Witness for Peace Non-Profit Org. U.S. Postage P A I D Permit No. 240 Bellmawr, NJ Witness for Peace 1229 15th St. NW Washington, DC 20005 Newsletter Winter 2000/01 • Volume 17 Number 3 continued on page 2 An Assessment of Our Gains and Losses at the Jubilee Moment A Message from the Executive Director T his Holiday season, persons of faith and con- science around the world are called to celebrate Jubilee. For years brothers and sisters in the global North and South have been working tirelessly towards the Jubilee moment: December 31, 2000. At this powerful moment, we ask ourselves if our Jubilee dreams of social justice have been realized. As we take stock of our progress in our work for Jubilee debt relief, we can be proud of our accom- plishments. Yet as we observe the continuing reality facing the poor majority--massive economic and military violence--we also must concede that we have much left to do; that worldwide Jubilee justice is incomplete. In our continuing struggle, we must take time to celebrate what we have gained. Our primary Jubilee call was for the release from debt bondage for the world’s poorest, most indebted nations. To this end, we have accomplished more than many ever dreamed possible. Together, you, me and the millions of other Jubilee activists have pushed the powerful institutions of the world to grant debt relief. Just three years ago, this was unimaginable. Three years ago, the World Bank and the Interna- tional Monetary Fund (IMF) remained largely invisible to the people of the US, and their policy makers were openly hostile to the idea of debt relief. The US Treasury Department, Congress and the Administration maintained stony indifference- -followed by defiance–to the concept of debt relief. At this Jubilee hour, much of this has changed. With your hard work, President Clinton openly embraced debt relief, ultimately cancelling much of the debts owed directly to the US by poor countries. The Treasury Department actively sought the funds to allow for multilateral debt relief. Even the World Bank became open to the concept. We gained many friends on both sides of the aisle in Congress who played a key role in XX union bug XX recycle bug XX Soy Ink bug Jubilee Justice?
Transcript
WitnessforPeace
Non-Profit Org.U.S. Postage
P A I DPermit No. 240Bellmawr, NJ
Witness for Peace1229 15th St.NWWashington, DC 20005
Newsletter
Winter 2000/01 • Volum
e 17 Number 3
continued on page 2
An Assessment of OurGains and Losses at theJubilee Moment
A Message from the Executive Director
This Holiday season, persons of faith and con-science around the world are called tocelebrate Jubilee. For years brothers and
sisters in the global North and South have beenworking tirelessly towards the Jubilee moment:December 31, 2000.
At this powerful moment, we ask ourselves if ourJubilee dreams of social justice have been realized.As we take stock of our progress in our work forJubilee debt relief, we can be proud of our accom-plishments. Yet as we observe the continuingreality facing the poor majority--massive economicand military violence--we also must concede thatwe have much left to do; that worldwide Jubileejustice is incomplete.
In our continuing struggle, we must take time tocelebrate what we have gained. Our primaryJubilee call was for the release from debt bondagefor the world’s poorest, most indebted nations. Tothis end, we have accomplished more than manyever dreamed possible. Together, you, me and themillions of other Jubilee activists have pushed thepowerful institutions of the world to grant debtrelief. Just three years ago, this was unimaginable.Three years ago, the World Bank and the Interna-tional Monetary Fund (IMF) remained largelyinvisible to the people of the US, and their policymakers were openly hostile to the idea of debtrelief. The US Treasury Department, Congress andthe Administration maintained stony indifference--followed by defiance–to the concept of debt relief.At this Jubilee hour, much of this has changed.
With your hard work, President Clinton openlyembraced debt relief, ultimately cancelling much ofthe debts owed directly to the US by poorcountries. The Treasury Department activelysought the funds to allow for multilateral debtrelief. Even the World Bank became open to theconcept. We gained many friends on both sides ofthe aisle in Congress who played a key role in
XX union bugXX recycle bugXX Soy Ink bug
JubileeJustice?
Board of DirectorsRalph Armbruster-Sandoval
Rick Axtell
Steve Bauck
Leigh Carter
The Rev. James Flynn
Betsy Lamb
Gabriela Melano
The Rev. John A. Nelson
Eleanor Oakley
Gail Phares
Marie Racine
Dr. Richard Stahler-Sholk
Andy Summers
Sr. Clarita Trujillo
Jeff Winder
StaffSteven Bennett
Executive Director
Sarah DeBolt
Grassroots Program Coordinator
Marinetta Cannito Hjort
Financial & Program Coordinator
Sharon Hostetler
International Programs Coordinator
Elizabeth Miller
Delegations Coordinator
Special ProjectsCecilio Coayla
Fall InternCara Hayes
International Team VolunteersGuatemala/Mexico
Denise Drake
Julia Graff
Ian Macdonald
David Mattingly
Catherine Raveczky
Andrew Schwiebert
Nicaragua/Cuba
Jennifer DeLury
Rodney Ortiz
Jessica Pipitone
Melinda St. Louis
Jennifer Ungemach
Alys Willman
Colombia
Jess Hunter
Michael Joseph
International OfficesManagua, Nicaragua
Guatemala City, Guatemala
San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico
Bogotá, Colombia
2
Fr. Roy Bourgeois
SOA Watch
Rev. Edmond Browning
Bishop, Episcopal Church
Robert McAfee Brown
Prof. Emeritus, Pacific School of
Religion
Dr. Joan Brown Campbell
Sr. Mary Ann Coyle
President, Sisters of Loretto
Julia Esquivel
Guatemalan poet and
theologian
Lilia Fernandez
Exec. Secretary, United Methodist
Church Committee for Refugee Min-
istries
Xabier Gorostiaga SJ
Rector Universidad Centroameri-
cana
Thomas Keating
Conference of Major Superiors of
Men
Ronalth Ochaeta
Dr. Gustavo Parajon
President, CEPAD
Thomas Quigley
Policy Advisor, Dept of Social Devel-
opment and World Peace, US
Catholic Conference
Dr. Sharon Ringe
Wesley Theological
Seminary
Rev. Paul Sherry
United Church of Christ
Rev. Martin Shupak
Mennonite Central Committee
Rabbi Myra Soifer
Temple Sinai
Dr. Glen Stassen
Fuller Theological Seminary
Rev. Herbert D. Valentine
Moderator Emeritus, Presbyterian
Church
Jim Wallis
Sojourners
Rev. G. Webber
NY Theological Seminary
Rev. Dr. Walter Wink
Mid-AtlanticJohn Mateyko304 Pilot Town Rd.Lewes, DE 19958Ph: (302) 645-2657Fx: (302) [email protected]
New EnglandJoanne RanneyPO Box 147Richmond, VT 05477Ph: (802) [email protected]
SouthwestMichele Weber242 S. Orange Ave, Suite 105Brea, CA 92821Ph: (714) 990-6603Fx: (714) [email protected]
Witness for Peace is a politically independent, grassroots organization.We are people committed to nonvio-
lence and led by faith and conscience. Our mission is to support peace, justice and sustainable economies in
the Americas by changing US policies and corporate practices which contribute to poverty and oppression
in Latin America and the Caribbean.We stand with people who seek justice.
Mission Statement
Honorary Board (organization or affiliation listed for identification purposes)
and Mil Colores in Nicaragua. At this writing,management at Mil Colores has negotiated a settle-ment with the CST union, dropped all legalcharges against the workers and organizers, andagreed to re-hire most of the fired workers. MilColores responded to a unique, solidarity-basedcampaign crafted by Nicaraguans and NorthAmericans working together. This campaign’ssuccess is a sign of what’s to come, as workers andactivists North and South join hands to fight laborabuses worldwide.
But like our struggle for debt relief, our work onthis campaign continues. We must communicateto Kohl’s and Target department stores that MilColores has done the right thing, and they must berewarded for their good faith. We must continuein the struggle with the fired workers from theChentex factory in Nicaragua. And we mustremain prepared to apply the successful organizingtactics– ones that brought such a positive resolu-tion to the Mil Colores crisis–in other emerginglabor crises in Latin America.
In other areas, we still remain far from our goal inthis season of renewal. In the pages that follow,you will read that for most of the citizens of ourworld, Jubilee justice remains elusive. You’ll readabout the failed legislative action around easing theCuban embargo, and how a handful of right-wingCongressmen defied the will of the US public,scuttling any real reform of the embargo on food
Season of Jubilee Continued from page 1
Witness for Peace1229 15th St. NW
Washington, DC 20005Tel. (202) 588-1471Fax (202) 588-1472
delivering the funding to make debt relief real.And all of us played a role in the construction ofthe vibrant movement that engaged in nonviolentprotest to the economic violence wrought by theIMF and World Bank–which was instrumental inforcing change. At this point, we are well along thepath to debt cancellation that will have a profoundeffect on the lives of hundreds of millions of poorpeople.
Of course, there is much left to do. The $430million appropriated by Congress falls short of the$900 million requested by the Administration.Other Northern donor nations must also do theirpart. The IMF remains hostile to any real reform,and still insists on punishing economic austeritymandates as a condition for debt relief. But withour new movement, and our momentum, we areon a clear path towards Jubilee justice.
And our success in pushing for Jubilee justice doesnot end with debt relief. In November 2000,Witness for Peace played a key role in helping tobring an end to the labor rights struggle in the MilColores maquiladora (for background on this case,see WFP Newsletter, vol. 17, no. 2). You will recallhow Witness for Peace activists and othersprotested labor abuses in front of Kohls and Targetdepartment stores, who must be held responsiblefor the actions of their vendors, including Chentex
*WFP is currently undergoing major regional development. Stay posted for some new offices and contacts.
