White Collar Collective Organisation

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WhiteCollarCollectiveOrganisationAnthonyThomson

1983

STRATIFICATIONANDINDUSTRIALRELATIONSPERSPECTIVES

A.Introduction

Classdistinctions,itwasarguedabove,shouldbeseenashierarchised,withthe

most fundamentaldifferencebeingbetweenthosewhoownorcontroltheproductive

apparatus(aswellasancillaryinstitutions)ontheonehand,andthosewhoareforcedby

circumstances to sell their labour as a commodity. Just as there are, in addition,

distinctionswithinthislattergroupingwhichreflecttheoreticallysecondarydifferencesin

therelationsofproductionwhichareexpressed,throughthelabourmarket,asqualitative

breadsintheoccupationalstructure,sotooaretheredifferencesinorientationtothelabour

contract. In the first instance, all contracts arebetween a specific individual and an

employeror

employing

institution.

This

suggests

the

potential

of

individual

strategies

to

improveboth the terms and conditions of the saleof labour. But the existenceof a

hierarchyofparticularisms,inadditiontostructuredcleavagesinthehierarchy,createsan

intricatepatternofimmediatesectionalinterestsaswellasrelativelymoregeneralones. It

isonthiscomplexbasisthattradeunionismarisesasacollectiveresponsetothelabour

movement.

Aconsciousnessofcollectivitycandevelopamonganygroup, themembersof

whichhavesalientinterestsincommon(Bliss,1974). Theorganisationalstructurewhich

these individualswouldadoptwouldvaryaccording to the interestspursued. Trade

unionismisthemostcommonformadoptedbyemployeesintheefforttoinfluencethe

exchangevalueof labourpower andexercise some controlover the conditionsof itsappropriationbycapital.Thedivisionoflabourinindustrialcapitalismhaddevelopeda

manualoccupationalstructurewithsignificantqualitativebreakswhichwereassociat4ed

withdistinct life chances,awarenessandconsciousnessofcollective interests. These

cleavagesinturnwereassociatedwithdifferenttypesofcollectiveorganisation.Themost

importanthistoricaldivisionhasbeenbetweentheunskilled,thesemiskilledandthe

skilled,thesedifferencesbeinginstitutionalisedinNorthAmericaintodifferentlabour

movementswithdistinctprinciplesoforganisation.

Theother importantbreaks in theemployedoccupationalstructurewere those

withinthe

sphere

of

non

manual

work.

Capitalism,

it

was

stressed

above,

is

an

especially

dynamicsocialsystemand thesebroaddivisionsareconstantlymodifiedby thedual

tendenciesofdifferentiationandpolarisation. Theresulthasbeenthecreationofseveral

semiproletarianstrataandadiverse newmiddleclass whichexistsasanamorphous

professionalmanagerialgrouping.Thequestionwhicharisesishowthesedifferentstrata,

identifiedonthebasisofthedivisionoflabour,expresstheireconomicinterests. Tothe

extenttheseinterestsareexpressedthroughcollectivity,itwouldbepostulatedthatthe


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WhiteCollarCollectiveOrganisation

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whichwouldincludestaffassociationswhichrepresentemployeesinwhateverforumis

availabletothem(:28). Onlycompanyunions,whichcannotrepresenttheirmembers

independently,and professionalbodies forwhich unioncharacteristicsformasmall

proportionoftotalactivities ,areexcluded(BlackburnandPrandy,1965:114).Therewere,

then,degreesof characterdifferencesbetweentypesofunions,fromprestigetoprotective

occupationalassociations(Blackburn,1967:2129).

Blackburn argued that the significance of unionism could notbe understood

independentlyofunioncharacter (:10)and thatdifferences insizerelative to thetotal

numberofemployeesweremostmeaningfulwhencharacterwasheldconstant.Tomake

thismoreprecise,hespecifiedthat unionateness ,ameasureof thecommitmentofa

bodytothegeneralprinciplesandideologyoftradeunionism reflectsanorganisations

character (Blackburn and Prandy, 1965:112). This measure is different from

completeness

,the

proportion

of

potential

members

actually

organised.

Unionisation,

then, is not a simplemeasurable quantity but a compound of completeness and

unionateness, thetwobeinginverselyrelated (:118).

Afurtherclarificationofconceptswasintroducedon1974,althoughforeshadowed

earlier.Lockwoodhaddrawnadistinctionbetweenalowerlevelofunionismandawider

identificationwith the tradeunionmovementbased,asaminimum,on thecommon

interestsofunionsasdefensiveorganisations(Lockwood,1958;seeBlackburn,1967:20).

Prandy, et al. subsequently divided the measurement of unionateness into two

components:enterpriseunionatenessreferredtoaspecificemploymentsituationandthe

conflictwithinitoverthetermsofthelabourcontract;societyunionateness,concernedthe

relationshipbetweentheemployeeandissuesreflectingthesocietywidedistributionof

rewards(Prandy,etal.,1974:430).Theydemonstratedthattheseconceptscanbeusedto

measurethecharacteroforganisationsaswellastheattitudesofindividuals(:432).

Therearenoabsolutedistinctionstobedrawnbetweenprotectiveorganisationsof

manualandnonmanualworkers,and thesimilaritiesaregreater than thedifferences

(Prandy,1965:145:BlackburnandPrandy,1965:120). Amongmanualunionsthereare

equallysignificantdifferences. However, foranyemploymentsituation thedegreeof

unionisation isdeterminedby the factorswhich tend tobe common formanualand

nonmanualworkers alike, althoughwhitecollarworkers, in general, have notbeen

affectedto

the

same

degree

as

manual

workers.

Employee

attitudes

are

related

to

...

objectivefactorsoftheworksituation.Ofthese,oneofthemostimportantistheattitude

oftheemployer(BlackburnandPrandy,1965:116). More basicfactors includedthe

growthofbureaucracy(:117),size,complexityoforganisationandreductioninpromotion

prospects,alackofautonomyatwork(:118)aswellasthestructureoftheindustryin

question, the status of the employees, andhistoricaldevelopments (Blackburn, 1967:


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26869). Thelevelofunionisationisdeterminedbythesocialsituation,butifthislevelis

heldconstantthecompletenessandunionatenesswouldvaryinversely(:267)andprestige

associationswouldpredictablybelowinunionateness,theunionisationofclericalworkers

wouldtendtobe intermediate:organisationswhichscoredhighinunioncharacterwould

tendtobelowincompleteness,andviceversa.Whiteandbluecollarunionsdiffer,then,

becausetheyfallatdifferentpointsalongtheunionatenesscontinuum. Thecharacterof

unionisation inaparticularfieldwouldbea functionofthecharactersofthevarious

unionsinthatfield (Blackburn,1967:18).

In short, the stratification perspective held that white collar unionisation is

systematicallyassociatedwithclassposition. Initssimplestformulation,thehypothesis

assertsthatdifferentemploymentsituationsgenerateclassorstatusideologieswhichare

reflectedincollectiveorganisationbytradeunionsorprofessionalassociations(Prandy,

1965:42

7).

Within

the

terms

of

completeness

and

unionateness,

wide

variations

could

be

expectedbetweendifferentwhitecollarunions. Intheaggregate,however,significant

differenceswouldbeexpectedbetweentheunionresponsesofmanualandnonmanual

employees.Althoughfactorssuchastheconcentrationofemploymentandtheattitudeof

employerswereimportantlyrelatedtounionism,overallmanualandnonmanualunions

would tend todiffer incharacterasmeasuredbyaunionatenessscale,ascalewhich,

moreover,couldbeunderstoodasameasureoftheclassconsciousnessoftheemployees

organised.

C. TheIndustrialRelationsCritique

The

principal

issues

in

the

stratification

approach,

then,

are

the

importance

of

understandingthecharacterofaunionasanelementofunionisation,andtheexistenceof

systematicdifferencesbetweengroupsofworkersatdifferentlevelsoftheemployment

structure. Theimportanceofcharacterhasnotmetwithunreservedacceptance. Lumley

(1973)accepted thatameasureof thecharacterornatureofunionism is theoretically

desirable(:24)anda specificresearchneed (:122),butarguedfurtherthataimswere

difficult to measure and there was no acceptablemethod to weight the factors in

Blackburns unionateness scale. Although in the end he abandons the idea and

concentrates on completeness (or density), concluding that any attempt to find a

quantifiable relationship between nature and membership is an unwarranted

sophistication ,hedoesutilisetheadhocdivisionbetweenunions,staffassociationsandprofessionalorganisations,andhedoesrecognisethatthedifferencesintheirrespective

naturescorrelatewiththesocialstatusoftheoccupationsorganised(Lumley,1973:2324).

Generallyintheindustrialrelationsapproach,however,thedesirabilityofindicatingthe

characterofaunionisnotacknowledged(Bain,CoatesandEllis,1973:6870).Unionisation

isunderstoodasaunitaryphenomenonandmembershipstatisticsaresufficientprimary


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datafortheanalysisofunionism.

Initsanalysistheindustrialrelationsapproachconcentratesontheenvironmental

factorswhichareassociatedwiththeoccupationalandindustrialvariationsinwhitecollar

unionism. Certaindifferencesarefoundtobeinsignificant;forexample,comingfroma

manualornonmanualbackground(Bain,1970:4346);orhavingaloworhighsocialstatus

(:4950;seeLockwood,1958:15051). Inothercasestherelationshipisfoundtobethe

reverseofthatpredictedbythestratificationmodel(initsunsophisticatedform):some

groups,suchasmalelaboratorytechnicians,havesufferedadeclineinearningsbutare

poorlyorganised whilebankclerkshavehadvery littlereduction in incomebutare

highlyorganised (Bain,1970:54);civilservantsandbankemployeesarenot inclose

proximitytomanualworkersbuthaveahighdegreeofcompleteness,whilewhitecollar

workersinmanufacturingindustry,incloseproximitytomanualworkers,havealow

completenesslevel

(:86).

Positively, other factors are significantly related to union completeness. The

strongestlinksarebetweenunionisationandemploymentconcentration(Bain,1970:723;

Sturmthal,1966:336;May1979:105),theattitudeoftheemployer(Lumley,1973:5665;

Bain,1970:12226),andtheindustrialrelationsclimatepromotedbythegovernment(:

12425;May,1979:107;Blum,1971:15).Tothesemaybeaddedeconomictrends,theeffect

ofthebusinesscycle(PriceandBain,1976),andespeciallytheeffectsofinflation(Allen,

1971: 95). In Canada, Bain argued, government policy had failed to undermine

managementsoppositiontounionismand,withthiscrucialpredeterminingfactorabsent,

whitecollarunionswereweakandcouldnotgroweasilyintheprivatesector(Bain,1969).

