WOMEN CHAMAS AND COHESION BUILDING IN
KENYA: SPECIFIC FOCUS ON BUNGOMA COUNTY
BY
SELLAH NASIMIYU KING’ORO
A Thesis submitted to the Graduate School in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for
The Award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Peace and Conflict Studies
DEPARTMENT OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES
FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES
KISII UNIVERSITY
2014
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DECLARATION
DECLARATION BY THE CANDIDATE
This thesis is my original work prepared with no other than the indicated sources
and support and has not been presented elsewhere for a degree or any other
award.
Signed: _____________________ Date: ________________
Sellah Nasimiyu King’oro
DAS/60069/14
CERTIFICATION BY THE SUPERVISORS
The undersigned certify that they have read and hereby recommend for
acceptance of Kisii University this Research Thesis Entitled “Women Chamas
and Cohesion Building in Kenya: Specific Focus on Bungoma County”.
Signed: ______________________ Date: ____________________
Prof. Maurice Amutabi, PhD.
Department of Social Sciences
Kisii University
Signed: ____________________ Date: ____________________
Dr. Eric Maseno Ogwora
Dean Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences
Kisii University
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COPYRIGHT
This thesis is copyright material protected under the Berne Convection, the copyright
Act 1999 and other international and national enactments in that behalf, on
intellectual property. It may not be reproduced by any means in full or in part except
for short extracts, in fair dealing for research or private study, critical scholarly review
or discourse with acknowledgment, with written permission of the Dean School of
Graduate Studies on behalf of both the author and Kisii University.
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ABSTRACT Cohesion is a state of human interactions which are anchored on certain values and characteristics which strengthen or weaken relationships. Although there is a lot of scholarly debate in this area, there is limited empirical evidence on the contributions made by women groups on cohesion building, which is what this study submitted to provide. Although a lot of emphasis has been placed on the role of women networks in upgrading the economic status of women, very little has been linked to the social stability which enables and sustains such changes. The overemphasis on women networks’ input in the economic growth trajectory, without highlighting the significance of social unity, creates the gaps that this study seeks to find answers for. In this context, the study sought to establish the contributions made by women networks in cohesion building in Kenya, with a focus on Bungoma County. In assessing this contribution, the study examined the origins and forms of women chamas, further interrogating their activities as well as operations. This purposefully delineated the strategies women employed in promoting cohesion in their areas of operation. Further, the study identified challenges encountered by women while making contributions to the status of cohesion in Bungoma County, Kenya. Research questions of this study were directly drawn from objectives which guided the study, particularly in the development of data collection tools hence the analysis. The study was guided by relevant theories which comprised of the social exchange theory that interrogated social interactions, the social network theory which upheld the interconnectivity of individuals and groups in society and functionalism that emphasized the importance of the different parts that form a system. In using the mixed method both in data collection and analysis, primary and secondary sources were regarded, but particularly use of questionnaires, focused group discussions and Key Informant Interviews including observation checklists was emphasized. Data was tabulated and presented in frequencies, figures and charts whereas narrative analysis was used for qualitative data. The study found out that despite facing a myriad of challenges, chamas promote national cohesion by improving the prosperity of their members, their inclusion in political processes and societal stability through increased community resilience. This revelation demanded that an appropriate and supportive environment be established to allow for the formation of a relevant regulatory body and legal system that can support and empower chamas to contribute to cohesion.
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DEDICATION
I dedicate this thesis to my family; my little angel Precious, my prince Steve, and to
my sister Doreen for being the ‘mother’ while I attended to my studies.
God Bless.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis would not have been possible to write without the help and support
of the kind people around me, to only some of whom it is possible to give particular
mention here. My deepest gratitude goes to my husband for his personal support and
great patience at all times. My mother, siblings and children have given me their
unequivocal support throughout, as always, for which my mere expression of thanks
likewise does not suffice.
This thesis would not have been possible without the support and patience of
my supervisor, Prof. Maurice N. Amutabi. I am also indebted to his co-supervisor Dr.
Eric M. Ogwora for the good advice and support. For these two, I would like to
appreciate specifically, for pointing out practical issues beyond the textbooks, for
patiently correcting my writing and for being constructive critics of my work.
I would like to acknowledge the support of the School of Postgraduate
Studies, the Department of Peace and Conflict Studies and the Faculty of Arts and
Social Sciences since the start of my studies.
I would also like to thank my colleagues and friends in the Department. Last,
but by no means least, I thank my friends Naomi, Regina and Jescah with their
partners for their support and encouragement throughout.
For any errors or inadequacies that may remain in this work, of course, the
responsibility is entirely my own.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION......................................................................................................... II
COPYRIGHT ............................................................................................................ III
ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................... IV
DEDICATION............................................................................................................. V
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ..................................................................................... VI
LIST OF FIGURES .................................................................................................. XI
LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................. XIV
ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................ XV
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................ 1
1.0 Background to the Study ................................................................................. 1
1.1 The Statement of the Research Problem ....................................................... 5
1.2 Objectives.......................................................................................................... 7 1.2.1 Broad Objective ................................................................................................ 7 1.2.2 Specific Objectives ........................................................................................... 7 1.2.3 Research Questions ........................................................................................... 7
1.3 Justification of the Study ................................................................................. 7 1.3.1 Policy Justification ............................................................................................ 7 1.3.2 Academic Justification ...................................................................................... 9
1.4 Operationalization of Terms ......................................................................... 10
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW .................... ..................................... 11
2.0 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 11
2.1 Literature Review .......................................................................................... 11 2.1.1 Theoretical Perspectives on Cohesion and Integration ................................... 11
2.1.2 Social Cohesion: Cause or Consequence? ...................................................... 15
2.1.3 Role of Women in the Conflict-Cohesion Spectrum ...................................... 20
2.1.4 Motivations for Joining Women Networks..................................................... 27
2.2 Theoretical Framework ................................................................................. 29
2.2.1 Social Exchange Theory ................................................................................. 29
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2.2.2 Social Network Theory ................................................................................... 31 2.2.3 Functionalism .................................................................................................. 32
2.3 Conceptual Framework ................................................................................. 34
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY ............................................................... 35
3.0 Introduction .................................................................................................... 35
3.1 Research Design ............................................................................................. 35
3.2 Study Area ...................................................................................................... 37
3.3 Target Population .......................................................................................... 38
3.4 Sampling Procedure and Sample Size ......................................................... 38
3.5 Research Instruments .................................................................................... 40
3.6 Piloting ............................................................................................................ 42 3.6.1 Reliability ........................................................................................................ 42 3.6.2 Validity ........................................................................................................... 43
3.7 Data Collection Procedures ........................................................................... 43
3.7.1 Survey Questionnaires .................................................................................... 43 3.7.2 Key Informants Interviews ............................................................................. 45 3.7.3 Focus Group Discussions ................................................................................ 45 3.7.4 Observation ..................................................................................................... 48 3.7.5 Desk Review ................................................................................................... 49
3.8 Data Analysis ........................................................................................................ 49
3.9 Ethical Considerations ........................................................................................ 51
CHAPTER FOUR: DATA FINDINGS, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRET ATIONS...................................................................................................................................... 54
4.0 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 54
4.1 Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Respondents, Interviewees and Informants .................................................................................................................. 54
4.1.1 Response Rate ................................................................................................. 55 4.1.2 Age of the Respondents .................................................................................. 55 4.1.3 Respondents’ Level of Education ................................................................... 57
4.1.4 Religious Affiliation of Respondents.............................................................. 58
4.1.5 Respondents’ Employment Status .................................................................. 59
4.1.6 Ethnic Composition of the Respondents who belong to Chamas ................... 60
4.1.7 Marital Status of Respondents who belong to Chamas .................................. 62
4.1.8 Number of Dependents of Respondents who belong to Chamas .................... 63
4.1.9 Gender Representation among Key Informants .............................................. 64
4.1.10 Level of Education of KIIs ........................................................................... 65
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4.1.11 Conclusion .................................................................................................... 66
4.2 Origins and Forms of Women ‘Chamas’ in Kenya .......................................... 66
4.2.1 The Origins of Chamas in Kenya: Causes and Necessities ............................ 67
4.2.2 Types of Women Chamas in Kenya ............................................................... 73
4.2.3 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 75
4.3 Identify the Activities and Operations of Women Chamas in Bungoma County ......................................................................................................................... 77
4.3.1 Activities of Women Chamas in Bungoma County ........................................ 77
4.3.1.1 Pooling Together through Cooperatives .................................................. 78
4.3.1.2 Mediation and Arbitration........................................................................ 80
4.3.1.3 Education and Training ............................................................................ 81 4.3.1.4 Loaning and Credit Access ...................................................................... 83
4.3.1.5 Agricultural and Livestock Farming ........................................................ 84
4.3.1.6 Social Support .......................................................................................... 86 4.3.1.7 Entrepreneurship ...................................................................................... 87 4.3.1.8 Advocacy and Awareness ........................................................................ 89
4.3.2 Operations of Women Groups ........................................................................ 90
4.3.2.1 Governance Structure of the Women Chamas ......................................... 91
4.3.2.2 Operational Guidelines of the Women Chamas ....................................... 94
4.3.2.3 Members’ Rights and Responsibilities .................................................... 96
4.3.3 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 97
4.4 The Contribution of Women Chamas in Bungoma County to Social Cohesion...................................................................................................................................... 98
4.4.1 Women Chamas and Prosperity ...................................................................... 98
4.4.1.1 Saving Culture ......................................................................................... 99 4.4.1.2 Income Generating Activities ................................................................ 101
4.4.1.3 Increase in Income ................................................................................. 102 4.4.1.4 Women Chamas and Food Security ....................................................... 106
4.4.1.5 Improved Literacy .................................................................................. 109 4.4.2 Contribution of Chamas to Societal Stability and Harmony ........................ 112
4.4.2.1 Community Resilience ........................................................................... 113 4.4.2.2 Trust and Belonging ............................................................................... 115 4.4.2.3 Family Stability ...................................................................................... 120 4.4.2.4 Conflict Reduction ................................................................................. 122
4.4.3 The Contribution of Women Chamas to Inclusive Participation .................. 127
4.4.3.1 Confidence Building of Group Members .............................................. 128
4.4.3.2 Civic Engagement .................................................................................. 129 4.4.3.3 Democratization ..................................................................................... 130
4.4.4 Conclusion .................................................................................................... 133
4.5 Challenges faced by Women Groups in their Contribution to Cohesion ..... 133 4.5.1 Structure and State of the Chamas ................................................................ 133 4.5.2 Political attachment or Interference .............................................................. 134 4.5.4 Financial Inadequacies .................................................................................. 137 4.5.5 Inadequate Formal Education ....................................................................... 138 4.5.6 View of Women in a Patriarchal Society ...................................................... 140
4.5.7 Views of Women by Non-Members on Chamas .......................................... 142
4.5.8 Conclusion .................................................................................................... 144
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CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ......................................................................................... 145
5.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 145
5.1 Summary of Findings ........................................................................................ 145 5.1.1 Origin and Forms of Women Chamas in Kenya ........................................... 147
5.1.2 Activities and Operations of Women Chamas .............................................. 149
5.1.3 Contributions of Women Chamas to Cohesion Building in Kenya .............. 150
5.1.4 Challenges that Stifle the Contribution of Women Chamas to National Cohesion ................................................................................................................ 153
5.2 Conclusions ......................................................................................................... 155
5.3 Recommendations .............................................................................................. 158
REFERENCES ......................................................................................................... 162
APPENDICES .......................................................................................................... 176
Appendix One: Map of Bungoma County ............................................................. 176
Appendix Two: Names of Oral Interviewers......................................................... 177
Appendix Three: Research Instruments ................................................................ 178
Instrument No. 1: Questionnaire ............................................................................ 178 Instrument No. 2: Interview Schedule ................................................................... 185 Instrument No. 3: Observation Guide .................................................................... 188
Appendix Four: Consent Form in English ............................................................ 189
Appendix Five: Consent Form in Kiswahili .......................................................... 190
Appendix Six: Introduction Letter to Interviewees .............................................. 191
Appendix Seven: Authorization to Undertake Research from Kisii University 192
Appendix Eight: Authorization to Undertake Research from NACOSTI ......... 193
Appendix Nine: Permit from NACOSTI ............................................................... 194
Appendix Ten: Letter of Authorization from the County Commissioner of Bungoma ................................................................................................................... 195
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List of Figures
Figure 1: The Role Played by Women Groups in Cohesion Building ......................... 34
Figure 2: Map of Kenya Indicating Location of Bungoma.......................................... 37
Figure 3.1 and 3.2: Amina and Sophia responding to the self-administered questionnaire ................................................................................................................ 44
Figure 4: FGD of women Group Leaders in Kanduyi Constituency ........................... 46
Figure 5: FGD of chama Members in Webuye Constituency ...................................... 47
Figure 6: FGD of Women Group Members from Webuye Constituency ................... 47
Figure 7: FGD of Chama Members from Mt. Elgon Constituency ............................. 48
Figure 8: Age Group Composition of All Respondents............................................... 56
Figure 9: Age Groups of Women Group Members ..................................................... 57
Figure 10: Respondents’ Level of Education ............................................................... 58
Figure 11: Respondents’ Religious Beliefs by Belonging to Chamas ......................... 59
Figure 12: Respondent’s Employment Status .............................................................. 60
Figure 13: Ethnic Composition of Respondents who belong to Women Groups ........ 61
Figure 14: Ethnic Composition of Chamas in Bungoma County ................................ 62
Figure 15: Marital Status of Respondents Belonging to Women Chamas .................. 63
Figure 16: Number of Dependents of Respondents who belong to Women Chamas . 64
Figure 17: Gender Representation of Key Informants ................................................. 65
Figure 18: Key Informants’ Level of Education .......................................................... 66
Figure 19: Why Women Groups are formed ............................................................... 68
Figure 20: How do women groups respond to societal needs ..................................... 69
Figure 21: Categories of Chamas’ Interventions ......................................................... 69
Figure 22: Temporary Daycare Centre Shelter ............................................................ 70
Figure 23: Types of Women Groups in Bungoma County .......................................... 75
Figure 24: Activities within Cooperatives ................................................................... 78
Figure 25: Effects of Cooperatives to Women ............................................................ 80
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Figure 26: Premises of Conflict within Chamas .......................................................... 81
Figure 27: Effects of Credit Access by Members ........................................................ 84
Figure 28: Preparation Stage ........................................................................................ 85
Figure 29: Post Preparation .......................................................................................... 86
Figure 30: Social Support from Chamas ...................................................................... 87
Figure 31: Small Scale Businesses .............................................................................. 88
Figure 32: Some members of Bless Me women group standing by their sack farming venture.......................................................................................................................... 89
Figure 33: Advocacy .................................................................................................... 90
Figure 34: Appointment of Officials............................................................................ 92
Figure 35: Education Levels of Chama Leadership ..................................................... 93
Figure 36: Causes of Group Solidarity ........................................................................ 94
Figure 37: Operation Plan of Chamas .......................................................................... 95
Figure 38: Levels of Awareness on their Rights and Responsibilities ........................ 97
Figure 39: Savings of Members before and after joining chamas ............................. 100
Figure 40: Improvement in Income of Women Group Members .............................. 104
Figure 41: How Chamas Ensure Food Security ......................................................... 107
Figure 42: Mulembe Women Group after class with their facilitators (extreme left)110
Figure 43: Support from Women Groups to Members .............................................. 115
Figure 44: Amani Women Chama in their Chairlady’s Compound .......................... 117
Figure 45: Existence of Gossip in Chamas ................................................................ 118
Figure 46: Defining a Stable Family .......................................................................... 121
Figure 47: Conflict Management Ways Used by Chamas ......................................... 126
Figure 48: Voting in the Last General Election ......................................................... 132
Figure 49: Political Interference in Chamas .............................................................. 135
Figure 50: Ethnic Undertones in Women Chamas .................................................... 136
Figure 51: Funding Problems..................................................................................... 138
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Figure 52: Education and Chama Objectives............................................................. 140
Figure 53: View of Members on Men’s Perception of their Autonomy .................... 142
Figure 54: View of Non-Members on Chamas .......................................................... 143
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List of Tables Table 1: The Five-point Likert Scale ........................................................................... 41
Table 2: Response Rate ................................................................................................ 55
Table 3: Type of Women Groups in Bungoma County ............................................... 74
Table 4: Major Activities of SHGs .............................................................................. 77
Table 5: Educational Context and Training Content ................................................... 81
Table 6: Likert Scale of Women Chamas and Prosperity ............................................ 99
Table 7: Responses regarding what the chama members engage in .......................... 102
Table 8: Average monthly income before and after joining women’s group ............ 103
Table 9: Women Group and Societal Stability & Harmony ...................................... 112
Table 10: Types of Internal Conflicts in a Chama ..................................................... 123
Table 11: Women Groups and Inclusive Participation .............................................. 127
Table 12: Summary of the Chama-Cohesion Relationship........................................ 133
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ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
ASCA Accumulative Savings and Credit Associations
CDA Community Development Assistants
CDF Constituency Development Fund
DPC District Peace Committee
FAO Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations
FAWE Forum for African Women Educationalists
FE Formal Education
FGD Focus Group Discussion
GEMA Gikuyu, Embu, Meru Association
GROOTS Grassroots Organizations Operating Together in Sisterhood
IGAs Income Generating Activities
KIIs Key Informant Interviews
KPU Kenya Peoples’ Union
LATF Local Authority Transfer Fund
LSE Learning, Sharing and Experimenting
NCIC National Cohesion and Integration Commission
NFD Northern Frontier District
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
OAU/IPEP Organization of Africa Unity’s International Panel of Experts
OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
ROSCA Rotating Savings and Credit Association
SASRA Sacco Societies Regulatory Authority
SLDF Sabaot Land Defence Force
SPSS Statistical Package for the Social Sciences
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UK United Kingdom
UN United Nations
UNSC United Nations Security Council
WAFF Women Associated with Fighting Forces
1
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.0 Background to the Study
Kenya, widely seen as a model of economic and democratic progress since 2002
when the former president Daniel Arap Moi was swept aside, has been manifesting
more ethnic divisions among citizens (Creco, 2012:7). In the last decade, the term
national cohesion was introduced in Kenya’s daily discourse. The contention of this
thesis is that issues concerning cohesion in the country are dated back to the pre-
colonial times with the relationship of communities being characterized by trade,
intermarriages and limited and intermittent warfare. The colonial system which
commenced in 1895 in Kenya changed most things.
The creation of the "White Highlands" during colonial times displaced
thousands of Kenyan nomadic groups (the Kalenjin, Maasai, Samburu, and Turkana)
who had lived in the area. This was aggravated by the policies that forbade Kenyans
(and other Africans) from owning land in several areas in Kenya including the Rift
Valley, Kiambu, Nyeri, Coast and Western among others. Added to this was a
distinctly colonial view of the rule of law whose legal systems facilitated tyranny,
oppression and poverty rather than open, accountable government (Kamau, 2010:38).
Compounding these legacies was Britain's famous imperial policy of "divide and
rule," which kept ethnic groups such as the Luo, Luhya, Kalenjin and Kikuyu divided,
quite rightly fearing that if the two groups ever united, their combined power could
bring down the colonial order. Indeed, a short-lived Luo-Kikuyu alliance in the late
1950s hastened Britain's retreat from Kenya and forced the release of Jomo Kenyatta,
the nation's first president, from a colonial detention camp (Ahluwalia, 1996:41).
Shortly afterwards, Kenya gained independence under Jomo Kenyatta as Prime
Minister in 1963.
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Although nation building started on a high note in 1963, Kenya maintained
and even deepened the old imperial heritage of authoritarianism and ethnic division as
a way of consolidating power by the political elite (Mumma, 2008:91). Three years
after independence in 1966, the Luo-Kikuyu alliance fell apart. Kenyatta and his
Kikuyu elite took over the state; the Luo, led by Adonijah Obadiah Jaramogi Oginga
Odinga formed Kenya Peoples’ Union (KPU), an opposition party that was eventually
banned. Kenyatta established a one-party state in 1969 and tossed the opposition,
including Odinga, into detention, much as the British had done to him and his cronies
during colonial rule in the 1950s (Murungi, 1995:39). Meanwhile, the effects of the
boundary geometrics that the white man had imposed on Africa were evident as a
secessionist conflict in which the ethnic Somali in the Northern Frontier District
(NFD) of Kenya attempted to join with their Somali kinsmen of Ogaden in a Greater
Somalia. This formed the Ethiopia and Somalia irredentism.
Following such pressure among other factors, massacres of scores of Kenyans
were being carried out in several areas in Kenya. Some of these were perpetrated by
government officials while others were carried out by communities. The most notable
massacres with government involvement include the 1969 Kisumu massacre, the
Wagalla, and the 1953 Lari massacres where hundreds of members of communities
were murdered. Other massacres pitting communities against others include the Turbi
massacre where the Borana and Gabra communities were involved, the 2012 Tana
River District clashes between the Orma and the Pokomo (Muteshi, Wanyeki and
Nzomo 2003:26).
The post-colonial government tried to address the grievances aired during the
struggle for independence. Through ‘Sessional Paper No. 10 of 1965 on African
Socialism and its application to planning in Kenya’, the government laid down
3
development policies aimed at correcting regional imbalances and removing poverty,
ignorance and disease. But forty-six years later, poverty eradication, the legacy and
impact of the colonial government in Kenya, including the impact of ethnic divisions
still remain major challenges (NCIC, 2014:76).