WFP International Team, Chiapas, Mexico
For decades, Don Antonio Perez-Mendez hasused the centuries-old secrets of his Mayanancestors to treat and cure the day-to-day
illnesses of his community. Using thousands ofplant species and traditional techniques from themountains of Chiapas, Mexico where he was bornand raised, Don Antonio has not only preserved away of life, but has performed a valued andhonored service for his community. Now recentinterest in these medicinal “secrets” by researchconglomerates and heavily endowed universitiesfrom the North threaten to steal this legacy.
Lured by the potential for huge profits in thepharmaceutical industry, well-funded multina-tional research corporations are hoping to capital-ize on indigenous people’s healing secrets bypatenting and marketing age-old curativeremedies. In so doing, these wealthy researchfirms have sparked a controversy over the controlof valuable biological diversity and intellectualproperty of healing methods. Now, poor, indige-nous people like Antonio and others involved withthe Council of Indigenous Traditional Healers andMidwives of Chiapas (COMPITCH) -- a coalitionof 11 indigenous medicine organizations -- findthemselves pitted against powerful multinationalcorporations with U.S. government funding. Theyare opposing a new “Bio-prospecting” project thatwill sack indigenous knowledge.
What is Bio-prospecting?Bio-prospecting occurs when a corporationcollects plants or animals, researches their compo-sition and potential uses, and patents discoveries sothat no one can use that discovery without payinga fee. An advisor to COMPITCH, EstebanOrdiano, argues that a recent bio-prospectingproject in Chiapas involving indigenous knowledgerepresents a new form of colonialism. “With theonset of 'bio-colonialism,' we see a corporate-centered legal structure imposed upon poor peoplefrom the Global South. They are exploited fortheir natural resources--in this case biologicalresources-- intellectual property and genetic andchemical information, which are taken, usuallywithout their consent, and capitalized on withoutgiving any substantial benefits to those from whomthey are taken.”
U.S. Government-Funded Project RobsIndigenous ResourcesThe U.S. government runs a program known asthe International Cooperative BiodiversityGroups (ICBG). The ICBG funds public andcommercial research institutions that conductbio-prospecting ventures in the Global South.The ICBG’s self-stated goal is to “promote drugdiscovery from natural sources, biodiversity con-servation and sustainable economic growth indeveloping countries.” Two years ago, this U.S.government-funded institution launched a five-year, $2.5 million project called the “DrugDiscovery and Biodiversity Among the Maya ofMexico” project.
The ICBG project funds three institutions thathave undertaken bio-prospecting in Chiapas: the
“Bio-Colonialism”and Mayan Medicine in Chiapas
University of Georgia; a Mexican research instituteknown as ECOSUR; and Molecular Nature Ltd., abiotechnology company based in the UnitedKingdom. Together, these three institutions makeup what is called ICBG Maya.
By using indigenous knowledge like Antonio’s toinform its research, this U.S. funded project aimsto isolate pharmacologically importantcompounds from the plant species and microor-ganisms employed in traditional Mayan medicine.
“They take out the medicinal plants from ourcommunities and try to tell us that they own them.Our indigenous people’s knowledge and resourcesare being robbed,” says Antonio, shaking his head.
In January 1998, the ICBG Maya consortiumapproached Antonio’s organization and invitedthem to participate in the project. COMPITCHresponded that there were not yet sufficient lawsprotecting national and indigenous intellectualproperty rights for the project to move forward.ECOSUR publicly agreed.
But in May 1999, despite not having reached anagreement with COMPITCH, the ICBG Mayawent ahead and began to collect plants for theproject. As of this writing, the lead researcher forthe ICBG project, anthropologist Brent Berlin, hascollected over 6,000 plants from indigenous com-munities in Chiapas and shipped them off to theUniversity of Georgia herbarium in Athens,Georgia.
To compensate the indigenous communities, theconsortium created its own organization, calledProtection of Intellectual Property Rights of theMaya (PROMAYA), to administer a trust fund thatwill pay royalties to a small number of indigenousgroups selected as beneficiaries by ICBG. Thecontract on intellectual property rights signed lastyear between ICBG members and PROMAYA onlyprotects the intellectual property rights of the threeICBG members. The contract does not seriouslyaddress the intellectual property rights of membersof COMPITCH like Antonio or of the greaterMayan community.
“What is clear with the creation of PROMAYA,”says Esteban, “is that the ICBG members were onlyinterested in the quickest and easiest way to gettheir hands on the plants and Mayan knowledge,and that they weren’t truly interested in the sharingof benefits and profits.” By inventing PROMAYA torepresent indigenous interests, ICBG membersessentially created their own negotiationopponents. “This way,” adds Esteban, “they couldeasily invite select groups to participate who wouldnot question their way of working.”
According to contract conditions, any financialbenefits gained from the use of informationcompiled in the ICBG project will be divided fourways among the members of the consortium. Inother words, each of the three research institutionswill receive one-fourth of royalties accrued fromthe sale of drugs developed with ICBG researchdata in Chiapas, while the remaining one-fourth ofroyalties will be allocated to PROMAYA to com-pensate a few communities. However, theseroyalties are but a tiny percentage of the profitspharmaceutical firms will make as a result of the
Mexico
indigenous Mayan knowledge. A standard phar-
maceutical company profit sharing policy gives the
holders of intellectual property rights 1% of the
total profits from drugs sold. This means that
PROMAYA stands to earn just 0.25% of any profits
pharmaceutical companies reap from selling drugs
developed with indigenous knowledge. The
arrangement is especially problematic because
ICBG Maya created PROMAYA. In effect, these
outsiders essentially determine which indigenous
communities will receive the tiny amount of com-
pensation and which will not.
COMPITCH Criticisms of ICBG ProjectCOMPITCH argues that ICBG’s bio-prospecting
project essentially excludes indigenous people
(who have provided much of the researchers’
information) from reaping any financial benefit.
The royalties arrangement established under the
ICBG Maya contract for intellectual property
rights amount to a measly sum in comparison
with the profits pharmaceutical companies stand
to gain.
Furthermore, most indigenous Maya do not accept
the concept of intellectual property rights.
Sebastian Luna, one of Antonio’s colleagues at
COMPITCH, commented, “The project explicitly
proposes to patent and privatize resources that
have always been collectively owned. Besides being
totally contradictory to our culture and traditions,
the project creates conflict within our communities
as some individuals, pressured by the grave
economic situation, collaborate with the
researchers for a few pesos or tools.”
COMPITCH also criticizes this bio-prospecting
project for violating international laws onto which
Mexico has signed. The UN Convention on Biodi-
versity, signed and ratified by Mexico in 1993,
states that those carrying out projects such as this
must receive “prior informed consent” from those
whose knowledge and resources will be sold or
affected by the project. As such, all affected parties
must be made fully aware of the potential benefits,
threats and consequences before agreeing to sell
any plants or knowledge. COMPITCH maintains
that the Mayan communities of Chiapas were
never consulted or informed of the hazards of this
project. Only 41 communities out of possibly
thousands to be affected are even partially aware of
this project’s potential impacts on the larger
indigenous community’s resources and knowledge.
In light of the questionable practices of multina-
tional bio-prospecting ventures, COMPITCH is
demanding that a moratorium be declared on the
ICBG Maya and all other bio-prospecting projects
in Chiapas and Mexico. They propose a wide con-
sultation of indigenous communities and a pre-
contractual agreement between ICBG Maya and
indigenous groups such as the COMPITCH which
would establish legal and ethical precedents for
access to, research of, and use of biological and
intellectual resources in indigenous territories. “We
will struggle and defend our resources,” proclaims
Antonio. “We won’t let them come and steal our
plants and knowledge.”
3
environment in maquilas stands in stark opposi-tion to the social and family context of youngindigenous women, where mutual respect plays anessential role in interpersonal relations. Accordingto Project Conrado de la Cruz, the organizationFather Julián works with, maquila workers oftenabsorb and internalize their supervisors’ aggres-sion, which can change the ways in which theyrelate to each other and their families. A competi-tive system of incentives and quotas pits themagainst one another, and they begin to see their co-workers as rivals. The individualism that resultsfrom competition contradicts indigenouscommunal ways. Additionally, in the rural tourban migration that fills the demand for maquilalabor, Mayan religious traditions disappear as newgenerations are born in the city. Many youngwomen also abandon their indigenous languagesand traje (traditional clothing) in the workplace toreduce discrimination from management.
Women maquila workers end up trapped betweencultures, as they are the vital link betweencommunity elders and children. Fr. Julián explainsthat women
…are caught between two different types authority--that of the elders and their ancestors, which repre-sents the recuperation of indigenous identity, andthat of their supervisors, under whom they arelearning to be ‘independent’ women in a sense, butwithin a very patriarchal and antagonistic job settingthat doesn’t allow them to defend their rights. Sothere are a lot of contradictions that get played out inthese young women. In this identity struggle we cansee how closely linked women’s rights are to indige-nous rights and to children’s rights. The aggressionand the values created in the maquila have the effectof undermining respect for all of these rights. Wemust create a society in which both communityelders and women are lifted up at the same time,instead of how it is today, with the values and rightsof both being undermined.
Instead of a vision like Fr. Julián’s, 34 countries ofthis hemisphere are currently preparing for anagreement called the Free Trade Area of theAmericas (FTAA), to link all the economies (exceptCuba’s) from Anchorage to Tierra del Fuego by theyear 2005. Instead of true regional integration, thecountries of the Caribbean Basin find themselvescompeting against one other to provide laxenforcement of labor codes and the lowest salaries.