Havingenumeratedtheassociatedfactors,theindustrialrelationsapproachiscompleted

withoutattemptingtointegratethemintoanygeneraltheory.Manyofthesefactorswere

discussedbyBlackburn(1967),buthis intentionwastolocateasystematicconnection

betweenunionisationandclassposition. Thistheoryisstillbeingelaborated.

Thecritiquewhichattemptstounderminethestratificationapproachdirectlyis

associatedwithBainandhiscowriters(Bain,CoatesandEllis,1973).Althoughtheyraise

many fundamental questions about the connectionbetween class position and class

consciousness,theauthorstreatmentofthemisnotsatisfactory. Bainetal.arguethat

thereis nosimplerelationshipbetweenaunionscharacterandthesocialpositionofthe

membership(1973:

70;

see

Allen,

1971:

56).

Furthermore

they

assert

that

these

different

positionsdonotsustainseparatetypesoforganisations. Distinguishingbetweentrade

unions,whitecollarstaffassociationsandprofessionalassociations,theymaintainthatthe

differencesbetweenseparateorganisationswithineachtypeareatleastasgreatasthe

differencebetweentypes.Characterwasnotasimportantaseffectiveness(Lumley,1973:

23). Intheinsuranceindustry,forexample,theunrecognisedtradeunionwasseenas


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ineffectualcomparedwiththestaffassociationwhichwassuccessfulinnegotiatingsuch

provisionsasearlyretirement,leadingtothegrowthoftheselessunionatebodiesdespite

somerelativeproletarianisation(Heritage,1980:289).

Bain et al. claim that, since unions are recruited from awide range of social

positions,thecharacterofaunionconceptualisedasaunidimensionalcontinuumcannot

reflect thesocialpositionofitsmembership (1973). Todemonstratethistheyask: if

unioncharactersaredeterminedby theirmembers socialpositions,thenhowcanthe

formerchangewhilethelatterremainsthesame?Unionschoosetoaffiliatewithcentral

labourbodies, forexample,atspecific timeswith nosignificantchanges in thesocial

positionofthemembers (:70).Heritage(1980:288)wasmoreopentothepossibilitythat

thecreationofawhitecollarproletariatwasanecessaryconditionforunionisation,but

addedthattheotherfactorsadducedbytheindustrialrelationsschoolmustbepresentfor

sufficientconditions

to

exist.

Allen

argued

in

different

terms.

The

range

of

factors

were

deemed necessaryconditions inadditiontowhichareanumberofunspecified sufficient

conditions whichareparticular to theenvironmentanddetermine the timingof the

emergenceoftradeunionism,theformsittakesandtherateatwhichitdevelops (1971:

43). Thesedidnotincludethemanualornonmanualnatureofwork,giventhecomplex

divisionof labour, since theeconomicdifferencesbetween thesegroupingshadbeen

erased.Thequestionbecamewhyworkersinsomeoccupationswerelessorganisedthan

thoseinothers(:440.Manynonmanuals,asMaypointedout,donotseethemselvesas

middleclassandthereforeunionismismorenormalandaccepted(1979:105).

Blackburnhademphasisedtheimportanceofanorganisationsindependencefrom

theemployerinhisdefinitionofatradeunion. Inreply,Bainetal.arguethatcollective

bargainingisarelationshipofrecogniseddependencyandthatonlyunilateraldemandson

thepartoftheemployeesexpressindependence(1973:8688).Norcanthecharacterofa

unionbetakenasanindicationofclassconsciousness. Sincewhitecollarunionismoften

followsachangeintheattitudeoftheemployer,itneednotimplyachangeintheattitude

oftheemployeeinthefundamentalsensethatitexpressesanewconflictwithmanagement

(May,1979:108). Bainetal.movefromthepointthat,forLockwood, tradeunionismis

necessarilyaclassactivity totheassertionthat thecharacteroftheunionmaythusbe

takenasanindexoftheclassconsciousnessofitsmembership (1973:59). Theyregard

classconsciousness

to

be

a

form

of

behaviour

which

is

solely,

or

at

least

primarily,

motivatedbyaconsciousnessofclassties ,fromwhich itfollowsthatontheseparate

aspectsofunionatenesslisted,classconsciousnesswasasignificantfactoronlytotheextent

towhich individualsweremotivated in theirunionismbysolidaritywith themanual

working class rather thanbynarrow sectionalends (:7982). Theauthorshave little

difficultyindisposingofthisargument. Asafinaldisagreementwiththestratification


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school,theydisputetheexistenceofarelationshipbetweencoherentclassandstatusworld

viewsandtypesofunionisation. Thislastpointwillbediscussedinmoredetailbelow.

Inshort,theindustrialrelationscritiqueholdsthatwhitecollarworkers donot

possessany intrinsicqualitieswhichmakethem lessreceptivetotradeunionismthan

manualworkers (1973:50). Theymaythinkofthemselvesassociallysuperiorbutthis

doesnotpreventtheirunionisationanymorethanafallingstatusencouragesit(:49).Any

aggregatedifferences canbeaccounted forby thevariablesofemployerattitudeand

concentrationofwork.AsMayargues,the strongversion ofthestratificationthesis,that

whitecollarworkersrestricttheaimsoftheirorganisationsandeschewtheuseofthestrike

andindustrialmilitancy,mustberejected.Eveninits weakversion theevidencerefutes

anydifference. Mostmiddleclassunionshaveresortedtothefullrangeofsanctions,

includingnationalstrikes,whichareusedbymanyworkingclassunions;andthereare

examplesof

the

latter

which

have

hardly,

if

ever,

resorted

to

the

use

of

strike

action.

This

obviouslyunderminesanybroadcharacterisationofnonmanualandmanualunionsin

termsofdifferentstrategiesandtactics(May,1979:110).

Part of the discussion of this critiquemust questionwhether examples are

sufficienttodemonstratetheexistenceorotherwiseof broadtrends.Bainetal.restmuch

oftheircaseonthedemonstrationthatnosimplerelationshipexistsbetweenmembers

socialpositionsandunioncharacter.Theirevidence,whichamountstothemarshallingof

deviantcases,mayindicatethatthesimplerangeofunionresponsesvariesconsiderably

withineach categoryoforganisational type. This formulation,however, fails todeal

directlywith the level of sophistication of the argumentwhich acknowledgeswide

variationsbutassociatesthemwithdifferingcombinationsofcharacterandcompleteness.

ThecritiqueaddressesneitherBlackburnshypothesisnotthequestionatanaggregate

level.Oneessentialpointofthethesis differentfromboththeweakandstrongversions

specified was thatmembershipwas insufficientlymeaningful in the absence of a

discussion of character. Bank workers and railway workers may be both highly

organised ,but thisobscures thenatureof theunion theyprefer,andbothgivesome

indicationof theconsciousnessof themembers. No relationshipwouldbepredicted

betweenclasspositionandeithercompletenessorunionatenessiftheseareconsidered

separately,themainpointthatBlackburnmadein1967. Insofarasthepredictionremains

thatthere

will

be

different

levels

of

unionisation

between

the

three

types

of

collective

organisations,itremainspossiblethat,despiteequallygreatranges,thedistributionof

responsescouldbeskewedinsignificantlydifferentwaysamongthem.Toconcludethat,

in theaggregate, the relationshipdidnothold, itwouldbenecessary tocarryoutan

analysisatthatlevelofmeasurement.Thediscoveryofmilitantwhitecollarunions,then,

doesnotrefutethestratificationhypothesis.Troublesomedeviantcaseswouldconsistof


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twobodiesofworkers in the sameclasspositionwithsignificantlydifferent levelsof

unionisationasdefinedbycharacter timescompleteness,orworkers inverydifferent

economicpositionswith identicaldegreesofunionisation. Suchdeviant casesoccur

theoreticallyandmayoccurempirically,especiallyiftheanalysisismadebetweenregions

ornations. Assuminganaggregaterelationship,as the levelofanalysisbecomes less

abstractthedegreeofunionisationofconcretegroupingswillbeaffectedbythe particular

conditionsAllenmentionedaswellasbytheobjectivefactorsacknowledgedbyboththe

industrialrelationsandthestratificationschools.

Thequestionofwhether character is less important then effectiveness ismore

complex. Itispossibletoenvisionasituationinwhichachangeinthemarketandwork

conditionselicitsanewsetofdemandsfromemployees.Thecontentoftheirbargainingor

consultationwithmanagementmanychange,butshouldtheirassociationbeeffectivein

achievingits

goals

(or

convince

the

membership

that

they

are

unachievable),

then

the

meansusedtoobtainthem andhencetheaimsoftheorganisationanditscharacter

willnotchange.Atbest,unionisationmayincreaseinitscompletenesscomponentsince,

as it achieves thenewgoals,more employeeswillbe convinced thatmembership is

desirable. Itiswhenthenewgoalscannotbeachievedwithintheoldframeworkthatnew

aimsemergewhichinducememberstojoinmoremilitantbodiesoralterthecharacterof

the existing associations. The limitingpoint remains valid,however. Nomotive to

increaseunionatenesswillfollowwheneffectivenessisnotdiminished;anditispossible

foremployeestoadjusttothenewcircumstancesandnotrespondby increasingtheir

unionisation.

The third argumentwas that sinceunions recruit from awide rangeof social

positions, their characters cannot reflect the position of the membership. Just as

unionisation in a given field is seen as a function of the union characters of the

organisations comprising the field, so too an industrialtype unionmaybe seen as

expressingtheaveragecharacterofitsmembershipgroupings. Itwillbearguedbelow,

however,thatthispluralismmaynotexistandthedefinitionofthecharacteroftheunion

maybe disproportionately influencedby superordinate subsetswithin it. A similar

responsecanbemadtothequestionofindividual dualmembership inorganisationswith

differentcharacters,althoughinthisinstanceitmaybemoreappropriatetoseek,inclass

terms,amore

ambiguous

situation

of

interests

rather

than

some

sense

of

amean

interest

locatedbetweenthedualorganisations.

