 75–92.
Dodgshon,R. A. 1995. Modelling chiefdomsinthe Scottishhighlandsand islandsprior to the‘45. In Arnold, B. & Gibson,B. (eds),CelticChiefdom,Celtic State. CambridgeUniversityPress,Cambridge.
Donaldson,A. M. & Nye, S. 1989.The botanicalremains.In Morris, C. D. (ed.),TheBirsayBayProject Volume1: Brough Road Excavations1976–1982. Universityof Durham,Departmentof Archaeology Monograph Series No. 1,Durham.
Donaldson, G. (ed.) 1974. Scottish HistoricalDocuments. Scottish Academic Press, Edin-burgh.
Downes,J. M. & Morris, C. D. 1997. Hermis-garth,Sanday:theinvestigationof pyresettingsand Pictish burials in Orkney. Proc. Soc.Antiqu. Scotland127, 609–626.
Driscoll, S. 1993. Rescue excavations of aprehistoricsettlementand Viking Age/Medie-val cemeteryat JohnO’Groats,1989.GlasgowArch. J 16, 29–37.
Dry, F. T. & Robertson,J.S. 1982.Soil andLandCapability for Agriculture, Orkney and Shet-land.TheMacaulayInstitutefor Soil Research,Aberdeen.
Dunwell, A. J., Cowie, T. G., Bruce, M. F.,Neighbour,T. & Rees,A. R. 1995. A VikingAgecemetaryat Cnip,Uig, Isleof Lewis.Proc.Soc.Antiqu. Scotland125, 719–752.
Dyke, A. S., McNeely, R. N. & Hooper,J. 1996.Marine reservoir corrections for bowheadwhale radiocarbonagedeterminations.Can. J.Earth Sci 33, 1628–1637.
Earle, T. 1994. Political domination and socialevolution. In Ingold, T. (ed.), CompanionEncyclopedia of Anthropology. Routledge,London.
Earle,T. 1997.How ChiefsCometo Power: ThePolitical Economy in Prehistory. StanfordUniversity Press,Stanford.
Fawcett,R. 1988.Kirkwall Cathedral:An archi-tectural analysis. In Crawford, B. (ed.), St.MagnusCathedraland Orkney’sTwelfthCen-tury Renaissance. AberdeenUniversity Press,Aberdeen.
Fell, C. E. 1984.Ohthere’sAccount.In Lund, N.
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 31
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
(ed.), Two Voyagers at the Court of KingAlfred. William SessionsLimited, York.
Fellows-Jensen,G. 1984.Viking settlementin theNorthernandWesternIsles— the placenameevidence as seen from Denmark and theDanelaw. In Fenton,A. & Palsson, H. (ed.),The Northern and WesternIsles in the VikingWorld. JohnDonald,Edinburgh.
Fenger,O. 1991.Germanskretsordenmedsærligthenblik pa det 7. arhundrede.In Mortensen,P.& Rasmussen,B. M. (ed.),Fra Stammetil StatiDanmark 2: Hovdingsdamfundof kongemagt.Jysk Arkaeologisk SelskabsSkrifter XXII:2,Aarhus.
Fenton,A. 1978.TheNorthernIsles: OrkneyandShetland.John Donald PublishersLtd., Edin-burgh.
Fletcher, 1997. The Conversion of Europe.FontanaPress,London.
Frank, A. G. 1966. The developmentof under-development.Monthly Review18, 17–31.
Fried, M. H. 1967. The Evolution of PoliticalSociety: An Essayin Political Anthropology.RandomHouse,New York.
Friedland,K. 1983.Hanseaticmerchantsandtheirtradewith Shetland.In Withrington,D. J. (ed.),Shetlandand the Outside World 1469–1969.Oxford University Press,Oxford.
Friedman, J. & Rowlands, M. J. 1977. Notestowardsan epigeneticmodel of ‘civilization’.In Friedman,J. & Rowlands,M. J. (eds),TheEvolution of Social Systems. Duckworth,Lon-don.
Geake, H. 1997. The Use of Grave-goodsinConversion-periodEngland, c. 600–c. 850.British ArchaeologicalReportsBritish Series261,Oxford.
Gelsinger, B. E. 1981. Icelandic Enterprise:Commerceand Economyin the Middle Ages.University of SouthCarolinaPress,Columbia.
Gilman, A. 1995. Prehistoric European chief-doms: Rethinking ‘Germanic’ societies. InPrice,T. D. & Feinman,G. M. (eds),Founda-tions of Social Inequality. PlenumPublishingCorporation,New York.
Graham-Campbell,J. 1976. The Viking-Agesilver hoards of Ireland. In Almqvist, B. &Greene,D. (eds), Proc. SeventhViking Con-gress. Royal Irish Academy,Dublin.
