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0264-2751(94)00020-4 Cities, Vol. 12, No. 3, pp. 139-147, 1995

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i•UTTERWORTH I - ~ E I N E M A N N

City profile

Windhoek

David Simon Reader in Development Geography and Director of the Centre for Developing Areas Research CEDAR, Department of Geography, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham, Surrey TW20 OEX, UK

With a current population approaching 200 000, Windhoek, the Namibian capital, is now home to 13% of the country's total population. Secondary and tertiary functions, state bureaucracies, high level educational, health and other social services are heavily concentrated in this classic primate city. Racial segregation was a feature of life throughout the century of colonial rule by Germany and then South Africa. Although fashioned in the image of the apartheid city during the 1950s and 1960s, most institutionalized apartheid measures outside the spheres of education and health were abolished during the period of internal reform from 1977 onwards. Since independence in 1990, further progress has been made, with active efforts to address infrastructural and shelter deficits in the former black townships. Radical transformation, however, does not appear to be on the agenda. Rapid urban growth has continued, raising concerns over the adequacy of developable land and water supply in this high altitude, semi-arid valley.

Situated at an altitude of 1600 m in a well defined valley on the eastern side of Namibia's central massif, known as the Khomas Hochland, the strategic value of Windhoek's site had long been appreciated by indigenous peo- ples. Archaeological records suggest that human habitation around the perennial warm springs which sustain life in this semi-arid environment, dates back at least 5000 years. Aver- age annual precipitation is just under 350 mm.

During the mid-19th century, when European traders and missionaries first reached the area from South Afri- ca's northern Cape, control was con- tested between Jonker Afrikaner 's Orlam Nama and the Herero under Samuel Maharero. The first Christian mission station was established by the Rhenish Missionary Society in 1842, but this changed hands several times as a result of rivalry with the Wes- leyans and their respective allegiances to local leaders. The importance of the permanent water supply is attested to

by both the Nama and Herero names for the place, Ai-//gams (firewater) and Otjomuise (steaming place) re- spectively. The most likely origin of the name Windhoek, which literally means 'windy corner' in Afrikaans, is a contraction of Winterhoek, the mountain range in the western Cape behind Jonker Afrikaner 's home town.

In 1890 the occupying German Schutztruppe under Curt von Francois exploited a temporary power vacuum to occupy the site and establish a permanent military station and admi- nistration. This grew rapidly into the capital of Deutsch S~dwestafrika. The Germans were expelled by South Afri- can forces in 1915, during the First World War. At that point, Wind- hoek's population numbered a mere 7500, 4500 of them black and 3000 white. In 1919 the League of Nations declared South West Africa a C-Class Mandate Territory, which was admi- nistered by South Africa. South Afri- ca's discriminatory domestic policies

were soon applied in the territory, giving rise to sustained indigenous re- sistance and efforts to have the Man- date revoked by the League and later the United Nations. Meanwhile, the territory's economy and polity were integrated progressively more closely with those of South Africa. As part of this process, apartheid town planning was implemented in Windhoek, which had in any case been built on a high degree of racial segregation since the 1890s (Simon, 1983).

Even after South Africa's occupa- tion of the country had been declared illegal by the International Court of Justice in 1970, the National Party government's dream of incorporation continued until the independence of Angola and Mozambique in I975 turned the tide of decolonisation in southern Africa irrevocably. Pretoria responded by seeking to establish a neocolonial 'solution' by installing a client regime that would garner suffi- cient support to forestall an election victory by SWAPO, the major (and at

139

City profile that time socialist) liberation move- ment. Internationally recognised inde- pendence was ultimately obtained only on 21 March 1990, in terms of a UN-supervised transition which began in 1989.

Desegregating the colonial city As part of their search for legitimacy from 1977 onwards, the various inter- nal South African sponsored adminis- trations did repeal many of the most conspicuous apartheid laws governing, for example, segregation of urban re- sidential areas, public facilities and amenities, and private schools and hospitals; rural-urban migration (the hated pass laws); employment discri- mination; and prohibitions on interra- cial sexual intercourse and marriage. State education and health institutions remained overwhelmingly segregated, however.

