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I know that we notice what we notice because of who we are.We create ourselves by what we choose to notice.
Once this work of self-authorship has begun,we inhabit the world we have created.
We self-seal.
We don t notice anything except those things that confirm what we already think aboutwho we already are.
When we succeed in moving outside of our normal processes of self-reference and canlook upon ourselves with self-awareness,
Then we have a chance at changing.We break the seal.
We notice something new.
~ Margaret Wheately
A human being is part of the whole, called b y Universe ; a part limited in time and space.
We experience ourselves, our thoughts and feelings, as something separated from the rest,a kind of optical delusion of our consciousness.
This delusion is a kind of prison for us, restricting us to our personal desires and toaffection for a few persons nearest to us.
Our task must be to free ourselves from this prison by widening our circle of compassionto embrace all living creatures and the whole of nature in its beauty.
~ Albert Einstein.
Until the Lion has his/her own storyteller, the hunter will always have the best part of thestory.
~ Ewe proverb
Wisdom is like a Baobab tree, no one individual can embrace it.~ Nigerian proverb
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1. Introduction
Despite the advances of recent years, deeply ingrained racial and gender prejudices continue to
inflict the structures of our society. The Higher Education sector is not exempt from this. The
importance of transformation within it was highlighted early on in our democracy and yet progressin this regard has been painfully slow. Govinder et al (2013) define transformation in the South
African context as change that addresses the imbalances of the past era . While acknowledging its
multifaceted nature, the authors assert that the most important indicator of transformation is that of
racial and gender demographics. A walk around campus shows that the University of the
Witwatersrand (Wits) is microcosmic of the larger society. However, the constitution of the
university staff is not reflective of the larger society and neither is the composition of the staff in
the Political Studies department. While there is some degree of diversity in the staff in relation to
racial and gender demographics, the lack of even a single black staff member in a departmentconcerned with the political history of South Africa, among other topics, is problematic.
1.1. Why does Transformation Matter?
In a country and a global context where transformation of different types and forms is
expected, it may be self-evident why transformation matters. Still, transformation must be
explained because the lack of transformation, and sometimes the slow pace of
transformation, shows that there is no urgency about the matter. There are at least two
glaring reasons why transformation matters: representation and diversity.
Transformation will bring about representation , and this representation has two main
aspects. The first is that the Political Studies department, and Wits as a whole, will benefit
from the presence of African lecturers as reflective of the student demographic of the
department and the institution. This is an obvious and prima facie type of representation,
whereby the makeup of the department and the institution requires a literal and physical
demographic shift. This type of representation must not be mistaken for a form of window
dressing, where the physical change can be seen on the face of the department, but the
internal structure remains the same. This leads to aspect two of a representative
justification for transformation: identity.
Identity refers to the fact that when a lecturer teaches part of his or her teaching may draw
on lived experiences in the real world. Therefore that lecturer represents the work that they
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present and teach. In the same way, the experiences of Africans, black Africans in
particular, can enrich what is taught within the department owing to their lived
experiences both within our country, on the continent and elsewhere. Such lecturers may
identify with the content of the course that they teach, as well as allow space for students
to identify with the work. This notion of identity in the representative justification may
seem to contradict the view that politics should be taught objectively or dispassionately, in
order to allow critical thought. We contend in this memo that our history- both as a
continent and a country- is too recent for us to ignore, and we cannot teach or learn it
without some lived experience to penetrate the theory, especially not in a field like
Political Studies.
The concept of diversity is watered down to only mean the demographic and physical
representation discussed above, but this is not the totality of diversity. In this instance,
diversity refers to the plurality of thought within the Political Studies department. It is not
sufficient to simply teach dominant narratives of political thought and their implications,
or superimpositions, on Africans and their diaspora, but also essential to discuss African
and South African examples that correlate with these dominant narratives, alongside
examples that produce their own narratives and discourses
Linguistically, transformation has the ability to assist in what universities often call the
language barrier. This refers to the difficulties faced by mostly black students in grasping
courses they are taught because they do not have a workable grasp of the English
language. The presence of black lecturers creates the space in which those who are
simultaneously working through their degrees and improving their language skills can
potentially engage with one of their lecturers in their home language for the purposes of
explaining concepts and words. This aspect of transformation should not be
underestimated. Unfortunately, quality education for all at a primary and high school level
still remains at the level of aspiration. Many students who go the extra mile to make sure
they make it into university still face insurmountable challenges that threaten their ability
to finish their chosen degrees. This is especially the case in Political Studies, where
assessment emphasis on written work means the language barrier can result in inspired,
hard-working students falling through the cracks.
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In addition to creating a space in which students can converse with at least one lecturer in
their home language, the presence of black lecturers is also important in terms of changing
the prevailing view that the academy is for whites. Even if the current staff in the Political
Studies d epartment don t hold this view, the lack of black staff at the level of perception is
indicative of 1) the department s commitment to perpetuate the view that there is a lack of
worthy black candidates (an argument often made which we refuse to accept, primarily
because of the large numbers of black South African academics lecturing elsewhere on the
continent and abroad); 2) a hostile work environment which repels black academics from
applying to join the department; and 3) high levels of either complacency or investment in
the status quo shown by the lack of unified proactive action taken by staff to identify,
approach and include black academics.