Graham-Campbell,J. 1993. The northernhoardsof Viking-Age Scotland.In Batey,C. E., Jesch,J. & Morris, C. D. (eds), The Viking Age inCaithness, Orkney and the North Atlantic.EdinburghUniversity Press,Edinburgh.
Graham-Campbell,J. 1995.TheViking-AgeGoldand Silver of Scotland.National MuseumsofScotland,Edinburgh.
Graham-Campbell,J. & Batey, C. E. 1998.Vikingsin Scotland:an ArchaeologicalSurvey.EdinburghUniversity Press,Edinburgh.
Gurevich,A. 1978.The early statein Norway. InClaessen,H. J. M. & Skalnik, P. (ed.), TheEarly State. Mouton,The Hague.
Gustin,I. 1997.Meansof paymentandtheuseofcoins in Viking-Age settlementof Birka inSweden.Preliminaryresults.In De Boe, G. &Verhaeghe,F. (eds), Exchangeand Trade inMedieval Europe: Papers of the ‘MedievalEuropeBrugge1997’ conference. I.A.P. Rap-porten3, Zellik.
Hagen,A. 1995. A SecondHandbookof Anglo-SaxonFood and Drink: Production and Dis-tribution. Anglo-SaxonBooks,Hackwold-cum-Wilton, Norfolk.
Hall, A. D. & Russell,E. J.(ed)1909.TheFactorsDetermining the Yield of Wheat. Board ofAgriculture andFisheries,HMSO, London.
Hall, J. A. M. 1807. Travels in Scotlandby anUnusualRoute:With a Trip to theOrkneysandHebrides.Containing Hints for Improvementsin Agriculture and Commercewith Charactersand Anecdotes.J. Johnson,St. Paul’s ChurchYard, London.
Hardh, B. 1996. Silver in the Viking Age: ARegional-economicStudy.Almquist & WiksellInternational,Stockholm.
Harkness,D. D. 1983.The extentof natural14Cdeficiency in the coastal environmentof theUnited Kingdom.PACT8, 351–364.
Hedeager,L. 1992. Iron-Age Societies: FromTribe to Statein Northern Europe500 BC toAD 700.Blackwell, Oxford.
Helle, K. 1968. Anglo-Norman relations in thereign of Hakon Hakonsson(1217–63).Medie-val Scandinavia1, 101–114.
Helle,K. 1993.Norway,800–1200.In Faulkes,A.& Perkins, R. (eds), Viking Revaluations.Viking Societyfor NorthernResearch,London.
Herteig, A. E. 1985.The archaeologicalexcava-tions at Bryggen, ‘The German Wharf’, inBergen,1955–68.In Herteig,A., Hagen,A. &Helle, K. (eds), The Bryggen Papers, MainSeries Volume 1. Universitetsforlaget AS,Bergen.
Hewison,W. S. (ed.) 1997.TheDiary of PatrickFea of Stove, Orkney, 1766–96. TuckwellPress,EastLinton.
Hillman, G., Mason,S.,deMoulins,D. & Nesbitt,M. 1995. Identification of archaeologicalre-mainsof wheat:The 1992 London workshop.Circaea12, 195–210.
Hillman, G. C. 1984. Interpretationof archae-ological plant remains: The application ofethnographic models from Turkey. In VanZeist, W. & Casparie,W. A. (ed.),PlantsandAncient Man: Studies in palaeoethnobotany.A.A. Balkema,Rotterdam.
Hodges, R. 1982. Dark Age Economics: TheOrigins of Towns and Trade AD 600–1000.Duckworth,London.
Hughes,M. K. & Diaz, H. F. 1994.Was therea‘Medieval Warm Period’,andif so,whereandwhen.Climatic Change26, 109–142.
Hunter,J. R., Bond, J. M. & Smith, A. M. 1993.Someaspectsof Viking settlementin Orkney.In Batey,C. E., Jesch,J.& Morris, C. D. (eds),The Viking Age in Caithness,Orkneyand theNorth Atlantic. Edinburgh University Press,Edinburgh.
Huntley, J. P. 1994.Somebotanicalaspectsof aNorse economyin northern Scotland.Bot. J.Scotland46, 538–541.
Huntley,J.P.& Turner,J.1995.Carbonisedplantremains. In Morris, C. D., Batey, C. &Rackham,D. J. (eds),Freswick Links, Caith-ness: Excavation and Survey of a Norse
Settlement. North Atlantic Biocultural Organi-sation,Inverness.
Ingimundarson,J. H. 1992. Spinning goodsandtales:market,subsistenceand literary produc-tions. In Palsson, G. (ed.), From Sagas toSociety: Comparative Approaches to EarlyIceland. Hisarlik Press,Enfield Lock.