When Daniel Moi took leadership from Jomo Kenyatta in 1978, he disbanded
all ethnic organizations including the Gikuyu, Embu, Meru Association (GEMA). On
August 1, 1982, there was a coup attempt by disaffected soldiers, allegedly supported
by Luo and Kikuyu politicians. Over 1,000 members of the armed forces were court-
martialed, hundreds more were detained without trial, and some 80 university students
were arrested (Wanyande, P., Oyugi W, & C. odhiambo- Mbai, 2003:27). In fact, 75
year old Philip Soi, an army officer who was jailed for involvement in the 1982 coup
was released from prison after 32 years. He however voiced the concern that he has
no home to go to after his relatives took advantage of his imprisonment to sell his
land. Neither his wife and child nor his relatives ever paid him a visit while in jail
(Daily Nation, Saturday 24 May 2014). In addition, the Moi regime harassed family
members of exiled politicians such as Koigi wa Wamwere. After 1986, the country's
political situation rapidly deteriorated. As political arrests continued, many university
lecturers, journalists, students, and former parliament members went into exile. Moi
accused a left-wing group, called Mwakenya (the Union of Nationalists to Liberate
Kenya), of being run by fanatic socialists and, by 1987, arrested over 100 people
connected to this movement. Mwakenya, allegedly consisted of the Kikuyu and Luo
communities, appeared to be an ethnic and ideological threat to Moi (Mumma,
2008:5).
Following protests in the late 1980s and suspension of donor aid, section 2A
was repealed in 1991, establishing the multi-party state. During the 1990s, Kenya
4
experienced a number of “ethnic clashes” which neither translated into civil wars nor
lasted long. To a large extent, ethnic clashes were localized in limited geographical
areas such as Nakuru and Naivasha. Furthermore, the clashes have not involved rebel
groups fighting to dislodge the government and therefore did not result in casualties
on the government side (Murungi, 1995:42).
At this point, there is need to mention the concern of inequitable distribution
of resources in post independent Kenya as this forms the basis of most of the
grievances of ethnic communities against each other (Mwagiru, 2008: 13). The
feeling that Kenyatta advantaged the Kikuyu and Moi’s era also benefited the
Kalenjin creates a staunch competition between communities for the top seat.
Howard argued that in 2007/8 post-election violence, the media was made a
scapegoat since the eruption of violence was the result of historical injustices over
land and economic inequalities. The perpetrators were just venting their bottled-up
anger and frustrations (Howard, 2008:7). Nevertheless, empirical evidence point to
the contrary. The indictment of Joshua Arap Sang, a presenter with the Kalenjin
KASS fm, at the International Criminal Court at the Hague illustrates the role of the
media in inciting people to violence. These historical injustices and structural
inequalities have affected women more than men given that the society in Kenya has
been highly patriarchal.
Nonetheless, Kenya has experienced some events that not only brought
together the members of different ethnic groups but have also forged a way forward
for the country. The quest for a constitution cannot go unmentioned in this area. The
passing and subsequent promulgation of the Constitution on August 27, 2010 worked
for cohesion building because the rights of Kenyans, minorities and both gender are
highly recognized. The concern mentioned earlier of inequitable distribution of
5
resources has also been addressed in Kenya’s Constitution, 2010 by instituting a
devolved system of government.
1.1 The Statement of the Research Problem
Kenya was described as a haven of peace in a region of turmoil before the
2007/8 post-election violence given that most of its neighbours were experiencing
conflicts. For example, Sudan experienced a 20 year civil war, Eritrea seceded from
Ethiopia, Somali had no government and Uganda suffered conflicts in its Northern
parts. Despite the various conflict drivers by the colonial and post-independence
governments as mentioned in the background, Kenya seemed not to experience a
countrywide civil conflict until 2007/8. What held back the full size violence which
seems to have been instigated by the structures that were established since the
colonial period? The main argument in this study is that there must have been ties that
joined the communities together for the forty five years since independence which
prevented major violent eruptions. These ties could have been formed through
bridging, bonding and linking of social capital (Putnam, 2000:12). Putnam’s assertion
regarding social capital can be demonstrated by women social networks that are
formed for diverse reasons. Women’s Chamas, one type of women social networks,
have their roots in a long tradition of community self–help groups, such as funeral,
wedding and rotating labor clubs among others (Wignaraja, 1990:27). Chamas is a
brand of networking strongly associated with women, but currently practiced by most
members of the Kenyan society. It has very distinct characteristics including its
composition and tends to propagate common interests, at whatever level. The
purposes for which they are established are varied. In fact, they are probably the most
widespread form of secular community organization that does not rely on support
from the government or foreign donors for existence. In densely settled agricultural
6
areas of Kenya, it is estimated that half of all adult women belong to a women’s group
(Udvardy, 1988:1749). This reinforces the fact that women form a majority of
Kenya’s population i.e. 51%.GoK, 2010: 13)
Some scholars such as Maina (1988:49) have highlighted the traditional
exclusion of women from all spheres of community life because of the patriarchal
communal structures and differential socialization practices within the African
society. Besides, women’s subordination is done right from childhood which
consequently breeds economic as well as socio-political dependence. Nevertheless,
women emerged with innovative enterprises to counter the patriarchy which was
coupled with the challenges of climate change, globalization and the imminent danger
of social disintegration. This they did by conglomerating under groups with particular
aims. Notably, Srujana (1996:26) argues that women groups in Kenya have
contributed to economic development. However, there is no literature that highlights
the contribution of these groups to cohesion building both at the local and national
levels.
This lack of empirical evidence sets the background upon which this study
seeks to evaluate the role of local women networks in Bungoma County in promoting
community as well as national cohesion. The selection of the geographical area of
study is based on the fact that most studies in Kenya have been done in Nairobi
because of its accessibility, relative development and multi-culturalism. In addition,
most studies on conflict in Kenya have dwelt in Northern Kenya due to their
experience of what is referred to as ‘traditional conflict’. This study ventures into un-
ploughed areas with high and mixed cosmopolitanism and with potential for fast
development yet interred by disintegration among the inhabitants of the area.
7
1.2 Objectives
This study has one broad objective and four specific ones.
1.2.1 Broad Objective
The main objective of this study is to delineate the contribution of women chamas to
cohesion building in Kenya with a specific focus on Bungoma County.
1.2.2 Specific Objectives
Specifically, the study seeks to:
i. Investigate the origins and forms of women chamas in Kenya
ii. Identify the activities and operations of women chamas in Bungoma County
iii. Examine the contribution of women groups in national cohesion
iv. Determine the challenges faced by women groups in promoting national
cohesion
1.2.3 Research Questions
1. How and why are women chamas formed?
2. What activities do women groups carry out?
3. How do the activities and operations of women chamas improve or
aggravate national unity?
4. What impedes these networks to optimally contribute to cohesion building
in the country?
1.3 Justification of the Study
This study has both policy and academic justifications.
1.3.1 Policy Justification
Since the end of the cold war, civil wars with ethnic undertones have become
endemic to many African countries and the continent has the highest incidence of
intense civil wars in the world. Nevertheless, up to now there has been relatively little
8
consideration of what social capital may mean in the context of ethnic differences and
what possibilities it may hold for the management of ethnic conflict and attention of
social cohesion. By applying a social capital analysis to the problem of violent
conflict, attention will be drawn to relations (vertical or horizontal) within networks
that can establish a foundation for coexistence. In so doing, the study will contribute
to a better understanding of how institutions can better serve to mitigate violent ethnic
conflict. Social capital refers to the institutions, relationships, and norms that shape
the quality and quantity of a society's social interactions.
The role of women in contributing to the building, maintenance and repair of
the social fabric is often disregarded in the public eye. And yet they are the primary
stewards of social cohesion, initially in the home (often tolerating inhumane levels of
abuse and neglect in order to buffer and protect their infants, children or loved ones),
(O’Connell-Higgins, 1994:50) and later in society at large. They face the hardest
challenges present in disheveled societies and carry the brunt of broken societies.
Moreover, women’s roles in society have throughout history been cohesive in
nature. In fact, when the red carpet is rolled up and the cameras turn off, it is civil
society, women organizations, and community groups that get down to the real
business of mending the social fabric (International Alert, 2001:4). This is remarkable
for Kenya where women are slightly more than half of the country’s population.
Involving women in cohesion building is essential for reconstituting political, legal,
cultural, economic and social structures so that they can deliver on gender equality
goals. Indeed, cohesion building may well offer the single greatest opportunity to
redress gender inequities and injustices of the past while setting new precedents for
the future.
9
This study ventures into an unploughed area with many conflict drivers such
as high and mixed cosmopolitanism, traditional delineation between ethnic groups i.e.
the Bukusu and the Sabaot, severe land conflicts, cross border factors due to its
proximity to Uganda with potential for fast development yet interred by disintegration
among its inhabitants.
1.3.2 Academic Justification
Most scholars such as Kevane have evaluated the role of women groups in
economic development of societies in Africa (Kevane, 2004:65). Esman, among
others, particularly focuses on the role of such groups in the harnessing of rural
development (Esman and Uphoff, 1984: 29). Some like Kamar (2001) have delved
into the benefits of women group activities to environmental well-being such as soil
conservation (Kamar, 2001:817-852). Others like Kaplan have examined the
contribution of women groups to the democratization process through the
development of civil society (Kaplan, 1997:104). A case in point is the part of women
movements in Kenya that Kabira et al expound on (Kabira and Nzioki, 1993:71). Yet
other scholars such as Nwoye have highlighted the role of women (not women
groups) in conflict resolution (Nwoye, 2008:47). However, there is lack of literature
on women groups in Kenya as regards their contribution to constituting national
cohesion. In fact, as a relatively new field, unmet demand and huge gaps persist in
knowledge on gender and cohesion building and in how it is created and used
intellectually, politically and in meeting practical needs. From management skills to
infrastructure, technical expertise to resources, capacity is lacking within women’s
institutions, and within and outside government and the multilateral system.
10
Therefore, this study builds into the academic debate about the benefits of women
social networks in advancing cohesive communities.
1.4 Operationalization of Terms
In order to organize the data selection of this study, it has been necessary to
adopt working definitions of social cohesion, women chamas and Counties.
Cohesion: The definition of cohesion in this study is adapted from Bryne (2005) and
NCIC (2014). It encompasses economic redistribution, trust, diversity management,
identity (belonging), participation and peace.
Women chamas: These are small voluntary association of women, preferably from
homogenous social and economic backgrounds. They come together for the purpose
of solving their common problems through self-help and mutual help. Such groups
may be registered or unregistered.
County: This is a territorial division of some countries, forming the chief unit of local
administration. The counties of Kenya are geographical units envisioned by the 2010
Constitution of Kenya as the units along which devolved government is created.
11
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction
This chapter examines literature related to local women networks and
cohesion building in Kenya. It also expounds on the theoretical framework as well as
the conceptual framework that will guide the study.
2.1 Literature Review
The Literature review is conceptualized under the objectives of the study and
particularly focuses on expounding on the theoretical background of cohesion by
looking into three contentious issues. These include the highly contested definition of
cohesion and whether cohesion is a cause or a consequence of aspects in economic,
political and social life. The section is finalized by providing an operational meaning
of cohesion for use in the study. The second section of the literature review
investigates role of women in the conflict – cohesion spectrum by focusing on three
core issues i.e. women as victims, women as combatants, women associated with
fighting forces and women as peace builders. The final section looks at the
controversies surrounding the reasons for joining local social networks, also referred
to as self-help groups. These are considered the pillars of this study.
2.1.1 Theoretical Perspectives on Cohesion and Integration
The theoretical acknowledgement of cohesion is the recognition that there
exists no region without conflict or contradiction where people live together or share
certain spaces. This makes cohesion alive to the fact that beyond fault lines in society
which translate tensions between communities, there is a supposition that societies
keep together, without a wisp of observable violence for a number of reasons
including shared identities, mutual dependence in economic and social terms, shared
12
symbols and sometimes shared history amongst others. These attributions can further
be made for those people or institutions that bridge between communities or between
those in and outside power.
Duncan (2007:3) attests to the difficulty of defining social cohesion, and goes
further to justify the strain of categorically identifying and affirming means by which
it is attained, considering that attributive tendencies are as diverse as the communities.
However, Duncan insists that the articulation of social cohesion is strongly definitive
of a nation and prescriptive of its citizens’ characteristics and beliefs. On the
alternative Duncan persists it may be weakly definitive of a national identity, where a
set of values is substituted. In totality Duncan asserts that social cohesion is
demonstrated by tolerance on multiculturalism (which puts a premium on diversity
and pluralism), loyalty and respect for the constitution or any other laws that are a
framework of social order. In context therefore he affirms that the concept of cohesion
is cast in the people’s way of political life, their management of the economic
continuum and the interpretation of social events which promote a sense of oneness or
belonging.
Social cohesion is not a new phenomenon and has concerned many experts
other than Duncan. Earlier scholars such as Emile Durkheim (1997:19) and Khuldun
by their respective work De La Division Du Travail and Asabiyah indicate that social
cohesion is a product emphasized by solidarity amongst groups of people towards a
unifying goal, which similarly harness power to promote broader social integration.
Researchers acknowledge the homonymy and usage of the word cohesion in many
disciplines such as political science, computer science, chemistry, geology and
linguistics. In Chemistry, cohesion is the intermolecular attraction between like-
molecules while in computer science it is a measure of how well the lines of source
13
code within a module work together. In geology, cohesion refers to the part of shear
strength that is independent of the normal effective stress in mass movements and in
Linguistics; it refers to the linguistic elements that make a discourse semantically
coherent. However, in making it relational, social cohesion scholars have remanded it
to imply the glue that binds people in group or community relations (largely used in
social policy).
In order to apportion contributions towards actualization of social cohesion
Jenson (1998:32) with support from Jeannotte (2000:70) make case for the need to
measure it. They do this by presenting indicators or factors that include; social
cohesion as participation and solidarity; cohesion as trust; cohesion manifesting as
cultural and ethnic homogeneity; cohesion as social inclusion, which is ascribed to by
level of access to educational, financial, economic as well as health facilities. As
scholars grapple with the measurability of social cohesion, Gross and Martin (1952:
554) argue that social cohesion is not measurable as it is based on an individual’s
attitudes about how attractive a group is to them personally. Such attitudes are the
proximate cause of the persons’ decision to remain in or depart from a group.
In contrast, Paul Bernard (2000:12) sees social cohesion as a quasi-concept or
hybrid because it has two faces. On the one hand, it is based on an analysis of the data
of the situation, which allows it to be relatively realistic and to benefit from the aura
of legitimacy conferred by the scientific method while on the other, there is a
vagueness that makes the term adaptable to various situations, flexible enough to
follow the meanderings and necessities of political actions from day to day.
In stimulating what Bernard has proclaimed, Berkman and Kawachi (2000:
179) observe that social cohesion refers to two broader intertwined features of society:
the absence of latent conflict whether in the form of income/wealth inequality,
14
racial/ethnic tensions, disparities in political participation, or other forms of
polarization; and the presence of strong social bonds-measured by levels of trust and
norms of reciprocity, the abundance of associations that bridge social divisions (civic
society) and the presence of institutions of conflict management, e.g., responsive
democracy, an independent judiciary, and an independent media. Johann Galtung
(1996:5) had earlier observed, just like Berkman et al. that violence has three basic
social and economic phenomena: exclusion, inequality, and indignity.
Social cohesion is a dynamic concept and practice as is demonstrated by the
Government of Canada’s Policy Research Sub-Committee on Social Cohesion, which
looks at it as an ongoing process of developing a community of shared values, shared
challenges and equal opportunities within Canada, based on a sense of trust, hope and
reciprocity among all Canadians. Similarly, the working group of the Commissariat
général du Plan of the French government defines social cohesion as a set of social
processes that help instill in individuals the sense of belonging to the same
community and the feeling that they are recognized as members of that community
(OECD, 2011: 65). This point of view had been affirmed earlier by Moreno and
Jennings’ (1937: 361) view that social cohesion refers to the forces holding the
individuals within the groupings in which they are.
The myriad perspectives of the concept take the lenses of Ubuntu in Africa,
where the philosophy espouses that an individual only exists in relation to a
community: ‘I am, because we are, and since we are, therefore I am’ (Mbiti, 1970:50).
This philosophy brings with it values of mutuality and shared humanity. Ubuntu is
seen either as a means of achieving social cohesion or as the condition of cohesion
itself – where there is Ubuntu there is cohesion and integration. In Kenya, the
National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC, 2014) has defined cohesion
15
by using six attributes. These include prosperity, equity, peace, diversity, identity and
trust. While the international level focuses on cohesion between immigrants and
locals, in Kenya cohesion is between the different ethnic, racial and religious groups.
The study concurs with Paul Bernard that cohesion in a quasi-concept that can be
measured scientifically by manipulating certain variables but also appreciates the
fluidity of its content in terms of the perceptions of the community members about
their group dynamics.
This debate is important to the study because it provides an opportunity for the
researcher to select an operational definition of social cohesion and allow for the
development of possible indicators making it scientifically measureable. Secondly,
this debate significantly allows the researcher to develop appropriate tools for data
collection and methodology for analysis as well as generate relevant corroborative
areas (themes) upon which the concept of social cohesion can either be affirmed or
disapproved.
2.1.2 Social Cohesion: Cause or Consequence?
There is no unanimous position on whether social cohesion is a cause or a
consequence of other aspects of social, economic and political life. For some analysts
and policy-makers, the condition of social cohesion in any polity is an independent
variable, generating outcomes. For others, social cohesion (or the lack thereof) is the
dependent variable, the result of actions in one or more realms.
This school of thought is further tested by Spencer, Anderson and Rogaly
(2007:106) who assert that cohesion must be looked at as the cause and not a
consequence of harmony, warning that the outcome may be a replication of the
society of Britain that in spite of having had in place a Race Relations’ Policy since
16
1960, a new phenomenon of residential segregation gave rise to the urgency of
nipping animosities generated by interactions that are not meaningful, for the fact that
the scenario advanced “parallel lives.”
Several authors document a strong causal linkage from social cohesion to
macroeconomic performance, using proxy indicators of social cohesion such as trust
and willingness to cooperate. According to Osberg (2003:14), one of the mechanisms
by which social cohesion can enhance growth is via reducing transaction costs
incurred in making economic exchanges, such as information gathering,
communications, and contract enforcement. Similarly, Fukuyama (1995:86) suggests
that social cohesion reduces transaction costs in a society by reducing the need for
defensive actions against risk and by improving political and labour stability. Kikaya
(2003:5) argues that it also reduces threats against which defense costs would be
spared.
Then again, Amadiume (1988:167) contends that women possess greater
strength, focus and resolve when faced with a unifying call, beyond issues of
economic exploitation and exploration. They tend to create, mobilize and amass
resources from limited sources or hitherto unknown ones in order to facilitate a
course. It has been observed that most of the courses that women amass resources for
are coined around public interest or communal benefits, and women find justification
to undertake actions which reduce effects of such courses to the general public or
community. In demonstrating this assertion Amadiume picks an example of the Igbo
community in Nigeria and states that women solidarity is anchored on the ideology of
motherhood. This ideology, Amadiume affirms is a duality as it represents women’s
contribution to cohesion both as a cause and consequences of the events in a
community. Further Amadiume asserts that women mobilize resources in to mass
17
action through a process of self-suppression and self-sacrifice that are synonymously
aggressive concepts that are meant to competitively retain the sanity and social order
in the community.
In adding value to the works of Amadiume, White (2003:34) reviews the role
of women in the Algerian revolutionary struggle as well as gender differences
between African women and men are acknowledged. Though Fanon’s mental
representation of women struggles is structured by the “male” thinking (male lenses),
White applauds the recognition of women’s self-defense and militancy in search of
public peace, which they consider a prerogative that is derived from sustaining
motherhood.
Stanley and Smeltzer (1999:231) contend that social cohesion improves
productivity by reducing employee social dysfunction, thereby increasing satisfaction
and promoting the development of new ideas. In addition, they posit that social
cohesion enhances growth by facilitating collective action. It is also argued that the
absence of social cohesion hinders economic growth via capital disaccumulation
through destruction of physical infrastructure, and the brain drain in conflict
situations.
A study by Wilkinson (1996:109) examines the relationship between income
inequalities and health in communities. Wilkinson argues that it is not the richest
societies that have the best health outcomes, but those that have the smallest income
differences between the rich and the poor. Thus, Wilkinson shows that social cohesion
is crucial to the quality of life. Similarly, Phipps (2003:79) observes that mortality and
ill health increase as social cohesion in a community decreases and that children of
poor single mothers enjoy better health if they live in stable supportive
neighborhoods.
18
This therefore draws the attention of the study to the presence of negative and
positive effects of socially cohesive societies. On positive effects of socially cohesive
neighborhoods that have extensively been studied by other researchers, there is
consensus that “collective efficacy” (defined as social cohesion among neighbors)
combined with a willingness to intervene on behalf of the common good is linked to
reduced violence (Sampson et al, 1997:918). There is need to study women’s
networks with a view of finding out whether there is a possibility of ‘collective
efficacy’ among Kenyan women.
Social cohesion is also a consequence of several antecedents. Sumarto S., A.
Suryahidi and L. Pritchett (2003:1257) argue that the provision of security of access
to livelihoods and basic services is critical to social norms around social cohesion. In
the context of a contemporary view of citizenship, the guarantee of livelihoods is
accompanied by a degree of guarantee of certain basic services. The role of education
for instance is notable, as primary education has been, at least since the establishment
of the Napoleonic model in France, a key instrument for building a common national
identity. Other key social provision—health, pensions—tend to be central elements of
what is often termed a social contract. As is noted by OECD, rising income inequality
is a warning bell to policy makers that social cohesion is at risk. Inequality can
hamper further growth, breed social resentment, and generate political instability by
fuelling populist and protectionist sentiments (OECD, 2011:94).