Trade Regime Compromises Fragile PeaceLost in the commotion, however, is Guatemala’sfragile peace process, caught on the hook of stallednegotiations for a so-called Fiscal Pact to financeimplementation of the Peace Accords. The FiscalPact, to be negotiated by government, business,and civil society, is in danger partly because of dis-agreement about tax incentives to be offered toinvestors in the maquila sector. Guatemala’sbusiness elite worry that if the Fiscal Pact elimi-nates established tax incentives, current andpotential investment will shift to neighboringcountries like Honduras or El Salvador, whereexpansive free trade zones offer more attractiveconditions for investment.
For centuries, Guatemala’s Mayan population hascreated immense wealth for both a foreign andnational elite by producing goods to satisfy thedesires of foreign consumers. Today, an increasinglyglobalized economy continues to undermine theefforts of indigenous leaders attempting to recuper-ate and preserve their culture after nearly four
In a country as poor as Guatemala, many econo-mists argue that foreign investment represents theonly road to development. While it’s true thatmaquilas provide much-needed jobs, very little ofthe profit generated circulates in the localeconomy. Furthermore, because US trade policygrants substantial import tax benefits to clothingmade from US-produced material, the localGuatemalan fabric industry remains under-developed.
Identifying the Impacts of “Free Trade”on Indigenous Cultures What is wrong with this trade system? First, it isdominated by economic interests from the globalNorth that do not take into account the needs oflocal industry in countries like Guatemala. Underexpanded CBI, the US government protects itsown (politically influential) textile industry, whiledenying our Southern trade partners the opportu-nity to integrally develop their textile industry.Unregulated free trade also causes a “race to thebottom” which pits poor countries against eachother to attract foreign capital, leading to wide-spread disregard for internationally recognizedworkers’ rights. Under this “development” strategy,it will be difficult for Guatemala to break out of itshistorical role as a provider of raw materials andcheap labor.
Another problem with free trade initiatives is theirattempt to construct a blanket strategy for regionaleconomic integration. Free trade policies seek tocreate a uniform value system across a culturallydiverse geographic area, or indeed, throughout theworld. In a multi-ethnic country like Guatemala,where over half of the population belongs to 22distinct ethno-linguistic groups, the maquila devel-opment scheme has had destructive implicationsfor Mayan culture.
Father Julián Oyales, a priest who works withyoung Mayan maquila workers, explains that“because of the land distribution crisis inGuatemala, people often say, ‘Thanks to themaquilas we have work.’ But there are manydrawbacks to this kind of work, too… Forexample, the maquila environment is very muchlike a penitentiary environment, with the managersand supervisors exercising strict control over theworkers.” He goes on to say that “supervisorsregulate not only how many times they go to thebathroom, but they even accompany the workerson the bus that takes them home at night to ensurethey’re not talking about organizing. This has agreat impact on a social level, and it makes itdifficult, if not impossible to organize, because ofthe militaristic regimen within the maquila. It’s asif the maquila is exacerbating what the war leftbehind.”
Maquilas are not only producing clothes—they arealso producing a new kind of person. The hostile
WFP International Team, Guatemala
When Sandra was 15, her family’s economicneed forced her to leave her highlandMayan village to work as a domestic
servant near the Mexican border. Like manyyoung indigenous women, she eventually migratedto Guatemala City and started working in amaquila (assembly factory), sewing shirts boundfor US department stores. Desperate afterreceiving her first payment of US$15 for two weeksof work, Sandra decided to join a movement toimprove working conditions in the factory:
"(My low wages) made me very angry, but Icouldn't quit because my sister had just left herhusband and we needed the money. I didn'tcomplain about the wages because I didn't knowhow much I was entitled to. At that point I didn'teven know what the minimum wage was... (Then)I started going to meetings. We'd look over thelists of workers to identify people we might be ableto recruit. Over time, I was able to recruit anumber of people from my line. Soon the ownersstarted getting suspicious. They started watchingsome of the workers… (and) I was fired...".
Three years later, Sandra continues to work 14-16hour days—no longer in a maquila, but for aproject that attempts to organize maquila workersclandestinely. To ensure secrecy and protect effortsto unionize, she meets individually with women intheir homes after work. None can know of theothers involved until the day the union is to belegalized.
Labor Rights Suffer While Free Trade Expands Not a single union exists in the more than 300garment-producing maquilas in Guatemala. Thebrutal 36-year civil war effectively destroyed thecountry’s labor movement, assassinating or exilingvirtually all of the leadership. Most workers-- espe-cially the young, indigenous women who make upthe majority of the maquila work force-- are stillafraid to defend their legal rights as workers. In acountry where union leaders continue to faceviolent persecution, it’s not hard to understand whyleaders like Sandra are rare. And yet, in the midst oflingering hostility to labor organizing, on October2nd the United States increased trade benefits toGuatemala under the United States-Caribbean BasinTrade Partnership Act (CBTPA), otherwise knownas expanded Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI). Thisagreement provides preferential tariff treatment forcertain textiles and apparel, allowing these productsto enter the United States free of import taxes.Expanded CBI grants Guatemala 19.4% of theentire region’s production quota to be sold in theUS market. Only El Salvador and Hondurastrumped Guatemala’s share of the quota, indicatingthe importance of cheap Guatemalan labor tomaintain the high profits of US clothing companies.
Established in 1983 during the height of theCentral American wars, the Caribbean Basin Initia-tive was established by President Reagan as a toolfor promoting US foreign policy. CBI sought toreward the region’s sufficiently anti-Communistregimes with substantial trade benefits, reflectingReagan’s trickle-down theory of economic devel-opment by promoting non-traditional exports andopen markets. Under this theory, foreign invest-ment provides jobs and development for poorcountries, while allowing US businesses to becomemore efficient by operating in low-wage regions ofthe world.
4
Guat
emal
aNecessary Compromises: Labor Rights, Indigenous Rights, and the Global Economy
continued on page 7
Women make up an overwhelming percentage of the workers inGuatemala’s maquilas.
political power in the management of economicand social resources for development.” Both areconditions most observers consider see as trapsthat allow the institutions to postpone any realresponse to the debt crisis. In fact, many argue thatcompliance with IMF and World Bank structuraladjustment plans actually contribute to povertyand reduce a country’s ability to govern.
While in principle linking debt relief to povertyreduction is positive, in reality this requirementonly delays debt reduction. Government institu-tions that would help combat poverty have been soweakened by IMF-imposed cuts in public spendingthat they lack the human and institutional capacitythey would need to draw up a poverty reductionstrategy that meets World Bank and IMFstandards. The poor have been marginalized evenfurther by the IMF-mandated privatizing of statecompanies; for example, telephone and electricrates have skyrocketed as the government tries tomodernize these companies to make them morepalatable to investors. Reducing poverty is hardlypossible in the context of Nicaragua’s debt burden.
The new IMF and World Bank condition of gover-nance is even harder for Nicaragua to meet. Publicinstitutions that could promote transparency andcombat corruption are weakened by structuraladjustment policies. International donors threat-ened to cut aid to Nicaragua this spring until theysaw clear signs of reducing government corrup-tion. Those signs have still not appeared. Since hiselection in 1996, the government of PresidentArnoldo Alemán has been rocked by charges ofcorruption. As in many other countries who followIMF policies, the IMF- mandated privatization ofpublic companies has brought one corruptionscandal after another involving the public officialsin charge of the process. In August, a scandal at thecountry’s second largest bank nearly collapsed thenational banking system.
Entry into HIPC Stalled AgainNicaragua has spent over a year on the waiting listfor the HIPC initiative, and is not expected to enter(and receive a relatively small reduction in its debt)until early next year. Its entry into the initiative hasbeen stalled pending its completion of strict IMFrequirements, conditions it will not likely be ableto meet anytime soon.
By nearly any measure, Nicaragua has deviatedsubstantially from its current economic structuraladjustment plan, signed with the IMF in 1998. Theprivatization of the national phone company, orig-inally scheduled for October 1994, has still notbeen carried out due to irregularities in theprocess. The privatization of the electric companyhas stalled for similar reasons. Another primary
WFP International Team, Nicaragua
“The eradication of poverty is impossible without the eradicationof exploitation and exclusion. Thus, the external debt and its“relief” initiatives are simply the method used by the North toexploit and oppress the people of the South. This is why povertycannot be reduced with more loans, be they with long paybackperiods, low interest, and with very concessional terms . . . Any trueeradication of poverty must be linked to a new, more just andequal development model, which is clearly impossible within thecurrent world economic system.”
—Carlos Pacheco, Center for International Studies, Managua
When Nicaraguan children went back toschool this fall, nine-year-old DanielUrbina’s seat was empty. This year, his
family couldn’t pay the $1.50 a month to keep himenrolled. Instead, they will use the money to payfor the surgery he needs, and Daniel will joinnearly half of Nicaragua school-age children whoare not in class.1
Daniel, like every other Nicaraguan, owes over$1,400 to his country’s external creditors.Nicaragua is one of the most highly indebtedcountries per capita in the world, with a total debtof nearly $6.6 billion. To pay the debt, Nicaraguahas undergone almost a decade of economic struc-tural adjustment, supervised by the InternationalMonetary Fund (IMF), which requires the countryto skimp on public spending. This leaves childrenlike Daniel without adequate access to educationand health care.
According to the World Bank and IMF, help is onthe way for Daniel. Lately both institutions havebeen talking a lot about poverty reduction for poorcountries like Nicaragua. But how much differencewill their new rhetoric make to Daniel?