Ingimundarson,J. H. 1995.Of sagasand sheep:toward a historical anthropology of socialchangeand productionfor market,subsistenceand tribute in early Iceland (10th to the 13thcentury). Ph.D. Dissertation. University ofArizona, Tucson.
James,H. Excavationsof a medievalcemeteryatSkaill House,andof a cist in theBay of Skaill,Sandwick, Orkney. Proc. Soc. Antiqu. Scot-land.
Jansen,H. M. 1997.Artisans,marketsandtradeinDenmark AD 300–1200. In De Boe, G. &Verhaeghe,F. (eds), Exchangeand Trade inMedieval Europe: Papers of the ‘MedievalEuropeBrugge1997’ Conference. I.A.P. Rap-porten3, Zellik.
Jesch, J. 1992. Narrating Orkneyinga Saga.ScandinavianStudies64, 336–355.
Johansen,O. S., Gulliksen,S. & Nydal, R. 1986.�13C and diet: analysisof Norwegianhumanskeletons.Radiocarbon28, 754–761.
Johnson,A. & Earle, T. 1987. The Evolution ofHuman Societies.Stanford University Press,Stanford.
Jones,A. K. G., Morris, C. D. & Rackham,D. J.1995. Environmentalsampling: methodsandmaterials. In Morris, C. D., Batey, C. E. &Rackham,D. J. (eds),Freswick Links, Caith-ness: Excavation and Survey of a NorseSettlement. North Atlantic Biocultural Organi-sation,Inverness.
Jørgensen,L. 1991. Vabengraveog krigeraristo-krati. Etableringenaf en centralmagtpa Born-holm i 6–8arh. In Mortensen,P.& Rasmussen,B. M. (eds),Fra Stammetil Stat i Danmark2:Hovdingssamfundog kongemagt. JyskArkaeo-logisk SelskabsSkrifter XXII:2, Aarhus.
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 33
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
Kaland,S.H. H. 1973.WestnessutgravningenePaRousay,Orknøyene.Viking 37, 77–102.
Kaland, S. H. H. 1993. The settlement ofWestness,Rousay.In Batey, C. E., Jesch,J.& Morris, C. D. (eds), The Viking Age inCaithness, Orkney and the North Atlantic.EdinburghUniversity Press,Edinburgh.
Kaland, S. H. H. 1996. En vikingtidsgard og-gravplasspa Orknøyene.In Krøger, J. F. &Naley,H. (eds),Nordsjøen:Handel,religion ogpolitikk. Vikingfestivalen,KarmøyKommune.
Lamb,R. 1993.Kirkwall. In Batey,C. E.,Jesch,J.& Morris, C. D. (eds),Caithness,OrkneyandtheNorthAtlantic in theViking Age. EdinburghUniversity Press,Edinburgh.
Lamb, R. 1995. Papil, Picts and papar. InCrawford,B. E. (ed.), Northern Isles Connec-tions: Essaysfrom Orkney & Shetlandpre-sentedto Per SveaasAndersen. The OrkneyPress,Kirkwall.
Legge,A. J. 1981.The agriculturaleconomy.InMercer, R. J. (ed.), Grimes Graves,Norfolk:Excavations1971–2,Volume1. Departmentofthe Environment: Archaeological Report 11,London.
Liden, K. & Nelson,D. E. 1994. Stablecarbonisotopesasdietary indicatorswithin the Balticarea.Fornvannen89, 13–21.
Lindkvist, T. 1996.The origins of a statesocietyin medieval Sweden. In Ellegard, A. &Akerstrom-Hougen, G. (eds), Rome and theNorth. Paul Astroms Forlag, Jonsered.
Lonnroth,L. 1987.The effectsof conversiononScandinavianmentalite. In Sawyer,B., Sawyer,P. & Wood, I. (eds), The ChristianizationofScandinavia. Viktoria Bokforlag, Alingsas.
Mangerud, J. & Gulliksen, S. 1975. Apparentradiocarbonagesof recentmarineshells fromNorway,SpitsbergenandArctic Canada.Qua-ternary Research5, 263–273.
Martens, I. 1992. Some aspects of marginalsettlementin Norway during the Viking andtheMiddle Ages.In Morris, C. D. & Rackham,D. J. (eds), Norse and Later SettlementandSubsistencein theNorth Atlantic. UniversityofGlasgow, Departmentof Archaeology, Glas-gow.
McCormick, F. 1992. Early faunal evidencefordairying. Oxford J. Arch 11, 201–209.
McGavin, N. A. 1982. Excavationsin Kirkwall,1978. Proc. Soc. Antiqu. Scotland112, 392–436.