Fourthitisarguedthatunioncharactersmaychangewhilethemembers social

positionsremainconstant. Ifweusethemajoritydecisiontoaffiliateastheindicationofa

changeofcharactermeasuredbyadichotomousvariable,thereisnoreasontoassumethat

thesocialconditionshadsuddenlymaterialisedandlessthattherewouldbeanimmediate


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transformationincognition.Thisisadefiniteprobleminthemeasurementoftheconcept

ratherthanaquestionofthegeneraltheoryitself. Ifcharacterisregardedasavariable

whichcanexistindegrees,thenthepointatwhichthequestionofaffiliationarises,aswell

astheamountandsourceoffluctuationsinsupportmayberelatedtochangesineconomic

position,employerresponse,andsoon(seeThomson,1977b).Theotherrelevantpointis

that other factors operate, as both the stratification and industrial relations school

recognise,sothatcharactermaychangeandthenhaveaneffectoncompleteness,orvice

versa(Blackburn,1967).

Onasecondissueoftheconsciousnessquestion,Bainetal.makethepointthata

highlevelofclassconsciousnessmightleadtoanideologicalrejectionofunionsasnot

revolutionary.Thisdoesnotnecessarilyfollowhowever. InFrance,forexample,thereare

revolutionaryunionswhichdisputethelegitimacyofmanagementauthorityandeducate

theirmembers

to

the

exploitative

nature

of

capitalism

(Gallie,

19xx

).The

International

WorkersoftheWorldinNorthAmericaadoptedasimilarsyndicalistposition. Inthe

presenttheempiricalexistenceofsuchahighlevelofclassconsciousnessisextremelyrare

inCanada, though the theoretical point remains valid. Syndicalismmay represent,

furthermore,ahigherdegreeofindependencewhencontrastedwithcollectivebargaining

whichoccursinasituationofmutuallyaccepteddependencyconfinedtotheinstanceof

sellinglabourpower.Thisdependencyisaproductofthemarketforlabourandexpresses

anarrowlydefinedmutualityofinterests. Theseinterests,whicharespecifictoagiven

enterprise,mayformthefoundationforanideologyoflabourmanagementcooperation,a

commonfeatureofmanyemploymentsituations. Theadventofcollectivebargaining,

however,whileusuallyoccurringwithinthisframeworkofmutuallyrecognisedpragmatic

interests,expressestheclassdistinction,atamicrolevel,betweenemployerandemployee;

itisarecognitionthattheinterestsofthebuyerandtheselleroflabourarenotidentical

andpresupposestheformationofaconceptionofseparateinterestswithinamoregeneral

commonalitywhichassumesthattheycanbereconciledtotherelativesatisfactionofboth

parties. The further argument that collectivebargainingwasgranted toworkersby

employerswhowereconsciousof itscapacity forenhancingsocialcontrolofworkers

expresses,inpart,confusionbetweenthetypesofinterestswithinanenterpriseandisin

partamisinterpretationofhistory. Theadoptionofafavourableattitudetowardstrade

unionismon

the

part

of

employers

may

express

arecognition

that

their

interests

are

served

inrationalisingthelabourmarket,especiallyinlargeemploymentsituations.Butitisnot

entirelylegitimatetoargue,fromthisfactthatsinceemployershaveadoptedtradeunion

methodsfortheiremployeesintheirownintereststhattheymustrepresenttheinterestsof

thedominantclassratherthanbeanexpressionofworkingclassconsciousness.

Unionsaremoreoftenwonthangrantedgratis,andwheretheyaregranted,itis


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oftentoforestalladrivebyamoremilitantunion. Sincetheyareinstitutionstobargain

overthesaleoflabourpowertheyexpressthemutualinterestsexpressedinthiscontract

andsimultaneouslyrepresenttheconflictofinterestinherentinthesellingoflabourpower

fromthepointofviewoftheworkers. Ifclassinterestsarerestrictedtothemarketrelation

then trade unionism is a full expression ofworking class consciousness visvis an

employer. Totheextent thattheexerciseofunionismconfinesworkersto immediate

intereststhentheymaysimultaneouslyexpressthelongerrangeinterestsoftheemployers

whowantanorderlyprocesstonegotiatethetermsofthelabourcontract,andtheshorter

rangeinterestsoftheworkersconfinedtotheseterms.Fromthewiderperspectivethatthe

interestsofworkersgobeyondthespecifictermsofexchangeforlabourpower,thentrade

unionismisnotafullexpressionofclassconsciousness.However,itisatleastimplicitlya

classactivitybecauseitisconcernednotonlywiththetermsofsaleofthecommodity,but

moreimportantly

of

the

conditions

of

its

appropriation

in

the

context

of

the

subordination

oflabourtocapital.

Bain,CoatesandEllismovefromthepointthat,forLockwood, tradeunionismis

necessarilyaclassactivity totheassertionthat thecharacteroftheunionmaythusbe

takenasanindexoftheclassconsciousnessofitsmembership (1973:59). Theyregard

class consciousness tobe a formofbehaviourwhich is solely,or at leastprimarily,

motivatedbyaconsciousnessofclassties ,fromwhichitfollowedthat,ontheseparate

aspectsofunionatenesslisted,classconsciousnesswasasignificantfactoronlytotheextent

towhichindividualsweremotivatedintheirunionactivitybysolidaritywiththemanual

workingclassratherthannarrowsectionalends(:7982).

Two conceptually separate questions are raised here. The first concerns the

connectionbetweenclassconsciousnessandtradeunionresponse,notonlyasaconceptual

questionbutasacognitiveprocessamongemployees.Thesecondquestionistheextentto

whichthecharacterofanorganizationcanbeconsideredtobethecreationoftheconscious

expressionoftheinterestsofitsmembership.

ClarkeandClementsdistinguishbetweenunionswhichact merelytorepresentthe

sectionaleconomicinterestsofparticularoccupationalgroups andthosewhichact to

advancethegeneralinterestsoftheworkingclassincombatingcapitalism (1977:1011).

Theformeristoonarrowtoexpresstheconsciousnessassociatedwithtradeunionism

whichalso

includes

those

interests

common

to

all

employees,

as

such,

in

the

labour

market.

The lattermaybe toowide toexpressaconsciousnessassociateddirectlywith trade

unionsandassimilatesarevolutionaryperspectiveinwhichthegeneralinterestsentailthe

overthrow of the commodity status of labour. While leaving aside the issue of the

development of a revolutionary perspective, Lockwood had drawn a more useful

distinctionbetweena lower levelofunionism,concernedwithaspecificemployment


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situation,and theconflictwithin itover the termsof the labourcontract,andawider

identificationoralliancewiththetradeunionmovementbased,asaminimum,onthe

commoninterestsofunionsasdefensiveorganizations.

Theessentialpointaboutthenatureoftradeunionsisthattheyreflectabasically

defensivereactiondesignedtosecurethebenefitsofitsmembers,inagivensituation,as

employees. They are devices for sectional ends. Employees in certain positions,

particularlythoseinwhichindividualmeansofadvancearelimited,cometoperceivethat

theycanbestpursuetheirinterestscollectively.Thisconceptionofinterestsneednotonly

involvecollectiveoppositiontoanemployer,butunionismcanbecome,forexamplein

somecraftsituations,a strategyofclosureaimed toreducecompetition in the labour

market (Perlman,1928). Furthermore,consciousnessofcollectivity isnotconfined to

employeesbutcanbegeneralizedtothewholerealmofsocialmovements. Ithasbeen

arguedabove,

however,

that

these

sectional

ends,

while

forming

the

basis

of

trade

unionism,containanintrinsicclasselement.Thisclasselementisnotnecessarilyperceived

inclasstermsandthereexistsanimportantdisjunctionbetweentradeunionismasaclass

activityandasanexpressionofclassconsciousness.Onthecontrary,theconditionsofthe

labourmarketstructurebothinterestsandconsciousnesstoexpressparticularisms.

Theoretical approaches to the study of class consciousness have specified a

progressionofincreasinglyexplicitstagesofclassconsciousness,fromlowertohigher

degrees(Hobsbawm,1971;Ollman,1972;Wolpe,1969). InMichaelMannsclassification,

class consciousness among employees involves a series of stepswith regard to their

employmentwhichrecognizeacommonidentity,acommonopposition,a classdefinition

ofthesituationfullyarticulatedratherthanbeingmerelyimplicit,andaconceptionofan

alternativesociety(1973:69). Thereisamoreorlessspontaneoustendencywhichdrives

employeestowardssomeformofprotectiveorganization,assumingasufficientscale,but

thereisbothalogicalandempiricalgulfbetweenthislevelofarticulationofconsciousness

and themovement toembrace thehigher levelswhich involveanexplicitrather than

implicitconceptualisationofclass(7172).Thesecond,higherlevel,theclassdefinitionand

alternativesociety,isnotsimplyaquantitativeincreaseabovetherecognitionofcommon

interestsandantagonists,butratherisaqualitativebreak.Thetwolevelsareconceptually

distinctandindependentofeachother(Meszaros,1971).

Oneof

the

central

ambiguities

in

the

use

of

the

term

class

consciousness

is

that

socialactorsgenerallydohaveavisionofthesocialstructurewhichtakestwoforms.One

isamicro perspectiveofgradationsinprestigestatusorskillrankings. Inadditionto

thesegenerallyrecognizeddifferencesinoccupationalstatus,termssuchas middleclass ,

uppermiddle class , or working class , for example, are part of their conceptual

apparatus. Inthissenseactorsareawareofgeneraldistinctionslabelled classes andwill


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oftenplacethemselvesinspecificcategories. Thequestionofclassconsciousnessismore

thanthepredictedselfplacementofindividualswithinaperceivedhierarchybutrather

entails the recognitionof theconflictof interests inherent in therelationshipbetween

asymmetricclasscategories. Bothconceptionsare theoryimpregnated ,thelatterina

morevisiblewaysinceitrelatestostructuralprocesseswhichunderlietheoccupational

divisionofthecommoditylabourpower.

Giddens specified two levelsof class consciousnessprior to the adoptionof a

revolutionaryperspective.Thefirstisa conceptionofclassidentityandthereforeofclass

differentiation ,whichisclassawareness. InGiddens approach,classesexistonlyinsofar

astheybecomesocialrealities manifestintheformationofcommonpatternsofbehaviour

andattitude (1973:111)andacommonawarenessofthesewhichislinkedtoagiven

lifestyle. Classawarenessisoftenonlyimplicitandisnotnecessarilyperceivedinclass

terms(:115).