These measures were far more than cosmetic, despite many of them hav- ing only a limited immediate impact. As the capital and largest city, Wind- hoek experienced the most rapid, con- spicuous and extensive changes. In terms of the numbers of people affected, the abolition of the pass laws was by far the most important. This enabled migrant workers from the re- serves or bantustans, many of them longstanding urban residents but con- demned to permanently 'temporary' legal status, to be joined by their families and to find a home outside the prison-like (male) contract workers' hostels. At the same time, large num- bers of un- or underemployed rural people were able to move around the country more freely in search of sea- sonal or permanent employment. The towns and cities of Namibia had, in effect, been opened for the first time, even though whites had been outnum- bered virtually everywhere for some decades. These developments had profound implications for shelter pol- icy and provision (see below).

The removal of racial restrictions.on u rban res idence and i n t r a u r b a n population mobility did not precipi- tate any of the calamities so feared by Windhoek's predominantly conserva- tive white minority. Some whitds did

choose to emigrate, but the numbers were small and their departure made some middle income houses available for people legally classified as 'col- oured' or 'Black' (ie African). Proper- ty prices did not crash; indeed, in some suburbs they actually rose. On the whole, there was comparatively little social friction, and the number of hostile incidents, which occurred prin- cipally in the CBD or lower middle income areas dominated by Afrikaans speaking whites, declined to negligible levels within a year or two, once the novelty and fear had subsided.

Only a minority even of middle class black people able to afford property prices in former white areas chose to move there. Political loyalty, social cohesion and sometimes apprehension kept most in the townships, especially as freehold tenure, previously res- tricted to people classified white and 'coloured', was extended to all. The rate of moves into previously forbid- den areas was a slow trickle of no more than nine or ten households per month over the first few years, and some of these were returning exiles and South Africans escaping apartheid in that country. By 1985 black occu- pancy of dwelling units in former white areas averaged just over 12% reflecting a range from 5 to 28% according to the price range of hous- ing, availability of rental accommoda- tion (especially apartments) , per- ceived social characteristics, distance f rom the C B D and the b l ack townships of Khomasdal and Katutura and their extensions (refer to Fig. 1 and Table 1) (Municipality of Wind- hoek, 1987; Pickard-Cambridge, 1988; Simon, 1986, 1991). The process con- tinued, on an increasing trend once large numbers of exiles returned and foreign diplomatic and NGO staff ar- rived shortly ahead of independence, but whites are still in the majority everywhere except perhaps in the un- fashionable apartment blocks fringing the CBD. This experience stands in marked contrast to that in parts of Harare, Zimbabwe and even some areas within South Africa's major cities, where the racial composition has changed very rapidly indeed (Cumming, 1990; Lemon, 1991).

For the majority of Windhoek's in- habitants, however, escape from the overcrowded townships was not an option, even if desired, on account of unaffordability, given the low average incomes and high unemployment rates among unskilled people. The capitalist land and housing market has served to limit the scope for and extent of racial residential integration. Population in- crease, new 'low income' housing schemes and the emergence of irregu- lar housing have ensured rapid west- ward and northward expansion of the townships of Khomasdal and Katutura (Figure 1).

Population growth and shelter strategy Despite the often questionable accura- cy of many censuses, available data on Windhoek's population reflect fluc- tuations in its growth rate over time (Table 1). Since the late 1970s, when most restrictions on mobility fell away, growth accelerated, the precise rate being influenced by the impact of periodic drought and the war in the northern communal lands. The 1985 municipal survey results - which were grossed up from a 50% sample - seem anomalous, despite the municipality's apparent confidence in their accuracy (Municipality of Windhoek, 1987). If indeed accurate, their extrapolated estimate for 1987 would imply ex- tremely rapid growth over a two-year pe r i od . R u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n accelerated still further after inde- pendence as reflected in the final col- umn of Table 1. The provisional 1991 figure of 144 558 represented 31.3% of the national urban population and 11.3% of the total national population (Republic of Namibia, 1992). As shown in the table, the final census figure for the whole of Windhoek was slightly higher at 147 057. The 1991 census, the first since independence, was undertaken with specialist UN assistance. Ethnic/racial affiliations (defined either officially or by self- ascription) were not recorded. The current population is likely to be ab- out 200 000, which would represent 13% of an estimated national popula- tion of some 1.5 million.