2. Critique of the Pace of Transformation
A member of staff in the department asserted that the few black academics who qualify for
staff positions are generally co-opted into the private sector because of the promise of
higher salaries. This argument is problematic in that it assumes that all black academics
are merely chasing large pay cheques and voluntarily choose to not be part of the
academy. Such justifications attempt to responsibilise black academics for the lack of
transformation rather than do not acknowledging the ways in which the university fails to
create the type of environment in which black academics feel welcome.
Furthermore, as black students, when we don t see anyone who looks like us teaching,
there is very little reason or inspiration for us to believe that we can be academics and
lecturers ourselves one day. T his notion of the exceptional black who meets faculty
criteria to become a lecturer serves to disincentivise rather than incentivise black students
to continue with their studies and become eligible candidates to teach. The need for
positive role models and mentors for all students cannot be overemphasised. Considering
that public discourse on issues of transformation is framed in such a way that
institutionally black academics are not welcome (Makgoba, Mamdani etc.), it is
frightening the extent to which the Politics Studies department has not galvanised itself in
the name of transformation in an effort to show students and the larger Wits community
that it recognises the importance of transformation and is actively pursuing it. These types
of initiatives cannot happen in a context where staff is not willing to go further than
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merely saying the lack of black staff is a problem but what can we really do anything if
there are no candidates, and if they do exist, they don t apply .
The Political Studies department at Wits refuses to own the problem of its lack of
transformation. Whether this is a result of deference, arrogance, institutionalised white
privilege, ignorance, complacence or gate-keeping, only the members who constitute the
department know. What we as students know is that there is no acceptable reason that in
2014 the university fails to recognise the existence of highly qualified black scholars as
well as the contribution of black African scholars to existing political thought and the
emergence of new areas of study. The department has failed to retain a single black
lecturer in either a junior or senior position and although faculty may be responsible for
hiring, recommendations from the department hold significant weight. The lack of unifiedstaff activism in this regard paints a disappointing picture as to whether or not Political
Studies staff members are genuinely concerned with and dedicated to transformation.
Efforts need to be directed towards identifying and resolving veritable obstacles to
achieving the goal of transformation. Witnessing the distance between national
demographics and organisational demographics of universities, students, staff and
policymakers feel compelled to take action. How much more should this be true for one of
the leading academic departments for the study of South African politics, one that engages
critically with the challenges of a society in transition? The purpose of this document is to
invite dialogue and reflection on the challenges that the department faces regarding this
issue.
For the most part, dominant social institutions, structures and processes have not been set
up in just ways, and therefore when people attempt to work within these systems to
advance justice, they often face systemic constraints or outright political challenges. Our
aim cannot only be to open room for black men and women to take up positions in the
department. Rather, we should strive for a staff that is diverse, that offers equally diverse
undergraduate and postgraduate courses, that works together in the construction of a
Political Studies department that produces graduates who will use what they learn to
contribute to the advancement of society; and a programme led by academics reflective of
national demographics, whose socio-political backgrounds and lived experiences enrich
their work, and who the majority of students would identify with and feel comfortable
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engaging with. The bulk of knowledge production can no longer issue from a small
segment of the population. The excellent work already being carried out by the department
could be even more excellent with diversity- remember transformation is understood as a
process essential to sustained academic excellence 1. The problem of transforming
entrenched white privilege cannot be passed over either, and will require extraordinary
measures.
That the group of postgraduate students issuing this memo are representative of our social
reality and show South Africa s diversity is not coincidental , attests to the achievement of
several goals articulated in the Education White Paper 3. That we are of different races
and sexes; espouse different political stances and religions; and come from different social
and economic backgrounds; inspires confidence that this diversity can be reflected inuniversity staff.
3. The Depth of Transformation: A Critique on the Status Quo in Terms
of (lack of) black thought / African scholarship in Political Studies
When we look at the horizon of Wits the lawns, the lecture halls and the staff we long to
see diversity and transformation to the extent that black Africans are represented fairly in allaspects of the university. This is because transformation involves the inclusion and
engagement, both theoretically and practically, of all South Africa s racial and ethnic groups.
However, the horizon of transformation cannot only be picturesque. Rather, transformation
must have depth ; it must penetrate from the horizon to the interior of the university, through
what is taught and how it is taught.
3.1. Reflection on lack of African scholarship in Political Studies
It seems inconsistent and hypocritical of Political Studies that we learn certain narratives and
paradigms within politics that only serve the status quo of political pasts and futures. Even
the history of political thought within political theory has an uncomfortable absence of
African political thought, and the only African contribution to our studies is the everyday
examples that we see playing out in our political landscapes. These examples are necessary
but insufficient and rely on a recycled history to explain the current context of our continent.
1
Wits Transformation Office
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Moreover, the existing narratives and paradigms are superimposed onto our everyday
examples, and some noticeable results of this are a lack of critical engagement with African
theory and dogmatic teaching which leads to average marking.
How is it that the subject of political studies, whose root word polis refers to people, ignores
a whole African people and their thought in its analysis of political affairs?
3.2. The Inclusion of African Scholarship
Usually the process of critiquing something and building something new and different from
what exists, involves a justification of the new and different thing. However, it does not
seem fair that African thought should somehow be justified in order to be included in the
Political Studies department. This is because African thought, like other streams of thought,
is a product of the existence and experience of a people and therefore the inclusion of this
thought should be more commonplace. Unfortunately, owing to the history of the African
continent, and the nature of the global system, African thought is largely ignored even by
our own African university, Wits. This part of the critique will not seek to justify African
thought as a superior discourse; rather, it will discuss the obvious logic of finally recognising
and nurturing African scholarship as part of the Political Studies curriculum.