It

is

analogous

to

other

forms

of

group

awareness,

such

as

national,

racial

or

ethnicconsciousness.

Thesecondlevelisapparentwhen perceptionofclassunityislinkedtorecognition

ofoppositionofinterestwithanotherclassorclasses (:112).Thisawarenessofconflicting

groupinterestsgivesrisetoa conflictconsciousness.Again,aconflictperspectivecould

emergeonthebasisofanysalientgroupdifferenceofinterest,whetherracial,ethnic,and

soon. Conflictconsciousnessisnotnecessarilyalowerformofclassconsciousness,but

conflictconsciousnessorientedtoantagonismsfoundedinclassdifferenceissuchaform.

Thereis,then,animplicitclassawarenessandanexplicitclassconflictconsciousness,both

ofwhichareindependentofandconceptuallypriortoarevolutionaryconsciousness.The

newmiddleclass,Giddensargues,isclassawareratherthanbeingclassconscious. They

areconsciousofhavingadistinctlifestyle,attitudesandbeliefsbutdonotperceivetheir

situationasinvolvingaconflictofinterestswithanothergroupinclassterms. Onthe

contrary,oneelementoftheircommonideologyorclassawarenesstendsto taketheform

ofadenialoftheexistenceortherealityofclasses (:115,emphasizedinoriginal). The

conditionsofexistenceofthenewmiddleclassmakethecoalescenceofaspecificmiddle

classconsciousnessproblematic.

Fromthisperspective,tradeunionsareaninstitutionalizedformofclassorientated

conflictconsciousness,whilepreunionassociations,atbest,expressgroupawareness.

Evenamong

trade

union,

members,

as

individuals,

need

not

have

aconflict

consciousness.

Thosewhodohave suchaconsciousnessmay tend to confine itsapplicability to the

immediateemploymentsituationandnotseethisconflictinitsbroader,classperspective.

Itwasarguedabovethatunionismwasimplicitlyaclassactivity.Anotionofanimplicit

classconsciousness,however,isacontradictioninterms. Itisbetter,therefore,tospeakof

thedevelopmentof tradeunionconsciousness ,recognizingitsimplicitclassmeaning,


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15

while leaving as a conceptually distinct question the extent to which trade union

consciousnessentailsanexplicitlyclassframeofreference.

The conceptofunion character, then,measuresdifferent levelsof tradeunion

consciousness among those who are instrumental in shaping this character, while

bracketingthequestionoftheextenttowhichthosewhoembracegivenlevelsoftrade

unionideologyseethisactivityinclassterms.Tradeunionideologymaybesignificantly

related to class consciousness, but it is not necessarily a lower degree of such

consciousness.

D. ClassandStatusIdeologies

Havingdistinguishedbetweenclassandunionconsciousness,thequestionofthe

linkbetweentradeunionismandclasspositionremains.Sincetradeunionsareorganized

expressionsoftheinterestsofgroupsinthesellingoflabourpower,systematicdifferences

wouldbe

expected

between

occupational

categories.

If

it

is

asserted

that

there

is

anew

middleclass,orthatthereareoneormoresignificantfracturesalongthemultidimensional

gradation of class positions, then the content of trade union consciousness would

predictablyvaryoneithersideofthetheorizedcleavages. Iftherearetwomajorgroupings

and two types of consciousness, then there would also be two types of employee

organizations.Thecollectiveorientationsmorecommonamongnonmanualworkers(the

formationofassociations,preferenceforarbitration,reiterationofdistinctcharactervis

vismanualunions)becomenotmerelyless classconscious ,inLockwoodsterms,but

mayexpresstheclassawarenessofaseparateclass.

Nonmanualworkers,accordingtoAllen,havealwaysbeendistinguishedbytheir

strivingforprestige ,Lackingthesocialbasesofprestige,suchasbirthright,poweror

authority,thenonmanualworkerssoughtprestigebyapolicyofsegregating the less

worthymanualworkerswhobore the stigma attached todirtywork. This social

insularitywasbasedonprivilegedtreatmentfromemployersandacastelikesegregation

ofmanualfromnonmanualemployees(1971:9394).Thisrealdifferencewasexaggerated

intoa greatsocialpretence asnonmanualworkerssaw themselvesas individuals,

superiortomanualworkersandabletoprogressthroughsocietyunaided (:94). They

were isolated from tradeunionismbecauseof this special treatment and their social

imagerywhichemphasized middleclassvalues (Allen,1971:43;CromptonandGubbay,

1977:195).

White

collar

workers

resist

unions

because

they

consider

them

organizations

appropriateforlowerstatus,blue collarworkersandbeneaththedignityofthewhite

collaremployee ,asituationwhichreflectstraditionandtheworkenvironmentmorethan

theirincomeorskill(Kruger,1971:106 107).Managementhasplayedapartinfostering

thisviewoftheantithesisofunionismandhigherstatusemployment(Strauss,1954:74).

InheranalysisofclassdiscussedinSectionI,RosemaryCromptonhadarguedthat


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16

mostwhitecollaremployeeswereinadifferentclassrelationshipcomparedwithmanual

workers.Consequently,ratherthanseeingdifferencesinunionideologyasaquantitative

question,moreorlessunionate,inBlackburnsterms,itshouldberecognizedthatthese

alternative strategiesexpressclassdifferences. Theapproaches to industrialrelations

commontostaffassociations,whicharebasedonaconceptionoftheharmoniousnatureof

the employeremployee relationship, represent, and are certainly perceivedby their

membersas,averydifferentapproachtocollectivebargainingthanthatoftradeunions

(Crompton,1976:422)1.

The stratification approach, as Bain, Coates and Ellis point out (1973: 911),

maintains that the social structure generates two sets of images, a dichotomous,

powerbasedmodelwhichemphasizesclassdifferentials,andanhierarchical,prestige

basedmodelwhichisassociatedwithindividualcareerism(Runciman,1966;Goldthorpe

andLockwood,

1963).

Dahrendorf

suggested

that

these

images

reflect

class

differences:

workerswouldseesocietyasadichotomywhereasthewhitecollarmanwouldseesociety

asahierarchywhichincludesa top thatisabovehim,anda bottom thatisbelowhim.

By placing himself in themiddle, he would develop a remarkably acute sense of

distinctionandsocialgradations (Dahrendorf,1959:283284). A status ideology ,as

outlinedbyKennethPrandy, accepts thehierarchy and its legitimations and accepts

advancementthroughindividualmobilityasthenorm,whilea classideology emphasizes

theconflictofinterestsandthedifferentialsinpower(1965:37). Whiletheseideologies

representidealtypesandassuchwouldnotbeencounteredinexactlythepure,theorized

form,manualworkersandprofessionalworkerswouldtendtoadoptclassandstatus

ideologiesrespectively.

Thethesisassertsthataperspectivewhicharisesfromanindividualrelationship

with an employerwould tend to see society as a series of gradations, a continuous

hierarchyofpositions.Advancewouldbeseenasindividuallyworkinguptopositionsof

higherprestigeand rewards. According toGiddens, themiddle classwould tend to

perceivethesocialorderintermsofindividualisticnotionsof personalachievement and

initiative,etc. (1973:115). Thisorientationwouldbeconsistentwiththetermsoftheir

labourcontract,forinasituationwherethecontractmayappeartobemoreindividualistic

thancollective,thereisamoresubstantialbasisforanideologythatemphasizespersonal

achievement.Such

aperspective

would

be

inimical

to

trade

unionism,

initially,

because

collectiveactionwouldberegardedasunnecessary.

Nonmanualemployees,whoretainasenseoftheirindividualstatusasemployees

butwhoneverthelessrequireamorecollectiveapproachtonegotiations,willbeinan

ambiguouspositionrelativetothesetwocontrastingperspectives.Totheextentthatthese

employeesretainastatusperspective,theywilltendtoeschewtradeunionism,particularly


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17

itsconflictualaspects,infavouroflessmilitantbodies.Statusideologies,inthecontextofa

coordinated employment situation,wouldmore oftenbe institutionalized into staff

associations. Prandyarguesthat,incontrasttotradeunionswhichareclassbodies,these

associationswouldbemoreconcernedwithmaintainingprestigethanwithbargaining

withemployers,andhencewouldbeprimarilystatusbodies(1965:44).

Classandstatusperspectivesare,inprinciple,independent.AsdefinedbyWeber,

statusmeans aneffectiveclaimtosocialprestige andisfoundedonlifestyle,education

andhereditaryoroccupationalprestige. Statusisnotsolelydeterminedbyclassposition

(Weber,1968:306)andmayitself influence,ifnotcompletelydetermineaclassposition

withoutbeing identicalwithit. Therelationshipbetweenclasspositionsandstatusis

complexandproblematic: classdistinctionsarelinkedinthemostvariedwayswithstatus

distinctions (:187). Thisissoingeneral.

Consciousnessof

status

and

asense

of

social

gradations

are

not

restricted

to

one

particularoccupationalcategory,suchasnonmanualworkers,butratherpervadethe

entirestructure. Prestigescalesarisefromtheevaluationsofpositionsrelativetoeach

other. Allemployeesperceiveahierarchyandplacethemselveswithinit,althoughthey

aremost sensitive to those positions nearest their own. Furthermore it is generally

recognizedthatstaffassociationsandunionsnotonlyrecognizetheoccupationalhierarchy

butoftenexplicitlycontributetoitsmaintenancebybalancingdifferentials. Inthissense

theyareboth statusbodies.

Occupationalgroups,forWeber,arealsostatusgroupsandincapitalistsocietythe

classsituationisthemajorfactorbywhichstatusgroupsareformed forofcoursethe

possibilityofastyleoflifeexpectedformembersofastatusgroupisusuallyconditioned

economically (1968:190). Inperiodsof technicalandeconomictransformations theclass

positionispushedtotheforeandtheformofstatusstratificationthreatened;whenthe

shiftingofeconomicstratification slowsdown,stratificationbystatusbecomesmore

prominent(:194).