140 Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

City profile

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Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3 141

C i t y p r o f i l e

Table 1 Windhoek's population growth, 1936-91, by official racial and geographical classifications ~

1936 1946 1951 1960 1968 1970 1975

Coloured 1 448 1 353 1 208 2 738 5 925 8 411 9 057 Black 4 385 6 591 9 080 13 935 19 369 25 945 33 180 White 4 812 6 985 10 310 19 378 25 417 27 351 32 112

Total 10 651 14 929 20 598 36 051 50 711 61 707 74 349

1981 1985 b 1987 c 1991

Khomasdal 17 380 13 915 15 000 18 900 Katutura 44 003 43 288 53 000 86 640 Windhoek 31 305 34 845 35 000 41 517

Total 96 057 92 048 103 000 147 057

aIn this table 'Katutura' and 'Khomasdal' include their more recent extensions to the North and West. 'Windhoek' refers to the rest of the urban area. bBased on 50% sample. Despite accuracy tests, the survey report suggests that the true Katurura figure might well have been about 50 000. CEstimate extrapolated from 1985 results. Source: Population censuses, 1936, 1946, 1951, 1960, 1970, 1981, 1991; Municipal surveys 1968, 1975, 1985.

Windhoek has suffered from a long- standing housing shortage, particular- ly for people with low incomes. While well-nigh universal among Third World cities, the particular problem here is a direct consequence of apart- heid urban policies, which restricted the urbanization of Africans. To this end, the right to own private housing was removed, forcing Africans to be- come tenants of the state, albeit at subsidized rentals, while limiting the construction of family housing formed a deliberate policy element. Although freehold has been encouraged since 1980 and no new rental accommoda- tion has been built since 1981, the accelerated construction of improved houses and the introduction of a varie- ty of core, aided self-help and other supposedly low income schemes have failed to keep pace with increasing demand, let alone reduce the deficit.

Since 1982, the municipality has had responsibility only for the preparation and servicing of plots for sale to de- velopers, be they private or statutory. The parastatal National Building and Investment Corporation took over the actual construction functions and ~as respons ib le for the low income schemes. This body had a troubled history, facing popular resistance for apparently high-handed actions and as part of the illegitimate state appar-

atus, while failing to find widely acceptable shelter schemes which achieved their objectives and re- mained affordable to the poor at un- subsidized interest rates. Some 60% of the low income households could not afford even the cheapest option. There was also resistance to lower construction standards (for different reasons) from the supposed benefi- ciaries and elements in the state bureaucracy (Simon, 1991).

Since independence, the situation has changed somewhat. The new Minister of Regional and Local Gov- ernment and Housing prioritized the formulation of a new National Hous- ing Policy (Republic of Namibia, 1990) and the transformation of NBIC into a more effective and legitimate body. The strategy is generally prog- ressive in intent, but actual progress has been modest. One of the central planks is an aided self-help program- me called Build Together. The NBIC has now emerged from a difficult tran- sition as the National Housing Enter- prise, constituted by Act of the National Assembly in 1993 with the objects of 'the financing of housing for inhabitants of Namibia and generally the providing for the housing needs of such inhabitants' (Republic of Nami- bia, 1993, p 3).

A disproportionate share of nation-

al shelter infrastructure and invest- ment will undoubtedly continue to be centred on Windhoek, but the efforts are unlikely to benefit the poorest of the poor. The minister, a medical doc- tor who served in SWAPO refugee camps in exile, remains strongly opposed to the use of pit latrines on health grounds, despite the develop- ment of various types of ventilated improved pit latrines (VIPs). Use of waterborne sewerage systems is far more expensive. A model site and service scheme initiated in the Okury- angava extension of Katutura as part of the minister's campaign against un- controlled squatting, was hastily con- ceived and has proved problematic. However, in 1992 the municipality established a squatter reception area, as provided for in the National Shelter Strategy, on the north-west outskirts of Okuryangava and Wanaheda (Fi- gure 2). Sites and basic facilities are laid out and the area serves as a (supposedly) temporary transit area for new migrants to Windhoek. Nevertheless, much remains to be done in the shelter sphere, given that market driven mechanisms will not cater for at least half of Windhoek's poor. Some obvious issues, such as the rethinking of high and rigid official building standards or the encourage- ment of indigenous construction methods and building materials (Simon, 1985), have yet to receive serious attention. It is also not clear that genuine popular involvement, with a high degree of control of the shelter design and construction pro- cess by participants, has actually been achieved.