McGregor,A. 1880.Noteson someOld Customsin the Island of Sky. Proc. Soc. Antiqu.Scotland14, 143–148.
McNeill, G. P.(ed.)1901.TheExchequerRollsofScotlandVolumeXXI A.D. 1580–1588. H.M.GeneralRegisterHouse,Edinburgh.
McNeill, P.G. B. & MacQueen,H. L. (eds.)1996.An Atlas of ScottishHistory to 1707. ScottishCultural Press,Edinburgh.
Meteorological Office 1989. The Climate ofScotland: Some Facts and Figures. HMSO,London.
Miller, W. I. 1990. Bloodtakingand Peacemak-ing. ChicagoUniversity Press,Chicago.
Morris, C. D. 1985.Viking Orkney:a survey.InRenfrew, C. (ed.), The Prehistory of Orkney.EdinburghUniversity Press,Edinburgh.
Morris, C. D. (ed.)1989.TheBirsay Bay ProjectVolume 1: Brough Road Excavations1976–1982. University of Durham, DepartmentofArchaeology Monograph Series No. 1, Dur-ham.
Morris, C. D. 1990.ChurchandMonasteryin theFar North: An Archaeological Evaluation.JarrowLecture1989,Jarrow.
Morris, C. D. 1995.Birsay:anOrcadiancentreofpolitical and ecclesiastical power: a retro-spective view on work in the 1970s and1980s.StudiaCeltica 29, 1–29.
Morris, C. D. 1996. Church and monasteryinOrkney and Shetland:an archaeologicalper-
34 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
spective.In Krøger, J. F. & Naley, H. (eds),Nordsjøen: Handel, Religion og Politikk.Vikingfestivalen,KarmøyKommune.
Morris, C. D., Batey, C. E. & Rackham,D. J.1995. Freswick Links, Caithness:Excavationand Surveyof a Norse Settlement.HighlandLibraries and the North Atlantic BioculturalOrganisation,Inverness.
Morris, C. D. & Emery,N. 1986.The chapelandenclosureon the Broughof Deerness,Orkney:surveyandexcavations,1975–1977.Proc. Soc.Antiqu. Scotland116, 301–374.
Morrison,K. 1994.The intensificationof produc-tion: archaeologicalapproaches.J. Arch. Meth-od and Theory1, 111–159.
Mortensen,P. & Rasmussen,B. M. (eds.)1991.Fra Stammetil Stat i Danmark 2: Hovdings-samfund og kongemagt. Jysk ArkaeologiskSelskabsSkrifter XXII:2, Aarhus.
Myhre, B. 1978. Agrarian development,settle-ment history and social organizationin south-westNorwayin theIron Age.In Kristiansen,K.& Paludan-Mu¨ller, C. (eds),NewDirectionsinScandinavianArchaeology. National Museumof Denmark,Odense.
Myhre, B. 1987.Chieftains’gravesandchiefdomterritories. Studien zur Sachsenforschung7,169–187.
Myhre, B. 1992. The royal cemeteryat Borre,Vestfold: a Norwegian centre in a Europeanperiphery.In Carver,M. O. H. (ed.),TheAgeofSutton Hoo: The SeventhCentury in North-WesternEurope. Boydell & Brewer,Rochester.
Myhre,B. 1993.Thebeginningof theViking Age— Somecurrent archaeologicalproblems.InFaulkes, A. & Perkins, R. (eds), VikingRevaluations. Viking Society for NorthernResearch,London.
Myhre, B. 1998. The archaeologyof the earlyViking Age in Norway. In Clarke, H. B., NıMhaonaigh,M. & O Floinn, R. (eds),IrelandandScandinaviain the Early Viking Age. FourCourtsPress,Dublin.
Myrdal, J. 1997. The agricultural transformationof Sweden, 1000–1300. In Astill, G. &Langdon, J. (eds), Medieval Farming andTechnology: The Impact of AgriculturalChangein NorthwesternEurope. Brill, Leiden.
Nasman,U. 1991.Det syvendearhundrede— etmørkt tidsrumi ny belysning.In Mortensen,P.& Rasmussen,B. M. (eds),Fra Stammetil Stati Danmark2: Hovdingssamfundog kongemagt.
Jysk Arkaeologisk SelskabsSkrifter XXII:2,Aarhus.
Naylor, R. E. L., Waldren,L., Taylor, B. R. &Graham,T. R. 1987. Developmentof barley,wheat,oatsand triticale sownon two datesinCaithness.Testsof Agrochemicalsand Culti-vars 8, 164–165.
Nedkvitne, A. 1976. HandelssjøfartenmellomNorge og England i Høymiddelalderen.Sjø-fartshistoriskArbok 1976, 7–254.