In conclusion, Bernard’s argument, which has since been made by other
researchers, is that social cohesion can be both an independent variable and a
dependent variable (Bernard, 2000:18). In other words, social cohesion can cause
good societal outcomes, but those outcomes can also be a consequence of social
cohesion (or in this case, policies that promote social cohesion). For example, a state
19
may have in place a variety of policies and programs to promote social and economic
equality. If these policies are effective, the substantive outcome will be citizens who
feel included in the life of their communities. If they are not, large portions of that
population may feel excluded, posing a threat to the cohesion of that society or
community. Similarly, the legitimacy of political, social and economic institutions, as
established by constitution, rule of law or tradition, frequently dictates the degree of
political, social and economic participation by individuals within the society as had
been ascertained by Duncan (2007:91) earlier on mentioned. If political institutions
are not viewed as legitimate, large numbers of citizens may withdraw their support.
Withdrawal from the political and social spheres manifests itself in a variety of
behaviors, such as low voter turnout and falling volunteerism rates that are frequently
considered to have negative consequences for social cohesion.
The thesis of this study heavily reads from the findings of Hewstone (2007:61)
who emphasizes that lack of social contact does matter in addressing social cohesion,
an assertion revealed in a research that looked at the relationship between Catholics
and Protestants in Ireland. Where these set of people interacted there was reduced
mistrust and increased empathy while levels of animosity and suspicion were higher
where there was no interaction between the groups. In support of Hewstone’s findings
is the work of Putnam (2000:10) who affirms the need to create opportunities for
meaningful interactions across ethnic lines and foster positive relations amid the
“fleeting and superficial” kinds of contact that are the daily stuff of urban existence.
This thesis therefore, is of the opinion that women networks are a holistic
representation of the “meaningful interactions” which establishes binding pillars of
cohesion through the various activities or focuses they undertake, as adduced by
Sumarto et al. (2003:1270).
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2.1.3 Role of Women in the Conflict-Cohesion Spectrum
On a spectrum, violent conflict is at the left end while social cohesion is at the
right end. However, linear thinking has been criticized as menial because violent
conflict itself may generate cohesion. Nevertheless, if upheld, the role of women on
this spectrum is dynamic. From the left, women do not always retain their civilian
status during wars—they are increasingly likely to participate either as combatants or
as women associated with fighting forces (WAFF), who provide logistical and
economic support for the fighters. For example, it is estimated that between 25,000
and 30,000 women participated in the Liberian conflict in one of these capacities
(Kieh, 2008: 82).
In addition Legat-Smith (1995:41) avers that some women adopt an active
role—serving on the front lines of the conflict. Their reasons for doing so often
include “protecting themselves from sexual violence, avenging the death of family
members, because of peer pressure, or for material gain and for survival.” In fact
Legat-Smith describes how educated women leaders were among the organizers of
the genocide in Rwanda and how Hutu peasant women were coerced into killing their
Tutsi neighbors.
Otieno (1998:35) epitomizes the works of Kieh, but goes further to
demonstrate the capacity of women to transcend ethnic and cultural as well religious
boundaries when addressing issues of conflict on the one hand and cohesion on the
other. In the delicate debate or balance on ethnic relations, Otieno represents women
as agents of cohesion who supersede negative stereotypes, by marrying men from
ethnicities that are foreign, away from their own, thus typifying self-suppression. In
addition, even when attempting to keep cohesion in circumstances threatening their
wellbeing, women demonstrate self-sacrifice in occupying space which tends to
21
accommodate diverse groups, as revealed by the case of SM Otieno, in which
Wambui stayed off the burial of her husband for the interest of common good, in spite
her loss.
In demystifying the role of women in cohesion building, Otieno speaks of the
gamut that defines women’s victimization in conflict situations as being wide noting
that it manifests in different ways. However what cannot be discounted is their
vulnerability, magnitude notwithstanding in whichever context that victimization
occurs. Without demeaning the impact of her loss during the protracted battle to bury
the remains of her husband in accordance to his will, Otieno speaks of the varied
victimization that occurs to women including disinheritance, rape and sexual violence
in other scenarios. What is most degrading, Muteshi et al (2003: 117) notes, is the fact
these actions directed at women are meant to humiliate an opponent party and in the
same vein reduce the chances of increasing ethnic numbers of a specific ethnic group
if it is a situation of war. On the flip side of the matter, even in this kind of very
mortifying situation, women still inspire and rally support from the very members of
society for whom they suffer to work in a unity to defeat the “perceived perpetrators.
In demonstrating the victimization of women, Organization for African
Unity’s International Panel of Experts (OAU/IPEP) revealed that during the 1994
Rwandan genocide, between 250,000 and 500,000 women are thought to have been
raped. It was emphasized that “practically every female over the age of 12 who
survived the genocide was raped” during the course of conflict. Not only did such
widespread sexual violence result in profound physical and psychological trauma, but
the HIV prevalence rate in Rwanda also dramatically increased from 1 percent prior
to the conflict in 1994 to 11 percent by 1997, with higher rates still persisting among
women (at 11.3 percent) rather than men (at 10.8 percent).
22
Liberia Women Peacemakers (2004:91) note that women are also more likely
than men during a civil war to be displaced, experience food insecurity and to lose
traditional social networks. For instance, in the Liberian conflict, half of the state’s
population was uprooted—and women and children generally account for 80 percent
of the refugees the refugee population. Further, such massive displacement has deep
psychological effects, as it is a traumatic experience, with women feeling increasingly
isolated while still shouldering the burden of providing for themselves and their
dependents without the aid of former social networks.
Amadiume, (1988:157) reading from the works of Henderson (1972) asserts
that women are a duality in many aspects, first in the conceptualization of who they
are, as wives as outsiders and daughters as insiders; conflict drivers and peace
builders; family holders and society pillars; further, they assume the roles of victims
which is boldly pronounced and victors that is softly presented. Based on this
Amadiume maintains that women solidarity despite the conspicuous societal
segregation tend to outwit the limitations presented by their “stranger-ness,” in seeing
to achieve specific goals through effective mass action. In the current Kenyan
dispensation, Ayaga (2014) observed that women residing in areas where a high
uptake of alcohol by men threatens the institution of the family, women tend to re-
group and invest in some mass action without making reference to differences which
are represented by their ethnicities or station of life.
On the contrary, Mitullah (1994) women can promote social ties and unity but
they are not often included in formal efforts to resolve conflicts and build peace.
However, the participation of women represents a potential opportunity to bridge
seemingly insurmountable divides and also to incorporate actors from civil society
and the family, rather than the battlefield, for the purposes of creating sustainable
23
peace. Women are often key players in non-governmental organizations (NGOs),
popular protests and other grassroots movements, empowering them in civil society
and allowing them to inspire societal change and support sustainable peace.
Therefore, it is worthwhile to examine the ways in which women are incorporated
into, or excluded from, the process of building peace and whether the level of female
involvement can impact the success and longevity of that peace.
Kanogo (2005:27) puts the role of women as agents of sustainable change into
perspective. By noting that women surmount socio-cultural, economic and political
challenges in order to have an agenda of cohesion realized even if it entails the
pronunciation of their secondary recognition; Kanogo establishes the resilience
displayed by them in circumventing difficult terrain dominated by patriarchal
structures. By further stating the solidarity expressed by them even in conditions
which are dehumanizing, Kanogo demonstrates the ability of women’s soft power to
direct the outcome of a course in the interest of humanity.
The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 codified the expansion
of the role of women in U.N. field-based operations to better respond to the needs of
women in post conflict societies and also to provide a more solid foundation for
peace. However, the role of local women in the decision-making process is still
marginal, particularly in formal peace negotiations and also in many of the new
political institutions that are created after civil war. This is despite women’s unique
strengths in forming coalitions across the divides created during civil war and the
disproportionate amount of violence perpetrated against them in the course of conflict.
Although women are not inherently peaceful as they too have the potential for
violence and are capable of participating alongside male combatants in brutal conflict,
the literature in this section reinforces the hypothesis that they can contribute towards
24
cohesion building in the country. This is because they are still more likely to use the
skills and networks they developed during conflict to promote reintegration in the
aftermath, pushing for peace from within their movements (Amadiume, 1988:17).
This literature emphasizes two important facts; that women are a duality,
agents of cohesion and models of conflict; they can act as insiders (from the very
thread of being daughters) as well as outsiders (through the thread of being wives). In
both scenarios, women are presented as fighting for a big course, mostly protecting
society (children and men) from harm. This is either done through observable means
(outward power) or by soft power. Secondly, it acknowledges that women’s role in
cohesion building has not been scrutinized comprehensively, thus providing this study
with an opportunity to interrogate the contributions they make for this course.
Looking at the conflict between Turkana and Pokot communities, Lorupe (2013:6)
denotes that women occupy a special place, though guided by fear, mistrust and
“mistaken loyalties” in war scenarios, for one basic reason; their duality (daughters
and wives). Lorupe cautions that although women are considered most vulnerable
whenever violent activities occur, by not interrogating and ascertaining their
participation in sustaining conflict, where they honour their men’s trophies of
violence (wealth by cattle), the debate of women’s role in cohesion building cannot be
comprehensive.
Wangamati (2012:108) acknowledges that women in the Sabaot Community
were considered as people who belonged to the world and were denied any
meaningful opportunity to participate in peace building initiatives in the community.
This action undermined their contribution to cohesion building in the community.
Unfortunately, by denying women this opportunity, Wangamati decries the shutting
out of an academic discourse that would have interrogated or studied their (women’s)
25
objective involvement in matters of cohesion. Wangamati attributes this scenario
partly to the duality of women, daughters and wives, which breeds a lot of mistrust
(being people of the world and cannot be trusted with family secrets). On the other
hand, Wangamati avows that the drive to form women networks was a soft statement
declaring independence (in a space of self-respect) for women, as earlier on attributed
to by Moore (1989), and secondly a demonstration of inclusive propagation of
societal interest. Least, Wangamati notes had the network building intended to severe
relationships from the very institutions that women were yoked on.
The debate of independence and the drive to hold a society together is also
propagated by Imam (2005:51) who asserts that women though carrying a lot of
goodwill and potential to mobilize or draw people to a common cause still face
challenges which are entrenched in political, religious, social and cultural structures
that sometimes impede their participation even in economic matters. Through the
struggles of women of the Islamic faith trying to become Imams, and seeking to be
allowed the opportunity to lead prayers in mosques, Imam demonstrates the difficulty
that women go through. Imam assigns disinterest amongst women to rock or
destabilize the cohesion status in the Muslim community as the reason guiding
application of soft strategies. Imam shares moments of victory where in 2004, a 20
year old Maryam Mirza delivered the second half of the Eid al-Fitr khutbah at the
Etobicoke mosque in Toronto, Canada, run by the United Muslim Association. Not
long after, in the same mosque, Yasmin Shadeer led the night 'Isha prayer with her
congregants includes men and women. This is the first recorded occasion in
contemporary times where a woman led a congregation in prayer in a mosque. The
United Muslim Association is determined to continue this practice of having women
delivering the khutbah and leading the salah. Although Imam (2005: 57) notes that
26
during the same period of time women who tried this in Bahrain met resistance and
were even arrested and charged. In an aborted attempt of a woman delivering a
Jumu'ah khutbah, Bahraini police arrested a 40-year old woman in 2004 for trying to
deliver the khutbah at one of the biggest mosques in the island state. The incident took
place on the last Friday of Ramadan. The would-be khatib was wearing full male
dress with an artificial beard and moustache. The mosque was packed with 7,000
worshippers. When sat on the minbar just before she was to deliver the khutbah, some
worshippers realized that the new imam was a woman in disguise. They and the
mosque's imam, Sheikh Adnan Al-Qattan, handed her over to the police.
This literature which has looked at four important dimensions including
economic, political, cultural and religious provide insight on the challenges women
face in their quest to undertake cohesive assignments. It has afforded the researcher an
opportunity to underscore the motivations which inspire women in to Chamas. In
reading the literature more keenly, the researcher has noted that the duality of women
when put in appropriate perspective offers more opportunities for cohesion, owing to
the fact that, women as wives will protect and propagate interests of their adopted
communities. On the hand, they will also not wish to lose their link to their “daughter-
hood.” Secondly the researcher notes that although women establish chamas, they
have the least interest to secede from their institutions/family either by marriage or
parentage, even the drive is to seek some form of autonomy. Their actions were
affirmed by Wangamati (2012:109) and Imam (2005:53) and are ingrained in the
holistic improvement of the society they belong to, and therefore very imprudent to
consider them as people with no permanence (people of the world). It was earlier
noted that women attend to disasters and trauma in a more objective way, a response
that is attributed to their ability to debrief each other. The researcher is convinced that
27
women exploit and enjoy the benefits of what Putnam (2005:32) has referred to as
“meaningful Interactions or contact” created by the chamas. This provides them with
quality time together and allows for fostering of long lasting positive ties as opposed
to the superficial and fleeting times that other members of the society especially men
offer each other, as is ascertained by Vertovec (2007:19).
2.1.4 Motivations for Joining Women Networks
This sub-section investigates individual motives to participate in networks.
The interrogation in the literature about local networks has arisen from a growing
appreciation of their flexibility, multi-purpose, multi-dimensional role in both
economic and social life. One of the most surprising features of self-help groups, a
major form of local networking, is their prevalence. They are found worldwide and in
countries with vastly different levels of economic development. Ardener and Burman
(1995:67) document the prevalence of the groups in Asia, Latin America, the
Caribbean, and Africa. Self-help group participation is particularly high in Africa.
Estimates suggest that in 1986, 50 percent of the adult population in the Congo
belonged to one, while participation ranged from 50 to 95 percent in many rural areas
in Liberia, Ivory Coast, Togo, and Nigeria (Ardener and Burman, 1995: 337). A
sample of 115 households in central Kenya showed that 45 percent were participating
in a self-help group (Kimuyu, 1999: 1299).
Some scholars have argued that women participate more in local networking
as opposed to men. For instance, Johnson (2004:1355) demonstrates why Rotating
Savings and Credit Associations (ROSCAs) are used mainly by women in her study.
She shows that women’s income streams in Central Kenya are smaller than those of
men but constant. Men receive bigger, but less regular lump sums. Thus women’s
income streams were better suited for saving in ROSCAs. Another explanation why
28
men were not able to make use of the ROSCA device was the fact that they were
responsible for buying agricultural inputs and school fees which have to be paid at
certain times of the year. ROSCAs were not very useful for these purposes because
members can get their pots anytime of the year and not necessarily when they need it.
She argues that women use ROSCAs more than men due to the existence of the
informal sanctions that are used against non-performers such as naming and shaming
or visiting the members homestead if he/she has not paid, which are much more
effective towards women than men (Johnson, 2004:1355).
Besley, Coate, and Loury (1993:792) suggest that individuals join self-help
groups to finance the purchase of an indivisible durable good, taking advantage of the
gains from intertemporal trade between individuals. Although Gugerty (2007:251)
contradicts this point of view by showing that it is not uncommon to use the pot for
various different purposes, she upholds the motive of joining networks as economic.
Individuals might also form self-help groups in order to provide each other
with insurance, particularly in a setting such as rural Kenya where formal markets for
insurance are virtually non-existent. In addition, people join groups as they help in
coping with unexpected emergencies. Johnson (2004:1363) underlines the flexibility
involved in ROSCAs when people can swap turns if they have a particular need either
by agreement with the group as a whole or with other individuals, or the ROSCA may
have a welfare fund attached to it to provide additional support in times of need, or
members may simply make additional contributions to assist someone in need.
On the contrary, Gugerty (2007: 254) proposes an alternative hypothesis for
participation in self-help groups: saving requires self-discipline, and these outfits
provide a collective mechanism for individual self-control in the presence of time-
inconsistent preferences and in the absence of alternative commitment technologies.
29
Another motivation of joining local networks is to socialize and meet friends,
demonstrating the strong importance of the social dimension of these mechanisms.
The social and cultural reasons for joining groups are surprisingly important but have
not been acknowledged by most writers except anthropologists. This section shows
that primary motivations of joining networks are economic.
2.2 Theoretical Framework
This study uses as its guide three theoretical frameworks i.e. the social exchange
theory, the social network theory whose precursors include J. Barnes, Émile
Durkheim and Ferdinand Tönnies of the 80s and the functionalist theory proposed by
August Comte.
2.2.1 Social Exchange Theory
Social exchange theory explains social change and stability as a process of
negotiated exchanges between parties. It posits that human relationships are formed
by the use of a subjective cost-benefit analysis and the comparison of alternatives
(Roloff, 1981: 48). In other words, social behaviour is the result of an exchange
process the purpose of this exchange being to maximize benefits and minimize costs.
According to this theory, people weigh the potential benefits and risks of social
relationships. Eventually when the risks outweigh the rewards, people will terminate
or abandon the relationship. In social exchange, self-interest is not a negative thing;
rather, when self-interest is recognized, it will act as the guiding force of interpersonal
relationships for the advancement of both parties’ self-interest" (West & Turner,
2007: 192). Additionally, the basis of the exchange theory is that individuals establish
and continue social relations on the basis of their expectations that such relations will
be mutually advantageous.
30
In all relationships, one has to give and take. In view of the formation of
women groups this principle can be used to explain the bond that exists between the
individual women in the groups. This is in relation to the expectation that they have
on one another. A case in point is the revolving funds or better known as merry go
round where all the members are expected to contribute equally for the good of all.
When a women joins a women chama, it is presumed that the benefits of her
membership are more than the costs accruing on the same.
One of the basic tenets of SET is that relationships evolve over time into
trusting, loyal, and mutual commitments. To do so, parties must abide by certain
“rules” of exchange. Rules of exchange form a “normative definition of the situation
that forms among or is adopted by the participants in an exchange relation” (Emerson,
1976: 351). The women chamas put in place rules and regulations that guide all the
members of the group. In fact, in instances where members breach some of the
regulations, the chama has instituted sanctions that can be effectively lodged against
them.
Blau and Schwartz (1984: 93) maintained that the basic and most crucial
distinction between social and economic exchanges is that social exchange entails
unspecified obligations. He argued that only social exchange involves favors that
create future obligations whose nature of the return cannot be bargained and only
social exchange tends to engender feelings of personal obligations, gratitude, and
trust; purely economic exchange as such does not. Blau and Schwartz (1984: 94) also
argued that the benefits involved in social exchange do not have an exact price in
terms of a single quantitative medium of exchange, implying that social exchanges
create enduring social patterns.
31
The description of social exchange depicts the interactions that occur within
women chamas. This shows that even in micro-credit women groups, there are no
economic exchanges as their interaction creates feelings of personal obligations
through the instituted guidelines and the threat of reciprocity if a member does not
comply with the guidelines.
2.2.2 Social Network Theory
The social network theory contends that a social structure is made up of
individuals or organizations called ‘nodes’, which are tied by one or more specific
types of interdependency, such as friendship, kinship, common interest, financial
exchange, dislike, sexual relationships, or relationships of beliefs, knowledge or
prestige (Burt, 1992:50). Nodes are the individual actors within the networks, and ties
are the relationships between the actors. The Women groups in Kenya vindicate this
assertion because the individuals in a group are tied by a common goal ranging from
financial exchange to knowledge generation and sharing. Some groups have more
than one tie.
The theory holds that social networks operate on many levels, from families up to
the level of nations, and play a critical role in determining the way problems are
solved, organizations are run, and the degree to which individuals succeed in
achieving their goals (Carrington, 2005:256). A classic example in Kenya is the
multiplicity of women groups who operate at local level yet some have joined to form
the Grassroots Organizations Operating Together in Sisterhood (GROOTS)
organization that operates at national level.
Just like SET, this theory posits that the network can also be used to measure
social capital i.e. the value that an individual gets from the social network. The power
of social network theory stems from its difference from traditional sociological
32
studies, which assume that it is the attributes of individual actors, whether they are
friendly or unfriendly, smart or dumb etc., that matter. Social network theory
produces an alternate view, where the attributes of individuals are less important than
their relationships and ties with other actors within the network (Freeman, 2006:38).
Despite leaving less room for individual agency and the ability for individuals to
influence their success, this approach helps examine the contribution of groups and
their structures to increasing cohesiveness within the community. Consequently, this
theory is best suited to guide this study since its assumptions relate with the main
hypotheses of the research.
2.2.3 Functionalism
Alternatively, functionalism theory is a multi-disciplinary paradigm which sees
society as a structure with symbiotic parts. Indeed, functionalism is the oldest and
dominant theoretical perspective in society and is based on the organic analogy that
was propounded by Auguste Comte and extended and popularized by Herbert
Spencer. The organic analogy which this theory assumes states that all the parts of the
social system (read society) like the part of a human body have a fit or function that
connect to the whole (Turner, 1991:70). This explicitly implies that when one part of
the system changes the change will influence other parts of the system.
Functionalism theory addresses the society as a whole in terms of functions of its
constituent elements or sub-functions. In other words, functionalism theory views
shared societal norms, values and institutions as the basis of peace building initiatives
– they are the agents that glue the society together. The theory attempts to explain
why certain institutions exist in society by trying to ascertain their purpose and
respective functions for example what is the role of women in a societal system?
Certainly, social scientists have used this perspective to explain why society
33
institutions such as the family take certain form or structure within a given society.
The theory is premised on the assumption that for something to exist it must have a
purpose and it must play a pivotal functions that seeks to create peace. Basing on this
assumption we pose to ask why women institutions exist do. What manifest and
latent functions do they play to maintain societal peace? This theory thus provides the
foundations through which these questions will be answered.