L o c a l g o v e r n m e n t a n d u r b a n m a n a g e m e n t

It was only after independence that the apartheid structure of Namibian local authorities began to change. Un- til then, the Windhoek City Council comprised exclusively white members elected by an all-white electorate; separate toothless advisory bodies operated in Khomasdal (Coloured) and Katutura (African). As an interim measure from 1990, vacancies on the Council were filled by black appoin-

142 Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

City profile

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Figure 2 Residents of the 'squatter' reception area selling fuelwood, a vital re- source for the urban poor which has been commoditized

tees. Under the 1992 Local Author- ities Act, the entire urban area was to be represented by a single City Coun- cil elected on a non-racial basis. The contest was also overtly party political for the first time, with SWAPO win- ning 7 of the 12 seats in a party list system. Four seats are held by the leading oppos i t ion a l l iance , the D e m o c r a t i c T u r n h a l l e A l l i a n c e (DTA) and one by the smaller United Democratic Front (UDF). Within the municipality, the city's first black mayor presided over the introduction of an affirmative action plan for senior positions in August 1993, which has already seen the appointment or promotion of several key people, in- cluding an extremely able and im- pressive town clerk.

Windhoek is also the seat of the Khomas Regional Council, one of 13 new subnational bodies established in 1992 as an intermediate tier of govern- ment. Its principal income source is a 5% levy on municipal rates revenue, which is a sizeable sum in view of Windhoek's size and strong economic base. Other regional councils in remo- ter areas are less fortunate. The Kho- mas Regional Council has no concrete responsibilities within the municipal area, thus avoiding direct conflicts of interest with the local authority. Nevertheless, in common with the

other fledgeling regional councils, Khomas RC is understaffed and will take some time to attain its intended operating capacity. The central gov- ernment ministries and institutions re- main very heavily concentrated in Windhoek, although in an effort to initiate some decentralization, the new National Institute for Educational Development is being built in Oka- handja, 75 km to the north.

The municipality had begun to de-

sign out some features of the apart- heid city long prior to independence, for example by building on the buffer strips (cordons sanitaires) separating the segregated urban segments of 'white' Windhoek, Katutura and Kho- masdal (Figure 1). However. expendi- ture remained heavily skewed towards the central city and former white sub- urbs which generated the bulk of its revenue. Perhaps fearing a lack of future capital investment and mainte- nance, just before independence many roads were resurfaced and an ostenta- tious pedestrianization scheme was unde r t a ke n , complete with road underpass, in the CBD (Figure 3). While now quite attractive and popu- lar as part of the more general CBD redevelopment (Figures 4 and 5), it was regarded as an inappropriate and politically insensitive use of scarce capital funds at the time and created c o n s i d e r a b l e r e s e n t m e n t among township residents in particular.

It is only since independence that more concerted efforts to upgrade in- frastructure and the general living en- vironment in Khomasdal and especial- ly Katutura and its extensions, have been made. Whereas previously only bus routes had been tarred, a general road improvement and tarring prog- ramme, together with some traffic management measures, has already

Figure 3 The new pedestrian mall includes an attractive display of meteorites from southern Namibia

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3 143

C i t y profile

Figure 4 New office blocks have been sensitively designed to complement the style of surviving shops from the German period

greatly improved road safety and re- duced dust problems. Amenities and services such as refuse collection are being increased, thereby reducing if not yet eliminating dangerous and un- sanitary piles of refuse and stagnant pools of dirty water (Figure 6). The number of licensed and unlicensed taxis and shared minibus taxis (j i tneys) has grown markedly, thus easifig the transport constraints to and from the

central city for the majority of resi- dents who do not have access to pri- vate vehicles, as the municipal bus service remains very inadequate.

Some symbolic changes have also taken place, such as the renaming of a limited number of streets with colonial or outdated connotations. The list of 'socially relevant' changes makes in- teresting reading (Table 2). The pro- cess has been slow and based on due

consultation. Conversely, no colonial statues, to Von Francois, the Schutz- truppe (Figure 7), Afrikaner heroes or anyone else, have been removed and there is no evident pressure for such measures. Similarly, conservation of historic buildings, especially from the German colonial period (Figures 4, 7 and 8), continues to receive attention and is not perceived as contradictory to the tasks of post-colonial nation- building.