Nedkvitne,A. 1993b.Fishing,whaling, and sealhunting. In Pulsiano,P. (ed.), MedievalScan-dinavia. GarlandPublishing,Inc., London.
Nicholson,R. A. 1998. Fishing in the NorthernIsles: a case study based on fish boneassemblagesfrom two multi-period sites onSanday, Orkney. Environ. Arch.: J. Hum.Palaeoecol.2.
Nielsen, L. C. 1991. Hedenskabog kristendom.Religionsskiftetafspejleti vikingetidensgrave.In Mortensen,P. & Rasmussen,B. M. (eds),Fra Stammetil Stat i Danmark 2: Hovdings-samfund og kongemagt. Jysk ArkaeologiskSelskabsSkrifter XXII:2, Aarhus.
Nordal, S. 1933. Egils SagaSkalla-Grımssonar.HiD Islenzka Fornritafelag Islenzk Fornrit II,Reykjavık.
Nuttonson,M. Y. 1955.Wheat–ClimateRelation-shipsandtheUseof Phenologyin Ascertainingthe Thermaland Photo-ThermalRequirementsof Wheat:Basedon Data of North Americaandof SomeThermallyAnalogousAreasof NorthAmerica in the SovietUnion and in Finland.AmericanInstituteof Crop Ecology,Washing-ton, DC.
Nye, S. 1996.Botanicalremains.In Morris, C. D.(ed.), The Birsay Bay Project Volume2: Sitesin Birsay Village and on the Broughof Birsay,Orkney. University of Durham,DepartmentofArchaeology Monograph Series No. 2, Dur-ham.
Ogilvie, A. & Farmer,G. 1997.Documentingthemedievalclimate. In Hulme, M. & Barrow, E.(eds), Climates of the British Isles: Present,Pastand Future. Routledge,London.
Omand,C. J. 1986. The life of Saint Findan.InBerry, R. J. & Firth, H. N. (eds),ThePeopleofOrkney. The OrkneyPress,Kirkwall.
Owen,O. A. 1993.Tuquoy,Westray,Orkney: a
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 35
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
challengefor thefuture?In Batey,C. E., Jesch,J.& Morris, C. D. (eds),Caithness,OrkneyandtheNorthAtlantic in theViking Age. EdinburghUniversity Press,Edinburgh.
Owen,O. A. & Dalland,M. 1999.Scar:A VikingBoat Burial on Sanday, Orkney. TuckwellPress/HistoricScotland,Phantassie,East Lin-ton.
Owen, D. A. & Lowe, C. E. 1999. Kebister.Societyof Antiquariesof Scotland,Edinburgh.
Palsson,H. & Edwards,P. (eds.)1987.Magnus’Saga. The PerpetuaPress,Oxford.
Pennant,T. 1979. A Tour of Scotlandin 1769.Melven Press,Perth.
Percival, J. 1974. The WheatPlant. Duckworth,London.
Perdikaris,S. 1998.From chiefly provisioningtostate capital ventures: The transition fromnatural to market economyand the commer-cialization of cod fisheriesin medievalArcticNorway. Ph.D.Dissertation.City University ofNew York, New York.
Ponting,M. & Bruce,M. F. 1989.Two Iron Agecists from Galson, Isle of Lewis. Proc. Soc.Antiqu. Scotland119, 91–100.
Pryde, G. S. 1965. The Burghs of Scotland: ACritical List. Oxford University Press,Glas-gow.
Rackham,D. J. 1996. Beachview, Birsay: thebiological assemblage.In Morris, C. D. (ed.),The Birsay Bay Project Volume 2: Sites inBirsay Village and on the Brough of Birsay,Orkney. University of Durham,DepartmentofArchaeology Monograph Series No. 2, Dur-ham.
Randsborg,K. 1980.TheViking Agein Denmark:TheFormationof a State.Duckworth,London.
Randsborg,K. 1981.Burial, successionandearlystateformation in Denmark.In Chapman,R.,Kinnes,I. & Randsborg,K. (eds),TheArchae-ology of Death. CambridgeUniversity Press,Cambridge.
Randsborg,K. 1989. The demise of antiquity:Europe and the Mediterraneanin the firstmillennium AD. Annu. Rev. Anthropol 18,227–244.
Randsborg,K. 1990. The periods of DanishAntiquity. Acta Arch 60, 187–192.
Randsborg,K. 1991.TheFirst MillenniumA.D. inEurope and the Mediterranean. CambridgeUniversity Press,Cambridge.
Reuter, T. 1985. Plunder and tribute in the
CarolingianEmpire.Transactionsof the RoyalHistorical Society35, 75–94.