The IMF and World Bank: All Talk?In the two decades the IMF and World Bank havemeddled in poor nations' economies, poverty hasincreased dramatically and debts have grown tomore unmanageable levels. Now, as the cry for anoverhaul of the international economic systemgrows louder in both the global North and South,the World Bank and IMF have attempted to cleanup their tarnished images. Phrases like “povertyreduction” and “transparency” are now part oftheir discourse. All countries that would enter theIMF’s Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC)initiative, designed to bring debt relief to nationslike Nicaragua, are now required to submit adetailed strategy for reducing poverty levels. TheIMF has even changed the name of its much-criti-cized Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility(ESAF) loan to the more politically savvy PovertyReduction and Growth Strategy (PRGS).
But for all this improved language, the World Bankand the IMF, along with Nicaragua’s other wealthycreditors, have yet to deliver any real results. Bothinstitutions have sold the HIPC initiative toNicaragua as the only hope for debt reduction,even though the requirements for the initiativehave proved impossible for Nicaragua to meet.Now new requirements have been set, and ratherthan set the stage for “poverty reduction,” theyvirtually guarantee that Nicaragua will not receiveany real debt reduction anytime soon.
New Rules, Same GameLast year the IMF and World Bank, as part of theirnew rhetoric, announced new requirements forcountries that would enter the HIPC initiative.These countries would now need to demonstrateclear commitments to poverty reduction and “gov-ernance,” defined by the Bank as “the exercise of
5
As Jubilee Year Draws to a Close, Nicaraguans Have Little to Celebrate
Nicaraguacomponent of Nicaragua’s structural adjustmentplan is a significant increase in the nationalreserves. The Central Bank had aimed for anincrease by $33 million in reserves this year.Instead, due to a banking scandal, the reserves fellby $83 million. It’s very unlikely that Nicaraguawill be able to recuperate the drop in reserves bynext year.
Is HIPC worth waiting for?For all the IMFs talk about reform, transparencyand poverty reduction, its HIPC initiative hasfailed to deliver significant results. Grassrootsgroups and civil society leaders have criticizedHIPC’s track record in countries which havefinished the program, such as Bolivia and Uganda,where debts have actually increased after the initia-tive. There is little reason to believe Nicaragua willfare any better. Analysts estimate that even ifNicaragua enters and completes the HIPC plan, itsdebt will increase to approximately $6.8 billion by2002, with annual payments climbing from the1999 level of $292 million2 to $387 million.3 OnceNicaragua completes the initiative, foreign aid willlikely decrease, as donor countries will assumeNicaragua’s economy needs no more support. Atthe same time, Nicaragua will no longer haveaccess to the low interest rates and long paybackperiods for loans that it currently enjoys underIMF monitoring.
In the meantime, Nicaragua’s debt is continues togrow. According to Oxfam International, sinceJanuary 1999 Nicaragua has contracted $351million in new debt, primarily to multilateral insti-tutions like the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank. As of August 2000,the total debt stood at $6.59 billion, with debtpayments accounting for nearly a quarter of thegovernment budget.
More troubles are on the horizon. In February2001, the debt moratorium Nicaragua receivedfrom some bilateral creditors (including the UnitedStates) after Hurricane Mitch will expire. Thismeans a significant increase in Nicaragua’s yearlydebt payments, given that interest has accruedduring the two-year period.
Beyond the DebtIt is true that debt cancellation alone would notnecessarily bring development to Nicaragua. Evenif the debt were written off tomorrow, Nicaraguawould need to take out more loans for develop-ment. Still, cancellation is a necessary step in theright direction, as it would free up resources thatNicaragua could invest in its people.
For Daniel and millions of other children in highlyindebted countries, it is not enough to talk aboutpoverty reduction. If Daniel is to see real results,the IMF and World Bank must go beyondrenaming their policies and putting more condi-tions on debt relief. Policy makers must be willingto remake the current development model forpoor countries, and address the root causes of thedebt: flawed IMF and World Bank policies, govern-ment corruption, unequal trade relationshipsbetween rich and poor countries and over-con-sumption of resources by rich countries. In thissense, wealthy nations, as well as the World Bankand IMF, should take steps to pay the debt theyowe to children like Daniel, who are growing upwithout the education and health care services theydeserve. For them, debt cancellation is already longoverdue.
For information on this year’s legislative victory ondebt relief for poor countries, please see page 8.
Nicaragua’s debt bondage has sacrificed an entire generation toilliteracy, poverty and hunger.
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1 Oscar Rene Vargas, Después del Mitch, ¿Que? Managua, 1999, p. 342 Nicaraguan government’s Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, 20003 Confidenciál magazine, “La Iniciativa de Colonia y el Caso de Nicaragua”, Managua, Nov 13, 1999, pg. 6
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WFP International Team, Colombia
Dear Friends of Witness for Peace,
The last time we wrote to you, we were about toget on the plane to come to Colombia. It was anintense time, filled with anticipation, excitementand nervousness. Now we would like to reflectback on the past month, the beginning of a WFPpresence in Colombia, and share some of ourthoughts with you. As we settled into the new paceof life in Colombia, we found that what we hadfeared most was true; the situation here is criticaland the US is playing a very large role.
Since we arrived in Colombia, the biggest news hasbeen and continues to be the situation in thesoutheastern Colombian province of Putumayo.For the past two months, the guerrilla group whichvirtually controls the area, the RevolutionaryArmed Forces of Colombia (FARC), has main-tained an armed “shut-down.” Effectively thismeans that, among other things, virtually no foodor gas is allowed to enter. Apparently, this move isa response to the militarization prescribed in theUS-backed Plan Colombia, and attempts of right-wing paramilitary groups to challenge the FARC inthis important region. The fighting has beenfierce, forcing an estimated four to five thousandpeople to flee into the cities and over the borderinto Ecuador in the first weeks of the “shut down.”
Putumayo is the destination of a great deal of theU.S. military aid, training and hardware. It is theColombian province with the largest amount ofcoca cultivation, much of which is protected by theFARC, who in turn charge a tax upon its sale todrug traffickers. The U.S. and Colombian govern-ments hope that by militarily beating back theFARC they will be able to fumigate the coca andthereby destroy a large part of the FARC´s approxi-mately $500 million in annual revenues. As thetheory goes, this would significantly weaken theFARC on the battlefield, allowing for an outrightmilitary defeat, or at least to force a negotiated set-tlement.
Plan Colombia is a program of the Colombiangovernment that was originally written inEnglish by a member of the ColombianPresident´s staff with the help and advice ofexperts from the U.S. State Department. It is, atleast in theory, a $7.5 billion package thatincludes funding for a military “push into
Personal Testimony from Colombia
southern Colombia” and the fumigation ofillicit crops such as coca and poppy (the rawmaterials for cocaine and heroine, respectively).At the same time, the Plan purportedly directsfunds towards supporting the peace process,people who have been or will be displaced dueto the war, crop substitution, etc. Currentlyonly $1.3 billion has come through—all fromthe U.S. Given Colombia´s current economicproblems, there are serious doubts about itsability to provide the $4 billion that it hadcommitted for the Plan.
While individual European nations havecommitted relatively small amounts of moneyfor Plan Colombia, far short of the $2 billion thatthe Colombian government was expecting, theEuropean Union as a whole has rejected PlanColombia and refused to support it. Thus, PlanColombia is beginning to be seen as a de factoUS policy.
Since approximately 74% of the money from theUS destined for Colombia comes in the form ofmilitary aid and hardware, Plan Colombia is alsobeing seen as a US military policy. A Protestantpastor summed up the opinions of many that wehave talked to when he said, “We don’t under-stand why the United States supports thecontinued suffering and destruction ofColombian society by supporting Plan Colombia,which is nothing but a plan for war.”
Our worst fears are coming true about the US role inPlan Colombia. Our Colombian partners have toldus many times that “Plan Colombia will escalate theconflict. You do not put out a fire by adding morefire. You cannot bring peace with more war.” Thefirst money from the US has arrived in Colombia,and the US Congress has decided to accelerate thedelivery and ponder even more aid, and the resultsinside Colombia are tangible. The war has alreadybegun to escalate. The FARC has said that itsfighting and armed “shut-down” in the Putumayoare a protest of Plan Colombia, and US military aid.
Meanwhile Dagoberto Rojas, a campesino fromPutumayo, and a refugee from the fighting recentlytold the Associated Press, “we are suffering the con-sequences of a war that has nothing to do with us.Here, we are caught between the bullets.”
Dagoberto is just one of the thousands of victimsof this escalation of the war.
Thousands of miles and worlds away in Washing-ton, D.C. we do not hear about people likeDagoberto. Rather we hear people like Rep. DanBurton from Indiana say:
First, I think we should put the situation inColombia into perspective. All of us in [the CapitolBuilding] are closer to Bogota than we are to theGolden Gate Bridge. Colombia's fate is a nationalsecurity threat to the United States. In addition to itsproximity to the U.S., Colombia bordersVenezuela…the largest petroleum exporter to theU.S. Colombia also borders Panama, a countrywithout a military and whose police force is ill-equipped to defend itself against the heavily-aimedFARC narco-terrorists. Much of the world's economypasses through the now-defenseless Panama Canal.
This is the predominant view in the US. But inColombia, we clearly hear the opposite. A recentnational gathering of NGOs, human rights organi-
Special Delegation Update. JOIN NOW!WITNESS FOR PEACE ANNOUNCES A 100-PERSON DELEGATION TO COLOMBIAMARCH 11-23, 2001
Solidarity in Action: Understanding and Challenging US Military Policy in Colombia“Just as lighter fluid among flames produces more fire, more armsproduce more war in the midst of social conflict. The military aid will notput an end to the war nor eradicate drug-trafficking. It will only increasethe number of deaths and the suffering of the Colombian people.”