Statusdifferentialsareundergirdedbyquantitativelyhigherorlowereconomic

rewardswhichaccruetooccupations,providingtheincumbentswiththemeanstomake

appropriateprestigeclaims.AccordingtoWeberthereisanhistoricallinkbetweenclass

positions thehierarchyofrewardsdeterminedbymarketsituations andthestatus

hierarchy.Since

the

basis

of

separate

prestige

claims

is

market

relations,

adecline

in

the

latterwouldseemtoresultinadeclineintheformer. Henceactionstorestoreprestige

wouldbebased on strategies to increasemarket returns. Since status distinctions

depended on unequal access to the symbols of prestige (Allen, 1971:95), economic

processeswhichhavenarrowedthegapbetweenwhite collarandbluecollarworkers

have injectedrealism into their livesandrevealed that their imageswere false (:63),


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18

resulting ina lossofstatusandprestige. Inthissituation,white collarworkershave

increasinglyturnedtotradeunionmethods becausetheyknowtheyarelosingtheirstatus

andrecognisethatthecausesareinstitutionalones (:96;Sturmthal,1966). Inthisrespect,

tradeunionismcouldberegardedasameansforobtainingthesubstantialdifferentials

uponwhich their claim to a higher prestige rested, an alternativemeans to achieve

traditionalgoals(Mills,1956:308309;Strauss,1954:81).

This instrumental connectionbetween ends (appropriate rewards) andmeans

(individualorcollective)isaffectedbyseveralfactors. Becausethetwodimensionsof

stratificationareindependent,andbecausetheweightoflegitimatehistoricalclaimsto

prestigewouldsurvivethedecline,thereisnoinevitableconnectionbetweenalossof

economicbenefitsandanimmediatelossofeffectiveclaimstoprestige. Lockwoodhad

arguedthatclericalworkers,whosufferedsomelossofeconomicreturns,remainedinan

ambiguousstatus

position

because

of

the

maintenance

of

many

salient

differentials,

particularlythoserelatingto theworksituationoftheemployees,whichcontinuedto

reflectsomemeasureofrelativelyhighstatus.

Millssuggestedthatthewhitecollargroupingwouldcontinuepressingclaimsto

prestigebasedonthehollowresiduesofahigherstatusevenaftertheeconomicbasishad

beencompletelydissolved(1956).

Therelativelyfavourableemploymentconditionsofthepast,whichrepresenteda

privilegedpositionforwhitecollarworkers,werealsoassociatedwithasocialimageor

standingwhichinvolvedidentificationwiththeemployerintheonehandandastatus

separation frommanual workers. Over time the objective differentials which had

separatedthemanualandnonmanualworkerswereeroded,andtheisolationfromthe

employingclassincreased,underminingthebasisoftheideologyofsocialsuperiority.

However,sincetheimage,oncecreated,obtainsapartiallyautonomousexistence,thenit

wouldbe possible forwhitecollarworkers to continue to hold the vestiges of their

privilegedstatusirrespectiveofthedisappearanceofitseconomicfoundationandasa

consequence theywould continue to reject trade unionism and associationwith the

workingclass. Itwasnotuncommonforlowerstatusgroupstomaintainidentification

withstatussuperiorsinordertoemphasizetheirownrelativesuperiorityoveralower

statusgroup(Merton,1958).

Thisindependent

survival

of

astatus

dimension

(which,

as

indicated

above,

continuestohaveamaterialpresence itisnotmerelyan illusoryadvantage)isusedto

explainthefailureofthedecliningmarketandworksituationstobeaccompaniedbya

concomitantriseinunionisation. Consequently,onlyaminorityofwhitecollarworkers

belongtounions(Rinehart,1975:96).

FromaWeberianperspective,whilethereisahierarchyofmarketsituations,some


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20/40


20

betweenclasspositionandunionismwasreinforcedbysystematicdifferencesproducedby

thelabourmarket. Inthisrespectthemaindifferenceisinthemeansofnegotiatingthe

labour contract. Nonmanualworkersmore often negotiate the conditions of their

employment individually and perceive their skills more directly as property, an

individualisticnotionwhichdefinessuccessaspersonalcareeradvancement. Manual

workersmoreoftenfindthemselvesinasituationofmorecollectiveemploymentwhichis

more conducive to a less individualistic consciousness (thoughnotnecessarily a less

particularisticone). Totheextentthatthesedifferentconditionsprevail,thenideological

differenceswouldbepredictedbetweenmanualandnonmanualworkers.

Processes intrinsic to the capitalist division of labourwhichhave affected the

nonmanual workforce have broken down the connection between individualistic

employment andnonmanualwork inmany cases. Secondly, the linkbetween such

cooperativeemployment

and

collective

consciousness

specifically

trade

unionism

has

beenchallengedbyareiterationofa falseconsciousness thesiswhicharguedthat,since

classand statuswere inprinciple independent, claims toprestige couldbe sustained

despiteanerosionofthebasisofsuperiority.Thisdidnotimply,however,theabsenceof

anydifferentialssinceidenticalsituationsarenotconducivetosystematicdifferencesin

status. Given the tendencyof the labourmarket toreproducenumerousdistinctions,

claims to prestige could stillbebased on objective differences. However, statistical

connectionsdonotinthemselvesprovideananswertothequestionoftheextenttowhich

theassociationreflectsaselflegitimationofaperceivedsuperiorposition.Finally,statusis

perceivedwithinanideologicalcontextwhichincludestheinterestsoftheemployerand

theorganizedexpressionofideologypromotedbyemployeeorganizations. Neitherof

thesenecessarilyarticulatesaclassperspective,andthelatterneednotsupportaconflict

consciousness.

E. WorkStructureandSectionalismThesecondissueraisedaboveinthediscussionconcerningtherelationshipbetween

unioncharacterandtheconsciousnessofthemembershipwastheextenttowhichthe

formerwasareflectionoftheinterestsofthemembersastheyperceivedthem.Theremay

beaconsiderablediscrepancybetweenwhatanorganizationproclaimsandwhatmanyof

itsmembersmaybepreparedtodo.Thisquestionraisesseveralissues:theimportanceof

leadership,thedevelopmentofunionstaffpositions,thedegreeofheterogeneityofthemembership,andtherelationshipbetweenideologicalpracticesandsocialpositions.

Thefirsttwoissuesconcernorganizationalstructureandinternalunionpolitics.

Theidealsituationwouldbeafullyinformedmembershipdirectingtheaffairsoftheunion

themselvesinamannercongruentwiththeirperceivedbestinterests. Inthissituationitis

more reasonable to expect the union character to represent the consciousness of the


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21

membership,althoughtheremaybeadiscrepancybetweenactualanddesiredgoalssince

unionsareconstrainedbyboth legislationandemployerresponse. Totheextentthat

desiredgoals arenot incorporated inunionpolicy, for example a situation inwhich

membership seeks the right to strikebut no such right exists in legislation and no

resolution to the effect hasbeen devisedwithin the union, then there wouldbe a

discrepancybetweenunioncharacterandtheconsciousnessofthemembers.

Thesecondqualification,inanemployeesituationofasubstantialsize,istheneedto

delegateleadershipwiththeauthoritytobargainoverthesaleoflabourpoweranddirect

unionbusiness on a daytodaybasis. To the extent that this leadership attains an

autonomousroleinshapingthepolicyandproclaimedinterestsofthemembership,then

there is created a new particular interest based on authority relations within the

organization(Michels,1962:283284). Effortstorestrictthisparticularism,tocompelthe

leadershipto

pursue

interests

congruent

with

those

of

the

membership

are

usually

institutionalized inunion structures. Suchdevicesas regularmeetings,referendums,

leadership reviews, policy conventions, and so on are essentiallymeans to realize a

modicumofinternaldemocracy.

Formalleadership,however,isinapowerfulpositiontodefinemembers interests,

bothformallyandactually.Theydisseminateinformationandknowledge,andshapethe

discoursewithinwhichevaluationsaremadeandintermsofwhichobjectivesarespecified

andmeansplanned.Theautonomyofleadershipisenhancedbythepotentialquiescence

ofthemembership.Unionstructurescandissuademembershipfromactiveinvolvement

andcentralizeinitiativeinrelativelyfewhands.Thisconditionofmembershipindifference

maydevelopinanyunion,despiteasuccessful,militantbeginning,butwhenaunionis

largelyacreationofmanagement andthisisthecaseformanywhitecollarassociations

membershipdisinterestmaybetheoriginalconditionofitsexistence.

The tendency for leadership to separate itself from themembership is further

developedby the requirement, in the context of increasingly sophisticated collective

bargaining, for technically competent staffversed in legalproceduresand capableof

conducting negotiations in an increasingly rarefied and specialized situation. This

expansion of the organization is associated with potential goal displacement, the

developmentof institutionalneedswhicharedifferent from thoseof themembership

(Hymanand

Fryer,

1975).

The

issue

of

difference,

however,

is

separate

from

that

of

contradictionandthelatterdoesnotnecessarilyariseautomaticallyfromtheformer.The

goalsoftheunion,suchasunity,financialsolvency(HymanandFryer,1975).Theissueof

difference, however, is separate from that of contradiction and the latter does not

necessarilyariseautomaticallyfromtheformer. Thegoalsoftheunion,suchasunity,

financialsolvencyandadministrativeefficiencyarenotnecessarilyinoppositiontothe


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22

interestsofthemembership.Theleadershipischargedwiththelongrangeperceptionof

interests andusuallyjustifiesany shortterm sacrifices in these terms. Aquestionof

interpretationarises,forexample,inthedecisiontoinsureduescheckoffattheexpenseof

acompromisewhichstrengthensthepositionofemployersduringstrikes. Theissueof

longer terminterestsbecomesentangledwiththeparticularinterestsofthestaffwhose

securityofemploymentmaydependonfinancialsolvency.

Given a more spontaneous tendency for enterprisespecific awareness to

predominatetheunionconsciousnessofemployees,itcouldbearguedthat,despitethe

separationofleadershipfrommembership,theformercouldbemeetingtheinterestsofthe

latter,asthemembersperceivethem. Seenintheseterms,successfulleadershipmaybe

representativeofthemembershipevenifitisisolated. Thefailureoftheleadershipto

deliveranacceptablecontractcanleadtotherejectionoftheirlegitimacy.Dependingon

theviability

of

the

structures

which

permit

membership

input

into

union

policy,

alternative

leadershipcouldbedevelopedmorecongruentwithmembersinterests.Thistendencyfor

thedevelopmentofparticularinterestsandprocessestorestricttherelativeautonomyof

leadershippreventsthecharacteroftheunionfromvaryingbeyondcertainlimitsfromthe

consciousness of themembers only to the extent that themeans are effective. An

alternative response to a failureof theunion isdisillusionment,or acceptanceof the

situation. Themoredemonstrativeindividualsareinexpressingtheirintereststhemore

confidentanobservercanbethatpoliciesadvancedreflectmembersperceptions.