Economy and employment Windhoek's primate city status and soph i s t i ca t ed in f ras t ruc tu re have attracted a disproportionate share of secondary and tertiary activities and government functions. Nevertheless, Namibia 's manufacturing sector re- mains very underdeveloped, account- ing for no more than about 5% of GDP, and comprising mainly small enterprises. Food processing, light en- gineering and motor repair are parti- cularly important. Heavy industry is never going to be a realistic option for Namibia, but for Windhoek the par- ticular challenge is to increase employ- ment without overcentralizing and generating unsustainable pressure on land and water resources. Some cate- gories of industry are already being encouraged to locate in Okahandja.

In common with many other Third World cities, there is an acute shor- tage of appropriately skilled staff, especially in certain technical and pro- fessional categories, alongside high unemployment of unskilled workers. Estimates during the early and mid- 1980s put Windhoek's unemployment rate at between 30 and 45%; the national rate was put at about 30% in 1990 (Simon, 1991; Frayne, 1992). This is unlikely to have declined much, given the rate of urban growth. 'Informal' sector activities have pro- liferated and diversified since the late 1970s, although the majority are still subsistence oriented (Figure 5). Offi- cial attitudes have shifted from sup- pression to qualified support and en- couragement, but it is increasingly being appreciated that this represents no panacea for employment creation (Simon, 1984; Frayne, 1992). Incomes

144 Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

= % 1 1 1 % ! i i ~ i

Figure 5 The sale of handicrafts in the CBD has been encouraged since before independence as a form of ' informal' activity compatible with tourist promotion

reflect this situation, with many mana- gerial staff and entrepreneurs earning extremely high salaries and profits. On the other hand, the money wages recorded in a 1986 survey in Katutura showed little improvement over those in 1980-81 (cf. Simon, 1984; Von Gar- nier, 1986), while a 1990 UNICEF survey found the average annual per capita incomes in Katutura to be N$1434. This was a fraction of that in fo rmer whi te a reas of the ci ty, although up to six times higher than in the rural northern communal lands (Frayne, 1992, p 17). A significant proportion of people clearly remain below the poverty datum line.

Towards the twenty first century

As indicated above, the portents for Windhoek as it approaches the end of this millennium are mixed. Very much on the plus side is the genuine spirit of reconciliation and cooperation in na- tion building, evident in much of the country. The tone has been set from the outset by President Nujoma. Windhoek is still a relatively easy- going and friendly city, although the high levels of unemployment and frus- trated amibition are reflected in rising burglary and theft rates. The problem

is that reconciliation renders structural change to address systematic popular needs more difficult. Equally, the state sector is large and the govern- ment has commenced a rationalization drive to prune numbers, thus making major new recruitment very unlikely. Employment growth is likely to be predominantly in small-scale enter- prises with limited numbers of unskil- led posts. At the same time, the im-

City profile pact of HIV/AIDS cannot be ignored. Nationwide, 8184 cases of HIV and full-blown AIDS had been recorded at the end of May 1994, amid a fast-rising t rend. By August , the total was approaching 9000 (The Namibian, 19 August 1994). This represents 0.6% of the national population, but many cases may well remain unrecorded. Windhoek has one of the highest HIV seropositivity rates. For example, a recent random sample of hospital pa- tients there revealed a 7.2% infection rate (The Namibian, 17 March 1994), although this sample may not have been representative and may have in- cluded non-Windhoek residents.

Given the city's small absolute size and healthy revenue base, the prob- lems facing the municipality and urban managers may not seem great. However, the rate of population in- crease, rather than that absolute num- bers involved, is crucial. Seeking to address the needs of the majority of existing urban residents who have suf- fered systematic discrimination in the past compounds the difficulty of the task. Some significant steps in the right direction have been taken by the muni- cipality and the relevant government ministries since independence, but these must now be capitalized on. At the same time, the mountains encircling Windhoek and the limited sustainable

Figure 6 The inadequacy of infrastructure and sanitation in the erstwhile seg- regated townships is finally being addressed

Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3 145

City profile Table 2 A selection of street names in Windhoek changed since independence

Date of change Former name New name Significance

25 July 1990 Kaiser St./ Independence Ave In honour of Namibian independence P.A. de Wet St.

31 March 1993 Leutwein St. Robert Mugabe Ave

29 September 1993 Frankie Fredericks Drive

24 November 1993 Hosea Kutako Drive

24 November 1993

24 November 1993

24 November 1993 119 August 1994

Knudsen St.