—Ricardo Esquivia Ballestas, JustaPaz, Colombia
In order to send a clear message to policy makers, Witness forPeace aims to make this delegation large and diverse. We
hope to have 100 delegates from across the country. We wantthese delegates to represent the spectrum of Americansociety in terms of age, sex, religion, class, ethnicity, sexualorientation, etc. The Colombian people have asked for our solidarity. Join us as we answer their call!
For an application and more information, contact Elizabeth Miller at the Witness for Peace National Office,ph (202) 588-1471 or Gail Phares at Witness for Peace –Southeast, ph (919) 856-9468
Human rights groups warn us that US aid will heighten andprolong the decades-old conflict.
continued on page 7
7
Become a member or make a tax-deductible donation to Witness for Peace.
Join with us as we work for human rights and economic justice in Central America, Mexico the Caribbean, and now Colombia.
Participate in our efforts to turn oppressive US policies and corporate practices into ones that support peace and dignity
A bequest could mean our future. Would you consider including WFP in your will? �� yes �� no
To obtain the most recent WFP Annual Report write to: New York State Dept. Of State, Office of Charities Registration, Albany, NY 12231, or to
Witness for Peace, 1229 15th St. NW, Washington, DC 20005. *Call Witness for Peace for an explanation of benefits. (202)588-1471
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zations, labor unions and other social organiza-tions issued the following statement:
We state that Plan Colombia is an integrated warplan, approved by the Congress of the United Statesof America, that is directed against the Colombianpeople. Therefore, we declare our opposition to PlanColombia and to all forms of foreign military inter-vention, whether they come under the guise of anti-narcotic policies, the partial defense of democracies,or any other pretext…We highlight the danger of adirect military intervention of US troops under thepretext of a worsening of our internal conflict.
In opposition to the proposal of war in PlanColombia , proposals such as prisoner exchanges,humanitarian accords, and cease-fires should beframed by a reaffirmation of using political means asthe only pathway of seeking peace with social justice.
The goal should be a political solution to the armedconflict through dialogue and negotiation. We areworried by the voices of war that seek to impose amilitary solution rather than dialogue. We call on theinternational community to show interest, compre-hension and solidarity with us... and we call on thepublic opinion of the United States to act decisivelyagainst the creation of a new Vietnam in America.
The sentiments of many Colombians weresummed up last week during meetings with amember of a leading human rights organizationhere who said, “Colombia does not deserve onemore combat helicopter, not one more gun. Thespirits of so many dead souls will not let us sleep atnight. Therefore we completely reject PlanColombia. Colombia deserves peace and any aidthat is coming to support peace will be receivedwith open arms.”
In spite of the despair, the escalation of war andthe widespread agreement that US aid will onlymake matters worse, there is still a sense of hope inthe people with whom we have met. One member
of a civil society organization here told us, “We areat a very special moment in time where everythinglooks dark, as if there was no way out, but I believethat we will soon see light.”
We too have to believe that the Colombians willsoon find their way out of the darkness of so muchviolence and be able to joyfully and lovinglyembrace peace. It is our hope that we, as UScitizens, each can do our part to make this a reality.
Currently we are part of the problem. Our govern-ment is providing resources to keep Colombialocked in the dark labyrinth of violence. It is timefor us to be bearers of light instead of darkness. Itis time for us to demand that US policies supportpeace, instead of war, in Colombia.
In Peace,The WFP International Team in Colombia
and medicines, and actually tightening some
embargo restrictions. This has once again denied
Jubilee for the millions of Cubans who suffer daily
deprivations under the punishing US embargo.
And finally, you will read about Colombia, a
country in the throes of war for which Jubilee
remains a distant goal. The people of
Colombia–especially the rural poor who have
suffered so grievously at the hands of the paramili-
taries and other armed actors–have little to
celebrate at this Jubilee moment. The war that
rages around them has just escalated, thanks to an
unprecedented $1.3 billion aid package from the
United States. As the US gets deeply–and shame-
fully-- involved in this conflict, persons of faith
and conscience are called to action.
Witness for Peace has responded to the urgent call
to witness in Colombia. Two Witness for Peace
International Team volunteers have been in
Colombia since October 4, 2000. Our first delega-
tion to Colombia departs on January 5, 2001. And
in March, Witness for Peace will send a 100-person
delegation to Colombia, including religious leader-
ship, journalists, Congressional staff, and activists.
This will be an unprecedented event in Colombia,
and will bring needed attention to the tragedy
unfolding every day in this war torn country.
So while we must celebrate Jubilee, we must also
keep up our struggle. Thank you so much for all
of the work you have done in these endeavors, and
we look forward to working with you in 2001,
when we will once again walk together in the long,
steady march to justice.
Season of Jubileecontinued from page 2
decades of a civil war that tried to destroy it. Peoplelike Sandra and Fr. Julián struggle against a globaltrade model based on exploitative, unequal relation-ships. In an age of unprecedented economic“growth,” corporate-led development offers onlypoverty wages to those whose labor sustains ourcomfortable lifestyles. US consumers are intimatelylinked to people like Sandra, and she to us, by thecycles of production and consumption. As peopleof faith and conscience, we must critically examinethe values currently promoted by “free” trade agree-ments and demand more equitable economic rela-tionships with our neighbors. In April 2001, theThird Summit of the Americas will take place inQuébec City, where the heads of state from 34countries will come together to further negotiate theFTAA. This event provides us an opportunity tomake our voices heard as we stand in solidarity withour southern trade partners.
Necessary Compromises?continued from page 4
Personal Testimonycontinued from page 6
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by Sarah DeBolt,Grassroots Programs Coordinator
The 106th Congress saw action on a wide rangeof U.S. policy issues important to Witness forPeace. We have encouraged your action on
many of these in previous newsletters and throughour monthly legislative alert (the Call-a-Weekcampaign). Now, as the Congress wraps up theyear, we can all look back at some of the highlightsand lowlights on the year of Jubilee. While thisarticle could not possibly recap every LatinAmerica-related legislative initiative on which WFPactivists worked, it does allow us to see what weaccomplished, and what work lies ahead for us in2001.
COLOMBIA:U.S. Aid to Escalate War against the PoorThe question of U.S. aid to Colombia and itsmilitary emerged as one of the most pressing issuesin U.S.-Latin America relations this year. Asmembers of our Call-a-Week campaign know,Witness for Peace activists worked tirelessly toblock this disastrous escalation in assistance toColombia's army, which is widely regarded as themost abusive in the hemisphere. All of that hardwork notwithstanding, Congress did approve$860.3 million in supplemental aid to Colombia,per the Clinton Administration's request. Addedto the $330 million previously budgeted for aid toColombia in 2000-2001, total U.S. assistance toColombia surpassed a billion dollars.
WHAT WE GOTThe aid package for Colombia is overwhelminglymilitary in nature. Almost exactly three-quartersof it is aid to the military and to the police, leavingone quarter of the amount to be shared across theareas of aid to displaced persons (of which thereare an estimated 1.5 million in Colombia), alterna-tive development, administration of justice, judicialreform, human rights, and peace. As people offaith and conscience, we find this breakdown ofthe aid unacceptable.
We also find unacceptable the bill's inclusion ofweak human rights conditions and its provisionfor a presidential waiver. As it currently stands, thebill stipulates that money cannot be disbursedunless the State Department "certifies" theColombian government's track record in the areaof human rights protection. However, the billallows the President to waive this certificationrequirement if he deems it in the "national
Legislative Action in the Year of Jubilee: A Look Back at the 106th Congress
interest" of the United States. This is preciselywhat happened in August, when the first portionof the aid money was set to be channeled toColombia. The State Department did not certifyColombia, maintaining that the country only metone of six human rights conditions outlined in thebill. But the money started flowing after PresidentClinton waived the certification requirement. Thishappened just days before President Clintontraveled to Colombia to meet with PresidentPastrana and just one week after the Colombianarmy ambushed a group of school children on anature hike, killing six and seriously woundingfour. Clinton's waiver sent a clear message to theColombian government and armed forces that U.S.commitment to human rights in Colombia is littlemore than lip service. Colombia is up for certifica-tion again in January 2001. Please see the box onpg. 9 to learn how you can take action.
WHAT TO LOOK FOR IN 2001In addition to the certification debate that will beupon us shortly, we all need to brace ourselves forthe next round of appropriations debates on aid toColombia. This will be the next time Congressallocates funds for Colombia. It will probably getunderway in February, so please be ready to helpshape the debate! Also, keep in mind that WFP willbe sending a 100-person delegation to Colombia inMarch 2001. To find out how you can support ournon-violent presence in a country where our gov-ernment is waging war, please visit our web site atwww.witnessforpeace.org or contact your RegionalCoordinator (see page 2 for contact info).
CUBA:Changes in U.S. Law Fall Short ofActivists' HopesBoth sessions of the 106th Congress were markedby dramatically increased debate on the embargoon the sale of food in medicine to Cuba. Witnessfor Peace activists, among many others, wereimportant factors in pushing Congress to re-thinkthis Cold War-era policy. In particular, the morethan 200 delegates who traveled to the island onWFP delegations over the past year came back tothe United States and did crucial work to helpbreak down misconceptions about Cuba on thepart of Congress and the American public.
We had been encouraged by what looked like majorsteps in the first half of the year towards a more justpolicy with Cuba. Earlier in 2000, the Senateapproved its version of the agriculture appropria-tions bill by a vote of 79 to 13, without objection to
a sanctions provision offered by Senator ByronDorgan (D-ND) to lift all unilateral sanctions onthe sale of food and medicine. The House Appro-priations Committee subsequently included similarlanguage in its version of the agriculture appropria-tions bill. This language was initially sponsored byRep. George Nethercutt (R-WA).