Themembership,however,isnotanhomogenousgrouping. Whilenonmanual

workers more often work in conditions which tend to make unionisation a more

problematicprocess,manualworkers,eventhoseinmassindustries,donotconsistently

adoptaconflictperspective. First, thesocial situation isseldomamatterofasimple

relationshipbetweenanemployerandaunifiedbodyofhomogeneousemployees.There

maybe important structural reasons in theworkplace itselfwhich preventsmanual

workersfromdevelopinga traditionalproletarianperspective(Lockwood,1966).Second,

evaluationsarenotentirelygivenbystructuraldeterminants.

The structurallybaseddifferencesareespecially significant in themassunions

which organize industrywide and contain members from diverse classifications,

occupationsandworksettings.Theywillcontainnumerousparticularismsinadditionto

commonor

mutual

interests

reflecting

the

diversity

in

social

relationships.

At

both

the

workplaceandcommunitylevels specificloyaltiestoparticulargroupswithinthelarger

whole candevelopandbecomethefocalpointofsocialinterestsandinterestedsocial

action. Sincesocialsituationsneednot formseparatewholesbutcanoverlapandbe

inconsistent, the diversity of social perspectives is enhanced (Brown and Brannen,

1970:207).


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23

Inthissituationofheterogeneity,leadershippositionsmaybedominatedbyspecific

interestswhorepresentadominantsubsetwithinthestructureandareinstrumentalin

shaping the common aims. Particularly in whitecollar organizations, the higher

classificationsmaybe initiallymost active in the organization and come to hold a

disproportionateshareoftheexecutivepositions.Theprobabilityofsuchleadershipmay

beonefactorinmanagementsdecisiontorecognizeastaffassociation. Suchasituation

introducesabiasintotheorganization,forthedominantgroupmaydefineinterestsmore

congruentwithitsownthanwiththoseinotherpositions. Forexample,theymayprefer

percentageratherthanacrosstheboardwageincreasesbecausetheymaintaineconomic

differentials. Thepositionof the leadershipgrouping isalso importantbecauseof its

preponderant influence in shaping the philosophy of the organization aswell as its

relationshiptotheemployer,thelabourmovementandthesocietyasawhole. Inthis

situationof

relatively

unequal

influence

and

power,

the

link

between

the

character

of

the

unionandtheclasspositionofitsmembershipbecomesincreasinglyhardtospecify. A

conceptionofan averageinterestmaybeinappropriateandinternalpoliticsmaybemore

important indetermining the characterof theorganization. Nevertheless,given this

analysis,itisstillmaintainedthatthischaracterisafunctionofmembership,althoughthis

isqualifiedtotheextentthatitisnecessarytoidentifyadominantsubsetwithintheunion

whichshapesthecharacteraccordingtoitsparticularinterestsanditsdefinitionofthe

generalinterests.

CousinsandDavis,inrejectingtheargumentthattheincorporationoftheworking

classincontemporarycapitalismisanideologicalphenomenon,assertthatthisresultsfrom

morethanthelackofstructuralhomogeneity(1974:277).Thesocialdivisionoflabourinits

commodityformimpliesspecializationintooccupationsandindustries withcompeting

claimsovertasksandrewards,andasdifferentlabourmovements (:285). Adualistic

consciousnessamongworkersdoesnotarisedirectlyfromsectionalism,whichcannotyield

enduringandinternallycoherentideologies,butratherfromthesocialdivisionoflabour

determined by commodity production. Given this context they conclude that:

Subordination, hermetic privatisationofworkingclassculture,incorporation,arethus

notculturalorpoliticalproducts.Theyareanecessaryandlogicalfeatureofthesystemof

commodityproduction. Butsoisthepotentialfortheiropposite (:285).Alienationtakes

severallogical

forms:

first,

individual

mobility

to

more

independent,

less

subordinate

positions, thereby emphasizing the commoditynature of labour; second, isolationof

private aspects of life from the commoditymarket; and third, a notion of replacing

coordinationbythecapitalistorthemarketbyplanningandsocialcontrol ,thatis,by

rejectingthecommoditystatusoflabour(:284285).

Inonlyasmallminorityofcasesdoesprivatizationtaketheformofareturnto


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24

subsistence living, and thereby indicate a withdrawal from the market economy.

Backtothelandfarmersandyoungartisansperforminghandcraftsmoreoftenseekaless

dependentpositionvisvisthecommoditymarket. Formostemployees,privatization

involves an emphasis on leisure activities. These, however, arebeing increasingly

commodifiedandthisinturnemphasizesthecommoditystatusofworkthroughtheneed

to securegreater resources to support theneeds ofprivate consumption. That is, it

supportsaninstrumentalorientationtowork. AlthoughMacKinnon(1980)foundthat

workinstrumentalism,ratherthanarisingasanorientationexternalandpriortothework,

wasstronglyaffectedbyworkconditionsandwasa componentofworkalienation ,the

two aspects extrinsic and intrinsic to thework situation,mayboth tend to reinforce

instrumentalism.

Inaddition,theestablishmentofthebasisforcompetingideologiesinonestructure

the

commodity

market

for

labour

must

not

obscure

the

field

of

ideology

and

politics.

It

is one thing to assert that the selling of labour powerwill inevitably generateboth

individualisticandcollectiveideologies,andasecondthingtoisolatesociologicalfactors

whicharerelatedtothespecificreproduction,amongconcretegroupings,ofthevarious

ideologies. The analysismust go further thenmerely to assert the logical range of

responses in order to understand the modes of ideological reproduction and

transformation.

Undercapitalistconditions,Marxistshaveargued,theseeminglyfreewagecontract

andtherecognitionthatworkersarepaidthefullmarketpricefortheirlabourpower,

combinetomystifytheprocessbywhichasurplusispumpedoutofthedirectproducers.

Thewealthwhichhasbeencreatedislegallyappropriatedastheconverseofthewages

paidandtheillusionofatransferofequivalentsaffected. Inthissensethereisabasisin

realityforacknowledgingthelegitimacyofthewagecontract.Thisprovidesonereasonfor

recognizingtherelativelyspontaneousadoptionofanideologywhichconfinesitselftothe

termsofsaleoflabourpowerwhiledistinguishingthisfromaclassperspectivewhich,in

itsmoredevelopedexpression,attemptstodelegitimizeprivateappropriation.

Itfollowsfromtheconceptofthecollectivelabourerthattheworkersaredependent

in a very concrete sense onmanagement. Themodern factory represents a highly

developedformofsocialproductionandthishelpstoexplainthefindingthattheworkers

tendto

view

the

firm

as

a

team

.The

use

of

this

image

has

important

ideological

implications. Theteamimageisconsciouslypromotedbymanagementandthemedia,

whichcanbringsubstantialresourcestoitsdissemination.AtleastinNorthAmericathe

image of the unity of the interestsbetween labour and capital has frequentlybeen

promotedbyunions.Furthermoretheconceptitselfdoesnotimplytheabsenceofinternal

differences. Theinterestsofthetwoprincipalsareneveridenticalinallrespectsandthis


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25

latentantagonismisatleastimplicitintheresponses,althoughinaspecificconjuncture

relationsmay appear harmonious. There is room for the co existence of relatively

contradictory perceptions and consequently social attitudes are not fixed but are

emphasizedordeemphasizeddependingonthecontext.

Whichaspectofthecomplexofrelationshipsistheprimarydeterminingfactor,

while being conditioned by structural processes, is not a simple matter because

organizationalformanddiscourseinterveneinthedeterminationofaction.Commenting

onastudyofDurhamminers,RichardScasestressedthepointthatworkersevenina

traditionalcommunityhadtobe converted totheproletarian,dichotomousoutlook,and

heemphasizedtheroleofideologyinshapingsocialsituationaldefinitions. AsFrank

Parkinsuggests, althoughthereisafactualandmaterialbasistoclassinequality,thereis

morethanonewayinwhichitcanbeinterpreted. Factsalonedonotprovidemeanings,

andthe

way

aperson

makes

sense

of

his

social

world

will

be

influenced

by

the

nature

of

themeaningsystemshedrawsupon (Parkin,1971). Withregard to thenewmiddle

stratum inGermany,Geiger held that they corresponded objectively to theMarxist

definitionof theproletariatbut their feelingsofbeingdclassmade for a conscious

separationfromtheworkingclass. Whiletheydevelopedacollectiveconsciousness,as

thejokeofhistory andthefullestexpressionofthefailureof ScientificMarxism ,itwas

manifestby their recruitment into fascistparties (1969:9495). Besides the objective

patternsofstructuralrelationships ,imagesofsocietyareshapedbynormativeinfluences

and interpretationsgeneratedbywidersocialprocesses (Scase,1974:171).

Thetradeunionmovementitselfisonesuchforce. Blumpointstotheneedfora

whitecollar organizing drive to serve as a catalyst to create the sense of class

consciousness (1971:24). Thepotentialforaworkingclassorientationforsuchadrive

wouldbeanimportantfactorinthelonghistoricalprocesswhichheindicatedwouldbe

necessaryforwhitecollaremployeestochangetheiridentificationfromthemiddleclassto

manualworkers. Itfollowsthattheviewwhichseestradeunionconsciousnessasthe

resultofanentirelyspontaneousprocessdeterminedbyobjectivefactors,incontrastto

classconsciousnesswhicharisesonthebasisofdirectideologicalandpoliticalintervention

is,inthisabsoluteformulation,afalsedichotomy.

Millsarguedthatindividualscouldbebothunconsciousoftheirinterestsandfalsely

consciousof

them.