From the above explanation, it is imperative to note that functionalism primarily
deals with large societal units in the case of this study, women and women institutions
and it attempts to understand how these units are interrelated and how they contribute
to systems of cohesion and integration. The theory proceeds from the premise that
these units strive to maintain a balance, order, equilibrium and peace. Therefore, the
theory provides the road map for the understanding of how women or women
institutions as functional institutions have contributed to national cohesion, that is,
how have women chamas contributed to the function of keeping society bonded in
solidarity with each other?
34
2.3 Conceptual Framework
The role played by women groups in promoting cohesion.
Figure 1: The Role Played by Women Groups in Cohesion Building
Source: Researcher
• Education • Social Support
• Loans/grants • IGAs
• Savings
• Participation in local governance
Diversity Management
Trust Peace
Networking Self Confidence Awareness
Creation
Women Groups
Income Living standards Food, Clothing
and Shelter
Equitable Distribution of Resources
Community Resilience
Democracy
National Cohesion
35
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
This chapter describes and explains the methodology deployed in this study and
the philosophical foundation which informed the choice of methods. Besides
introducing the research design used, the chapter also highlights the characteristics of
the study area, stipulates the target population, the sample size and sampling
procedures, the research instruments as well as data collection and analysis
procedures that were employed.
3.1 Research Design
The study uses descriptive research design which offers the opportunity for
participants to describe the subject of study in their own words and to do so largely on
their own conditions. It describes what is, and is concerned with the condition or
relationships that exist; practices that prevail; processes that are ongoing, or trends
that are developing (Manuel and Mendel, 1990:91). Relatively, the method is
appropriate to this study since it aims to describe the contributions made by women
chamas to cohesion building.
Two types of data were used i.e. primary and secondary data. Primary data was
derived from the answers respondents gave in the self-administered questionnaire
which was only in English. Given the low literacy levels and impediments of
understanding the questions, field assistants were employed to read out and at times
explain the questionnaire. Three assistants in every constituency were trained on the
items in the questionnaire and responses of the pilot were shared with them to give
them a guideline of what sought of responses could be elicited by the different
questions. In addition, the information obtained from semi structured in-depth
36
interviews and focus group discussions also provided primary research data that
supported the study. The responses were entered per individual respondent to avoid
losing vital differences in responses between the members of the same group.
Secondary data was derived from the findings stated in published documents
and literatures related to the research problem. These were based on recent literature
related to women networks, social capital, cohesion and integration and Kenya’s
history. Literature that was utilized in this study included published books, reports,
journal papers, unpublished reports, records from the Social Services Sub-County
department, reports of the Community Development Assistants (CDAs) in the Social
Services department, publications by national women groups such as GROOTS,
women group minutes and reports among others.
In terms of approach, the study employed both qualitative and quantitative
approaches. The quantitative approach encompassed the survey method. The
interviews and discussions made up the qualitative approach of the study as this
focused on personal accounts, observations, description and individual insights of the
respondents. This study employed the combined approaches so as to overcome the
limitations of both approaches when used individually. These include the inadequacy
of questionnaires to understand some information such as changes in emotions,
behavior and feelings, the loss of information occasioned by the reduction of data to
numbers and the possibility that untested for variables may account for impact.
Qualitative research is heavily dependent on the individual skills of the researcher and
is more influenced by the researcher’s personal biases and idiosyncrasies. It is also
time consuming given the volume of data that is rendered to analysis and issues of
anonymity and confidentiality can present problems when presenting findings (Jwan
37
and Ong’ondo, 2011:16). The mixed methods approach was adopted in this study
because the dependent variable i.e. social cohesion is both measurable (Jenson, 1998)
and fluid (Gross and Martin, 1952). Therefore, the study employed qualitative
approaches to harness the measurable parts of the concept and the qualitative
approach to understand in depth the fluidity of perceptions and experiences towards
the concept.
3.2 Study Area
The study was carried out in Bungoma County. Bungoma County has a
population of 1,630,934 people (Census 2009). The County is home to nine
constituencies namely Bumula, Kanduyi, Kimilili, Sirisia, Webuye, Kabuchai,
Tongaren, Bokoli and Mt. Elgon. The County is predominantly occupied by the
Bukusu, Saboat, Teso and Tachoni in addition to minority ethnic groups like the
Kikuyu, Luo, Kisii, Kalenjin and Asians who form a bigger percentage among the
minority ethnic groups.
Figure 2: Map of Kenya Indicating Location of Bungoma
38
3.3 Target Population
Mugenda and Mugenda (2003:37) refer to population as an aggregate or totality
of all objects, subjects or members that conform to a set of specifications. The
population of this study encompasses all women in Bungoma County. Nevertheless,
the women were categorized into two sets for purposes of triangulation (the third
being secondary data review).
First is all registered women network members whose groups are formed for
whatever purpose in Bungoma County. The eligibility criteria for the networks in this
study is that:
• The group should have above ten women
• The group should be meeting regularly
• The group should be engaged in at least one collective activity
• The members of the group must be residents of Bungoma County
Secondly, women who are currently not members of any women group.
According to the Housing and Population Census of 2009, there are 715,032
women in Bungoma County. In addition, information from the Social Development
Office in Bungoma as of March 2014 affirms that there are 957 women groups in
Bungoma County. This is progressive from the 850 women groups identified by
Govedi (2012:16).
3.4 Sampling Procedure and Sample Size
The process of selecting a portion of the population to represent the entire
population is known as sampling. Obtaining data from the population of all women
networks in Bungoma County and all government officials as well as analyzing and
39
interpreting vast amounts of data would have been impossible to accomplish within
the time constraints and with the limited financial resources which are available for
conducting this research.
Cluster sampling was used on the basis of geography. This is because
geographically dispersed population can be expensive to survey. Greater efficiency
than simple random sampling can be achieved by treating several respondents within
a local area as a cluster. Each constituency in Bungoma County shall be a cluster, i.e.
Mt. Elgon, Kimilili, Webuye, Sirisia, Kanduyi, Tongaren, Kabuchai, Bokoli and
Bumula.
Then, probability proportionate sampling was used to ensure that the probability
of selecting any cluster varies with its size giving larger clusters a greater probability
of selection and smaller ones a lower probability. The sizes of the named
constituencies therefore allow the study to select Mt. Elgon, Kimilili and Kanduyi
constituencies.
The study uses Yamane’s 1967 formula to obtain a sample size of the women
respondents.
Where: n = sample size
N = population e = the error of percentage points
Therefore: n = 715,032 = 400
1 + 715,032 (0.05)2
40
Johnson (2004:8) observed that 66% of women in Kenya belong to a merry go
round. Therefore, of the sample identified, 264 should belong to a women group and
136 will be women who do not belong to any women group.
The study then used non-probability sampling which saves time and cost, while
allowing the researcher to closely investigate the matter in question. This study used
snow-balling to identify the sample. In research, snowball sampling (or chain
sampling, chain-referral sampling, referral sampling) is a non-probability sampling
technique where existing study subjects recruit future subjects from among their
acquaintances (Morgan, 2008:816). Thus the sample group appears to grow like a
rolling snowball. The pre-assumption is that the participants are likely to know others
who share the characteristics that make them eligible for inclusion in the study. Since
the main criteria for eligibility in the research will be that the groups meet regularly
and are engaged in a group–based activity, snowball sampling will be employed to
identify other groups. This technique has been used due to the fact that most of the
active groups are not registered and therefore there are no lists or other obvious
sources for locating them.
3.5 Research Instruments
This study used different data gathering instruments to obtain information about
the subject. This included in-depth interviews, self-administered questionnaires,
observation and library technique.
An initial self-administered questionnaire was given to members belonging to
women networks in Nairobi. The questionnaire evolved after being piloted with
members of women self-help groups in Nairobi County, which was not part of the
sample. Bell (1999:46) provides sound common-sense advice on designing and
41
administering questionnaires. The questionnaire was designed to be quick and easy to
complete, with several questions involving a choice of tick boxes, with a minimum
amount of written responses required.
The Likert scale was used to interpret items in the questionnaire. A five point
scale was selected because people can have a middle neutral point instead of forcing
them to select a negative or positive position. A seven point scale would be too
lengthy, the data generated would be a lot more, only relevant in situations where the
sample size is smaller and it leaves more room for noise and errors to enter the data
(Mugenda and Mugenda, 2003:27). These responses were based on the respondents'
assessment. There were instances that the respondents were asked to rate the
contribution of women groups to the various components of cohesion identified in the
operational definition of the term within this study. The interpretation of the five-
point scale is shown in Table 1.
Table 1: The Five-point Likert Scale
Scale Range Interpretation 5 4.01 – 5.00 Strongly Agree 4 3.01 – 4.00 Agree 3 2.01 – 3.00 Uncertain 2 1.01 – 2.00 Disagree 1 0.01 – 1.00 Strongly Disagree
A weighted mean was used to measure the general response of the survey
samples, whether they agreed to a given statement or not.
The formula in computing weighted mean is as follows:
x = ∑ fx / n
where x = weighted mean
∑fx = the sum of the products of f and x, f being the
frequency of each weight and x as the weight of each operation
42
n = total number of respondents
The survey result was analyzed with the use of statistical approach and
Microsoft Excel spreadsheets. The Semi structured questionnaires were applied in the
key informant interviews while self-administered questionnaires were used on the
women networks.
3.6 Piloting
A pilot, or feasibility study, is a small experiment designed to test logistics and
gather information prior to a larger study, in order to improve the latter’s quality and
efficiency. A pilot study was undertaken targeting ten respondents from women
networks in Nairobi County who were selected using systematic random sampling. A
list of seventy six women groups was found at the social development office of
Westlands sub-county. First, the sampling interval was calculated by dividing the total
number of women groups in the sub-county, 76 by the number that the study wants to
sample, 10. The sampling interval was 7.6 which was rounded off to eight. A number
was then selected randomly between 1 and the sampling interval 8. Number 3 was
selected. Therefore group 3 was the first group then every 8th group was also selected
until the sample reached ten. The leaders of these groups whose contacts were at the
social development office were contacted for the pilot exercise. The outcome of the
pilot exercise revealed deficiencies in the design of the questionnaire and this was
addressed before time and resources were expended on the sampled study sites.
3.6.1 Reliability
Reliability is the degree of consistency with which the instrument measures an
attribute (Mugenda and Mugenda 2003:255). For internal reliability, questions were
asked to probe the same construct in order to produce similar results.
43
3.6.2 Validity
To ensure validity, the instruments were analyzed by experts in the areas of
women engagement and national cohesion. This included representatives from
Maendeleo ya Wanawake, National Gender and Equality Commission and NCIC.
The first feedback from the experts was that the questions were too many.
These were reduced. In addition, the experts pointed out some unclear questions and
the pretest also showed that some questions elicited responses that had not been
anticipated. Therefore, some questions were reframed. Some difficult words such as
‘cohesion’ were made simple i.e. unity.
Before the pretest, the questionnaire had no responses. All the optional
responses were generated after the pretest following the responses of the pilot and
some literature review. Nevertheless, the room for additional responses was still
availed by putting other.
3.7 Data Collection Procedures
3.7.1 Survey Questionnaires A majority of the survey questions were closed ended for ease of analysis as well
as reliability of answers. However, a few questions were also open ended to gain in-
depth information on some pertinent issues in the questionnaire. They were employed
among the general respondents identified. They were drafted in a format easily
understood by the target population.
Questionnaires were distributed to 450 women in Bungoma County, from June
to August 2014. Some of them belonged to women groups and others did not. Nine
assistants were engaged to provide oral interviews of the questionnaire due to the
difficulty of reading English on the part of the respondents. Anonymity in the report
was promised and respected. The self-administered questionnaires provided a mixture
44
of data. Some of the data was analyzed in a quantitative way while other data was
more qualitative as is explained in the data analysis section below. Figures 3.1 and 3.2
below show the photos of the respondents filling in the questionnaires in some of the
constituencies. The first figure shows a young woman filling in the questionnaire all
by herself. Amina is one of the respondents we had who was aged below twenty. She
is a house girl in one of the towns in Bungoma County. The second figure shows one
of the respondents who was over fifty years of age filling in the questionnaire by
herself.
Figure 3.1 and 3.2: Amina and Sophia responding to the self-administered questionnaire
Source: Field Survey
45
3.7.2 Key Informants Interviews Key informant interviews covered the operations of women groups, their
contributions to cohesion and the challenges that impede their optimal operations.
Key informants were identified from the national institutions that handle the issues of
cohesion and gender i.e. the National Cohesion and Integration Commission and the
National Gender and Equality Commission. Additional informants were from the
social development office at the County which registers and updates the groups of
their legal requirements, the banks which lend to groups and women leaders of many
groups that have joined to form umbrella women groups. Precise numbers of KIIs
administered will depend on logistical constraints and availability of key informants.
3.7.3 Focus Group Discussions Focus groups will cover the reasons for forming women groups, perceptions of
community members on the women groups, challenges facing women groups that
impede their optimal contribution to cohesion building, their perceptions on whether
and how women groups promote or deteriorate community cohesion. FGDs will be
held with women who are members of groups. Two focus groups will be conducted in
each of the sampled constituencies that is Mt. Elgon, Webuye and Kanduyi. Precise
numbers of surveys administered will depend on the mobilization of local area
groups. The FGDs had 8-15 persons and was taking an average of two hours to go
through the structured questionnaires. The discussion was moderated by the
researcher or the field assistant.
FDGs in this study are intended to gain in-depth knowledge on some of the key
issues in the questionnaire. They are therefore intended to supplement the main tool
and elaborate on answers provided. The interview is expected to last between one to
46
two hours. Participants will be recruited through a nomination methodology. Women
groups with a component on peace building and civic education shall be identified in
the participating villages. Then their leaders shall be contacted and invited to
nominate a participant to the FDG after an explanation of the research intentions. The
criteria for nomination include women who are knowledgeable on the functions and
operations of their chamas, preferably belonging to groups that meet at least once a
month, availability of the individual at the designated place and time and the specific
roles individuals play in their groups. There were no payments, only tea was offered
during the discussions.
The FGDs with selected women group leaders are shown in Figures 4, 5, 6 and
7. Figure 4 shows the focus group discussion with a few women group leaders from
Kanduyi Constituency.
Figure 4: FGD of women Group Leaders in Kanduyi Constituency
Source: Field Survey
Figure 5 and 6 is a photograph of women group members in Webuye
Constituency. The women belonged to different chamas and resided in different parts
of Webuye constituency. Some came from the upper part of the constituency in
Misikhu while others were from Sitikho.
47
Figure 5: FGD of chama Members in Webuye Constituency
Source: Field Survey
Figure 6: FGD of Women Group Members from Webuye Constituency
Source: Field Survey
Figure 7 was taken in the focus group discussion of women members of
chamas in Mt. Elgon Constituency. They were from the various parts of the
constituency including Cheptais, Chesikaki, Emmia Kaptama, and Kapsokwony.
48
Figure 7: FGD of Chama Members from Mt. Elgon Constituency
Source: Field Survey
Upon approval of the proposal, the researcher sought permission from the
National Commission for Science, Technology and Innovation (NACOSTI) to
proceed with the study. Both qualitative and quantitative data on the objectives i.e.
activities, composition and operations of women groups and their impact on cohesion
was collected from women groups in Bungoma County between June and August
2014 using questionnaires, interviews and document analysis. The data was collected
by field assistants because the study sought to sample women groups in different
environments within the constituencies like rural, urban. In addition, besides
upscaling the quality of data collected, the study benefited from the knowledge by the
field assistants of the local languages and dynamics.
3.7.4 Observation Observation as a method of collecting research data involves observing
behaviours and systematically recording the results of those observations. They are
guided by research questions and they are therefore planned and consciously
49
undertaken. They differ from casual everyday observations and behaviour which often
are casual, selective and inaccurate (Patton, 1987:28). They are systematically
recorded by way of an observation check list and the data analysed both qualitatively
and quantitatively. In this study, the observation check list was used to address
objective three which examined the contribution of women groups to cohesion
building. Specifically, the observation guide looked at three categories; appearance,
verbal behaviour and interaction and physical behaviour and gestures. In observing
appearance, clothing, age, gender and other physical appearance were used to detect
whether there are indications of membership in groups or in sub-populations of
interest such as religion or ethnicity. Verbal behaviour and interactions sought to
establish the gender, ethnicity and profession of the speakers. Finally, physical
behaviour and gestures sieved the perceptions and feelings of respondents towards
one another.
3.7.5 Desk Review Secondary data was derived from the findings stated in published documents
and literatures related to the research problem. These were based on recent literature
related to women networks, social capital, cohesion and integration and Kenya’s
history. Literature that was utilized in this study included published books, reports,
journal papers, unpublished reports, records from the Social Services Sub-County
department, reports of the Community Development Assistants (CDAs) in the Social
Services department, publications by national women groups such as GROOTS,
women group minutes and reports among others.
3.8 Data Analysis Both qualitative and quantitative data was obtained during the research.
Therefore, qualitative and quantitative data analysis methodologies were used.
50
Given that the study conducted its own survey, the questionnaire was prepared
in a format suitable for computer entry. Questionnaires were designed to facilitate this
process. Data from the questionnaire was entered into a database after having been
captured on a paper form and then typed into a computer database. The data was
checked carefully for errors. After data are entered, the computer program (SPSS) was
written to “define the data.” A data definition program identifies the variables that are
coded in each column or range of columns, attaches meaningful labels to the codes,
and distinguishes values representing missing data (Jwan and Ong’ondo, 2011:37).
The attendant data originating from the survey were analyzed by the use of
descriptive statistics to give a range of outputs including frequencies, percentages as
well as correlations. These were in the form of indicators that tested the hypotheses
developed from the objectives.
To display the distribution of variables measured in discrete categories,
different types of graphs were used including bar charts, histograms, frequency
polygons and radars. To present a univariate (one-variable) distribution, the study
used frequency distribution tools. A frequency distribution displays the number,
percentage (the relative frequencies), or both corresponding to each of a variable’s
values. In undertaking correlations, the mean was used to establish the central
tendency of the respondents in regard to a particular viewpoint. The mean is computed
by adding up the values of all the cases and dividing the result by the total number of cases,
thereby taking into account the value of each case in the distribution. Additionally, standard
deviation was employed to establish the distribution of views along a spectrum. It is the
distance from the mean that covers a clear majority of cases. So the standard deviation, in a
single number, quickly illustrates about how wide the variation is of any set of cases, or the
range in which most cases will fall (Nachmias and Nachmias, 1995:104).
51
Qualitative data was subjected to content analysis to establish major and
common themes and emerging issues. First, all data from in-depth interviews and
focus group discussions were recorded on video or audio. Subsequently, the study
employed the analytic induction approach in analyzing it. This was facilitated by the
development of key questions (research questions) and minor questions that the data
should answer. In attempting to address these questions, emerging themes and ideas
were noted for input at relational level. Thereafter, the study undertook interpretations
of the relationships between the emerging variables in the study.
Qualitative data also supported the frequencies, percentages and correlations
have developed from the quantitative data which was further subjected to descriptive
and interpretive analysis. Descriptive analysis merely sought to describe the status
quo as established by the research. Interpretive analysis sought to derive meaning and
establish patterns from the phenomena described in the descriptive analysis.
The following dissemination strategies will be used; submit completed research
project to university library and other libraries used during the research period. While
thanking study participants for their involvement, their letters will include research
3.9 Ethical Considerations
When humans are used as study participants in a research investigation, care
must be exercised that rights of those individuals are protected (Mugenda and
Mugenda 2003:32). The consideration of these issues is necessary for the purpose of
ensuring the privacy as well as the security of the participants. These issues were
identified in advance in order to prevent future problems that could have risen during
the research process. Among the significant research ethics observed in this study
were the principles of beneficence, respect for human dignity, consent, confidentiality
and data protection.
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The principle of beneficence includes freedom from harm, exploitation and the
risk-benefit ratio. There was no physical harm produced by participating in this study.
Psychological discomfort might have resulted from the nature of the questions asked.
An opportunity was given to the respondent to ask questions and air her feelings.
Freedom from exploitation was observed by refraining from taking advantage
of the participants vulnerabilities like low literacy levels. Careful explanations were
provided to the women about their right to refuse to participate in the study, the right
to discontinue the study if they felt uncomfortable, the right to answer specific
questions if they did not want to disclose that information and the right to ask for
clarification if they were not sure about any aspect of the research project.
In the conduct of the research, the questionnaires and interview schedule were
drafted in a very clear and concise manner. People who participated in the research
were given ample time to respond to the questions posed to them to avoid errors and
inaccuracies in their answers. The respondents were given a waiver regarding the
confidentiality of their identity and the information that they did not wish to disclose.
The respondents' cooperation was eagerly sought after, and they were assured that the
data gathered from them would be treated with the strictest confidence, so that they
would be more open. This was done with the hope that this would promote trust
between the researcher and the respondents.
Before going to the field, a research permit was obtained from Kisii
University. This enabled the researcher to go to selected places. The researcher
approached the respondents through their counterparts, who then identified other
respondents by use of the snowballing approach. The respondents were given
assurance regarding the information collected which was to be kept and treated with
strict confidence and strictly for academic purposes only. In this respect therefore, the
researcher prepared questionnaires and interview guides with introductory
information on confidentiality of information. The research assistants and the
53
photographer were inducted on ethical considerations during the research period, and
photographs were only taken with the permission of the respondents. A consent form
was written to be filled by respondents whose photos and quotes would be directly
included in the study. This consent form was also written in Kiswahili to bridge the
language gap. Any information that revealed the identity of individuals who were
subjects of the research were destroyed save for where individuals concerned
consented in writing to its inclusion beforehand at the end of the research. Even where
quotes were included in the study, pseudo names were used in place of the
respondents’ real names as is noted in Mugenda and Mugenda 2003.