A major victory happened in the House of Repre-sentatives in late July. In its vote on the Treasury,Postal Service and General Government Appropri-ations bill, the full House voted 301 to 116 to banTreasury Department funding for enforcement ofUS restrictions on the sale of food and medicine toCuba. In voting on another amendment to thesame bill, the full House approved, by a vote of232-186, an amendment offered by Rep. MarkSanford (R-SC) to prohibit Treasury Departmentfunding for enforcement of US restrictions ontravel by US citizens to Cuba. Unfortunately, thislanguage that had garnered such wide support waslater removed from the bill by the House Republi-can leadership when they combined thetreasury/postal and legislative branch appropria-tions bills and dropped the Cuba language. Theyleft the Cuba question to be dealt with in the agri-culture appropriations bill.
When the agriculture appropriations conferencecommittee (the committee charged with reconcil-ing House and Senate versions of the agricultureappropriations bill) was convened, there were twooptions on the subject of sanctions reform. Thefirst was the language passed by the full Senate (theDorgan language) which permitted the future saleof food and medicine to Cuba, including the avail-ability of private US financing. The second optioncame out of negotiations by Republican leadershipbehind closed doors. This deal allowed for cashsales to Cuba, or sales financed through thirdcountries, and at the same time wrote into lawcurrent travel restrictions. This second version wasa ghost of the original bill that barely reflected theoriginal intent of legislators.
WHAT WE GOTDebate on the issue of sanctions was substantive,but unfortunately, it was the narrow language ofthe "deal" that prevailed. Votes came down to partylines, and the majority Republican members fell inline with what their leadership had instructed themto do. It is worth pointing out that many Republi-cans expressed their distaste for the final "compro-mise" and were quick to point out that they onlysupported it because it was what was "do-able."
Unfortunately for us and for the people of Cuba,this legislative pragmatism dealt us a real blow.The bill passed by the agriculture appropriationsconference committee and signed in late Octoberby President Clinton does allow the first US salesof food and medicine to the Cuban government innearly 40 years. However, the bill prohibits theextension of both U.S. government and privateU.S. financing to Cuba for its purchases. Sales toCuba will have to be on a cash-only basis or withfinancing and credits arranged through third-country banks. In practice, the absence of U.S.financing will severely limit the ability of small andmedium-sized farmers with no foreign bankcontacts to make sales to Cuba. Any agriculturalsales that happen as a result of this legislation willprimarily benefit large companies.
If this first component of the bill is a qualifiedvictory at best, the second aspect of the legislationis a real blow to our work to normalize relationswith Cuba. The bill prohibits future expansion ofthe categories of US citizens allowed to travel toCuba by codifying into law the current travelrestrictions. The freezing into law of the travel
al corporations and to privatize public services. Nosuch conditions were imposed. As chairman of theSenate Banking Committee, Gramm has consider-able power to block legislation. In the end, otherlegislators insisted that Gramm must step asideand let this legislation go forward. Letter and callsto Congress from WFP constituents calling for realdebt cancellation made a tremendous difference.
The spirit and most of the substance of the House-approved "user fees" amendment (originallysponsored by Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr. (D-IL)) wasretained. The conferees agreed that US representa-tives to the IMF, World Bank, and regional develop-ment banks must oppose all loans that include userfees or service charges for basic health care andeducation where such fees would be paid for bypoor people. This specifically includes programs fortreatment and prevention of AIDS, tuberculosis, andmalaria, as well as maternal/child health. If loanswith user fees are approved over US objections theremust be a report to Congress within ten days. Whilenot perfect, this amendment has the potential toreduce some of the worst effects of traditional IMFand World Bank austerity measures, and to stretchhard-won benefits of debt reduction much farther.
So take a moment to congratulate yourself on themany calls you made, the letters and postcards yousent, the day of fasting you undertook, and thevigils you attended. This kind of work bythousands of WFP activists like you and bymillions of other individuals around the worldmade this initial victory possible. Then, as youcelebrate the year of Jubilee and enjoy a holidayseason of rest and replenishment, prepare yourselffor another year of work for peace, justice, and sus-tainable economies in the Americas. For we stillhave a great deal of work to do.
(Jubilee section is from Maryknoll Office forGlobal Concerns NewsNotes, Nov./Dec. 2000)
restrictions makes congressional action necessaryto expand any of the allowable travel categories,and it removes the power of the President to issuegeneral licenses for travel to Cuba. Specifically, thiscodification of travel restrictions has stripped thePresident's power his legal executive ability to grantgeneral licenses for travel to Cuba or to expand thecategories of US citizens who may travel legally toCuba. Though he had expressed his displeasurewith the language that emerged from the confer-ence committee, President Clinton signed the billinto law on October 28.
LOOKING AHEADWe had all worked hard and hoped for a moreradical change in US policy toward Cuba, and thisvote is a real disappointment for us all. However, itis important to remember that this is the first timein 40 years that Congress has even begun to openthe door to a change in US policy. Debate in theconference committee only reaffirmed that congres-sional support for changing US policy toward Cubagoes well beyond what ultimately made it into thebill. It is important to remain motivated to continuethe effort in the next congressional session toencourage the sale of food and medicine to Cubawith meaningful legislation that will actually resultin sales. And it will be critical to see the will of theCongress and the American people implementedrelating to the freedom to travel to Cuba. We arecounting on your help to continue this effort.
GUATEMALA:Ban on Military Aid Stays in PlaceDespite this year’s attempt by the Clinton Admin-istration to lift the ban on regular military trainingto Guatemala (IMET), Congress was once againpersuaded that the Guatemalan military has notsufficiently reformed. The Defense Departmenttestified in April to the House foreign operationssubcommittee that the Guatemalan army hadmade vigorous efforts to comply with the peaceaccords and thus merited restoration of regularIMET. Nonetheless, both the House and Senateforeign operations appropriations bills contain acontinued prohibition on regular IMET toGuatemala. The House bill has passed in fullcommittee, while the Senate bill is completelyfinished for this year.
This position reflected the arguments of humanrights groups and people of faith and consciencethat the Guatemalan government had not yet insti-tuted the military reforms called for in the PeaceAccords. While the military has reduced its budgetand troop levels, it has not yet restricted its opera-tions to external defense or reorganized its deploy-ments throughout the country in a manner consis-tent with a mission of external defense rather thancounterinsurgency. In other words, the militarystill acts in internal policing -- an activity clearlyprohibited by the Peace Accords.
In addition, although the new Portillo governmenthas pledged to dismantle the much-feared presi-dential guard (EMP) and replace it with a civilianagency, a thorough civilian transition is still farfrom being completed. Moreover, the army has notsufficiently revised military doctrine. A newmilitary doctrine was unilaterally presented inDecember, but was labeled a preliminary draft afterhuman rights groups decried the lack of publicinput in the process. Finally, the army mustcooperate more fully with ongoing human rightsinvestigations involving military personnel in orderto meet the requirements of the Peace Accords.
Rep. Nancy Pelosi and Senator Patrick Leahyplayed leadership roles in keeping the ban in place.
9
Please thank them if you are from Vermont or the8th district of California.
JUBILEE:Steps in the right direction on debtcancellation for poor countriesIn late October the U.S. Congress responded posi-tively to the years of work by the Jubilee 2000coalition and others who have been calling fordefinitive debt cancellation before the end of theyear 2000. Frequently described asan "amazing coalition" includingthe Pope, Billy Graham, Irish rockstar Bono, millions of ordinarypeople, and, according to Rep.Sonny Callahan (R-AL), "everymissionary in the world," wemoved Congress from utterignorance and absolute resistanceto some real understanding of theimpact of debt on already impov-erished communities. There ismuch more to be done to addressthe debt crisis and to create a justglobal economy, but for now wecan "be glad indeed!"
Congress appropriated $435million for cancellation of bilateraland multilateral debt owed byhighly indebted low incomecountries, and authorized theInternational Monetary Fund(IMF) to revalue its gold stocks tofund multilateral debt reduction.This includes the full amountrequested by the Clinton Adminis-tration for fiscal year (FY) 2001 aswell as FY 2000's previouslyunfunded request.
Senator Phil Gramm's (R-TX)attempts to hold up debt cancella-tion were rejected. Gramm soughtto block debt funding unless anduntil the IMF was "reformed" byrequiring borrowers to completelyopen their markets to multination-
Cuban children bear the brunt of the shortages imposedby the US embargo.
TAKE ACTION!The administration will still need to certify Colombia or waive the conditions onceagain for the second year of funding (FY2001) included in the two-year aidpackage. This certification will take place in January.
The President, State Department and your members of Congress need to hear thatUS citizens are outraged at our government's treatment of the critical issue ofhuman rights in the context of a massive infusion of military aid.
WRITE OR CALL PRESIDENT CLINTON AND YOUR MEMBERS OF CONGRESS.
General talking points:� I believe that human rights should be a number one priority for the UnitedStates.
� I am very concerned that the U.S. is providing huge amounts of assistance toan army that has well-documented ties to paramilitary forces engaged in brutalacts of violence.
Tell the President:� I am disappointed that you waived the human rights conditions on theColombia package.
� I hope that you will send the right message to the Colombian governmentand military by NOT waiving the human rights conditions on the FY2001 aid ifthe Colombian government has not acted decisively to meet the conditions.
Tell Congress:� I urge you to remove the waiver from the human rights conditions for nextyear’s (FY2002) aid, so that the conditions have a chance of being enforced.