Richards, J. D., Jecock, M., Richmond, L. &Tuck, C. 1995.The Viking barrowcemeteryatHeath Wood, Ingleby, Derbyshire. MedievalArch 39, 51–70.
Richards,M. P. & Mellars, P. A. 1998. Stableisotopesand the seasonalityof the Oronsaymiddens.Antiquity 72, 178–184.
Rigby, S. H. 1993. Medieval Grimsby: Growthand Decline.University of Hull Press,Hull.
Ritchie, A. 1974.Pict and Norsemanin northernScotland.Scot.Arch. Forum 6, 23–36.
Ritchie, A. 1977. Excavation of Pictish andViking-Age farmsteadsat Buckquoy,Orkney.Proc. Soc.Antiqu. Scotland108, 174–227.
Ritchie, A. 1993.Viking Scotland.B. T. BatsfordLtd./Historic Scotland,London.
Ritchie, J. N. G. 1981.Excavationsat Machrins,Colonsay. Proc. Soc. Antiqu. Scotland 111,263–281.
Roesdahl, E. 1993. Pagan beliefs, Christianimpact and archaeology— a Danishview. InFaulkes, A. & Perkins, R. (eds), VikingRevaluations. Viking Society for NorthernResearch,London.
Sanderson,S. K. 1995. Social Transformations.Blackwell, Oxford.
Saunders,T. 1995. Trade, Towns and States:areconsiderationof early medieval economics.Norw. Arch. Rev28, 31–53.
Sawyer,B. 1991b.Viking age rune stonesas acrisis symptom.Norw. Arch. Rev24, 97–112.
Sawyer, B. & Sawyer, P. 1993. MedievalScandinavia.University of Minnesota Press,Minneapolis.
Sawyer,B., Sawyer,P. & Wood, I. 1987. TheChristianizationof Scandinavia.Viktoria Bok-forlag, Alingsas.
Sawyer,P. 1987. Ethelred II, Olaf Tryggvason,and the conversionof Norway. Scand.Studies59, 299–307.
Sawyer, P. 1991a. Konger og kongemagt. InMortensen,P. & Rasmussen,B. M. (eds),FraStammetil Stati Danmark2: Hovdingssamfundog kongemagt. Jysk Arkaeologisk SelskabsSkrifter XXII:2, Aarhus.
Sawyer, P. H. 1976. Harald Fairhair and the
36 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
British Isles.In Boyer, R. (ed.),LesVikingsetLeur Civilisation. Mouton,Paris.
Schia,E. 1987. De ArkeologiskeUtgravninger iGamlebyen,Oslo Bind 3. Alvheim & Eide.
Sellevold, B. J. 1999. Picts and Vikings atWestness:Anthropological Investigations ofthe Skeletal Material from the CemeteryatWestness,Rousay, Orkney Islands. NorskInstitutt for kulturminneforskning,Oslo.
Sephton,J. (ed.)1899.TheSagaof King SverriofNorway. David Nutt, London.
Service,E. R. 1971. Primitive Social Organiza-tion: An Evolutionary Perspective.RevisedEdition. RandomHouse,New York.
Shaw, F. J. 1980. The Northern and WesternIslands of Scotland: Their Economy andSociety in the SeventeenthCentury. JohnDonald,Edinburgh.
Sheehan,J. 1998.Early Viking Age silver hoardsfrom Ireland and their Scandinavianelements.In Clarke, H. B., Nı Mhaonaigh, M. & OFloinn,R. (eds),IrelandandScandinaviain theEarly Viking Age. Four CourtsPress,Dublin.
Sheridan,A. 1998. The National MuseumsofScotland archaeological radiocarbon datingprogramme:datesobtainedduring 1997. Dis-coveryand Excavationin Scotland1997, 117.
Shetelig, H. 1945. The Viking graves in GreatBritain andIreland.Acta Arch 16, 1–55.
Simpson,I. A. 1993. The chronologyof anthro-pogenicsoil formationin Orkney.Scot.Geogr.Magazine109, 4–11.
Simpson,I. A. 1997.Relict propertiesof anthro-pogenicdeeptop soils as indicatorsof infieldmanagement in Marwick, West Mainland,Orkney.J. Arch. Sci 24, 365–380.
Simpson,I. A., Milek, K. B. & Barrett, J. H.1998a. Geoarchaeologicalinvestigations atQuoygrew, Westray, Orkney: The formationof midden depositsand cultivated anthropo-genicsoils.Unpublishedreport.DepartmentofEnvironmentalScience,University of Stirling.
Simpson, I. A., Dockrill, S. J., Bull, I. D. &Evershed,S.J.1998b.Early anthropogenicsoilformation at Tofts Ness,Sanday,Orkney. J.Arch. Sci 25, 729–746.