54
CHAPTER FOUR: DATA FINDINGS, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRET ATIONS
4.0 Introduction
This chapter which is divided into four sections presents the overall findings
of the study guided by the research questions enumerated in chapter one of this
dissertation. It is a descriptive examination of the data using qualitative and
quantitative methods of analysis, thus allowing for the development of a narrative
which not only explains the relationships between variables but also provides insights
to the specific objectives of the study which include examining the origins and forms
of women networks in Kenya; identifying the activities of women networks in
Bungoma County; assessing the impact of interventions done by women groups in
unifying communities; and determining the challenges faced by women groups in
promoting community cohesion.
4.1 Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Respondents, Interviewees and
Informants
This section exposes the characteristics of the respondents as well as their
chamas. It looks specifically at the age, education, marital status, number of
dependents, ethnicity and religion of respondent then assesses the membership per
group. Further, this section also looks at the education levels of the key informants
who aid in corroborating the information received from the focused group discussions
as well as individual perspectives on the subject matter.
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4.1.1 Response Rate
The study sampled 400 women in Bungoma County and 12 Key informants in the
subject area. The response rate percentage was 97% and this is shown in the table
below.
Table 2: Response Rate Sample Category Expected
Responses Issued Questionnaires
Actual Responses
Percentage
Women Group Members
264 300 286 95%
Women who are not part of women groups
136 136 136 100%
Key Informants 12 12 12 100% Total 412 448 434 97% Source: Survey Data
4.1.2 Age of the Respondents
Figure 8 shows the ages of the women in Bungoma County who were surveyed in this
study. Of the 400 women who were sampled, it is seen that 45% were between the
ages of 36 and 50, followed by those who were between the ages of 21 – 35 (44%),
then by those who were below 20 (7%), and lastly by those above 50 years of age
(4%). The study did not get many respondents who were too young i.e. below 20
years and beyond 50. This was not deliberate as the sampling method used gave all
the age groups equal chances of being part of the sample.
56
Figure 8: Age Group Composition of All Respondents Source: Field Survey (n=422)
A disaggregation of the age group composition of respondents by belonging to a
women’s group or not pointed out specific issues, as shown in the Figure 9 below.
Majority members of women groups were between 21 and 35 years at 65% as
opposed to the general composition where the majority were between 36-50 years.
The high participation in women groups for 21-35 year olds was attributed to their
“cycle of life” as this is the time that most women are married and have considerable
degrees of responsibilities which call for strategic means for making ends meet.
Although the members of ages 36-50 were fewer at 20%, most leadership positions
were held by this category of people, which was attributed to their resilience,
experience and capacities to mentor and coach the younger members of the team. The
study had 10% of the respondents who were below twenty years. Although most of
them were school drop-outs living in urban centres, this low participation is attributed
to the fact that this age group is young, has less responsibilities if any and is not
committal to invest for the future. There were only 5% of the respondents above 50
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years who belonged to women groups. It was established that age is not a limiting
factor in women joining chamas.
Figure 9: Age Groups of Women Group Members Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
4.1.3 Respondents’ Level of Education
Figure 10 below shows the disaggregated statistics of the respondents’ level of
education by belonging to a group. More women with no formal education belonged
to groups (23%) as opposed to the ones who did (1%). Similarly, the proportion of
those who had gained college or university education was also conspicuously
distinguishable with only 5% being the proportion belonging to women groups while
55% did not belong to a chama. The percentage of respondents with Primary
education was lower among non-members (14%) and higher among members (39%).
Women respondents with secondary education from members and non-members of
chamas were almost the same at 33% and 30% respectively. This may be attributed to
58
the increased awareness efforts on girl child education during the UN Decade for
Women in the 80s.
Figure 10: Respondents’ Level of Education Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
The presentation of data in Figure 10 demonstrates that women Chamas had
members with different education standards, although the majority were of secondary
level with very few having attained a tertiary qualification. The purpose of
interrogating the education levels for this study was to create an academic
environment where chamas’ contribution to cohesion is assessed.
4.1.4 Religious Affiliation of Respondents
The study found out that most of the respondents were protestants (51%), followed by
catholics (32%). A small number of them said that they were traditionalists (4%) with
only a very small number being muslim (8%).The muslims were clustered around
urban centres while traditionalists resided in rural areas. The trends in composition for
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members as well as non-members of chamas was the same. Data on religious
demographics demomnstrated that women groups do not discriminate the acquisition
of membership on the basis of religion. This is because their membership reflects the
general trand in religious composition of the general population.
Figure 11: Respondents’ Religious Beliefs by Belonging to Chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
4.1.5 Respondents’ Employment Status
Figure 12 shows whether or not the respondents are employed. The study
found out that majority of the respondents in chamas are self-employed (78%). This is
followed by those who are formally employed (17%). A small number of members
indicated that they do not have any form of employment i.e. 5%. On the contrary,
most of the respondents (59%) not belonging to chamas had formal employment. The
study also found out that many women (39%) who were self employed did not belong
to groups at all. Some members in this group argued that they do not have time to
spend on group meetings and group activities since their enterprises may suffocate
due to deprived attention. Only 2% of the non-members said they did not have any
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form of employment, indicating that they do not have money to give the group which
seems to be demanding that their members give a certain amount of money every
month.
Figure 12: Respondent’s Employment Status Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
4.1.6 Ethnic Composition of the Respondents who belong to Chamas
As already noted, the study established that women chamas are predominantly
composed of women of dissimilar ages, and diverse faith(s). Additionally, the 286
respondents who belonged to chamas showed diversity in their ethnic composition as
illustrated in Figure 13 below. The ethnic groups captured separated the Luhyia sub-
groups because the different groups are not homogenous and the study wanted to
uncover how groups have managed undercurrent tensions between these groups.
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Figure 13: Ethnic Composition of Respondents who belong to Women Groups Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
Additionally, when asked about the ethnic composition of their groups, 6% of the
members who belonged to groups said that their groups had more than 11 ethnicities
while 47% of the respondents averred that they had between 6 to 10 ethnicities.
Another 32% held that their groups had between two to five ethnicities. Only 15% of
the respondents affirmed belonging to groups with one ethnic group. This high
diversity levels within groups is contrary to Impio, Mokeira, Kamau P., Kamau A.,
and Njoka’s (2010:88) study in Kenya which indicated that most members of women
groups are usually of the same ethnicity.
62
Figure 14: Ethnic Composition of Chamas in Bungoma County Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
Additionally, membership ranged from 10 members to 40 mostly depending on
the nature of their focus, but particularly on the magnitude of the need, which first
necessitated the formation of the group. In responding to a questionnaire item on the
number of members in their chama, 75% of the respondents who belong to groups
affirmed that their group membership is between 10 to 20 members while 25% of
them had between 21 to 40 members.
4.1.7 Marital Status of Respondents who belong to Chamas
It is seen in Figure 15 that a majority of the respondents (56%) were married. These
were followed by the respondents who were separated or divorced at 16%, then by
those who were single at (15%) and finally by those who were widowed (13%).
According to the key informants, majority of the women in Bungoma County
particularly in Mt. Elgon constituency were separated and widowed due to the
hostilities abated by the SLDF which necessitated the killing, maiming or fleeing of
63
men to the neighboring Uganda. The instability caused by the SLDF affected even
those households whose male heads survived but were maimed and psychologically
tormented. In addition, the fairly high divorce rate of 16% can be attributed to global
trends as well as the dissipation of social values and norms within the contemporary
Kenyan society. Of the 15% single women, about a quarter of them live with
disabilities which meant that they were looked down upon when it came to marriage.
Figure 15: Marital Status of Respondents Belonging to Women Chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
4.1.8 Number of Dependents of Respondents who belong to Chamas
It was established that most members of women chamas have dependants (98%). As
seen in the Figure 16 below, most respondents who belonged to Chamas have
between four to six dependents (42%), followed by those with between one to three
dependents (35%), closely followed by those with between seven to nine dependants
(15%), then those with ten or more dependents (6%) and lastly by those with no
dependent at all at 2%. The high levels of dependency illustrated in Figure 16 can be
attributed to the nature of families in Bungoma County, most of which are extended
and polygamous. This also points to the socio-cultural beliefs such as children are
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wealth and the inability of the women to take charge of their reproductive health in a
patriarchal system.
The key informants confirmed that the more the number of dependents, the
more likely one was to join a chama. This is because chamas are perceived as a form
of social security and an income generating avenue for the sustenance of these
dependents.
Figure 16: Number of Dependents of Respondents who belong to Women Chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
4.1.9 Gender Representation among Key Informants
The study had 12 key informants who were composed of the social development
officers in the three sub-counties i.e. Mt. Elgon, Webuye and Kanduyi, one National
Cohesion and Integration Commission Officer, National Gender and Equality
Commission Officer, two bank officers, six leaders of women networks in the three
sub-counties. 8 of the key informants are women while 4 are men. The high
representation of women is due to the fact that most of the designated positions of the
key informants such as leaders of women networks are reserved for women.
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Figure 17: Gender Representation of Key Informants Source: Field Survey (n = 12)
4.1.10 Level of Education of KIIs
The study acknowledged that education standards of most key respondent(s)
were of the tertiary level (75%) ranging from professional certificates, diplomas and
degrees onwards. Nevertheless, there were cases of seasoned women leaders at the
grassroots whose education was lower, but who provided relevant information to this
study. The study had 17% of key informants with secondary education and 8% with
primary education. The purpose of recognizing the education standards of the Key
Informant Interviewees was to draw and compare the understanding between
mainstream (definitions) perspectives of cohesion with that of the “grassroots.” These
definitions are significantly relevant in identifying convergences and divergences in
the way cohesion is viewed by different sectors of society, enumerating the terms,
conditions and aspects which guide such appeals.
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Figure 18: Key Informants’ Level of Education Source: Field Survey (n = 12)
4.1.11 Conclusion
Demographically, the respondents who are members of women groups
represented diversity in terms of ethnicity and sub-ethnicities, age, education, marital
status, number of dependents and religion. In terms of age there were more women
between the ages of 21 and 35 who were members of women Chamas, which was
partly explained by cultural cycle of women assuming societal duties. On average,
most of those women had dependents had reasons to find reliable supportive
mechanisms in the community and women chamas was one of those.
4.2 Origins and Forms of Women ‘Chamas’ in Kenya
This section provides a general overview of women chamas in Kenya. It seeks to
establish the most prominent motivational factors that inform or necessitate formation
of such groups. Further, the section looks at various types of women chamas with
regard to the focus areas which mostly guide the vision and mission of most groups.
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In order to draw lessons that present women chamas as agencies of cohesion, the
section identifies fundamental resilient elements that help sustain the women chamas.
4.2.1 The Origins of Chamas in Kenya: Causes and Necessities
Women-only groups have existed in Kenya since pre-independence (Wignaraja
1990:30). After independence, the government of Kenya embarked on the Harambee
Movement (pull together) as an all embracing grassroots efforts to meeting the
people’s needs. The study established that women chamas are inspired by specific
gaps or needs in the community where they reside. To the question why are women
groups formed, 78% of the respondents held that chamas are a response to an
impending community problem(s) for which they (chamas) seek a solution. This is in
tandem with Napier’s (1999:17) observation that generally, groups have been formed
due to their ability to address the needs of individuals for identity and empowerment.
Napier (1999:18) notes that the Second World War disoriented people’s lives. The
structures that came up with industrialization, urbanization and bureaucratization were
dehumanizing or unresponsive to personal and social needs. Alienation and lack of
control over immediate social environment created a feeling of stress and apathy. The
resultant social change and increased social mobility meant that the traditional support
systems (extended family, religion and community) were diminished. Therefore,
people in the contemporary society sought for stability, connection, faith and a sense
of empowerment in small groups.
This finding is however contrary to Kenneth’s (1973:91) argument that the
traditional purpose of women group formation was to promote common economic,
political, and social interests. Although not particularly agreeing with Kenneth, 14%
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of the respondents indicated that women groups are formed for fun. The remaining
8% were not sure why women groups are formed.
Figure 19: Why Women Groups are formed Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
Of the 78% who said that chamas are formed to meet particular needs in the
society, majority of them (60%) indicated that women chamas develop interventions
for existing societal challenges. While gathering survey data, one respondent posited
that;
‘Vikundi za akina mama huanzishwa kusaidia wamama kupunguza shida ambazo wako nazo.’ (Women groups are formed to help women reduce their problems) (Tengecho P., 2014)
Another 33% said that women chamas help women to share ideas and experiences
that help them adopt better strategies to address existing challenges. Contrariwise 7%
felt that the response by women chamas endeavors to surmount a state of affairs that
is considered inadequate, insufficient or inappropriate. It is a disenchanted voice
claiming change over suppressive and oppressive systems or institutions for the
purpose of improving relationships and the power within.
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Figure 20: How do women groups respond to societal needs Source: Field Survey (n = 329)
The respondents were further asked what specific interventions the chamas put
in place to address the said challenges. The findings then classified chamas’
interventions or responses (as Figure 21 indicates) in three different ways, which
included; innovative solutions (original ideas); Integrated solutions (making better
already existing interventions); and complementary solutions.
Figure 21: Categories of Chamas’ Interventions Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
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Inventive solutions are those interventions that sought to fill up endearing gaps
even after the interventions of other actors such as the government and civil society.
These responses relied on raw materials and available knowledge and skills among
the group members. They were rarely supported by outside sponsorships. Some of the
interventions put in this category included the creation of fireless cookers that keep
food warm for as long as twelve hours. While responding to the need of serving their
husbands warm and good food when they come home in the late hours of the night,
this intervention also helps reduce the use of fuel thus reducing its cost and the time to
be used in preparing food afresh.
Another intervention in this category was the temporary daycare center
developed by a chama that does revolving farming. While tilling the farm of one of
the members, women come to the farm with their young children. One of them who is
more schooled than the rest is tasked to feed, wash and teach the children by using
songs and local proverbs. The center is set beside the farm in a temporary shelter
made of banana leaves.
Figure 22: Temporary Daycare Centre Shelter
Source: Field Survey
Another innovation was developed by a group of 42 members of a women
group who have children of a school going age. When children transit from one class
to another, the text books are passed on to the members’ children joining the vacated
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classes. In this case, the mothers only bought books for one class but their children
accessed text books for all years in school. If there is no child in a particular class for
the year, the books are kept by the chama awaiting another member’s child to join that
class. The chama also ensures that the books are maintained in good condition by the
members who receive them in order not to break the cycle. To do this, they have three
book days in a year where they require all text books to be returned, repaired and
covered with hard manila and polythene paper as a way to monitor their inventory. In
case a child loses or renders irreparable damage to the book, the member is charged a
fee but the group subsidizes to buy a new text book.
These innovative solutions concur with an argument made by Borkman and
Oka (2000:36) who allude that the first people in history to demonstrate the power of
women groups were alcoholics. Alcoholics Anonymous was started in 1935 to help
“hopeless alcoholics” recover from alcoholism, something the medical profession had
been unable to do.
The second category of interventions i.e. integrated solutions referred to
chamas’ responses that improved an existing strategy developed either by the
government or other civil society actors. Such improvement included the
enhancement of the efficiency of the particular strategy, its access by more
disadvantaged people through increased awareness and reduced cost and
establishment of linkages between chama/ community members and the service
providers. One of the solutions in this category was an initiative by a women group
that targets teenage mothers. Working in the entire Webuye constituency, Teenage
Mothers group welcomes any girl who gets pregnant in her teenage as a member. The
group then informs its members on ante-natal and post natal processes with the aim of
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improving access to public health facilities. Other issues emphasized in the group
include the sanitation and nutrition of both the pregnant mother and the newborn by
using the locally available and affordable foods. It calls nurses and public health
officers to offer talks to its members and also passes any information directly acquired
from public health facilities to the members. Teenage Mothers group also approaches
schools to secure chances for mothers to go back to school after safe deliveries, most
of whom are school drop outs.
Jitegemee women’s group has also developed another integrated solution.
Following the installation of a water pump by the former Member of Parliament via
CDF funds, the members of the Mt. Elgon Jitegemee Group have been piping water
for one member after another through their revolved monetary contributions.
Therefore, pipes are being laid from the water pump to each member’s compound and
a tap installed therein.
Another group in Kanduyi constituency comprising of all women vendors in
the Kanduyi public market seek to keep their market as clean as possible. Every seller
in the market is a member of the group. However, men vendors are quasi members
because although they do not attend the meetings of the group, they have to extend
financial contributions whenever an activity is being undertaken by the rest of the
members. For instance, when the entire market is being cleaned, all male vendors buy
food for the women cleaners. Other times, though rarely, all the members contribute
to hire cleaners.
Complementary solutions referred to alternative methods/ approaches that deal
with challenges that already have workable solutions provided by other actors. These
interventions were cost-effective, reached a wider audience and in most cases, were
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more sustainable. For example, the Women for Women group in Kanduyi
constituency supplies hand-made reusable sanitary pads in schools at an affordable
cost. Although the civil society does give free sanitary towels to some girl schools in
Bungoma County, these are never enough and do not reach all girls within the
County. To help alleviate the challenges of girls missing school and losing self-
confidence, the Women for Women group works in conjunction with boarding girl
schools and sells these reusable pads to them through the school. Their target is for
each girl to have three of these pads. For every two pads sold, they make one extra
pad which is freely offered to girls in day primary schools.
Chemron Women Group gets medicinal plants from the forest and makes
medicine for different diseases. Their complementary intervention is done just before
the harvesting season which is believed to bring a lot of flu that affects young
children. The group has come up with a preventive medicine of flu which it offers
freely to all children in the village under the age of five. This is done by walking from
door to door and they mark a child who has received the medicine to avoid double
medication. For the school going age, the group has some liquid medicine that
prevents foot rot. This is a common occurrence in the area as children walk to school
bare feet and the morning dew cuts the surface in between their toes. A child needs to
step in the liquid only once in a year. In most cases, this ‘ritual’ is done early in the
year for all school going children.
4.2.2 Types of Women Chamas in Kenya
Various women groups are formed and engaged in different purposes for social,
economic or political development of the areas that they come from. The respondents
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were asked to indicate the main purpose of their group. This was then deduced into
types of organizations and summarized in the Table 3 below.
Table 3: Type of Women Groups in Bungoma County Frequency Percent Finance, credit/ savings group
70 46.7
Enterprise development 32 21.3 Welfare Groups 20 13.3
Total 286 100.0 Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
The study found out that financial chamas are mostly anchored on monetary
contributions into a common pot, from where members draw the same either on a
rotating basis which makes them Rotating Savings and Credit Associations
(ROSCAS) or particular amounts are given to a seeking member in anticipation of
profit(interest) making them Accumulative Savings and Credit Associations
(ASCAS).
Enterprise development groups are investment(s) clubs, which are purely vehicles
or agencies for venturing into businesses, asset accumulation or acquisition in land,
stock markets and imports of various items amongst others.
The third type of chamas is the welfare (social) groups, these are commonly
informal networks of women residing in the same locality or working together over a
particular assignment, and their main purpose is to offer each other (members)
solidarity in times of emergencies like funerals, weddings and any other types of
financial strains (shocks).
Bungoma County provided this study with two distinctions regarding women
chamas and therefore diverse dynamics, which it must be noted did not necessarily
guide the operations of the chamas, but in a way, though concealed tended to
determine the vision, mission and objectives preferred by members of chamas. These
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distinctions are chamas found in the purely rural areas and those that are established
in urban or peri-urban settings. According to the findings both rural and urban settings
exposed the study with varying dynamics. For instance, financial and enterprise
development groups were higher in number in urban centers than in rural areas. On
the contrary, welfare groups are higher in rural areas than they are in urban centers
(see Figure 23 below). Most rural women chamas were said to commence as welfare
institutions and gradually transformed into ROSCAs and ASCAs. While the urban
chamas were said to usually commence and remain as financial and undertook
investments.
Figure 23: Types of Women Groups in Bungoma County Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
4.2.3 Conclusion
Close scrutiny of the findings regarding chamas indicate that most of the groups
are a response to some need in the society or community in which they seek to operate
from. The needs can be either of economic, social, political or cultural nature
76
depending with the prevailing circumstances. Key in their response is the desire to
invent (create original solutions), integrate or complement solutions to the identified
problems.
Through the findings it was noted that chamas begin in one form but gradually
develop or morph in to other forms duly responding to changing needs and dynamics.
This is solely for the purpose of upgrading, improving or up-scaling the socio-
economic and political status of the members.
Rural chamas are out rightly welfare where they engage in activities that
constantly touch on the social status of the member, though some of the events
undertaken have economic manifestations, the objective is to purely seek
enhancement of a person socio-economic status represented by asset acquisition of
household goods, educating children (family) provision of daily upkeep through small
scale businesses, sharing in the reduction of the effects of emerging (unexpected)
financial shocks like funerals, weddings and also engaging in faith building activities.
However, the need for financial support, whenever needs arise has engineered the
development of a semi-financial institution basically running two levels of monetary
sharing as ROSCAs and ASCAs. Notably these groups are confined to some
geographical boundary, but are extremely regulated by groups’ rules and regulations.
On the other hand, the chamas in urban settings tend to be more financial and
investment oriented, where welfare issues and geographical boundaries feature
minimally, as most members have “stable sources of income” that allow them engage
in activities which are profit oriented. The financial practices among these groups are
predominantly ASCAs type, and the investments are mostly asset acquisition in terms
of land, stock markets and importation of apparels and so on.
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The study revealed that the welfare activities where women are involved have
more impact on the society than the investment(s) and financial awards to individuals.