In a paper on transformation in higher education and training in South Africa, commissioned by the Development Bank of Southern Africa, Badat 2 discusses challenging intellectual
spaces 3 by examining what the dominant narrative in higher education courses has been. In
particular, challenging intellectual spaces involves creating the space for the flowering of
other epistemologies, ontologies, methodologies, issues and questions other than those that
have dominated, perhaps even suffocated, intellectual and scholarly thought and writing 4.
Badat expresses a feeling shared by many institutions and learners, as touched on briefly in
the reflection earlier in this document. What remains to be said on intellectual spaces is thatPolitical Studies must do more to encourage the depth of transformation by bringing in
African scholarship, maybe even in the form of African literature, to bridge the divide
between classic political thought and African thought. Political Studies must make a
concerted effort to find, systematise and teach African thought.
2 Badat, S. 2010. The Challenges of Transformation in Higher Education and Training in South Africa.3 Ibid, page 174
Ibid, page 17
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4. Suggestions as to how students and staff can work together to
address the problem of Transformation - student involvement in hiring
processes and student contribution to curriculum
Student representation is an increasingly important part of university life in South Africa
and at Wits, in part a result of the Higher Education Act stipulating student involvement,
and in part a result of a certain cultural context at Wits. As such, students are represented
officially in all committee meetings and many decisions of the institution cannot be
made without the involvement of student representatives. This holds for many
operational, academic and social issues at the university. Of course then, this decision
making with student involvement includes the hiring of particular individuals in the
university, most prominently the vice-chancellor and deputy vice-chancellors, who are
appointed via a system of constituent representation.
While this system is by no means perfect, it does go some way to include the largest
body of the university- its students- in crucially important decisions. Unfortunately, this
process does not filter down to school and department level, which means the hiring of
staff particularly academic staff is done without any consideration or regard for
student representation and opinion. While students cannot make operational and
logistical arrangements on behalf of a department at the university, the general sentiment
of students should be taken into consideration when deciding on the future staff
complement of any department.
The justification for this operates on a number of levels. First, the same logic that holds
for the inclusion of students in filling the post of vice-chancellor surely should hold
within departments. Second, students make up a critical and important part of any
department and should be able to make recommendations for what they believe to be intheir best interests and in the best interest of the institution. Third, students are the ones
who are lectured and supervised by new staff, and it is therefore appropriate that students
have clear interests in the appointment of new staff. As academics come into the
universi ty and department with certain research interest and expertise, students having a
voice in the appointment process will assist in the development and shifting of
curriculum and pedagogy. Finally, students are able to bring different value sets, voices
and opinions to the table, all of which are important when appointing new staff.
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Given the above points, we would like to propose that the Political Studies department
offers student representation in the appointment process. This would function on a
number of levels. First, all instances of presentations to the department (not private
interviews) should be made public and attendance by all within the department should be
welcome. Additionally, student representation during discussions and meetings
pertaining directly to the appointment of new staff should become a norm. We propose
the inclusion of both undergraduate students through one representative from the School
of Social Sciences Council and one elected member from the department s postgraduate
cohort (elected prior to the appointment process by all postgraduate students in the
Political Studies department). These students will represent all other students as full
members of appointment meetings.
Similarly, there needs to be democratisation of curriculum development which is
inclusive of all students within the department. With a similar reasoning to that of the
appointment process, student voices are important to the development and advancement
of teaching and learning within the institution. Moreover, students should have some
platform within which to raise their own desires around curriculum and what is taught to
students themselves. The notion that curriculum should be developed from above and
imposed onto all students is not only archaic but also lacks the type of critical rigour andmovement necessary for a department within Social Science. A constant engagement,
shaping, reshaping, and discussion around the academic curriculum will assist the
learning process as well as the goals of academic advancement, research and knowledge
production. A process of consultation and engagement with all of those in the
department, including academic staff and students, can only lead to a more open and
diverse environment.
Finally, students have clear interests in the curriculum as well as valuable first-handexperience of the courses that form part of it. However, curriculum is a broad and deeply
important issue that goes beyond the appointment of staff, and as such special emphasis
must be placed on gaining input from as many interested parties as possible. We would
thus propose a form of democratic engagement with regards to the curriculum
development prior to its finalisation for the next academic year. This must include
specifically postgraduate students but should not foreclose the possibility of involvement
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of undergraduate students, and should be done for both the postgraduate and
undergraduate courses. Taking into account national and benchmarking constraints on
curriculum development, the department must try as far as possible to include students in
all discussions around curriculum and reform. This can be done in the form of meetings
with all postgraduate students in the department and mass meetings with all
undergraduate students that have completed one year within the department.
5. Suggestions of Courses that could be offered rooted in the work of
African Thinkers
The department is now in a unique place to begin the process of inwardly reflecting on itself
and becoming a beacon for transformation that the rest of the university can learn from andfollow. This memorandum is a concise document that not only highlights the need for change
but also suggests ways in which this can be achieved. It is a sign of the will of its students to
create and nurture an environment wherein Western philosophical thought is not the only
point of reference, and where non-Western scholars are studied and celebrated. It is an
attempt to locate the department and the university within a South African context, as a place
of democracy, a place of transformation, a place of introspection, and as a postcolonial site.