�
Let Us Celebrate Hope
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Refle
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By Marinetta Cannito HjortFinance and Program Coordinator
As we approach the third millennium and getready to celebrate the jubilee of the techno-logical and scientific progress of humanity, we
are still confronted with the painful reality of adivided society. For some-- the powerful andthose who share the benefits of a prosperouseconomy--the beginning of a new era is indeed anopportunity to celebrate. For others-- the poor, thebillions of people who are victims of unjustsystems--the time ahead is a time of uncertaintyand expectations. The risk is that the glitteringlights and triumphal words that will welcome thenew millennium will only represent the jubilee ofthe powerful minority, while the poorest areignored and forgotten, their cry silenced under thenoisy celebration. Who will celebrate with themand for them?
The Witness for Peace community of persons offaith and conscience has chosen to work tirelesslywith North and South partners to realize a Jubileefor the poor where social injustices are rectified. Weknow from experience that such a choice requires aconstant revision of our strategies, a constantrecommitment to our mission. We celebrated whenin October we won a small victory in our strugglefor the cancellation of debts owed to the US byhighly indebted low income countries. We know,though, that it’s easy to lose the sense of celebrationwhen the victories of the poor are so limited andthe work that remains to be done is so huge.
But we almost lost the sense of celebration whenconfronted with the latest US policy decisiontowards Colombia. We learned once more howdeadly and painful the consequences of the
practices of our government can be. We learnedthat over 80% of the US economic support to theColombian government will be in the form ofmilitary support and weapons, in a country werealready nearly 2 million people have been displacedfrom their homes due to violence that kills almost30,000 Colombians every year.
When we decided to send two of our InternationalTeam Volunteers, Jess Hunter and Michael Joseph,to Colombia to witness first hand the impact of theUS military and economic intervention, our heartswere full of worry for their safety. We were notready for a celebration. Despite our emotionalsilence, though, Michael and Jess spoke of ourcommon faith in the cause lying ahead in theirmission. They shared their joy of being able to livein solidarity with the forgotten and excluded inColombia and to work to affirm justice and peace.Theirs were and remain for us words of hope andcelebration.
It is this hope we want to celebrate with you, ourcommunity of faith and conscience. It is the hopecoming from a living witness that celebrates thepower of confronting injustice and oppression.The presence of Michael and Jess and all theWitness for Peace delegates, volunteers and staffthat will follow is a testament to the beautifulpower of love, honesty, witness and solidarity. It isthe hope shared with all the Colombians deprivedof their lands and their dignified life. Their soli-darity with the powerless represents a hopepointing to the kingdom of God as a living andtransforming reality that starts from the margins.It is a hope already belonging to the present. It isthe proclamation that the cynical law of resigna-tion has not the last word. It is the proclamationof the good news of faith in the victory of justice
and love. This is our hope. This is the hope wewant to celebrate together. This is the Jubilee forthe poor.
Human beings suffer.They torture one another.They get hurt and get hard.No poem or play or songCan fully right a wrongInflicted and endured.
History says, Don’t hopeOn this side of the grave,But then, once in a lifetime
The longed-for tidal waveOf justice can rise upAnd hope and history rhyme.
So hope for a great sea-changeOn the far side of revenge.Believe that a farther shoreIs reachable from here.Believe in miraclesAnd cures and healing wells.
Call miracle self-healings,The utter self-revealingDouble-take of feeling.If there’s fire on the mountainAnd lightning and stormAnd a god speaks from the sky
That means someone is hearingThe outcry and the birth-cryOf new life at its term.It means once in a lifetimeThat justice can rise upAnd hope and history rhyme.
—Seamus Heaney, from The Cure at Troy
We are currently accepting applications for the 2001 WFP International Team. The applica-tion deadline is April 1, 2001. There will be an initial orientation in Washington, D.C. in July2001. Final training will begin in Nicaragua on September 1, 2001. To request an applica-tion packet, contact the National Office.
J oin the Witness for Peace (WFP) International Team for a two-year term of service. Based in Nicaragua,Guatemala, and Chiapas, Mexico, and Colombia, team members design and plan participatory, experi-ential educational programs programs that help visiting groups of US citizens understand the impacts
of global economics and corporate practices as well as US foreign, economic and military policies in thesecountries. Two team members accompany these groups during the 7-14 day visits which empower citizensto return to the US to participate in campaigns that promote sustainable development policies.
General Responsibilities of the WFP International Team1. Educational Program Design Plan and facilitate two week experiential educational programs for, andaccompany groups of, 7 to 20 US citizens who visit Nicaragua, Guatemala, Cuba, Mexico (Chiapas), Colombiaand Haiti. Responsibilities include arranging logistics and providing translation.2. International Travel Although the International Team is based in Managua, Guatemala City, San Cristobolde la Casas, and Bogota, a substantial amount of time is spent travelling to make contacts with communityand church leaders, civil society groups, labor and environmental groups and other NGOs. These contacts arevital in order to understand the political, economic and social situation in each of these countries and toserve as a basis for planning the educational programs for visiting groups.3. Journalistic Documentation Team members investigate current events in the countries as they relate toglobal economics and US policies.They are responsible for writing articles, short reports and developing edu-cational resources that put a “human face”on the impact of these policies in Latin America and Caribbean.
Qualifications for International Team Members� Conversational Spanish fluency.� Minimum age of 21.� US citizenship.� Knowledge of or willingness to learn about global economics, US foreign, economic and military policies
and trade and labor issues.� Experience and/or interest in planning participatory educational programs for groups.� Experience working with groups and excellent communication and interpersonal skills.� Experience living and traveling abroad, especially in Latin America.� Willingness to live in the physically demanding and at times stressful conditions of a developing
country.� Experience in team work.� Personal initiative.� Good writing skills.
APPLY TODAY for the WFP International Team� Computer literacy.� Physical endurance and good health.� Bachelors Degree or equivalent experience.� Commitment to the WFP mission and operating principles.
Benefits include a monthly stipend ($165 per month) vacation pay,health insurance,dental care,room and board andall work related transportation costs. After the first year of service,team members receive a round trip ticket to the USand at the end of the two year term,a reentry stipend of $1,200,a ticket to the US plus one month of health insurance.During their two year term, team members are encouraged to assist the organization in raising funds for programs.
Interested individuals are encouraged to apply regardless of race, religion, gender or sexual orientation. Persons of colorare especially encouraged to apply.
For more info: USA, Canada 1-800-655-4053 / Local 510-655-2154
Please mention Witness for Peace when you call.Code WASWFP
WFP will get travel credits that are vital to our work
e-mail: [email protected] www.http://exitotravel.comexito travel, 1212 Broadway, Suite 910, Oakland. CA 94612
We recommend Robbie Kramer at:
11
A Bankrupt Future; The Human Cost of Nicaragua'sDebt— Released in April, 2000 this document provides anintroductory, but comprehensive look at the complex realitiesof the debt crisis in Nicaragua. Providing information aboutthe roots of the global debt crisis and the draconian solutionsof the international donors, this document looks at both thedebt crisis in general, and the crisis in in Nicaragua specifically.32 pages. ($10)
Justice in Guatemala A 12-page guide to economic justice
issues in post-war Guatemala, seen through the lens of Bishop
Juan Gerardi’s legacy of active peacemaking. Released on April 26,
2000–on the second anniversary of the Bishop’s martyrdom, this
document serves as a primer and an action tool for activists
concerned about a lasting peace in Guatemala. ($4)
Like the Dew that Waters the Grass: Words from HaitianWomen by Marie B. Racine, WFP Board Member—Beautiful-ly written, this book transcribes the voices of Haitian women whoshare their struggles against devastating impoverishment, politicalrepression, harsh working conditions, domestic abuse, and rape.Based on interviews from the years of the brutal coup d’etat(1991-1994) and continuing into the period in which democracywas restored, Racine’s book provides a rich and truthful picture oflife in Haiti. Through these courageous narratives, you are witnessto the indomitable spirit and hope of the Haitian people, and thefundamental strength and faith of these women. Recentlyreleased by EPICA, this book conveys “words that reflect thepromise of a new day, like the dew that waters the grass.” ($14.00each) Marie Racine is a member of the Witness for Peace Board ofDirectors and a long-time Haiti activist.
The Economic Way of the Cross/El Via Crucis Economico—(bilingual edition) Prepared in conjunction with the ReligiousWorking Group on the World Bank and the IMF (RWG) and the Ecu-menical Program on Central America and the Caribbean (EPICA),this resources invites people of faith and conscience to relate thesuffering of 2/3 of humanity who live and work under the crushingweight of poverty to Jesus's way of the cross. It names the interna-tional networks of military, political, legal, financial, and corporatepower that govern the unjust economic order. And it call forstudy, reflections and action to change this oppressive system.112 pages, with photos and usable lectures. ($7.50 each)
A Crude Awakening: The World Bank, US policy and Oil inGuatemala —Based on field research in the Petén province ofGuatemala, this Witness for Peace publication exposes yet anotherWorld Bank project that fails to meet the Bank’s own standards forenvironmental protection and public participation. A CrudeAwakening reveals how the International Finance Corporation (theprivate lending arm of the World Bank) twice funded the construc-tion of an oil pipeline through pristine rainforest, rendering incal-culable damage on the local environment and shutting outGuatemalan civil society from meaningful participation in theproject’s design. The publication also shows how the pipelineproject violates both the spirit and the letter of the 1996 PeaceAccords, which call for a new vision of sustainable development forthe war-torn Central American country ($5.00 each).