While benefits from investments can be traced to the larger society, the results are not
as immediate and as binding as socio-cultural events where personal relationships are
enhanced. Welfare groups operate within a geographical region and they tend to
increase ownership of community processes including assets, thus enhancing
community interests and subsequently reduction in points of animosity, hostility and
conflict.
4.3 Identify the Activities and Operations of Women Chamas in Bungoma
County
This is the second objective of the study which seeks to identify the activities
and operations of the women chamas under study. This section outlined the main
activities of chamas without detailing the specifics. It also looked into the governance
and general guidelines in operations of eth chamas.
4.3.1 Activities of Women Chamas in Bungoma County
The respondents were asked to mention the major activities their self-help
groups were involved in and these are shown in the table 4 below.
Table 4: Major Activities of SHGs Major SHG activities Frequency Percent
Cooperatives 10 2 Conflict Resolution 14 3 Education and Training/skills development 29 6 Bank Loans/credit 34 7 Farming 43 9 Social Support 58 12 Advocacy and Awareness Campaigns 82 17 Small Businesses 125 26
Total 482 100 Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
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4.3.1.1 Pooling Together through Cooperatives
Although cooperatives are considered a “huge concept” in terms of
membership, women groups in Bungoma tended to engage in activities that have
similar characteristics with the cooperatives. In this study cooperative is defined as an
autonomous association of persons who voluntarily work together for their mutual,
social, economic, and cultural benefit through a mutually owned and democratically
run enterprise. In this case women groups are seen as the enterprises which are
considerate of the opportunities within the localities of Bungoma County. In the
cooperative mode the women confined themselves to certain activities which were
particularly derived from the opportunities and resources available in their localities.
Some of this activities included, dairy production (pooling milk product for purposes
of accessing a bigger market share) (31%), used books collections for enhancing
learning amongst their children (13%), harvest collection (21%), pooled raw materials
(17%), pooled marketing (trade investment(s) (14%) and others at 4%.
Figure 24: Activities within Cooperatives Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
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These events demonstrated the fact that women valued their strengths and
made use of the opportunities available to them, while on the hand, it depicted the
mitigation strategies for challenges at the local level. This finding(s) echoes the words
of Gonzales and Phillips (2013) who looked at cooperative societies as association of
the weak who gather together for a common economic need and try to lift themselves
from weakness into strength through business enterprise.
These findings were a response to the relevance of cooperatives to women
groups in Bungoma County. The cooperative events enhanced the following amongst
the women as was affirmed by Yetana and Chikhabi women groups; increased sense
of volunteerism (27%), increased ownership of personal and group development
processes (29%), increased sense of belonging or bonding (30%) and increased sense
of “sister-ness” (14%). The findings were a revelation that cooperatives provided an
opportunity for Learning, Sharing and Experimenting (LSE) amongst the women, thus
overcoming some of the most challenging shortfalls between them. LSE is a concept
that attempts to look at how women survive and thrive through common initiatives.
They learn from each other, share their best or worst, and then find new areas to
experiment towards a new phenomenon. This process done over and over again
bridged the gap between members considerably.
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Figure 25: Effects of Cooperatives to Women Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
4.3.1.2 Mediation and Arbitration
The study found that women chamas are keen to emerging and presumed
conflicts within their groups and their society. This was due to the fact that if left
untouched or mishandled, conflicts became constant points of disintegration and
therefore a threat to group solidarity. In seeking for the causes of conflicts within the
group, respondents said that personality differences were the cause of 23% of the
conflicts, while 27% pointed a finger at differences in basic value systems (e.g.
perceptions on gender based violence, marriage, children or relatives). It was further
revealed by 14% of the respondents that varied lifestyles for members accounted
some conflicts, although, 25% remained adamant that mismanagement of the chamas
(skewed interpretations of chamas by-laws, poor distribution of resources etc.) formed
the basis upon which other differences were cited. The rest at 11% thought that the
conflicts were brought about by the combination of all or most of the factors
mentioned. The study noted that women groups undertook mediation and arbitration.
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Figure 26: Premises of Conflict within Chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
4.3.1.3 Education and Training
The research study endeavored to identify how women viewed education and
training, but importantly what it is they focused on. The study discovered that women
chamas had high tendencies of conducting training and offered education programs
though on a very rudimentary scheme. The study revealed by 70% of the respondents
that chamas engaged in learning activities which had a bigger relationship with their
own surroundings, and this included; business development, technical (skill)
development, conflict resolution, social skills (e.g. communication, networking etc),
group affiliation(s) or learning, awareness on reproductive health, HIV/AIDS,
domestic violence, children health and general parenting.
Table 5: Educational Context and Training Content
Educational Context and Training Content Frequency Percent
Group Interests 154 13.9
Children’s Health (nutrition, immunization) 135 12.2
Technical (skill) development 117 10.5
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Reproductive Health Issues 114 10.3
Social Skills (communication, networking) 112 10.1
General welfare (marriages and parenting) 108 9.8
HIV/AIDS and STIs 105 9.5
Business Development 103 9.3
Conflict Resolution 98 8.8
Political Talk/involvement 60 5.4
Totals 1106 100 Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
These findings demonstrated the key areas that most chamas focused on. It is
observed that functional members are fundamental compartments of the chamas,
considering that group interests stand at 13.9%, which are supported by social
development skills at 10.1% and technical skill upgrades at 10.5%. However, there is
a direct link between group dynamics and interests of the larger community, and this
can be illustrated by children’s health at 12.2%, general welfare at 9.8%, and
HIV/AIDS at 9.5%. It was noted that conflict resolution is only at 8.8%. This may be
indicative on the relevance or effectiveness of the social skills which stand at 10.1%.
These findings were well captured by one of the respondents who said:
“Hii mafunzo imenisaidia sana. Mi hupata chance kwenda mikutano kupitia kwa kikundi.” – Trainings have been very helpful to me. I have got many opportunities to attend trainings through the chama. (Nekesa Grace, 2014)
These trainings enhance the solidity of the group as it creates a platform of
universality in terms of accessing knowledge. Secondly, it strengthens the resolve of
the chamas to surmount challenges as it is evident that all members have different
weaknesses as well as strengths, which are necessary to the development of the group.
The question that the findings were responding to was whether; education and training
had relevance in status of the chamas. 70% of the respondents affirmed that by
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reducing knowledge disparities between members, a playing ground that was
somehow level was created, in a way that promoted equality as well as ownership.
This finding is also posited by Das (2012:28) who opines that the chama also
improves technical and practical skills on entrepreneurship through trainings exposed
to members and sharing of businesses experiences. Additionally, Naituli (2006:51)
contends that education and training are powerful tools against poverty and hunger,
and for women’s empowerment. Educated women are more likely to be healthier,
have higher earnings and exercise greater decision-making power within the
household. Evidence from some African and South Asian countries show that they are
also more likely to ensure that their own children are educated, thus breaking the
cycle of poverty and hunger.
4.3.1.4 Loaning and Credit Access
The study revealed that most women chamas, at least cited by 75% of the
respondents, have activities which promote access to credit, whether it is through a
bank or any other financial institution. The question, however, was not whether
women chamas access loans or not, but the inquiry was to ascertain the effect of
accessing credit to the welfare of the members. The study thus sought to find the
outcome of increased access and the following findings were enumerated; 31% of the
respondents acknowledged that access to credit created opportunities for communal
engagement; secondly access to credit reduced disparities between and across
members according to 24% of the respondents; it further noted increased solidarity by
way of joint or group guarantee for the loans accessed, as affirmed by 30% of the
respondents and lastly 15% averred that it provided more avenues for cross learning
as sometimes members pledged their assets when guaranteeing others.
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Figure 27: Effects of Credit Access by Members Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
Garikipati (2008:39) shows an interesting and paradoxical result where credit
availability and employment creation especially of the rural woman through women
group formation benefits the households by reducing risk vulnerability and asset
creation but it does not really empower the woman. He argued that loans procured by
women are often diverted into enhancing household’s assets and incomes. This
combined with woman’s lack of co-ownership of family’s productive assets, results in
her disempowerment.
4.3.1.5 Agricultural and Livestock Farming
The study found that women chamas were prominently represented in the
farming sector by diverse farming focus areas like fish farming, maize planting and at
two different levels including pre and post preparation stages as espoused by different
activities. Bungoma County being an agriculturally prime region of Kenya, the study
revealed, by 15% of the respondents that women chamas were involved with
clearance of land, 43% undertook joint cultivation or tilling of the land, 26%
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acknowledged that planting was undertaken communally and lastly weeding was also
executed through groups’ dynamics.
Figure 28: Preparation Stage Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
The second level, which was post preparation was characterized with, pooled
harvesting at 34%, pooled storage and packaging at 29%, communal security on the
farm produce at 9% and communal disposal to the market at 28%. These two levels of
engagements demonstrated that women chamas played a crucial role in solidifying the
strength of women, while it protected them from the limitation of their shortfalls.
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Figure 29: Post Preparation Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
4.3.1.6 Social Support
Social support among the groups in Bungoma County manifested in three
different ways. Most prominent were as follows, marriage celebrations at 48%,
deaths were mentioned by 12% of the respondents, helping with children’s school
fees at 9%, issues of baptism at 3% and rotational baby care centers 10% as well as
other disasters at 2%, counseling 16%.
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Figure 30: Social Support from Chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
4.3.1.7 Entrepreneurship
Entrepreneurship seemed to be the catchword of all members of chamas. They
averred that enterprises are owned by the chama as a whole or by individual members.
Where enterprises were jointly owned, all members had responsibilities to fulfil.
Some of the joint ventures mentioned included a local bakery that provided bread and
cakes to the surrounding schools and market.
86% of the respondents were sure that most chamas engaged in small scale
businesses. The respondents affirmed that women tend to mobilize funds (resources)
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through loans and chama contributions to initiate small scale businesses. Some of the
businesses included sale of vegetable groceries (37%), animal products (14%), trading
in farm produce (26%), selling second hand clothes (07%), retail shop and selling of
water (water kiosks) at 17% amongst others.
Figure 31: Small Scale Businesses Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
The study however noted the adoption of innovative ways of engaging and
running enterprises. The growing importance of knowledge as a factor of production
means that innovation is ever more related to creativity, and the latter fits better the
operations of entrepreneurs and small firms. Bless me women group for instance was
growing vegetables in sack for lack of space in the emerging urban center where they
are located. Figure 32 shows some of the members of Bless Me women group
standing by their sack farm of vegetables. Living in the densely populated area of
Mandizini in Kanduyi Constituency where land is very scarce, Bless Me women
group members enhance the access of their families to nutritious diets by planting
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vegetables and mushrooms in sacks. Ten sacks produce vegetables for five families
over three months.
Figure 32: Some members of Bless Me women group standing by their sack farming venture Source: Field Survey
4.3.1.8 Advocacy and Awareness
It was revealed that women chamas undertake some advocacy activities
mostly at the local level, which may include the office of the District Commissioner,
Chiefs and other players like teachers etc. However, where women chamas have been
entrenched in the localities and are well known, they are usually consulted and
enjoined in other advocacy initiatives. The study in accordance with 31% of the
respondents revealed that women chamas focus on economic empowerment (modeled
around access to resources like Women Enterprise Fund, Uwezo Fund, spaces for
trading, non-harassment by the County Inspectorate teams etc.), while 33% sought
change in cultural practices that seem detrimental to their wellbeing (rights on land
access, use and control, rights to be treated equally in marriage in accordance with
Marriage Act etc.). On the other hand 17% of the respondents cited rights of children
particularly girls, and as for political scenarios, 7% denoted that their role is mostly
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consultative or enjoined in a big picture. At times this noticeable as a few members in
the chamas develop political interests at personal level, but this magnifies the status of
the group. It was also noted that cross cutting issues not necessarily driven by women
chamas also account for their role in advocacy by 12% of the respondents.
These findings are in tandem with works of Tsikata (2003:40) who, when
looking at the land reforms in Tanzania mirrored the conspicuous role played by
women networks in trying to unify the Civil Society Organizations and Government
agencies towards implementation of changes to the benefit of women, which were
being suffocated by strong patriarchal attitudes.
Figure 33: Advocacy Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
4.3.2 Operations of Women Groups
This section looks at the functionality of women chamas, contextualized as
structures and systems which provide foundational and progressive pillars upon which
the life of such groups is driven. Key to this finding is the nature of the group, and
mostly this was voluntary (membership was not mandatory to any member), structure
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of the group, which will look at the age(s), thematic focus and guiding principles.
Secondly the findings will interrogate the presence of action plans, strategic plans,
and calendar of activities. Lastly it will mirror members’ rights, responsibilities and
obligations.
4.3.2.1 Governance Structure of the Women Chamas
The study found that most women groups had leadership in terms of office
bearers, and this included chairperson, vice-chairperson, secretary and treasurer.
Other groups had even a patron who often had either initiated the formation of the
groups or had particular sway in terms of decision making in the group. Apart from
the leadership, most groups had members not less than 10 but did not exceed 45.
Although most respondents 88% indicated that leadership was democratic,
further scrutiny demonstrated that what was practiced was consensus-democracy, as
Hendricks (2010:69) affirms; it refers to a general model of integrative-indirect
democracy, a specific version of which can be found in countries like the Netherlands.
In such a democracy accommodation, pacifications, coalitions and compromises
abound. In this case citizens play the role of primarily spectator and secondarily that
of consulted party. This officialdom had a period of between 2 to 4 years, although
instances of perpetuity were observed.
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Figure 34: Appointment of Officials Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
In leadership most positions were given to the most learned members of the
chamas, and FGDs noted that most chairpersons and secretary positions were
occupied by women who could read, write and analyze issues. In other circumstances
the treasurer position was occupied by someone with considerable secondary
education, and where the same went to person with lesser level of education, an
assistant was provided, who often had higher level of education. Out of 286
respondents interviewed, 73 occupied leadership positions and common among them
were levels of education, membership to other institutions such as Parents- Teachers
Associations, local peace committees and community public health team etc. As
shown in Figure 35, of the 73 leaders, only 3% had primary education. The rest had
secondary and college education.
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Figure 35: Education Levels of Chama Leadership Source: Field Survey (n = 73)
Most of the groups were solid and voluntary on the basis of exclusive
characteristics like common religion, age-mate(s), village boundaries, common
challenges and opportunities or common future interests. This according to 79% of
the respondents provided the ground upon which vetting of any new members was
based. However, in terms of priority, age played the least role in solidifying the
structure of formation of the chama.
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Figure 36: Causes of Group Solidarity Source: Survey Data (n=286)
4.3.2.2 Operational Guidelines of the Women Chamas In accordance with 75% of the respondents, most chamas have officials who
provide leadership both internally and externally. Internally the leadership which
consists of Patrons, Chairperson, Vice Chairperson, Secretary, Vice Secretary and
Treasurer was concerned with relationship between and across members, members’
contributions, members’ general response or conduct towards the operational
guidelines of the chamas and the competency of members in ascertaining strengths
within the group.
Secondly most chamas according to 94% respondents had simple guidelines
referred to by many other names including constitution (katiba), ratiba (schedule),
sheria ya kikundi au sheria unganishi (the binding rules) amongst others. It was noted
that although these legal documents were in place (mentally), absence of hard copies
made most members not to bother with reading them comprehensively. In fact most
members were aware of the “day to day operations” (norms) rather than the bigger
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constitutional picture. These rules served as the guiding principles by which most
chamas operated or functioned. These positions away or apart from the general
membership(s) had various designated tasks and were expected to report back to the
membership during meetings. Most groups (chamas) met at least once a month, with
an agenda shared early enough with all the members. Issues were reviewed and
decisions made in each meeting, and this formed part of the individual and team
monitoring on the activities of the chama.
It was observed that most chamas had records which indicated past, present
and future undertakings. This ranged from targets for members, commitments,
contributions, donations, events, functions, friends, possible partners, networks,
government agencies and likely institutions for partnerships. Most chamas had events
calendar, structured action plan, impromptu (as is where is status) approach and none
with a strategic plan to help them pursue their objectives.
Figure 37: Operation Plan of Chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
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Internal operations were regulated by the presence of social sanctions at 82%
of the times which motivated members to respect provisions of the guidelines and
work within the precincts of the chama. Some of social sanctions included fines, non-
attendance of defaulter’s functions, social levies like ensuring that there is collection
of more water on the part of the defaulter whenever social functions like funerals or
weddings arose amongst others.
Externally the operational guidelines provided insights on the kind of
networks, linkages and relationships that were allowed the officials to pursue. This
was mostly a responsibility of the patron or chairperson. Further, the guidelines
identified and promoted the chamas with programme areas of engagement, sources of
funding and defined which “outsiders” could gain from the chama benefits. Outsiders
in this study implies the people who are known to the chamas but are non-members.
The most essential benefit from these external relationships was peer learning, where
chamas shared notes and challenges particularly if there were shared opportunities
like accessibility to the devolved funds (CDF, LATF and Social Services Grants), and
common programme areas such as dealing with teenage mothers amongst others
4.3.2.3 Members’ Rights and Responsibilities
The study by 86% of the respondents found that most chamas have defined
and assigned rights and responsibilities to members. Some of the rights included; the
right to invite a potential new member; the right to participate in identifying and
instituting leadership; right to make proposals in regard to any subject matter in the
chama; the right to reject any new member with whom one carries reservation(s);
right to give contribution or donation or likely in kind support in portions acceptable
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by the membership; and each member has a right to access and enjoy the benefits that
accrue for the years the chama exists.
Figure 38: Levels of Awareness on their Rights and Responsibilities Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
Members were expected to undertake some tasks in the chamas, this included
attending meetings regularly or whenever such are called; make good any
contributions, whenever such are passed in the meetings; provide the necessary
support like hosting of meetings in the event that kind of approach is acceptable in the
group; make good their penalties whenever certain breach has been observed; to bring
to attention any form of conflict that may seem to arise in the chamas etc.
4.3.3 Conclusion
It was observed that most chamas are voluntary in nature and the membership
is open to certain agreed upon principles or characteristics in accordance with
preferences of the founder members. This is in tandem with Article 36 (1) of the
Constitution of Kenya (GoK, 2010) which stipulates that ‘every person has the right
to freedom of association, which includes the right to form, join or participate in the
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activities of an association of any kind’. Secondly and most importantly chamas had
governance structure and systems which comprised of leadership which played both
political, administrative and managerial roles, as guided by written and unwritten set
of laws (rules). It was revealed that most chamas practiced what is known as
consensus democracy which was found to be appropriate in entrenching harmony
between and across the members. This kind of leadership made for the absence of
outright strategic plans thus making the implementation of the actions plans or
calendar of events (activities) effective due to high ownership levels within the
chamas.
4.4 The Contribution of Women Chamas in Bungoma County to Social Cohesion
This section addresses the third objective by unmasking the contributions made by
chamas to national cohesion. The dissertation looked at rural and urban chamas
considering that Bungoma County is home to these dynamics. In order to establish
their contributions to cohesion, the study sought to contextualize the contributions of
women chamas to the society through the lenses of prosperity, societal stability and
civic engagement.
4.4.1 Women Chamas and Prosperity
For a long time, literature has observed that there is a significant link between
poverty and violent conflict. However, Von Hippel (2002:85) holds that there is no
empirical evidence to support the hypothesis that conditions of poverty cause conflict.
Pervasive poverty alone is not a sufficient condition to create a major conflict, or even
to cause an individual to commit an act of violence. Yet, many studies show that there
is a strong correlation between the absence of material well-being and the prospects
for violence, from crime in inner-city neighborhoods (Sampson, 1997:13) to
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instability in poor nations (Goldstone, 2002:27). This means that increase in material
well-being of the individuals in a society decreases the society’s prospects for
violence. Prosperity changes the incentives facing people and helps groups of rational
decision-makers avoid the ills of massive defection.
This section highlights the influence of the chamas on prosperity. Various
statements on a Likert scale were presented to respondents to check on the influence
of women groups on prosperity. The findings presented on the Table 6 below.
Table 6: Likert Scale of Women Chamas and Prosperity
Women Chamas and Prosperity
Variables Mean (LSI) Standard Deviation
Improved income of women 4.6234*** 0.6351
Undertake new income generating
activities
4.2312** 0.8424
New employment opportunities for
women
4.2133** 0.7551
Ensure food security 3.9731*** 0.6553
Increase savings 4.8735* 0.6321
Improve Literacy 4.8652** 0.7535
Overall (average)- Prosperity 4.4632
* Significant at 1%, ** significant at 5%, *** significant at 10%
Note: LSI = Likert Scale Index
Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
This table offers guidance in the discussion of the following sections.
4.4.1.1 Saving Culture
Members of women groups agreed that women groups enhance the discipline
and saving culture of its members with a mean score of 4.87. To corroborate this
finding, the members were asked to estimate the amount of savings they made per
month before and after joining the chama. Figure 39 below illustrates the trend. There
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was about 50% reduction of members who used to save below Kshs. 500 and 45%
and 13% increase of members who save between Kshs. 1,500 – 2,000 and above
Kshs. 2,000 respectively.
0
20
40
600 – 500
1,000 - 1,500
1,500 - 2,000
Above 2,000
Savings Before and After Joining The Chama
Percentage Before Percentage After
Figure 39: Savings of Members before and after joining chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
The chama improves the saving culture of the respondents through making it
compulsory for all to save and encouraging members to increase their savings and
reinvest them in entrepreneurial activities. As Gugerty (2007:14) puts it, ROSCA
participation: saving requires self-discipline, and ROSCAs provide a collective
mechanism for individual self-control in the presence of time- inconsistent
preferences and in the absence of alternative commitment technologies. These savings
have empowered women group members to access loans from both the group and
bank. Individual members can withdraw part of their saving to buy assets or start an
income generating activities. Additionally, the study noted that by participating in
chamas, the respondents were able to access formal banking institutions with ease and
access better amount of loan. Most respondents were able to attend training after
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joining chamas which had an impact in enabling them increase assets, improve book
keeping, spend wisely, and diversify investment.