He

drew

asharp

distinction

between

on

the

one

hand,

economic

and

socialfacts and,ontheotherhand, psychologicalfeelings ,assertingthattherewasnot

necessarilyacloseassociationbetweenthem(1956:294).Atbest,subjectiveattributesmust

be statedasprobabilitiesonthebasisofobjectivelydefinedsituations andassociatedwith

various stratawithinwhich several sociologicaldimensions intersect, including class,

occupation,statusandsoon. Thisdisjunctionbetweeneconomic factsandconscious


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26

representationsisafurther limitationonthesupposedlinkbetweenthecharacterofa

unionand the consciousnessof itsmembers. AsMills stressed, the linkcanonlybe

ascertainedintheaggregate,onaprobabilitybasis.

Theindustrialrelationsapproachsensitizestheresearchertothewidercontextof

classaction,theimportanceoftheclassstrugglewhichcomprisesmorethanoneagent,the

businesscycle,the facilitativeroleof thestate,thestructureof industry, thenatureof

competingorganizations. Itraisesquestionsaboutthedifferencesinthecompositionof

membership,theroleofleadershipandthepotentialsforadiscrepancytoexistbetweenthe

policyofanorganization,theconsciousnessofitsmembersandtheirvariedresponses.

Thewider sociology of trade unionism does not necessarily refute the thesis of the

stratificationschoolthatthereis,ingeneral,aconnectionbetweentheclasspositionofan

employeeandhisunionconsciousnessandresponse.However,byspecifyinganumberof

mediatinginfluences

and

intervening

variables,

this

approach

indicates

some

of

the

sources

ofsystematicvariationfromthepredictedidealtypes,whetherofastructural,ideological

orpoliticalnature.

Notes1Thisconceptualdifferenceisarticulatedmostforcefullybythosecommittedin

principletotradeunionismandCromptonsconclusionsweredrawnfromherinterviews

withunionactivists. Inresponse,Heritagehasclaimedthatemployees,ingeneral,donot

recognize the ideologicaldifferencesbetween these typesoforganizations (1980:283).

Nevertheless,manydodrawanimportantdistinctionbetweenthemwhileconfiningthisto

arelativelynarrowsphereprimarilyconcerningmilitancy.

OCCUPATIONANDUNIONCHARACTERBlackburnsconceptionof unionatenessdenotestheunderstandingthattradeunion

consciousness canbepresent tovaryingdegrees. Consistentwith theview that trade

unionismisatleastimplicitlyaclassactivitysinceitisconcernedwiththetermsofexchange

inthelabourmarket,unionatenessinvolvestwodistinctlevels. Firstitisanexpressionof

commoninterestsinanemploymentsituation,thatis,thespecificrelationshipofonegroup

ofworkerswithoneemployer. Thisrelationshipcanberegardedasoneinwhichmutual

interestsareofoverriding importanceorone inwhichtheconflictof interestsaremost

crucial. Inturnonesetoftheseimmediateinterestsformthebasisofanacceptanceofa

widercommonalityofinterestsamongemployeesindifferentworksituations.TheseorientationsweredefinedbyLockwoodasbeingimmediateandinstrumental

respectively,althoughthedifferenceisdifficulttospecifyintheseterms.Generalinterests

amonggroupsofcommonlysituatedworkerscanbeequallyasimmediateasthosethatarise

withinonespecificlabourcontract.Thisdifferencebetweeninterestswhichwerespecifictoa

givensituationandthosewhichweremorecommonoverawiderspectrumofemployment


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27

situations was expresses in Lockwoods list of elements which denoted the class

consciousnessofaunion. Theleveloftradeunionconsciousnesscouldbeindicatedby

severalfactors:

1. thenameoftheorganization,orachangeinitstitle(e.g. fromassociationtounion);

2. thepurposeorchangeinpurposeoftheorganization(e.g.whetheritembracescollective

bargainingmechanisms)

3. advocatingandusingcertainsanctions(e.g. thestrike)

4. bytheaffiliationoftheassociationtothewidertradeunionmovement

5. identificationoftheorganizationwiththepoliticalwingofthelabourmovement

6. sympatheticbehaviourincriticalclasssituations

7.thegeneralsocialandpoliticaloutlookofthemembershipandleadersoftheassociation

(Lockwood,1958:137138).

Someof

these

elements,

such

as

the

purpose

of

the

union

or

methods

adopted,

were

specific

to thegivenemployment situation. Otherssuchas thenameor titleof theassociation

reflectedbothitsinternalroleandpossiblyaconceptualisationoftheorganizationsplace

amongsimilarbodies. Thelasttwomeasuresmoredirectlyreflecteda class perspective

and canbe distinguished from the narrower conception of trade union consciousness

specifiedearlier. Affiliationorpoliticalalignmentreferredtothewidercontextofgeneral

interests.Finally,theoutlookofthemembersandleadersworldpermeatealloftheelements

listed. Inaddition,thislistingincludedsuchdiverseissuesasattitude,adoptionofsanctions

inprinciple,andactualbehaviour.Thelattertendstopredominateanditislargelywhatthe

membersofanorganizationdo,expressedinpartbythetypeofassociationtheycreate,

whichgivesanindicationoftheir class consciousness.

WhileBlackburnwassimilarlyconcernedtomeasureclassconsciousness,heconfined

hisdefiningelementsmorecloselytotradeunionismexcludingthewiderissuesofclass

outlookorbehaviour. Class consciousnesswasassociatedparticularlywiththecharacterof

theuniontowhichtheemployeesbelonged.Thesamedistinctionbetweenlevelsofinterests

appearedintheelementshespecifiedtomeasureunionateness:

1. themain function of the organizationwas collectivebargaining and protection of

members interestsasemployees;

2. theorganizationwasindependentoftheemployersforthepurposeofnegotiations;

3.it

was

prepared

to

be

militant,

using

all

forms

of

industrial

action

including

the

strike;

4. itdeclareditselftobeatradeunion;

5. itwasregisteredasatradeunion;

6. itwasaffiliatedtotheT.U.C.;

7. itwasaffiliatedtotheLabourParty.

InlinewithLockwoodsconceptualization,unionatenesscombinedtwodistinctseriesof


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29/40


29

connected. First,thosepursuingtheirinterestinaffectingthedistributionofrewardsin

society arelikelytoextendtheiractivitiesintothepoliticalorsocietalsphere (:432).Second,

anorganizationwhichexistsinaparticularsettingtonegotiatewithanemployeroperatesin

acontextofindustrialrelationspolicieswhichaffectallsuchbodiesandproducecommon

interestsvisvisthestate.

Thereisasecondveryimportantdistinctiondrawnbytheauthorsbetweenunion

characterasmeasuredbythepositionsofanorganizationandunionattitudesamongthe

membership.Inonesense,unioncharacterisindicatedbytheexplicitpurposesanddeclared

intentionsoftheorganization.Thisformalcharacterisdeterminedbytheconstitutionandby

decisionsofthegoverningbodies.Theproblemofmembershipinputintounionpolicyhas

beenraisedabove. Despiteformalprocedurestomaximizetherepresentativenessofthe

executiveoftheconventiondelegates,theremaybeconsiderabledifferencesbetweenthe

understandingof

the

membership

and

their

representatives.

The

less

immediately

accountablearepresentative is,themoreroom there isforaparticularisticdefinitionof

interests. Besidesbeingchargedwiththelonger rangeinterestsoftheorganization,the

representatives are subject to information andpressureswhich theirmembers arenot.

Accountabilityoftentakestheformofexplainingthepositionsadopted,thatis,theformal

unioncharacter,tothemembership.Again,consciousnessisaproductofarticulationaswell

asposition.

Formany reasons, then, there exists a considerable discrepancybetweenwhat

memberswishandwhatrepresentativesprocure;betweenwhatmembersbelieveandare

preparedtodoandtheformalcharacteroftheirunion.Theremaybealimittothiscleavage,

andmembershiprevoltsagainstunionleadersarenotuncommonalthoughanalternative

responsewouldbedisillusionanddisinterestinunionaffairs.Inshort,unioncharactermay

notbeacompletelyreliableguidetotheconsciousnessoftheemployeesthemselves. In

additiontomeasuringtheformalcharacteroftheunion,theconceptof unionatenesswas

usedbyBlackburntoassesstheleveloftradeunionconsciousnessamongmembersdirectly.

Thismaybeamorereliablemethodforascertainingdifferencesinresponseamongvarious

categoriesofemployees,particularlywhentheybelongtoanindustrialtypeunioninwhich,

atbest,theformalcharacterrepresentsonlyanotionofameaninterestoftheconstituent

parts,andfortestingtherelationshipbetweenunionismandoccupationalposition.

Enterpriseunionateness

(i)NeedforCollectiveOrganisation

Itwasarguedabovethatthenatureoftheemploymentsituationis,fundamentally,an

individualrelationshipwithanemployer. Fromthepointofviewoftheemployeeitishis

specificjobandhecanbelaidoffindividuallyorfiredfromhisposition,orfindabetter

situation. However, itwas further argued that employees inmore autonomouswork


30/40


30

situationswouldbe in aposition inwhich this individual, careeristorientationwould

predominateandanynegotiationoverthetermsofsaleoflabourpowerwouldbeamore

individualisticaffair. Whilethoseinrelativelyhomogeneous,moreconcentratedandless

personalemploymentsituationsaremorelikelytoseekcollectivemeanstodefendtheir

interests,themoreautonomousemployeemaybemorelikelytoemphasizehispeculiar

marketopportunitiesandseecollectiverepresentationasunnecessaryandperhapsharmful

to his interests since his own particular demandsmaybe submerged in the overall

bargaining. Shouldtheserelativelyautonomousorprivilegepositionschangetoadegree,

theremaydevelopafeltneedforsometypeofassociationdespiteapreferencethattherebe

none.

AccordingtoPrandy,etal.,thelargestsingleempiricalgapisbetweenfeelingnoneed

foranassociationofanysortandcomingtoaccepttheneedforcollectiverepresentation.The

beliefin

an

individualistic

career

advance

could

be

seen

as

an

alternative

to

organisation.

Thosedoingcollectiveworkwho,nevertheless,believethemselvestobeonacareerescalator,

wouldreactambivalentlyintermsoftheirassessmentofshort termgainsandlongterm

losses. Butwiththegeneralspreadofunionismtorelativelyprivilegedgroups,adopting

collectivemeansmaybemoreacceptableandmoreprobable.

(ii)LabourManagementCommittees

Theemploymentsituation,however,isnotonlyamatterofnegotiatingtermsand

settingthelimitstothedirectcontrolofmanagementoverthemannerofcarryingonwork.