Simpson,I. A., Dockrill, S. J. & Lancaster,S. J.1998c.Making arablesoils: anthropogenicsoilformation in a multi-period landscape. In
Nicholson,R. A. & Dockrill, S. J. (eds),OldScatness Broch, Shetland, Retrospect andProspect. North Atlantic Biocultural Organiza-tion, New York.
Simpson,I. A., van Bergen, P. F., Perrett, V.,Elhmmali, M. M., Roberts,D. J. & Evershed,R. P. 1999. Lipid biomarkers of manuringpractice in relict anthropogenic soils. TheHolocene9, 223–229.
Simpson,W. D. 1961.TheCastleof Bergenandthe Bishop’s Palace at Kirkwall: A Study inEarly Norse Architecture. Oliver and Boyd,Edinburgh.
Skovgaard-Petersen,I. 1981. The historical con-text of the first towns in NorthernandEasternEurope. In Bekker-Nielsen,H., Foote, P. &Olsen,O. (eds),Proc. Eighth Viking Congress.OdenseUniversity Press,Odense.
Small, A. 1968. The historical geographyof theNorse Viking colonization of the ScottishHighlands.Norskgeogr.Tidsskr22, 1–16.
Smith,B. B. (ed.)1994.Howe:Four millennia ofOrkney prehistory. Society of Antiquaries ofScotlandMonographSeriesNo. 9, Edinburgh.
Smyth, A. P. 1978. The chronology of North-umbrianhistoryin theninthandtenthcenturies.In Hall, R. A. (ed.), Viking Age York and theNorth. Council for British Archaeology Re-searchReportNo. 27, London.
Solli, B. 1996. Narrativesof encounteringreli-gions: on the Christianization of the NorsearoundAD 900–1000.Norw.Arch.Rev29, 91–114.
Sorheim, H. 1997. The origin of commercialfisheries and the trade of stockfish in thenorthernpart of westernNorway. In De Boe,G. & Verhaeghe,F. (eds),ExchangeandTradein MedievalEurope: Papersof the ‘MedievalEurope Brugge 1997’ conferencevolume 3.I.A.P. Rapporten3, Zellik.
Steinsland,G. 1996. Konflikten mellom kristen-dom og hedendomrundt ar 1000.In Krøger,J.F. & Naley, H. (eds), Nordsjøen: Handel,Religion og Politikk. Vikingfestivalen, Kar-møy.
Stevenson,J. 1996. Christianising the northernbarbarians.In Krøger,J. F. & Naley, H. (eds),Nordsjøen: Handel, Religion og Politikk.Vikingfestivalen,KarmøyKommune.
Stevenson,R. B. K. 1981.ChristiansculptureinNorseShetland.FroDskaparrit28–29,283–292.
Stevenson,R. B. K. 1986.TheAnglo-Saxonsilver
TheViking Ageand Whendid it Happen? 37
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
penny and its context. In Morris, C. D. &Emery,N. (eds),The chapeland enclosureonthe Brough of Deerness,Orkney: Survey andexcavations,1975–1977.Proc. Soc. Antiqu.Scotland116, 301–374.
Stevenson,R. B. K. 1989.TheCeltic broochfromWestness,Orkney,andhinged-pins.Proc. Soc.Antiqu. Scotland119, 239–269.
Stuiver, M. & Braziunas,T. F. 1993. Modelingatmospheric14C influencesand 14C ages ofmarinesamplesto 10 000BC. Radiocarbon35,137–189.
Stuiver, M., Pearson,G. W. & Braziunas,T. F.1986. Radiocarbonage calibration of marinesamplesback to 9000cal yr BP. Radiocarbon28, 980–1021.
Stuiver,M. & Reimer,P. J. 1993.Extended14Cdatabase and revised CALIB radiocarboncalibrationprogram.Radiocarbon35, 215–230.
Stuiver, M., Reimer, P. J. & Braziunas,T. F.1998. High-precisionradiocarbonage calibra-tion for terrestrialandmarinesamples.Radio-carbon40, 1127–1151.
Taavitsainen,J. P., Simola, H. & Gronlund, E.1998.Cultivationhistorybeyondtheperiphery:early agriculturein the North Europeanborealforest.J. World Prehistory12, 199–253.
Tauber,H. 1981.13C evidencefor dietary habitsof prehistoric man in Denmark. Nature 292,332–333.
Tauber,H. 1983. 14C dating of humanbeingsinrelation to dietaryhabits.PACT8, 365–375.
Taylor, R. E. 1987. Radiocarbon Dating: AnArchaeological Perspective.Academic Press,Orlando.