These findings are similar to those of Padala (2011:108) who noted that saving
acts as a buffer against unforeseen happenings such as illness, business losses.
Similarly, Panda (2009:33) in his study further ascertained this saving culture and its
impact such as enabling women to own assets such as land, houses, movables assets
such as vehicles, tractors.
On the contrary however, Macoloo (2009:19) argues that when women begin
to take away certain household responsibilities from the hands of their husbands as
they generate their own resources through savings and credit, thereby increasing the
amount at the disposal of their husbands, some irresponsible husbands use their extra
resources in non-productive activities such as excessive drinking and marrying extra
wives. However, such cases are very few and the benefits of the savings culture far
outweigh the negative consequences. However, previous studies have shown that
women’s increased household responsibility increases sanity in the community, as
their role of mothers and home makers enhances community networks. This reads
from the research of Holmes and Slater (2012:26) who aver that improved families’
conditions in relation to children, education and nutrition increases sanity in the
Mexican community. In fact Holmes and Slater infer that by women adapting to the
savings culture, they tend to save the community from unnecessary misuse of
resources on reactive social and economic therapies.
4.4.1.2 Income Generating Activities
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Women groups linked micro credit programs aim at extending income
generating self-employment activities among poor women in rural areas through
financial inclusion. The respondents agreed strongly at a mean of 4.21 that women
groups create employment for their members and the society at large. The respondents
were further asked questions regarding their income generating activities and what
their groups contribute towards their income generating activities. The table 7 below
shows the resulting frequencies and percentages of the responses.
Table 7: Responses regarding what the chama members engage in No Question Response
(percent) Total
Yes No N Percent 1. Were you engaged in any enterprise before joining
the group? 18 82 286 100
2. Are you engaged in any income generating activity now?
100 0 286 100
3. Did your chama give you capital or help you access capital for the enterprise?
91 9 286 100
4. Does your chama provide entrepreneurship skills training?
100 0 286 100
5. Have you participated in any of these skills trainings? 100 0 286 100 Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
The results of the study indicated that 82% of the respondents had no income
generating activities prior to joining the women group. However all the respondents
were in agreement that chamas have enabled members to engage in IGA activities,
up-scaled the IGAs of some of the members, provided entrepreneurship training to
members and are handy in coming up with new ideas to revamp existing enterprises.
Therefore, these women’s groups are seen to have a positive influence on improving
the sustainability of members as well as the society at large.
4.4.1.3 Increase in Income
When asked whether their income had increased since joining the women
group, most respondents were in agreement that their family income had increased
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ever since they joined the self help group with a mean of 4.62. In order to assess how
their income had increased they were asked to state their average total household
monthly income before they joined the women group and their current average total
household monthly income so as to see the increase in income. The table 8 below
shows the percentage of members with specific monthly income before and after
joining the group.
Table 8: Average monthly income before and after joining women’s group
Income Range (KShs)
Number of Members (Income Before)
Percentage Number of Members (Income After) Percentage
0 – 5,000 31 11 0 0 5,001 – 10,000 80 28 26 9 10,001 – 15,000 51 18 74 26 15,001 – 20,000 60 21 74 26 20,001 – 25,000 43 15 63 22 Above 25,000 20 7 49 17
Total 286 100 286 100 Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
The study findings indicated noticeable increase in the income of the women’s
households after joining the women chamas. As of the point of data collection there
was no respondent who is a member of a women’s group with an income averaging
less than five thousand a month as income.
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Figure 40: Improvement in Income of Women Group Members Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
The 11% of members who earned between 0-5000 shillings before joining the
group all earn above 5,000 shillings after joining the group. The 28% of members
who were earning between 5001 – 10,000 shillings reduced to 9%. The other cadres
of income from 10,001 and above increased with the most considerable being 25,001
and above which marked 10% increase. The increased incomes emanated from
interest on money lending, proceeds from selling products, self-deposits and subsidies
from banks among others.
The study, based on these findings sought to establish whether women chamas
made any contribution to national cohesion by way of building prosperity amongst
members. This study also reads from Suguna (2006:68) who asserted that three out of
every five Kenyans belong to a chama in search of prosperity. Further, Suguna
emphasizes that increased and well distributed pockets of prosperity makes
conspicuous strengths found in diversity. These assertions confirm the study findings
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established in section 4.3.1.7, which identified members of women chamas involved
in various types of small scale businesses.
This study observed that by increasing income of members of women chamas,
there is considerable expansion in the economic interactive spaces growing out of
changed status. This in itself has a number of positive implications both on the
individual and the community at large. Secondly improved economic space reduces
vulnerabilities within communities as they provide income to address issues around
illnesses, illiteracy and non-skilled labour amongst others, thus creating a sense of
social security hence scaling down points of conflict at both personal and community
level.
In seeking to find how changed economic positions in regards to increased
incomes, the study found that people with such changes acquire economic operational
space thus creating a reason for protecting the earning space which guarantees their
new status. Based on this finding, the researcher asserts that if people own and enjoy
fruits of an expanded economic space, they tend to owe allegiance to that space and
would undertake actions to protect such spaces from destruction. This can be linked to
the study carried out by Mumma (2008: 12) who avowed that young people were
extremely destructive in 2007/2008 during post-election violence because they were
absent from the economic space, and had nothing to protect.
By increasing the income thus economic status of the members and the
community in totality, chamas suffocate vulnerabilities in the community and by so
doing increase interactive spaces in the community for positive relationship building.
Particularly reduction in unnecessary deaths, illness, illiteracy and non-skilled labour
coupled with increased sense of security directly scales up cohesion.
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4.4.1.4 Women Chamas and Food Security
The study in section 4.4.2 emphasizes that food security is the most crucial
indicator of a stable family. There is a nuanced relationship between food insecurity
and violence which deteriorates cohesion. Hendrix & Brinkman (2013:11) argue that
food insecurity can be a source of grievances that motivate participation in rebellion.
Communal conflicts tend to occur against a backdrop of chronic food insecurity. In
urban areas, higher consumer prices, particularly for food and fuel, are associated
with increases in urban protest and rioting, which can have adverse effects for
institutions and influence policy decisions that affect the whole country. Being a
critical component of agriculture in developing countries, comprising an average of
43 per cent of the agricultural labour force, women are key in ensuring food security
(FAO, 2011:14).
Through the provision of physical and emotional support and income to their
members, women groups have direct effects to the family unit. Women can gain the
access to food through producing it for their own consumption or purchasing it with
income. This study has demonstrated that women groups increase the income of its
members. With this income, women will access food for the families. Women play
important roles not only as producers of food, but as managers of natural resources,
income earners, caretakers of household food and nutrition security. Giving women
the same access to physical and human resources as men could increase agricultural
productivity. Therefore, empowering women is key to achieving food security.
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When asked in what way women groups ensure food security, respondents
indicated as shown in Figure 41 that women groups help women to increase
productivity and access to markets whilst sharing knowledge, information and
productive assets including land, livestock, and credit. Supportive collective structures
– such as producer organizations, farmer field schools, community-managed savings
and credit groups, enterprise and marketing cooperatives, cow banks and water
sharing committees – help smallholders through economies of scale, greater
bargaining power, facilitating access to agricultural services, and strengthening
political voice. One of the women rearing bees expressed it in her own way;
“The establishment of the honey cooperative has brought the market closer to us and it also helps us to save money. With our saving gradually fattening we are contemplating how we should best spend it. We are thinking about other businesses that we could set up close to our hives." (Wamalwa Y., 2014)
Figure 41: How Chamas Ensure Food Security Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
Most women owning livestock from the Lia No Wasio group reported that the
animals provide food security, income, and status in the community. They are more
portable than land and crops and are a “living savings bank” that may be used
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throughout the year. This group got support of one cow from a sponsor (Heifer
International) to the group. The cross breed cow was given to the chairlady of the
group. They then redirected their savings to buying cross breed calves for the
members. In addition, when one of the cow calves, the young one is also given to a
member who has no cow yet. Their goal is for every member of the group to have a
cross breed cow which gives more milk but also resists diseases.
Women involved in microenterprises are largely concerned with survival for their
family and themselves rather than running a successful business. Udvardy (1998:106)
concurs with the finding that women groups contribute to food security in the family
and society at large. He holds that Women’s groups are used increasingly by
development agencies and extension services as fora through which to disseminate
expertise about improved agricultural and livestock production methods, information
about health services and to demonstrate new technology. By the wider perspective of
national cohesion as espoused by Holmes and Slater (2012:47), food security adds
value to the social linkages where hardcore or chronic hunger or poverty is reduced
considerably thus allowing for development of relationships where people share an
environment which is not extremely skewed hence security that emanates from social
protection.
This study looks at social protection from the perspective of the United Nations
Research Institute for Social Development. This is the concern that inspires programs,
policies and projects that prevent, manage and surmount situations that adversely
affect people’s wellbeing. This is through poverty reduction and vulnerability by
promoting efficient labour markets, diminishing people's exposure to risks, and
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enhancing their capacity to manage economic and social risks, such as
unemployment, exclusion sickness, disability and old age.
4.4.1.5 Improved Literacy
Education is a vital part of any social cohesion agenda as educational
outcomes affect all three dimensions of the social cohesion triangle. When
opportunities for quality education are afforded across the population, schooling
becomes a strong leveller of opportunities, bringing prospects for upward mobility
even to disadvantaged groups. Increasing educational attainment is an important way
for converging countries to reduce inequality in market incomes in the long run,
particularly as returns to education have changed as a consequence of shifting wealth.
Beyond enrolment, the quality of education needs to receive attention so that
increases in educational outcomes effectively translate into greater productivity, better
growth prospects and improved chances in the labour market. Ensuring that children
have equal opportunities to build their human capital, regardless of socio-economic
background, is a key challenge to strengthening social cohesion.
The members agreed strongly that the chama improves the literacy levels of a
society. Ghadoliya (2004:9) argues that although the scheme of micro financing
through Self Help Groups (SHGs) has transferred the real economic power in the
hands of women and has considerably reduced their dependence on men, lack of
education often comes in the way and many a times they have to seek help from their
husbands for day-to-day work viz; bank, accounts, etc. This necessitated some groups
to address the issue. As mentioned under section 4.3 on activities of chamas, groups
consciously work at improving the literacy levels of their members. One such group is
Mulembe Women Group in Mukhe Market, Webuye which has set up a center where
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women from different women groups in the area converge for adult formal education.
Figure 42 comprises members of Mulembe women group slightly after one of such
trainings with their facilitators.
Figure 42: Mulembe Women Group after class with their facilitators (extreme left)
Source: Field Survey
At the center, women not only strengthen their literacy and numeracy skills,
but can also access information on social, political and economic opportunities and
entitlements. It is also a safe space for them to discuss problems and receive support
from their peers. Facilitators hold regular meetings with the women, during which
issues such as health, violence, family planning and nutrition are discussed. These are
open meetings and all women are encouraged to attend. The center built skills that left
women better able to participate in the agricultural value chain, including weighing
produce, calculating investments, completing financial transactions, getting
information from others (as they can now dial numbers on a mobile phone),
calculating seed rate and other inputs and negotiating with traders.
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This literacy empowerment has several impacts. It does often mean higher
income for the new literate both in urban and rural settings. In the rural setting, the
new literate is able to make use of such economic institutions as the rural banks and
marketing co-operatives as well as economic opportunities in the extension activities
of different Ministries and related agencies. In the urban setting, literacy contributes
to higher income, to safety on the job, and to the possibility of unionisation to protect
economic interests. In addition, literacy may motivate and encourage women learners
to educate their children, particularly girls, by enrolling them in school. As women
realize the importance of education, more and more girls are given opportunities to
continue their education.
While concurring with the contention that literacy improves livelihoods,
Corson (1998:32) argues that life chances have much to do with opportunities that are
provided by social conditions within a given society and are a function of two
elements – options and ligatures. He posits that in many parts of the world, literacy is
often associated with two types of life chances; increased life options, which means a
greater range of future choices as a result of education and increased ligatures which
are bonds that individuals develop with each other as a result of their experience in
education.
Nevertheless, Egbo (2000:45) argues that merely enabling women to read and
write without reference to their social and political inequality and its origins
contributes materially to maintaining their oppression. Teaching them how to read and
write through critical analysis will enable them to travel with a different
consciousness of their world, their place within it, and their personal and collective
power to transform what is inhumane and unjust.
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Women groups also improve literacy outcomes through supporting the
education of their children, finding innovative ways of accessing educational facilities
and improving them. The activity among women group members of handing over text
books from one mother to another when children move classes is one of the examples
noted in this study. Conversely, chamas help their members take their children to
school by providing the support of paying school fees in needy circumstances and
loaning women to settle their fee balances in time to avoid their children from missing
school due to being sent away over the same. One comment from a member was
particularly outstanding;
‘Nilipeleka watoto wangu shule sababu wenzangu walikuwa wananipigia makelele ati mi hukula tu pesa ya chama. Siku moja, karibu wanifukuze kwa chama kwa sababu msichana wangu alifukuzwa shule juu ya fees. Sasa, mi hulipa fees kwanza ndio nifanye vitu zingine.’ - I took my children to school because the members were always scolding me that I only eat the money they give me and I do not make the right priorities. At one time they almost threw me out of the group because my daughter had been chased from school due to lack of fee payment. Today, I pay fees first before I meet other needs.’ (Mulongo R., 2014)
4.4.2 Contribution of Chamas to Societal Stability and Harmony
A stable and harmonious society is the basis for a peaceful country. Stability
in society is caused by a few factors. It requires a stable economy, good governmental
ruling and a society which is socially shares a strong bond. This means that the
economy can sustain the provision of all basic rights, the governmental structure can
ensure that the economic and social rights of their citizens are met and the strong
bond among members of the community assures harmony and peaceful coexistence.
When asked how women groups contributed to stability and Harmony, respondents
indicated as follows:
Table 9: Women Group and Societal Stability & Harmony Women Group and Societal Stability & Harmony
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Variables Mean LSI Standard Deviation
Increased community resilience against
disasters
4.4321* 0.7581
Role in decision making in the community 3.2343 1.9651
Establishes stable families 4.0524** 0.8124
Reduced conflicts in the society 4.5621* 0.6352
Better sense of belonging 4.0213*** 0.8235
Increased trust among members 4.1213** 0.8954
Overall (average) Societal Stability &
Harmony
4.0705
* Significant at 1%, ** significant at 5%, *** significant at 10%
Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
4.4.2.1 Community Resilience
Community resilience is a measure of the sustained ability of a community to
utilize available resources to respond to, withstand, and recover from adverse
situations. Women groups are providers of insurance, protection and risk managers.
Stewart (1990:62) posits that women groups provide a setting in which people with
similar goals come together to offer practical and emotional support in a reciprocal
and mutually beneficial manner. Respondents agreed strongly with a significant mean
of 4.43 that women groups increase community resilience and preparedness against
disasters. This is done through providing social insurance, protection and managing
risks.
Upon asking respondents who belonged to groups the circumstances under
which they were helped by their group members, the highest frequency of members
(58%) had got support during illnesses of their close family members and themselves.
This support followed in frequency to marriage ceremonies. Several members also
received support from their groups to cover the cost of their children’s school fees. In
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the FGD, it was however mentioned that since school fees is a need that can be
planned, it rarely receives support from the emergency kitty. The least frequency of
support (2%) was for other ceremonies such as baptism of the child following 3% of
support during disasters. The disasters mentioned included war and overt inter-ethnic
conflicts in their area.
Therefore, women groups are used as shock absorbers when members
experience difficulties in life that are distressing and are difficult to cope with or
combat as an individual or as a family. Looking back at findings under section 4.3.1.6
on social support, this study heralds the buoyancy of people who communally address
issues of social concern. In this context some members facing such life transitions
may want to make sense of what is happening to them by sharing with those who have
been through something similar. This line of thinking can be attested by Marin and
Vazquez (2012:55) concept of resilience who observed that resilient cultural values in
the Latinos way of life increased community cohesion. The concept of resilience has
been defined as the capability to flourish despite normative fluctuations that take
place throughout the life span. However, resilience can be learned over the lifespan
and fostered through supportive relationships or interactions. The concept of
resilience has been further expanded to not only include individual perspectives but
larger support networks. Based on these findings, the study asserts that emotional and
social support which manifest as empathic sharing, counseling and trauma healing
amongst others enhances social stability which informs progressive constancy in
national cohesion building.
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Figure 43: Support from Women Groups to Members
Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
Levin, Matteo and Silva (2012:81) contend that a break through community
anticipates and responds to shocks by taking co-ordinated collective actions toward a
commonly agreed vision of a better future. He likens it to a sports team whose
sustained efforts enables them to break through to the next league. This means that the
entire community might not participate actively in the planned actions but may be a
beneficiary of such plans. Chamas work in a similar manner within the community.
4.4.2.2 Trust and Belonging
The members also agreed that members of the women chamas trust one another
with a significant mean score of 4.12. When asked how important trust is to group
formation and operation, 85% of the respondents prioritized the presence of trust in
strengthening working relationships in the chamas. In it was acknowledged in the
FGD that formation and sustenance of chamas was anchored on the degree of trust
across members who may have found universality in their definition of challenges
facing them individually.
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In this regard, a number of factors identified to enhance trust among members
included discipline as enforced by the strictness of rules of the group, universal
application of credit access rules, equal treatment of all members (including leaders)
and timely and open information sharing among others. This coincides with findings
under section 4.3.2.2 and 4.3.2.1, where relevance of structures and systems in the
chamas added value to the aspects of belonging. Secondly, most groups encourage
women through group dynamics to counsel each other; undertake mentoring and
coaching activities and progressive team building exercises executed through the
rotational hosting and moderating of meetings. Accountability in the group is
demonstrated by the fact that leadership is quite clear on how people ascend to power,
exercise the same within reasonable measures of the group’s constitution/ rules, but
which are exposed to progressive monitoring of the groups’ activities through actions
like sharing of proceeds at end of year (defined time by the group).
Respondents held by a mean of 4.02 that women group members were proud to
belong to their groups. Belonging in the group is also enhanced by sharing a vision
and similar goals. The FGD noted that the uniform that members are required to put
on in specific occassions also enhances the sense of belonging in the group. Uniforms
serve the purpose of creating a level playing field and create an identity for the group.
By having the entire group dressed in the same manner, wearing the same color
scheme helps to eliminate the distractions caused by a wide ranging social attire.
There is no mockery between the haves and have-nots. Additionally, uniforms
promote unity. When members wear the same garments, there is less competition and
a smaller chance of being singled out. Wearing similar clothes in the same colours
unites members – it creates a true team environment. A desire to belong and a sense
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of group pride develops from wanting to be part of the group. In fact, discipline starts
with wearing the uniform. When a member wears it, she subconsciously opens
herrself up to laws, rules and regulations that have to be adhered to. They noted that
although it is an additional expenditure, most members go against all odds to acquire
uniforms in groups that require the same. Figure 44 shows Amani Women Group
adorned in their group uniform. They were about to leave for a newborn baby
celebration of the daughter of one of the group members.
Figure 44: Amani Women Chama in their Chairlady’s Compound Source: Field Survey
Given the high diversity in ethnic composition of members in groups, the focus
group discussion held that trust within a women’s group is trust across ethnicities and
religious affiliations. It was also pointed out that women do not have very strong ties
with their ethnic groups because culture has ascribed their identity as ‘not where they
are born’ but where they are married. To illustrate the trust among group members of
different ethcnicites, the Chamro Group in mt. Elgon related the incidents of 1996
when SLDF was terrorizing people in Mt. Elgon. Women from the Bukusu
community left their belongings to the Sabaot group members for safe keeping as they
scampered for their lives in Chwele with their families. As noted by Cox (2009:40) a
number of women groups in Serbia and Bosnia reestablished cross-ethnic ties and
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forms of trust by emphasizing the centrality of maintainaing old and developing new
connections across ethnic lines and boundaries of the new ethnicised states.
Nevertheless, the FGD noted that even where women are married, they are treated as
‘outsiders’ and the ethnic identity of their parents is the basis upon which they are
identified.
Contrary to this finding, Kaye (1997:17) posits that there are many fights within
women groups and elderly support groups due to gossip and slander. This shows that
levels of trust within the group may be reduced or alleviated by gossip. As indicated
in Figure 12, over 70% of non-members strongly agreed that gossip exists in women
groups while only 13% of members concured. One of the members of the chama
confessed that:
‘Nilikuwa najishughulisha na vitu hazinifai sana. Lakini sahii napenda kuambiwa wamama mambo ya maendeleo tu.’ - I used to participate in idle talk, but now I like talking to women about developnent. (Tuikong G., 2014)
Figure 45: Existence of Gossip in Chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
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Further, other FGDs unravelled the issue that high affinity to the women’s groupin
terms of identity or belonging may have negative consequences. It was indicated that
as trust increases within the group, it decreases between the group members and the
non-group members. Therefore, an identity of them versus us is created.
All in all, Ghazala, Lawler and Godfrey (2010:16) concur with the finding and
contends that physical meetings and constant engagement in conversation and
dialogue provide opportunities to increase mutual understandingand challenge
threatening stereotypes thereby enhancing trust in relatioships. One of the
interviewees said that;
‘ I trust my group members because they cannot wish something bad. For example, a group member cannot wish that I be broke because then it means she cannot get my contribution to her when her turn comes.’ (Wakasa R., 2014)
Therefore, shared goals, values and opportunities to resolve common problems
increases trust within the group. Ghazala et al (2010:18) again reinforce this argument
by holding that strong, positive relationships can result whenpeople move beyond
contact and consensus to resolving conflicts and addressing socialinjustice.The study
therefore established that by women groups contributing to trust development in the
society, they add value to community resilience in addressing issues that threaten
sanity in the society. The concept of social cohesion which informs national building,
has been emphasized by the European Committee on Social Cohesion (2004:2), where
states of the European union were encouraged to read from the same script in terms of
goals in order to enhance cohesion in Europe.