People and the Profit Margin: the Corporate Agenda inCentral America and the Caribbean — Breaking down theglobal economy into layperson’s terms, this 15 page documentprovides a basic question-and-answer analysis of neoliberalismand free trade. It debunks common misconceptions about theseeconomic phenomena and lays bare their impact on the poor inGuatemala, Haiti, and Nicaragua. In addition to its generalized lookat the international economy, People and the Profit margin coversa range of specific issues.These include the effect of globaleconomic integration on labor and the environment and the roleplayed by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund inthe current economic order.” (Kit: $12.50 each; Publication only:$5.00 each)
Sewing Justice: US Solidarity and the Workers’ Struggle inNicaragua’s Maquilas—Released in October, 1997 thisdocument is an action-oriented piece detailing the work ofWitness for Peace and other international solidarity groups insupport of organizing efforts in Central America’s assemblyfactories. This document describes some of the immense obstaclesfacing factory workers in Nicaragua and elsewhere in the develop-ing world who strive to organize for a living wage and safe andhumane working conditions. And Sewing Justice outlines some ofthe tools available to workers in Central America and activists inthe North to work for positive change. ($2.00 each)
Making Peace in Guatemala: An Unfinished Agenda— Bythe Witness for Peace Long Term Team, Guatemala. Based onoriginal research in Guatemala, this 12-page booklet takes a criticallook at the prospects for peace with justice in Guatemala, giventhe difficulties Guatemala faces as it integrates into the worldeconomy and the trend toward neoliberal solutions. Includes asummary of the accords and the government’s implementationplans, a critique of the Socio-Economic Accord, views of the peaceprocess from the perspectives of returned refugees and fromresidents of an urban squatter commmunity, and howGuatemalans are organizing to demand social justice. ($3.00 each)
A High Price to Pay — A 36-page book that makes visible thehidden victims of economic structural adjustment. The personalstories and data reflect the tremendous toll that adjustment hastaken on the women of Nicaragua - on their workloads, on theirpsychological well-being, on their health. It also portrays ways thatNicaraguan women are organizing to confront the economic crisisand explores alternatives to current economic policies. ($2.50 each)
Bitter Medicine — This 20 page popular education resourcedetails and documents World Bank and International MonetaryFund economic policies that are devastating the poor in LatinAmerica and around the world.“Bitter Medicine” was written bythe Witness for Peace long term team in Nicaragua. ($1.50 each)
Songs of Witness — This 24-song cassette and songbook set wasrecorded and produced in 1987. Songs of Witness is a collection ofthe folk songs and hymns sung by Witness for Peace delegates andLongtermers over the past 15 years. The Songs of Witness set is inlimited supply! (Cassette and songbook set $15.00 each)
Stop the War Against the Poor Bumper Stickers($1.50 each, or ten for $3.00)
End the Embargo on Cuba T-Shirt See ad on page 12.($10.00 each)
Witness for Peace Solidarity in Action T-ShirtSee ad on page 12. ($15.00 each)
Witness for Peace Publications and Activist Materials
ResourcesOrder and Subscription FormReturn to: Order Department, Witness for Peace, 1229 15th
Street, NW Washington, DC 20005. You may fax your order
to 202-588-1472.
A Bankrupt Future
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Honoring Bishop Gerardi’s Legacy
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Like the Dew that Water the Grass
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A Crude Awakening
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People and the Profit Margin
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Sewing Justice
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A High Price to Pay
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Bitter Medicine
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Songs of Witness
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End the Embargo T-Shirt
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WFP Solidarity in Action T-Shirt
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Call-a-Week Campaign—Sign up for the Witness for Peace
Call-A-Week Campaign, and add your voice to the growing
chorus demanding justice, peace and social responsibility from
our elected officials, policy makers, and corporate leaders. As
a Call-A-Week member, you will receive a mailing at the
beginning of each month. This mailing will contain details
about the call-in actions for the month including: the date or
week to make your call, the target (including proper title and
phone number), brief background information, and talking
points. To subscribe, send your address to your Regional Coor-
dinator (see page 2 for contact information). Some regions
may request a nominal yearly charge to cover printing and
mailing.
Latin American Emergency Response Network (LAERN)—
Facilitated by the Alliance for Global Justice, LAERN sends
emergency response faxes to government officials and corpo-
rations in Latin America to show US citizen concern over
human rights abuses, labor rights violations, and environmen-
tal destruction. Because of the resources necessary to ensure
immediate turn-around, subscribers to LAERN are billed $6
each time their name is used. Witness for Peace does exercise
great discretion in authorizing the use of WFP names, acting
only when issues are raised that fit within our mission
statement. To be added to the WFP list, please specify this
preference and send your name and address to LAERN, 1247 E
St SE,Washington DC 20003.
Subscriptions Available from WFP
Discounts available on bulk orders
Delegations
Socially Responsible Travel Experiences That Will Change Your World!
2000-2001 Delegation Schedule
With WFP you do not travel as a tourist, you stand in solidarity with the people! For more information, contact the National Office or the delegation coordinator (see below).
NicaraguaJanuary 12-21, 2001Centre College Study AbroadProfessor Rick Axtell948 W. Lexington AveDanville, KY 40422v: 606/238-5245
March 28-April 8, 2001Examining Nicaragua in the Global EconomyA Youth DelegationRev. Paul PalumboPO Box 1058Chelan,WA 98816V: 509 682 9063
March 2001 (Dates TBA)Poverty and Global Economics:Alternative Spring Break to NicaraguaMichele Weber,WFP Southwest242-105 S. Orange AveBrea, CA 92821 V: 714/990-6603E: [email protected]
June 16-30, 2001Teen Delegation to NicaraguaGail Phares1105 Sapling PlaceRaleigh, NC 27615 V: 919/856-9468E: [email protected]
July 2001 (Dates TBA)Nicaragua in the Global Economy: The WarAgainst the PoorJohn MateykoWFP Mid-Atlantic304 Pilot Town RoadLewes, DE 19958V: 302/ 345-2657
GuatemalaJanuary 3-12, 2001Guatemala Past and PresentSteve Bennett, Executive DirectorWitness for Peace1229 15th St, NWWashington, DC 20005V: 202/588-1471E: [email protected]
February 4-16, 2001Denver Justice and Peace/WFPThe Continuing War Against the Poor Kareen Erbe DJPC 901 W. 14th Ave., Ste #7Denver, CO 80204V: 303/623-1463 E: [email protected]
March 10-18, 2001Human and Labor Rights inGuatemalaKamala Ellis632 N. State StreetTacoma,WA 98403V: 253-861-7313E: [email protected]
June 26 - July 8, 2001Labor struggles and Human Rights inGuatemala:An Inter-generational DelegationJoanne RanneyWitness for Peace NEPO Box 147Richmond,VT 05477V/F: 802/434.3233 E: [email protected]
Mexico (Chiapas)January 6-18, 2001Mexico: Arms and ExportsMichele WeberWFP Southwest242-105 S. Orange AveBrea, CA 92821 V: 714/990-6603 E: [email protected]
March 24-April 1, 2001Alternative Spring Break to Mexico:Human & Economic Rights in the GlobalEconomyJoanne RanneyWFP New EnglandPO Box 147Richmond,VT 05477V: 802/434-3233E: [email protected]
HondurasFebruary 2001Human Rights & Public HealthMichele Weber,WFP Southwest242-105 S. Orange AveBrea, CA 92821 V: 714/990-6603E: [email protected]
CubaJanuary 8-20, 2001Cuba: The People, the Artsand the Embargo
March 3-11, 2000Alternative Spring Break to Cuba: ThePeople and the EmbargoGeorgetown Solidarity Committee/WFPCara Hayes1229 15th St, NWWashington, DC 20005202/ 588-1471E: [email protected]
March 16-25, 2000Globalization through the Eyes of CubaA College Student DelegationJennifer CannonAmherst CollegeCommunity Outreach ProgramV: 413-542-5766 E: [email protected]
June 16-27, 2001The People of Cuba and the Impacts of theEmbargoMichele WeberWFP Southwest242-105 S. Orange AveBrea, CA 92821 V: 714/990-6603 E: [email protected]
Colombia*January 5-17, 2001Bearing Witness to US Military Policy inColombiaWitness for Peace1229 15th St, NWWashington, DC 20005V: 202/588-1471 E: [email protected]
March 11-23, 2001Solidarity in Action:Understanding & Challenging US MilitaryPolicy in ColombiaWitness for Peace1229 15th St, NWWashington, DC 20005V: 202/588-1471E: [email protected]
*These are special delegations. For an application andguidelines about our Colombia delegations, pleasecontact the Witness for Peace National Office.
If you cannot join a delegation, but wouldlike to make a donation towards scholar-ships for people of low income, pleasecontact WFP and inquire about the low-income scholarship fund.
Show Your Support to End the Embargo on Cuba!
At Witness for Peace, we have seen that the US embargoon Cuba is neither a humane, just, nor effective USforeign policy tool. In challenging the embargo, we
hope to create ties of friendship and life, rather than sup-porting a policy that causes suffering and punishesinnocent civilians.
By wearing a t-shirt with the above logo, you too canshow your support for the people of Cuba. Each shirt
is white, 100% cotton, and displays the Englishlogo on the front and the Spanish logo on the back.
Available in L, XL and for a low price of $10
See page 11 to orderOr you can order online at
http://www.witnessforpeace.org/embargo.html
Front
Back
NEW! Witness for Peace Solidarity T-Shirt
Union made and printed, 100%cotton t-shirts in royal blue.Available in sixes S–XL.
These eye-catching bilingual shirtsdisplay the WFP “solidarity in action”theme on the front and our name inSpanish on the back.