Thereisalsotheworkitself,bothinthenarrowsenseoftheemployeesownspecialityandof

theoverallgoalsoftheenterprise.Differentjobsituationsarerelativelymorealienatingas

well asmore or less rewarding. Some, especially those areaswhich involve defined

responsibilityforsegmentsoftheoperation,willtendtobeassociatedwithanorientation

whichemphasisesthegoodofthelargerwhole,alwaystemperedwiththegoodoftheir

particularunitwithinit. Inthissituationalabourmanagementcommitteemaybeseenasa

possibleforumforjointdiscussionofmattersofmutualinterest:thebettermanagementof

theenterprise.

Definedinthisway,thegeneralisassumedtotakeprecedenceovertheparticularand

thelabourmanagementcommitteewouldbeapoordeviceforsecuringsectionalends,orthe

endsofemployeeswithrespecttomanagement. Ingeneral,however,suchcommitteesare

notorganised

to

express

the

common

goal.

They

often

arise

as

aresult

of

the

employees

desire tohavesomeeffect indeterminingtheirconditionsofwork. The formationofa

labourmanagement committee,inthesepreciseterms,isatleastimplicitlyrecognitionof

thedistinctinterestsofthetwopartiesandalthoughtheformaldefinitionofthecommittee

maybetomaximisecommongoals,labourmayuseitasarepresentativeinstrumenttopress

itsownclaims. Questionsabout the termsof referenceof thecommittee, its sphereof


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31

competence,itsmethodsofreachingadecision,itsstatusasaconsultatoryoradvisoryor

managingbody,themeansofimplementingdecisions,aswellassuchinternalissuesas

electingachairman, thevotingprocedure,even thedailyagenda allof thesebecome

politicalmattersandpotentiallyitemsofconflictwhichclarifythedifferentinterestswithin

theenterprise.

Iftheexpressedneedforcollectiverepresentationisthemostgeneralstatementofthe

dissatisfactionwiththeeffectsofindividualbargaining,thelabourmanagementcommittee

mayberegardedasoneoftheleastconflictualformsofassociation,initsconceptualisationas

aconsultationbodyoperatingasanarmofmanagementforenlighteneddecisionmaking.It

canbeseenasanalternativeto tradeunionswhichembodythespiritofconflictofinterests,

of sectional ends seenas contradicting commongoals. The term labourmanagement

denotesmutualityandharmony.

Buteven

in

the

case

of

more

autonomous

and

privileged

workers,

there

are

differences

betweenemployerandemployeeandthepracticeofthecommittee,asdescribedabove,

makesadegreeofconflictprobable.Althoughitisanintricatecombinationofparticularand

generalends,thelatterpredominate.Tradeunionsmayalsotakeintoconsiderationthegoals

of theenterprise,but the labourmanagementcommittee isexplicitlystructured for this

purpose. In this sense it isoftenseenasanalternative toother formsofmoreovertly

conflictualformsoforganisation,asCromptonclaims(1976). Neverthelesssomeformof

collectiveconsciousnessisrequiredfortheexpressionofaneedorpreferenceforsucha

committee. Ingeneral,those inpositionsofauthorityorwithclearprospectsforcareer

advancewouldmost likely, at least initially, limit their collective consciousness to less

conflictualforms.

(iii)Collectivebargaining

IftheLabourManagementcommitteeemphasisescollectivegoalsandtheultimate

authorityofmanagement,collectivebargainingisafurtherstatementoftheindependenceof

thetwopartiesintheemploymentrelationship.Whilecollectiveconsciousnessisexpressed

inalabourmanagementforuminaformwhichrecognisestherightsofmanagementto

makefinaldecisions(atleastasthispracticeisinstitutionalisedinNorthAmerica),collective

bargainingisaprocesswhichoperatesattheleveloftheformalandlegalequalityofthetwo

partiesforthepurposeofnegotiatingthetermsandconditionsofemploymentacceptableto

bothparties.

It

presupposes

asense

of

collectivity

among

the

employees,

arecognition

that

theyhavecommoninterestsvisvismanagementandthattheirendscanbestbemetina

representativeorganisation.Thereisconflictamongtheemployeesbetweengoalstheyhave

incommonandpossiblesectionalvariationsfromthese,andthedecisiontoadoptcollective

bargainingwilldependon theextent towhichsectionalandcommonendscanbemet

relativetoanysacrificeswhichhavetobemadetoaccommodatethesectionalinterestsof


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32

otherpartiesinthealliance. Themoreconcentratedandhomogeneoustheemployment

situationthemorelikelyisitthattheemployeeswillseektomaximisetheiradvantages

throughcollectivepressure.Groupswillresistsuchorganizationtotheextentthattheycan

meettheirsectionalendsinotherways,ortheirpositioninthelargerunitisunderminedby

theinterestsofmorepowerfulparties. Thisresistancemaybereinforcedbymanagement

practiceswhichextendconcessionsgrantedother,oftenunionised,workerstothosewhoare

notorganised,eithergratuitouslyorthroughindependentcommitteestructures.

However,asaformofenterprisespecificunionism,theterm collectivebargaining

itselfhaswiderconnotationsandisassociatedwithmanualtradeunionism,withthepursuit

ofsectionalendscontradictingthebestinterestsoftheenterprise,withanideology. The

termswithinwhichthenegotiationsarecouchedreflectsthewidersocialcontextandare

implicitlyevaluationsofit.Withrespecttoenterpriseunionateness,thebasicdifferencelies

inthe

specifics

of

negotiating.

Collective

bargaining

is

enforced

by

the

state;

it

involves

writtenagreementsbindingonthepartiesandspecifiesremedies. Itisaconsiderablestep

beyondalabourmanagementcommittee,ascommonlypracticed,senseitinstitutionalisesan

adversarialsystememphasisingtheseparationoftheinterestsofthepartiesratherthantheir

mutualenterprisegoalinterests. Itunderlinestheinequalitiesofpowerandtheneedtogain

bargainingpowerthroughsomecollectiveactionandtohavethetermscarefullyspecified

ratherthantrustinginthegoodwillofmanagement.Theproblemoftenarises,however,that

thecompromisesreachedthroughnegotiationsreflectthispowerposition.Withoutsome

remedyforapotentialbreakdownonirreconcilabledifferences,collectivebargainingmaybe

a blankcartridge.

(iv)CompulsoryArbitration

Ifforsometheacceptanceofcollectivebargainingwasthesinequanonoftrade

unionism,ofanattitudetolabour managementrelationswhichemphasisedconflict,for

othersthechiefdistinctionbetweenthetwoformswasnotaquestionofnegotiations,which

couldbecarriedoninanadversarialora gentlemanlymanner,butofthesanctionswhich

couldbe imposedonrecalcitrantpartiesand themeaningofsuchsanctions. Themost

generousassumptionwasthatgoodwillwouldprevailandnegotiationwouldbeconcluded

inageneralagreementbasedonthefactsandreasonedargumentspresented.

Ifthisreasonableapproachtonegotiationsisfoundtofail,thencompulsoryarbitration

maybe

regarded

as

asuitable

instrument

which

would

be

fair

to

both

parties

and

allow

for

theadjudicationofadisputewithoutthenecessityforadisplayofforcebyeitherparty.

Acceptanceofarbitrationimpliedarealisationthatinterestedpartiescouldsometimesfailto

agree,abeliefintheeffectivenessofneutralmechanismsandabeliefthatbargainingneed

notimplyaconflictoverpower.

Therearemanyobjectionstotheuseofarbitrationprocedures.Amongthemwould


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33

betheclaimthataneutralbodywouldbeunabletojudgethemeritsofaspecificcaseand

consequentlywouldbeprone tomistaken interpretationsandunjustawards. Itmade

considerabledifferencewhowasappointedtotheBoardandtotheChairmanship.ABoard

mightbemorepronetodefinetheawardintermsofbroadeconomicfactors,asituation

labourrepresentativesregardasacceptingmanagementsdefinitionof thesituation. In

addition,Boardsoftenoperatelargelyonprecedentandthismakesthearbitrationrouteless

innovativewith respect toworkers demands for new concessions, not only in salary

negotiationsbutespeciallyintheareaofworkingconditionsandmanagementprerogatives.

Ingeneral,arbitrationwillberegardedasanacceptablealternativetomoremilitant

remediesbythosemoreprivilegedemploymentsituations. Moreimportantly,however,

arbitrationmaybearoutepreferredbythosewhofeelthattheydonothavetheappropriate

powerbasewithwhichtocompelemployerstoaccepttheirterms. Oritmayreflectan

ideologicalpreference

for

anon

adversarial

relationship

with

the

employer.

In

the

former

case,arbitrationmaybepreferredbybluecollarworkerswholacktheeconomicstrengthto

force compliance with their terms; whitecollar workers, especially those in more

autonomoussituationswillbeinasimilarposition. Thosewithconnectionstoauthority,

whetherimmediatelyorpotentially,willmorelikerespondintermsofthelattercase.Again,

although thedifferencewillnotbe exclusively along amanual/nonmanual line,more

nonmanualworkershavetraditionallybeeninlesscollectivesituationsandwilltherefore

adoptlessunionateforms.Aswiththedifferencebetweenlabourmanagementcommittees

andcollectivebargaining,thedistinctionbetweenarbitrationandthestrikeisnotsimply

moreorlessunionatebutcanberegardedasalternatives.Thiswouldmakethescalabilityof

theitemsproblematic.

(v)IndustrialAction

Thesanctioningofrelatively mild formsofcollectiveindustrialactionisafurther

stageintherecognitionoftheindependenceoftheinterestsseparatingmanagementand

employees.Itinvolvesabeliefthattheinterestsarenotmerelydifferentbutthatsomeactual

useofpower is required to induceacceptanceofuniondemands. There is logicallya

considerablegapbetweenthepotentialforreasonablenegotiationsandtheuseofforce,but

theperceptionof the failureofarbitrationoften leads toacceptanceofmoreconflictual

approaches,thetypedependinglargelyonthepossibilitiesinherentinthesituation.

Onthe

job

action

has

the

useful

effect

that

it

permits

acontinuation

of

employment

andhenceearnings.Atthesametime,essentialworkisdoneastheemployeesstrivetomeet

atleastamodicumofthecommoninterestsintheenterprise. However,itmaybemore

diffic

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White Collar Collective Organisation

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