Denying this acknowledgment and denying any change would be to act as the university did
during apartheid: as though any subversion from the Western paradigm is something to be
wiped out and forgotten.
5.1. The need for a revised syllabus
The range of courses offered in the Political Studies postgraduate programme fall short of
effectively critiquing modernity and Western philosophy. The lack of non-Western
scholarship cannot go un-problematised. A narrow focus on one school of thought (i.e. the
assumption that Western thought can explain everything) does not take cognisance of the
division of labour in the global academy. It also fails to recognise that ultimately Western
scholarship will always leave out the story and viewpoint of the colonised. In the end, theory
is not universal nor is it neutral, even though currently we act as though it is. The time is long
overdue to give credit to non-Western schools of thought and engage with all the theory in a
critical manner.
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Further , the inclusion of what essentially amounts to opinion pieces by South African
authors (generally rooted theoretically in the work of Western philosophers) does not amount
to the inclusion of African scholarship/Black thought. Theorists such as Ali Mazrui, Ben
Magubane, Archie Mafeje, among other, all contribute(d), and this is the level at which the
work of African scholars must be engaged, debated, and extended.
5.2. Suggestions for a new syllabus
The suggestions of potential courses are based on what we as students would like to learn, as
well as courses on African thought given at other national, regional and international
universities. Included are also suggestions of particular authors, groups, theories, movements
and schools of thought that can enhance the intellectual transformation of knowledge
produced and taught within the Political Studies department.
5.2.1. Race, Justice and Equality/The Politics of Race/ The Politics of the Body
The theorising on race, by African scholars such as Ben Magubane is often tied to the
image of the (black) body within political theory as well as its relation to issues of
oppression, independence, justice and equality. The scope of these courses would be
determined by its lecturer, but it is key to ensure that the inclusion of black thought exists
at a deeper level than mere descriptive pieces written by South African authors which still
use Western political theory as the dominant lens. There are a number of African
academics who have written key texts theorising the issue of race and justice from an
African perspective.
5.2.2. Black Existentialism
Black Existentialism seeks to simultaneously critique domination and affirm the positive
agency of black people. As with other studies on existentialism, this school of thought is
concerned with the nature of one s existence and the meaning of one s life. Black
Existentialism is an excellent course to include because of its intersectionality with a
number of other important concerns of black existence such as gender (black female
existential philosophy-Anna Julia Cooper, Kathryn Gines) and class.
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Key thinkers: Noel Chabani Manganyi, Steve Biko, William Jones, Franz Fanon, Du Bois.
Key (non- academic) texts: Ralph Ellison Invisible Man , Richard Wright The Outsider ,
Toni Morrison The Bluest Eye
5.2.3. Frantz Fanon: Philosophy and Politics
Of all the Afro-philosophers whose work has been victim of chopping and changing to fit
into prominent narratives, Fanon is probably the greatest. His works are critical to courses
such as postcolonial studies and Black Liberation Thought; however, they are best studied
alone in an effort to critically engage with one of the most prominent Afro-thinkers of our
time whose body of work has more depth and complexities than can be captured in
extracts. In Fanon we find not only a philosopher but an activist and a reference point to a
large number of contemporary radical movements locally, on the continent and abroad. At
postgraduate level the intention is to zoom in on specific topics and engage with them
critically, hopefully in relation to topics pertinent to our current political landscape. A
course on Fanon can only add value to the already present departmental attempts to
engage with his work that do not at present do justice to the magnitude of his influence.
5.2.4. Black Modernism and Post Modernism
Black modernism situated as a discourse within Post-modernism is concerned primarily
with questions rather than answers. These questions include: what is black modernism?
Does it refer to the work of authors who self-identify as black? Does it refer to modernism
as a movement that mattered to black readers? Is it a matter of anthologising, editing and
practices? What is its comparative difference with western conceptions of modernity?
Does Black modernism imply the existence of White modernism?
Key Texts: Race, Gender and Comparative Black Modernism (Guadeloupean Lacascade,
Marita Bonner, Martinican Cesaire, Dorothy West) , The African-American Roots of
Modernism , James Smethurst; Images of Black Modernism , Mirriam Thaggert;
Beyond the Harlem Renaissance: The Case for Black Modernist Writers , Adrienne
Gosselin; Spaces of Black Modernism: London 191939, Ronald Moody.
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5.2.5. Black Liberation Thought
Black liberation thought as an umbrella theme for the discussion of both African and
African-American liberation narratives, theorisations and realisations is potentially an
extremely interesting course. Rather than a focus on the post-independence landscape,
which one would have in a course such as postcolonial studies, the locus of a course on
Black liberation thought is based on the period of revolution and the strategies that Black
people sculpt and employ in their fight for freedom. Including such questions as, what is
black freedom which cannot be answered by a dissection of the usual Western
philosopher s conceptions of freedom/liberation. The context of black liberation
discourses are far removed from the spaces from which Western political theory was
thought out. This course could include sub-topics such as Afro-pessimism and thecontinued relationship between oppression and freedom.