T.V. More St./ Okahandja Rd.

Tal St./Republic Rd./Gamsberg Rd. Charl Marais St.

Gold St. Klein Windhoek Rd.

Mandume Ndemufayo Ave

Hendrik Witbooi Drive

Michele McLean St. Nelson Mandela Drive

Commemorating a State Visit by Zimbabwe's President In honour of Namibia's international champion sprinter In honour of the Herero Chief who led early nationalist opposition to South Africa After the last Kwanyama king

After the Nama leader who resisted the Germans After Namibia's recent Miss Universe In honour of the South African President's State Visit

Figure 7 The memor ia l to the G e r m a n Schutztruppe (cavalry) in f ront of the Al te Feste (old G e r m a n fort)

Figure 8 The G e r m a n Evangel ical L u t h e r a n ca thedra l (Christuskirche) is one of W i n d h o e k ' s bes t -known l andmarks

water supply provide tangible con- s t raints on potent ia l future u rban growth. Densif icat ion of low density (high income) residential areas will not make a ma jo r con t r ibu t ion short of rebui lding existing houses, as few plots are large enough for realistic subdivision. Already, costly schemes have been resor ted to for providing increased water supply from perennia l rivers in no r the rn Namibia , and in 1994 the municipal i ty a n n o u n c e d plans to purify and recycle sewage water.

As much as anything, Windhoek ' s future will depend on the extent to which the g o v e r n m e n t is willing to decentra l ize state powers , funct ions and resources. Regional councils and new local author i t ies in the communa l areas will be crucial to this. However , to date the evidence points strongly towards a con t inua t ion of central ized control a long t radi t ional sectoral lines, r a ther than p romot ing substant ive a rea-based p lanning within the re- gions. The re are even powerful voices within the g o v e r n m e n t advocat ing the abol i t ion of regional councils as a waste of t ime and resources. In so large and diverse a country, this would merely exacerba te the pr imacy of Windhoek , with all its a t t endan t prob- lems.

R e f e r e n c e s

Cumming, S (1990) "Post-colonial urban residential change in Zimbabwe: a casc study' in Potter, R B and Salau, A T

146 Cities 1995 Volume 12 Number 3

(eds) Cities and Development in the Third World Mansell, London

Frayne, B (1992) Urbanisation in Post- independence Windhoek Namibian In- stitute for Social and Economic Re- search, Windhoek

Lemon, A (ed) (1991) Homes Apart; South Africa's Segregated Cities Paul Chap- man, London and David Philip, Cape Town

Municipality of Windhoek (1987) Resuhate van die Bevolkingsopname: Mei 1985 Town Planning Section, City En- gineer's Dept, Windhoek

Pickard-Cambridge, C (1988) Sharing the Cities: Residential Desegregation in Ha- rare, Windhoek and Mafikeng South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg

Republic of Namibia (1990) Namibia

National Housing Policy Ministry of Local Government and Housing, Wind- hoek

Republic of Namibia (1992) 1991 Popula- tion and Housing Census: Preliminary Report Central Statistical Office, National Planning Commission, Wind- hoek

Republic of Namibia (1993) National Housing Enterprise Act, 1993 Govern- ment Gazette of the Republic of Nami- bia, No 687, Windhoek

Simon, D (1983) 'The evolution of Wind- hoek, 1890--1980" in 8aunders, C (ed) Perspectives on Namibia: Past and Pre- sent Centre for African Studies, Uni- versity of Cape Town, Occasional Paper 4

Simon, D (1984) 'Urban poverty, informal sector activity and intersectoral link-

City profile ages: evidence from Windhoek, Nami- bia' Development and Change 15 (4) 551-576

Simon, D (1985) 'Independence and social transformation: urban planning prob- lems and priorities for independent Namibia' Third World Planning Review 7 (2) 9%118

Simon, D (1986) 'Desegregation in Nami- bia: the demise of urban apartheid?' Geoforum 17 (2) 28%307

Simon, D (199l) 'Windhoek: desegrega- tion and change in the capital of South Africa's erstwhile colony' in Lemon, A (ed) Homes Apart; South Africa's Segregated Cities Paul Chapman, Lon- don and David Philip, Cape Town

Von Gamier, C (ed) (1986) Katutura Revi- sited, 1986 Roman Catholic Church, Windhoek

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