Taylor, R. E. 1997. Radiocarbon dating. InTaylor, R. E. & Aitken, M. J. (eds),Chrono-metric Dating in Archaeology. PlenumPress,New York.
Thomson,C. J.,Colmer,T. D., Watkin, E. L. J.&Greenway, H. 1992. Tolerance of wheat(Triticum aestivum cvs. Gameny and Kite)and triticale (Triticosecalecv. Muir) to waterlogging. NewPhytologist120, 335–344.
Thomson, W. P. L. 1986. St Findan and thePictish–Norsetransition. In Berry, R. J. &Firth, H. N. (eds),The Peopleof Orkney. TheOrkneyPress,Kirkwall.
Thomson, W. P. L. 1987. History of Orkney.MercatPress,Edinburgh.
Thomson,W. P. L. 1996. Lord Henry Sinclair’s1492Rentalof Orkney.OrkneyPress,Kirkwall.
Thorsteinsson,A. 1968.Theviking burial placeatPierowall, Westray, Orkney. In Niclasen, B.(ed.), The Fifth Viking Congress. FøroyaLandsstyri,Torshavn.
Thurston, T. L. 1997. Historians, prehistorians,andthetyrannyof thehistoricalrecord:Danishstateformationthroughdocumentsandarchae-ological data.J. Arch. Method and Theory 4,239–263.
Tschan, J. (ed.) 1959. Adam of Bremen, TheArchbishopsof Hamburg Bremen. ColumbiaUniversity Press,New York.
Urban,P.& Schortman,E. 1999.Thoughtson theperiphery: the ideological consequencesofcorel peripheryrelations. In Kardulias,P. N.(ed.), World Systems Theory in Practice.RowmanandLittlefield, Oxford.
Urbanczyk, P. 1992. Medieval Arctic Norway.Institute of Archaeologyand Ethnology,War-saw.
Urbanczyk,P.1998.Odin or Christ— conversionasan ideologicalconflict. In Renouf,M. A. P.& McGovern,T. H. (eds),NABO97,A Summitof the Sea Conference:ConferenceProceed-ings. ArchaeologyUnit, Memorial Universityof Newfoundland,St. John’s.
van Klinken, G. J. 1999. Bone collagenqualityindicators for palaeodietaryand radiocarbonmeasurements.J. Arch. Sci 26, 687–696.
van der Veen, M. & O’Connor, T. 1998. Theexpansionof agricultural production in lateIron Age and Roman Britain. In Bayley, J.(ed.), Sciencein Archaeology:An Agendaforthe Future. EnglishHeritage,London.
Wailes, B. 1995. A casestudy of heterarchyincomplexsocieties:early medievalIreland andits archaeologicalimplications. In Ehrenreich,R. M., Crumley, C. L. & Levy, J. E. (eds),Heterarchy and the Analysis of ComplexSocieties. ArchaeologicalPapersof the Ameri-canAnthropologicalAssociationNo. 6, Arling-ton, Virginia.
Wallerstein,I. 1993.World systemversusworld–systems.In Frank,A. G. & Gills, B. K. (eds),TheWorldSystem:Five HundredYearsor FiveThousand. Routledge,London.
Wallerstein, I. M. 1974. The Modern World–system:Capitalist Agriculture and the Originsof the European World—economy in theSixteenthCentury.AcademicPress,New York.
Wallerstein, I. M. 1980. The Modern World—systemII: Mercantilismand the Consolidation
38 JamesBarrett et al.
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Uni
vers
ity o
f Su
ssex
Lib
rary
] at
19:
15 2
6 Se
ptem
ber
2013
of the EuropeanWorld—economy,1600–1750.AcademicPress,New York.
Wheeler,D. & Mayes,J.1997.RegionalClimatesof the British Isles.Routledge,London.
White, C. D. & Schwarcz,H. P. 1994.Temporaltrends in stable isotopesfor Nubian mummytissues.Am. J. Phys.Anthropol93, 165–187.
Widgren, M. 1997. Fields and field systemsin
Scandinaviaduring the Middle Ages.In Astill,G. & Langdon,J. (eds),MedievalFarmingandTechnology: The Impact of AgriculturalChangein NorthwesternEurope. Brill, Leiden.
Withrington, D. J. & Grant, I. R. (eds.) 1978[1791–1799].The Statistical Accountof Scot-land 1791–1799Edited by Sir John Sinclair.VolumeXIX Orkney& Shetland. EPPublishingLimited, EastArdsley,Wakefield.
Yoffee, N. 1993.Too manychiefs?(or, safetextsfor the’90s). In Yoffee,N. & Sherratt,A. (eds),ArchaeologicalTheory:Who Setsthe Agenda.CambridgeUniversity Press,Cambridge.