Key texts: History of the Modern Black Liberation Movement and The Black Workers
Congress. Paul Saba. 1974
5.2.6. Subaltern Studies
The academic school of thought that emerged in India called Subaltern Studies holds major
relevance for South Africa. It is the project of generations that are dissatisfied with India s postcolonial state. Crucially, it falls outside of mainstream studies, dominant paradigms, and
mainstream ideologies, to maintain that innovation does not always come from systems of
power, as usually those dominated ideas are repeated and reproduced within it. For example,
when Indian historians tried to write the history of India (a new nationalist history that went
against colonial history) they discovered although they believed themselves to be separate
from that history, they had something in common: they too were also elitist, influenced by the
history of the elite and their politics. The aim is therefore to fight against the event of popular politics not being taken seriously. Usually popular politics are slotted into an existing
paradigm to be explained, or it is dismissed entirely, rendering historical archives
simultaneously colonial and elitist.
Subaltern studies also dissect the statism of the elite, where all events and ideas are
measured according to the perceived transformative nature of the state. The assumption is
that if the state cannot be captured in the event or the idea, it does not count. However, state
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policy is not the answer to all questions, and this immobility to look beyond the state is
therefore rendered problematic. Finally, this approach tackles the idea of a universal history
which is based on ideas of modernity that developed in England and became globalised
through colonialism. It suggests that those excluded can either dismiss modernity or
democratise it. To democratise it is to incorporate it into your own space. Some of the
movement s key writers are sympathetic to the idea of a dynamic modernity insofar as
nothing belongs to one culture.
5.2.7. Post-Colonial Studies
This could include the study of post-colonial African leaders who were also prominent
writers, philosophers and political theorists. Specifically, leaders who became the first
presidents of their respective nations after the fall of/transition from colonial rule. Examples
of these leaders include: Leopold Senghor (first president of Senegal and creator of the
concept of Negritude), Sekou Toure (first president of Guinea), Kwame Nkrumah (first
president of Ghana), Julius Nyerere (first president of Tanzania). The course s objective
would be to not only examine post-colonial theory, but examine how these statesmen
attempted to translate ideology into practice. Theorists such as the aforementioned ones wrote
extensively which provides us with the opportunity to examine post-colonial theory vis-a-vis
the realities and hardships post-colonial states were presented with.
Key thinkers: Archie Mafeje, Ali Mazrui, Ben Magubane, Zena Magubane.
Key text: Empire, Global Coloniality and African Subjectivity, Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni.
5.2.8. Sangtin Feminist Writers
Broadly, these writers speak about the intimidation of academics in line with the irony of
NGOs dedicated to empowering women that raise problems when those women speak for
themselves. In the paradigm, NGOs are the good people, rendering it almost impossible to
find a way to challenge them effectively. It says that all mainstream discourses fail to
recognise the faults of NGOs in that the politics that NGOs bring to communities are
sometimes out of reach of those communities. Ordinary people can take care of those tangible
problems, but NGOs prevent this even though they need to reach out and be appropriate
within the situation instead of just holding conferences and teaching politics. NGO politics
is ultimately disempowering because it maintains the dependence poor people have on them.
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This approach also notes that we cannot always blame men for the problems faced by women
as there are also structural factors that influence pathological behaviour. This does not excuse
violence but shows how it came to be.
Key text: Challenges of NGOization and Dreams of Sangtin
5.2.9. Peter Hallward
Peter Hallward is concerned with preoccupations of contemporary theory and sovereignty. He
draws mostly on Satre and Cartesian planes to maintain that an individual s consciousness
confronts the world and does so freely. Material imprisonment does not mean you are not
free, but is about how you relate and respond to your condition, which you can choose.
Political science is dependent on ontology i.e. what it means to be human. He believes it is
necessary to work through this instead of simply working with problematic assumptions.
Hallward is important in a South African context for his observation of the dynamics of sites
of power. After power is taken, conflict occurs over who will rule, leading to the bourgeoisie
stepping in and disempowering the poor (again), forming a new elite. He regarded the UDF
as a true example of a genuine mass movement of ordinary people who, despite some internal
conflict, were all fighting for their future together.
Key text: The Will of the People: Notes toward a dialectical voluntarism
5.2.10. Midnight Notes
Midnight notes was a group of people hoping to change the world who had a significant
influence on academic theory. Their perspective is broadly autonomous thought they do not
share the multitude outlook. They argued that money is a collective inheritance and that with
technology it is possible for everyone to get a basic income (which should be a basic citizen
right). Their aim was to teach that the economy is not out of the hands of the people an
interesting observation in relation to the non-neutral way economics is taught in universities.
5.2.11. Grant Farred
Farred is recognised internationally but ignored in South Africa. His argument is any unity is
based on the friend-enemy distinction, e.g. Christianity v. Islam from the pre-colonial ages. In
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the past there were the voyages of Discovery from 1400, where Portugal went to India and
South Africa. After that colonialism began the friend-enemy paradigm shifted from religion
to become racialised which influenced the justification for colonialism/set of material
practices (civilised v. uncivilised).
In South Africa, he says, the basis for distinction is based on class. With regard to people
who had bad material conditions during apartheid, what was then not justified is now
justified . The future is always contaminated by the past, e.g. in the postcolonial world, there
are problems of patronage (B-BBEE, etc.). Within this is the danger of teleological thought:
you are moving in one direction, so everything that you do is okay.
Therefore, in South Africa there is the not yet counter-partisan defined as those critical ofapartheid and the current government as well. Unfortunately, he says, it is not yet political
because it has not enabled a position of legitimate discourse of conflict. These people will
thus always be seen as enemies and pro-apartheid. The crux of this paper is that just because
someone is from a particular time does not mean we should discount what they say now.
Xenophobia in South Africa is a key consideration here it was coming for a long time and
eventually exploded in May 2008. Apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa: both in Africa
but not a part of it. Friend- enemy distinction creates an out there , and post -apartheid SA sresponsibility is to keep the chaos of Africa at bay.
Key text: The Not Yet Counter partisan: A new politics of o ppositionality
5.2.12. Raj Patel
Raj Patel dissects popular politics in Durban. For him, it is necessary to read the archives
against the intention of those that produce it in order to understand popular politics.
Ultimately, he is trying to get contemporary theory and popular politics to illuminate each
other instead of trying to make reality fit the theory. He says that people who are oppressed
are often presented as incapable of thought but everyone has a spark of consciousness. For
example, there are always assumptions that shack dwellers are instructed by a higher power,
because ideas that the poor can write about themselves seen as a threat to those who write
about them.
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Although the mainstreaming of African thought in all current courses is crucial in both the
development of students and lecturers, it is not a sufficient move towards the inclusion of
African scholarship within the department. The existence of courses rooted in the work of
African philosophers, theorists and academics is important in i) acknowledging that such
works and thinkers exist, ii) promoting the institutional influence and expansion of such
thought through the curriculum and iii) providing a platform for the critical engagement of
such thought which can only increase the chances of its revision and improvement from
those internal to the university. In addition, the preferential inclusion of tiny segments of
the works of African thinkers often exists at the expense of the quality of their work. In
essence, the works are manipulated and exploited to fit into a predetermined narrative
rather than being genuinely studied in there totality.
5.2.13. Lewis Gordon
Lewis Gordon is an American philosopher who engages extensively in the areas of
Africana philosophy, philosophy of human and life sciences, phenomenology, philosophy
of existence, social and political theory, postcolonial thought, theories of race and racism,
philosophies of liberation, aesthetics, philosophy of education, and philosophy of religion.
Particularly relevant to this department is his work on race and racism, postcolonial
phenomenology, Africana and black existentialism, and the significance of W. E. B. DuBois and Frantz Fanon.
In his writing, he proposes two helpful ideas that the department should take cognisance
of. The first involves the engagement with black existential thought/philosophy, where we
start with existence and life and not to theory to explain experiences the theory is
consulted afterwards. The second involves engagement with Afrikaner thought , where
we learn about thought emerging from the African diaspora, including Africa, the
Caribbean, etc. Ultimately, Gordon shows us that we cannot predetermine a theoretical
paradigm.
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6. A list of expected (positive) outcomes from the pursuit of
transformation
An increase in black academics within the Social Sciences
The establishing of the necessary support needed in order to effectively achievetransformation
An academically and financially supportive framework within which black studentsare not only provided the opportunity to study further but are mentored in thenecessary skills to qualify for said positions, skill such as publishing, academicwriting, etc.
A re-examination by the Political Studies department, faculty, and vice-chancellor ofthe obsession with professional headhunting and research output at the expense ofthe quality of education received by student
An honest examination of the nature of research being produced by current staff andthe extent to which it is a genuine reflection of uniquely South African and Africannarratives being developed
Genuine efforts to encourage and assist students to begin publishing before and during postgraduate studies
The mainstreaming of African literature in all current courses from DemocraticTheory to Development Studies to Political Sociology, which will require willingnesson the part of lecturers to research beyond their comfort zones and familiarisethemselves with new literature
The creation of student journals, online publications, newsletters, and so on, toencourage the process of the writing and expression of one s ideas
A more interdependent relationship between students and staff on bothrecommendations of new staff and revision of curriculum
An acknowledgement of the prevailing ideological orientation and its limitations
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7. Students Personal Reflections on the lack of Transformation in the
Department
Marisa Loureno Honours Student
This is my first year at Wits after completing my first degree at Rhodes University in 2010. I
admit I was shocked when I first arrived to notice the lack of interaction between different
racial groups, and the lack of black scholars involved in the department. Everywhere I
looked, thought was led by white students and white lecturers. How was this possible, twenty
years after democracy, especially at an institution that claimed to be so dedicated to
transformation it did not even need race quotas for admission anymore?
What s more, during these first few weeks, a student in one of my classes on the topic of
whiteness and progress in the post-apartheid era shared one seminar that when he arrived at
the university, he noticed (and felt out of place as a result) that most of the lecturers were
white. This raises an important concern for the Political Studies department, which consists
of predominantly white staff, insofar as how many other students feel the same.
This led me to explore the liberal tradition that the university so proudly celebrates. While
part o f the open universities during the 1950s, and while boasting a history of
transformation, Wits does not acknowledge it was a beneficiary of the apartheid era and is
very much a Western institution that fails to locate itself as a university in an African country
with the appropriate syllabus. The significance of this realisation was the effect it has on the
Political Studies department, which does not act in isolation, but forms part of this
problematic tradition.
I am also disappointed that overall no significant critical engagement with Western philosophical discourses took place in any of courses. Modernity, for example, is not an
innocent concept, but within this department it is treated as such. How is Western philosophy
the point of reference for all our work? It is the responsibility of the university to provide a
well-rounded education around key issues in South Africa, and this department plays a
central role in guiding the way forward.
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Thoko Chilenga Masters Student
One time, at another university, we studied political philosophy, from Weber, to Marx, to
Mandela. We had a test on Mandela s articulation of positive and negative freedom in his
book Long Walk to Freedom; as well as his explanation for Mkhonto weSizwe s r easoning
for armed struggle and the specific use of sabotage over other forms of armed struggle. As I
was waiting outside the class for the test to begin, a classmate turned to me and said the test
should be easy because, well he s not really a political philosopher, is he? referring to
Mandela. I replied that he most definitely was a living political philosopher who attempted to
justify agonising decisions in the midst of evil oppression and continual human emancipation.
His attempts at justification are no less worthy of consideration and study than other attempts
by political philosophers before him on account that he is African; neither are his
justifications the only African ones.
In that moment, I think both my classmate and I realised that it was not enough that he and I,
of different backgrounds and ethnicities, were technically learning in a transformed
environment because of laws and university policies that mandated social change and
reconstruction. Instead, transformation included what we actually learned in that
transformed physical environment, and the challenge that this presented to our previousway of thinking about political studies. If the only thing we learned that day was that as
Africans we had living African political philosophers amongst us and their predecessors
whose thought propelled millions to freedom, and sadly sometimes war, then our learning
had a achieved a depth of transformation. We need the lessons of our African thinkers, both
living and lived; not to judge them, but to understand our African heritage and try to navigate
the future for ourselves.
Fatima Mukkhadam Masters Student
I have been part of the Political Studies department at Wits for six years now, and have only
been taught by one non-white lecturer. It is disappointing that this department, a department
that's seen as being progressive, only has two non-white lecturers, and even they aren't black
academics. Being taught by majority white lecturers is a concern insofar as the education I
have received is influenced by Eurocentric theories and ideals. However, it is worth
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mentioning that there have been lecturers who have taught from a non-Eurocentric vantage;
and their efforts have been noticed and appreciated.
I know excellent black academics, for example Dr Pumla Gqola, who is progressive and
intelligent, and I often wondered why the Political Studies department never hired someone
like her. I think there are good black academics who will be an asset to Wits, and this forces
me to question why they haven't been hired into the department. Is it because black
academics aren't applying here, is Wits not willing to pay them well enough, or is it because
the university doesn't think they'll be good enough?
Every black person has been affected by oppressive regimes - from slavery to colonisation to
apartheid - and this needs to be taken into consideration by institutions worldwide, especiallythose that claim to be open to transformation. Our histories shape who we are, how we are
treated, how we treat others, and most importantly how far in our careers we are in
comparison to, in this instance white academics. The Political Studies department can
illuminate the path to acknowledging our histories and shaping our future.
Luke Feltham Masters Student
It is slightly disturbing, looking back, to realise how easy it was to ignore what is now a
glaring issue. At Wits, especially in undergrad, it's easy to be lulled into a sense that
everything is par for the course; challenging and interesting courses keep your mind occupied
and content. But everything is not alright. There is a major issue in the Political Studies
department, and once you become aware of it, is impossible to turn a blind eye any more.
This issue of course is the undoubted lack of transformation within the department. While the
rest of Wits is not perfect, out of all the departments I have studied in during my give years at
the university, Political Studies is certainly at the back of the pack in this regard.
I personally find it lamentable that I have reached Masters level in this subject at one of
Africa's leading universities yet the only non-Western theorists I have studied in course work
are Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko - brilliant thinkers but only a drop in the ocean of African
intellectual thought. Equally disturbing is that I only recall being taught by one black lecturer
(in undergrad) throughout my stay in the department. To me, it seems obvious that these are
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deeply-rooted severe problems and I can only hope that they are resolved so that future
political students walk away with a more complete experience after their time at Wits.
Moshibudi Motimele Masters Student
I walked into the printing room of the Political Studies department one day and looked at the
pictures on the wall of staff and postgraduate students. The dominance of white males was
striking. I remember looking at the wall and thinking that there was no indication that my
aspirations of being in the academy could and should ever be a reality. The abundance of
black students on the wall at Honours, Masters and PhD level assured me that the lack was
certainly not on account of the lack of ability of black students to enter into and complete
postgraduate studies. It got me wondering about what were the true barriers to black participation. I was comforted in the fact that I was not alone in my dissatisfaction with the
Political Studies department s performance in this area.
It was also striking to me that I went from an environment in which African philosophy and
political theory was heavily debated to one in which most students and lecturers either
doubted or denied its existence. An unconditional criteria that I use to judge the quality of
education that I receive, is the extent to which it equips me with the tools to participate in
knowledge production not simply knowledge absorption and regurgitation. As a black,
female South African, is there any way in which I can receive these tools if the work of those
who came before me is neither known nor acknowledged?
I have possibly reached the end of my studies but my motivation to be a part of this project
stems from the desire I have to see other black students like myself feel that they have a
current and future place within the Wits Political Studies department. A place not limited to
the extent to which they can recite Gramsci or Waldron or Rawls. A place rooted in an
awareness of the unique contribution they can make drawing from their own experiences and
the experience of those, who from a similar positionality, have contributed to the emergence
of what has been called Black Thought.
Johnathon Paoli Masters Student
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I came to Wits, full of hopes and dreams, largely built on media coverage and the
revolutionary place this University has held in the imagination. Upon arrival, however,
I was soon to find out the inherent legacies which continue to underline the lack of a
substantive transformation within tertiary education at both this institution as well as at a
more national level. Professor Habib encapsulates the fundamental flaw in contemporary
attitudes regarding furthering education in this country, through his obsession with
research outputs and abiding the standards of first world countries. In his haste to bring
us up to speed with the beautiful white standard, he neglects the impact historical an d
socio-economic realities in not simply the distribution of student population, but the very
academic paradigm and culture that grows at institutions such as Wits. My experience of
this University has been bitter sweet, in that it taught me to question, and through
questioning one realises the limits and contradictions of the University. Yet ultimately,
my experiences immediately outside the geographical space of Wits, proved more
illustrative and critically motivating of the stark inequalities that pervade our country and
the failure of transformations attempt hereto. Wits needs to change, since it simply
reproduces whiteness through other means, both ideological and materialistic.
Nduvho Ramulongo Honours student
My mother was a domestic worker. I lived with her in the white residential area that she
worked. In my eyes white people were always superior and I could never relate to them
in any other way but as superior. I did not realize it but unconsciously because of their
position in that sense I have always just accepted what the lecturer was saying without
questioning it and this restricts my ability to engage in class. I have also further
struggled greatly to for a consultation with a lecturer. The lack of black lectures in the
department comes across as a lack of confidence in the intellectual capabilities of black
people. It seems as though the department holds that black academics are not goodenough. This makes me feel disqualified as a black student. Having some black
lecturers in the department will go a long way in making black students feel that they
belong in these institutions. It would also be great to see the white lecturers in the
department engaging with fellow black colleagues as equals as well.
Simamkele Dlakavu Honours student
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The university space and what we learn here can and should be utilized as a tool for the
collective empowerment of African people, especially in Africa. It should be a space
where we engage with the political history of this continent in order to hopefully chant a
new path. However the humanities at WITS especially this department to a large extent
has excluded African history, events, thought leaders and literature. South Africa is
labeled as an extension of Europe due to how we conduct our foreign poli cy, business,
our media and what we teach at our schools. The role played by an institution like WITS
and this very department is also contributing to this. In a recent Mail and Guardian
article titled: The untold history lesson . A young South African ma n from the Eastern
Cape states:
I was told about the French and American Revolutions. From Napoleon Bonaparte to Otto von
Bismarck, I was told of world wars. From Adolf Hitler to Benito Mussolini, I was told of the Allied
Powers of Franklin D Roosevelt, Winston Churchill and Joseph Stalin.
They loved to tell me about Idi Amin and vilified Robert Mugabe.
They scantily brushed over Kwame Nkrumah, Mwalimu Nyerere, Jomo Kenyatta and Kenneth Kaunda.
They could not avoid telling me about Rolihlahla Mandela, Mangaliso Sobukwe and Mahatma Gandhi.
They drummed William Shakespeare, Charles Dickens, Rudyard Kipling and William Wordsworth.
AC Jordan, SEK Mqhayi, DM Jongilanga, JT Jabavu and WB Rubusana were swept under the carpet. I
have just learned of Nat Nakasa. I had to read Animal Farm but not Ityala Lamawele .
In my time at this department, most of the African president and intellectuals that he is
mentioning have not been featured in our curriculum. To fuel my interest in African
Studies, I have gone beyond the standard academic curriculum. I have had to go to
William Cullen Africa Library, poring over books on African history, politics and
literature. As Maya Angelou stated in an interview on the relevance of Historically BlackColleges and Universities (H BCU s) in America, HBCUs are now more and more
important than ever, because learning about the history and achievements of your people
(African Americans) gives students a sense of pride. Indulging in African literature at
the William Cullen Africa Libra ry has done for me what HBCU s have done for African
American students. It has imbued me with a sense of pride and a deeper curiosity to fully
understand the history of Africa, the individuals who contributed to it and current affairs.
It is very sad, that the politics department has not contributed to that. It is sad that I have
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never been taught by a black African female or male lecturer in my four years at WITS.
It is sad that most of the political theorists, history and writings included in our course
packs are written by white scholars. And this is not due to the fact that there aren t great
scholars on this continent writing and theorizing our politics, it is because this
department no urgency to include their voices.
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Between stimulus and response, there is a space.
In that space lies our freedom and power to choose our response.
In our response lies our growth and freedom.
Victor Frankl
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Table of Contents
1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 3
1.1. Why does Transformation Matter? ................................................................................. 3
2. Critique of the Pace of Transformation ................................................................................. 5
3. The Depth of Transformation: A Critique on the Status Quo in Terms of (lack of) black
thought / African scholarship in Political Studies...................................................................... 7
3.1. Reflection on lack of African scholarship in Political Studies ........................................ 7
3.2. The Inclusion of African Scholarship ............................................................................. 8
4. Suggestions as to how students and staff can work together to address the problem of
Transformation - student involvement in hiring processes and student contribution to
curriculum .................................................................................................................................. 9
5. Suggestions of Courses that could be offered rooted in the work of African Thinkers ....... 11
5.1. The need for a revised syllabus ..................................................................................... 11
5.2. Suggestions for a new syllabus ..................................................................................... 12
5.2.6. Subaltern Studies ........................................................................................................ 14
5.2.7. Post-Colonial Studies ................................................................................................. 15
5.2.8. Sangtin Feminist Writers ............................................................................................ 15
5.2.9. Peter Hallward ............................................................................................................ 16
5.2.10. Midnight Notes ......................................................................................................... 16
5.2.11. Grant Farred ............................................................................................................. 16
5.2.12. Raj Patel ................................................................................................................... 17
5.2.13. Lewis Gordon ........................................................................................................... 18
6. A list of expected (positive) outcomes from the pursuit of transformation ......................... 19
7. Student s Personal Reflections on the lack of Transformation in the Department .............. 20
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