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4.4.2.3 Family Stability
Family is the fundamental building block of all human civilizations. Families
are the building blocks essential to the formation of a community, and strong social
structure arises from the foundation many families provide. Respondents strongly
agreed that women groups establish stable families within the society with a mean of
4.05.
This section assesses the contribution of chamas to the family. Just like the
previous section, the study only focuses on direct effects. Findings as represented by
Figure 46 revealed that the presence of stable families indicated a harmonious society.
The respondents (Both members and non-members) described stable families as those
with capacity or ability to; help children access education (taking them to school;
provide reasonable household food security (feeding dependents); afford basic
medical care; own basic household items like utensils; and clothe dependents to
acceptable community standards in that order. Chamas as the study established,
played a big role in ensuring that members had stable families.
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Figure 46: Defining a Stable Family Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
Findings revealed that where women chamas were active most women members
had stable families as described by the aforementioned attributes.
Under section 4.4.1, this study has demonstrated that women groups enhance
access of their members to these commodities thereby safeguarding their families
from denial of the same. As part of the findings of the study, it has been illustrated
that women groups ensure food security, increases education access to children of
their members and the member’s own literacy and numeric level, elevates the status of
the women in the family as well as in the society in regard to decision-making and
enhances household ownership of assets.
Looking at cohesion as a unit that absorbs diverse backgrounds of community
members, and observing the effect of stable families in the society, the findings affirm
that stable families, amongst other factors aid in reducing conflicts which emanate
from lack in basic rights that include right to shelter, food, clothing, social security
and education. Women chamas, with this perception of cohesion propel this country
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into realizing part of Article 43(1) of the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 which states
that:
‘Every person has the right— (a) to the highest attainable standard of health, which includes the right to health care services, including reproductive health care; (b) to accessible and adequate housing, and to reasonable standards of
sanitation; (c) to be free from hunger, and to have adequate food of acceptable quality; (d) to clean and safe water in adequate quantities; (e) to social security; and (f) to education.’ (GoK, 2010: Article 43)
Families are an important pillar of support for any community. At a personal
level, families are the sources of emotional, social and financial support, and this adds
value to the national picture, as similar contributions are made in nurturing socially
responsible individuals who deepen the bond between different communities.
4.4.2.4 Conflict Reduction
Cross-cutting social ties help communities remain peaceful, even when conflict
stressors are present. While responding to the question of how the chama has helped
reduce conflict in the society, the respondents agreed by a mean of 4.56 that chamas
reduce conflicts within the society while the FGD acknowledged that all groups have
conflicts and for a group to survive, it must be able to tackle the internal conflicts in
the forming and storming stages. This means that all women groups have conflict
management styles.
When asked what conflicts occur within their groups, the respondents revealed the
different conflicts that hampered the smooth functioning of their groups as displayed
in Table 10. As cited by 51 percent of the respondents, one of the major reasons
behind the conflict was regarding the division of labour while executing group
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activities. Another factor which triggered conflicts as indicated by 26 percent of the
respondents was regarding the profit sharing especially under the situations of
unequal contribution of labour. According to 14 percent of the respondents, leniency
shown by the leader towards some members, if not extended to other members would
be treated as personal bias and ended up in conflicts. Another major conflict as
perceived by 8 percent of the respondents was over the defaults in the repayment of
the loans provided to the members. Only 1 percent of the respondents revealed that
conflicts were common over the issue of consistent absenteeism of the members in
group meetings.
Table 10: Types of Internal Conflicts in a Chama Conflict Type Percentage Sharing of tasks 51
Profit sharing when tasks are unequally shared 26
Bias towards some members by the leadership 14
Default payments against loans 8 Absenteeism of some members 1
TOTAL 100 Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
Most of the respondents (36%) noted that the accumulated amounts of money that
members of a chama get reduce family conflicts. The FGD emphasized that the chama
is a source of peace to the family. One member of a chama explained how this is so;
‘Mi na bwana yangu hatupigiani kelele kila mara ati nataka pesa za chumvi mara pesa za kiberiti kwa sababu siwezi kosa angalau kidogo kutoka kwa chama.’ - I am not quarreling with my husband all the time saying I need money for this, I need money for that as I can get a little support from the chama. (Makhaso E., 2014)
This observation seems to be in tandem with Cox’s (2009:41) argument that
conflicts within the family reduce due to the material and financial assets that meet
the needs of the family available to the woman. On the contrary however, Sinha and
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Wilson (2006: 38) argue that although there is no haggle between a couple on what to
buy, the availability of money or means to meet certain needs to the woman does not
imply less conflict. In fact, the husband loses friendship and confidence in his wife
because he feels that she has eroded and subsumed his decision-making powers.
Certain family conflicts may be caused by participation in the chama. There have
been cases where husbands trick their wives into lending them the loan funds, or at
times they just take the money away from their wives by force and do not pay back. In
such cases these women have to find ways of repaying the loan without having put it
to productive use. Such women get discouraged from borrowing funds again and
relapse into a state of helplessness and dependence on their husbands.
Women groups also mediate between parties when conflict arises. This may be
between members of the group, between a member and an outsider or between outside
parties. 22% of respondents asserted that this is the means through which women
groups reduce conflict within the society. In the FGD, It was held that most women
groups use arbitration and negotiation strategies in resolving conflict depending with
the parties involved. A woman recalled the way her chama leadership helped explain
to her husband her responsibilities within the chama in order to get his approval in
being away from home sometimes.
A typical example was one in Mt. Elgon where boda boda youths who were being
arrested due to rising motorbike accidents. They planned a riot against the local
government because the roads were impassable. When the Tirirgon women group
heard of this, sought to mediate between the youths and the local government. The
women group chairlady adduced as follows:
“Niliongea na vijana wakasema accidents zinafanyika kwa sababu ya barabara mbaya ambayo viongozi wanafaa kuunda. Pesa za CDF zilikuwa zishatolewa
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lakini barabara haikuwa inatengenezwa. Tulienda kuongea na chief halafu pamoja tukaenda kwa CDF committee. Tuliomba vijana watupe siku chache tuone vile tunaweza kufanya. CDF committee walikubali kukutana na vijana na wakaita polisi pia kwenye mkutano huu. Hapo makubaliano yalifanya na maongezi kuhusu harassment ya polisi kwa vijana.” – I talked to the boda boda youths who said that accidents happen due to bad roads which the leaders ought to improve. CDF funds had been set aside for road reconstruction but no progress had been made. We spoke to the chief who accompanied us to the CDF committee. We asked the youths to give us a few days to try and resolve the issue. The CDF committee agreed to meet with the youths and called the police too. The meeting set modalities of operation and agreements on the way forward. – (Temko E., 2014) Additionally, Miriam remembers the way her chama helped her salvage her
marriage.
“Wakina mama walikuja kuongea na mzee wangu aache kunipiga piga. Alikuwa amezoea sana mpaka nilikuwa nafikiria kurudi kwetu. Tangu aongeleshwe, mzee hajawahi kunipiga tena. Yeye hupiga tu makelele halafu analala.” – Members of my group spoke with my husband to so beating me. He was doing it so often that I had decided to leave him. Since the day the women spoke to him, he has never beaten me again. He just rants then sleeps. (Wanguso M, 2014)
Another member also related how the chama helped her community, the Iteso to
feel included and end animosities with the Sabaot after they had been forcefully
evicted from Mt. Elgon during the SLDF problems.
“Nilienda na watoto wangu Malaba lakini baada ya miezi tano, wenzangu (wanachama) walinipigia simu wakaniambia kwamba mambo yamenyamaza na naweza kurudi kwangu Kopsiro. Niliporudi, wanachama waliamua kuwaita wamama wote wateso wenye walikuwa wanaishi hapo hata kama hawakuwa kwa chama yetu. Sio wote walirudi lakini wale wachache walirudi walichangiwa vyombo na kusaidiwa kujenga nyumba zingine kwa sababu zao zilikuwa zimechomeka. Isitoshe, walitusaidia kulima mashamba yetu kwa sababu tulikuwa tumechelewa kuyatayarisha.” – I left with my children to Malaba but I was called by my chama members after five months saying that it was calm now and I could return. When I went back, my group members decided to call all the Iteso women who resided in Kopsiro regardless of whether they were members of the chama. A few of them came back and were received with great support by the chama members who bought utensils for them, helped them rebuilt their burned down houses and assisted them in ploughing their farms to catch up with the season. (Akirinyi M., 2014)
Respondents (21%) also said the groups put in place rules and regulations whose
effective enforcement help curb conflict. For instance, the internal conflict earlier
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noted on absenteeism and defaults in loan repayment could, according to by-laws of
the chama, attract hefty fines. Sanctions help reduce conflict as there is a feeling of
justice being done to the other members of the group by punishing the offender.
However, sanctions also lessen conflict as they act as deterrence and the behavior that
causes conflict cannot be repeated.
Other members mentioned that skill development in problem solving and
training in anger management of members reduces conflict in the society. This is
coupled with the social support that the group offers its members when they are in
difficult circumstances. Ranjula & Yang (2012) agree with this contention since they
observed that women after joining groups were able to resolve conflict among
themselves in the group even without the leaders due to the learnt conflict
management skills.
Figure 47: Conflict Management Ways Used by Chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
These findings resonate with Kiptoo (2013:87) who asserts that problem-
solving, solidarity building, coping mechanisms and relationship building restored a
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state of normalcy in the Rift Valley parts of Kenya after the post-election violence
which tore apart this section of the country. However, this study submits that higher
levels of self-awareness would be a more strategic approach in affirming the
appropriateness of the various actions by women when addressing conflicts.
4.4.3 The Contribution of Women Chamas to Inclusive Participation
Giving space to dissenting voices is fundamental to the creation of a
sustainable, socially cohesive society. The harnessing of civic participation and
political feedback mechanisms is essential if growth processes are not to be derailed.
This is particularly true in the context of shifting wealth, where faster economic
growth and more social dislocation require innovative responses. Governments which
ignore questions of social cohesion risk having to face social instability and undertake
ineffective policy interventions. Recent events – ranging from pro-democracy unrest
in Thailand in 2010 to the Arab Spring revolutions – lend support to the thesis that it
is clearly not sufficient to apply technocratically good policy frameworks while
disregarding people’s desire for inclusive political processes. This section delineates
the contribution of women chamas in promoting inclusive participation of women in
political processes in Bungoma County.
When asked a series of Likert items on how women groups affect inclusive
participation of their members in democratic processes, respondents answered as
follows.
Table 11: Women Groups and Inclusive Participation
Women Groups and Inclusive Participation
Variables Mean LSI Standard Deviation
Improved self-confidence 4.2342* 0.7581
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Improved Communication Skills 3.1242** 0.9124
Awareness on societal problems 4.0342*** 0.8235
Engagement with local leadership 4.3241** 0.8954
Improved observation of the rule of law 4.0976* 0.7561
Improved political participation through
voting
4.5231*** 0.6531
Overall (average) Inclusive Participation 4.0562
* Significant at 1%, ** significant at 5%, *** significant at 10%
Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
4.4.3.1 Confidence Building of Group Members
With a mean of 4.23, respondents strongly agreed that women groups
gradually improved individual self-confidence of the members. The groups
encouraged dialogue and self-disclosure among group members were promoted. They
offered an avenue where individual members could express their view to other
members as well as the community at village level. Through the focus group
discussions, members who were interviewed agreed that they have acquired more
confidence after joining the groups than before. Such confidence was felt as they were
capable of expressing what they have and feel before fellow members and even before
other members of the community. Through the group leaders, members can give
different suggestions and opinions to the community and village leaders of what they
think should happen regarding some affairs of the community, sub – village and
village level.
This is in tandem with the observation of Tiwari and Tiwari (2007:12) whose
study recorded an increase of self-confidence of members of groups with a
statistically significant mean of 1.2. They hold that the increase may be due to the
opportunities that members have to interact with researchers and stakeholders such as
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bank personnel as well as the high scope of independent thinking accorded to them.
on the contrary, Sinha and Wilson (2006:41) argue that members of a group lax and
they may not be able to garner much confidence as their leaders take control of the
group and engage with outside stakeholders on their behalf. The limelight seems only
to surround the leaders who are put in pace partly due to their eloquence, self-
management and ease to communicate with others.
4.4.3.2 Civic Engagement
Civic engagement by women groups was seen as activities that, when performed
largely have an impact on the larger community in either positively or negatively.
Respondents agreed that women groups encourage their members to engage other
stakeholders in order to resolve local problems with a mean of 4.32. Civic
engagement according to 80% of the respondents included matters of public
concern(s) where the citizens require to be consulted in order to participate. This
participation can either be voluntary or involuntary. Key among some of the civic
engagement efforts included; fighting alcoholism and its effects in the society;
fighting corruption; advocating for gender parity in institutions (like schools, colleges,
etc.); promoting access to water and other basic services like the health care,
education; opening and maintaining infrastructure like feeder roads, markets etc.;
fighting existence in criminal activities in the community; participating in voting
activities including leadership/membership of political parties amongst other. The
study revealed that by so doing women not only increased space for representation,
they created an opportunity for raising silent voices of suffering groups.
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The study found out that women groups come together and take action on issues
which concern entire villages and communities in attempts to improve the local
services and community infrastructure, in the planning and management of resources
and in managing group enterprises and contracts. Most actions are initiated by a
member or a group of members and were mainly one-off matters involving a
campaign, a petition, and a contribution. These actions are carried through by more
than one chama in the villages/towns and also by non-members. In most of the cases,
a petition, a rally or a demonstration came about from issues raised at the larger
network meetings, which gather several women groups. These issues were then
carried out by at least 3 to 4 chamas, or more.
The contextualization shows that not many chamas come together to address
issues of social injustice. However, once the issues have been initiated, they have a
potential for changing the way in which local norms force women to certain behavior.
For instance when domestic violence is brought out in the open, the perpetrators
cannot get away with it by claiming that it is a “private” matter. Notably, by
enhancing civic engagement women endeavor to reduce points of conflict in society
thus increasing community sanity levels.
4.4.3.3 Democratization
A political society must respect the principles of freedom, justice and
tolerance in order to safeguard the peaceful coexistence of its members. Every citizen
must acknowledge a good code of conduct that provides freedoms in a legal and
institutional framework. The concept of freedom that inspires democracy must be
based on the possibility of a decent life for all citizens, in a society where personal
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and collective life is not dictated by necessity but by a set of human rights. The
relation between democracy and social cohesion is defined by the fact that the first
aims for an equality denied by society to many citizens, and the second is a system of
guarantees that allows citizens to exercise their freedoms in a political order of justice
and tolerance. Respondents agreed strongly that women groups inculcate the tenets of
democracy in their members by a highly significant mean of 4.52.
All the groups held that they have a constitution and rules in place to guide
their day to day running. Women groups teach their members how to be democrats by
involving them in the decision-making of the chama about the rules and regulations. It
was found out that the more knowledgeable members develop a draft of the rules and
present them in a meeting where all members are present. These rules are discussed
one after another and adopted appropriately.
Sinha (2006:43) argues that if empowerment is occurring, followed by a
deepened democratization process with more engaged and active women group
members, it should spill over to the entire democratic structure, including voting
behavior. Women chamas have encouraged their women to participate in local
governance processes as they understand the implication of not making rules and
regulations for themselves. When asked how many respondents voted in the last
election, all members (100%) voted while some non-members did not vote.
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Figure 48: Voting in the Last General Election Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
When asked whether women groups help women to vie for leadership
positions, focus group discussions concurred holding that women groups have
supported a member’s nomination, have campaigned actively on their behalf and lend
out funds for campaigns. However it was also held that the candidate had to have
established contacts with political parties from which she could draw support for her
to succeed. Some of these contacts are established through her participation in group
activities especially in advocacy and awareness. Nevertheless, Andrea et al (2005:63)
argue that increasing numbers of women have gained entry into the arena of
representative politics in recent times yet the extent to which shifts in the sex ratio
within formal democratic spaces translates into political influence, and into gains in
policies that redress gendered inequities and inequalities remains uncertain.
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4.4.4 Conclusion
This section has analyzed the various ways in which chamas contribute to national
cohesion through their members. Table 12 shows the summary of the relationship
between Chama’s activities and operations to national cohesion.
Table 12: Summary of the Chama-Cohesion Relationship
Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
Among the three dimensions through which chamas contribute to cohesion
building, the prosperity aspect ranked first followed by societal stability and harmony
aspects and inclusive participation aspects ranked last (Table 12).
4.5 Challenges faced by Women Groups in their Contribution to Cohesion
This section addresses challenges faced by chamas both internally and
externally. It goes further to identify and assign mitigations that were tried by the
various chamas in keeping the movement strong.
4.5.1 Structure and State of the Chamas
It was observed that the state and structure of the chama was a possible
weakness area that remained a challenge to the survival, growth and development of
the chamas. Primary to this findings were three key factors which the study
acknowledged as urgent and requiring immediate mitigation. First is the consistent
Summary of Chama-Cohesion Relationship
Empowerment Mean (LSI) Rank
Prosperity 4.4632 1
Societal Stability and Harmony 4.0705 2
Inclusive Participation 4.0562 3
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and concerted commitment of the members, which was demonstrated by irregular
attendance of meetings, low or inconsistent contributions whenever such is called for,
absenteeism from major chama functions. It was revealed that this accounted for
chamas’ collapse in their sunrise years. The second threat is the perception of reduced
ownership levels in the chamas. As indicated in section 4.4.2.2, the study found that
ownership (perceptions and attitudes) or belonging played a significant role in
keeping the chamas together and committed to their own goal and objectives. This
manifested at three levels; the founder members’ abilities to reinforce the oneness and
commonness in purpose of the group members; perpetuity even in the face of
imminent leadership issues; lack of a clear plan in the event of acquiring chamas’
assets. The third concern is the weak governance structures, which also manifest as;
poor distribution of tasks or assignment; leadership that seems to undertake other
duties outside the chamas more effectively thus making the chamas seem like
“orphans;” poor coordination of events; poor communication and skewed distribution
of information; and poor management of records, contributions and skills thus
creating incompatible team work trends while enhancing discrimination tendencies
amongst members. These findings resonate well with work done by the Kenya
Association of Investment Groups (KAIG: 2014) which observed in their study that
chamas collapse mostly for reasons that are internally rather externally driven.
4.5.2 Political attachment or Interference
The study revealed that most women chamas become attractive to politicians
when they start showing signs of stability, financial autonomy and consistent women
affiliation. Common political interferences included; politicization of the leadership
(39%); partisanship amongst members (taking political sides in a manner that kills the
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team spirit in the chamas (24%); discrimination amongst chamas’ members in
accessing political favours (21%); regional and personalized political funding. This
revelation indicated that operational autonomy of the chamas sometimes gets clouded
by the consistent political interferences or attachment leading to the disintegration of
the chamas after a while. It was observed that once the leadership was politicized, the
chamas tend to lose original vision or goal and end up pursuing other interests
inconsistent with members’ wishes. These findings read from the works of Okemwa
(2000:72) who asserted that gender based development in Kenya was not only a
fallacy but a decoy from real issues that faced women who tried to pursue their
dreams or objectives without the political card, that would attract and sustain political
goodwill.
Figure 49: Political Interference in Chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
4.5.3 Ethnic Orientation of Women
In some circumstances, inter-ethnic differences were conspicuous in chamas.
However, these differences were externally driven or had factors outside the
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operations of the chamas themselves. The noticeable ethnic tendencies were mostly
related to the general perceptions and stereotypes about certain ethnic groups in
Kenya. Key findings indicated that ethnicized political leadership (12%), ethnicized
resources distribution (11%), generalized ethnic conduct or misconduct (9%), overt
affiliation to ethnic traditions irrespective of the presence of others in the chamas
(18%), insensitive use of a particular ethnic language in chama meetings (28%) and
internal ethnic groupings were prominent aspect of discontent (22%).
Figure 50: Ethnic Undertones in Women Chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
Although it was observed that women chamas were sensitive to ethnic
differences, the digression was only noticeable upon application of outside influence.
Otherwise it was noted that most of these were based on assumptions, stereotypes and
generalized nuances about communities not based on any scientific study. Therefore,
the study noted that if the chamas’ leadership was not steady and apt with conflict
transformation skills, most of the groups would collapse whenever there is an ethnic
crisis. Reading Stamp (1999:14), the study affirms that not unless ethnic undertones
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are arrested in good time, women movements and groups in Kenya will forever suffer
from the ethnic differences, which for a long time have hampered upward
development of the country in total.
4.5.4 Financial Inadequacies
The study found that most women chamas, even if concerned with purely
welfare matters of members, required some financial muscle to be able to fulfill their
obligations. It was understood that some contributions whether technical or not could
sometimes be equaled or be given some monetary value for purposes of quantifying
people’s position in the chamas. There was no doubt that 61% of the respondents
attributed money shortfalls as a big challenge facing women chamas. 18% of the
respondents thought that this was a moderately challenging issue. Lastly, 21% of the
respondents acknowledged that inadequate finances could not spell doom for the
chamas. Instead, they mentioned that women welfare groups in Bungoma County
have devised ways in which monetary hindrances can be circumvented in order that
no Chama collapses for lack of enough financial base.
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Figure 51: Funding Problems Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
4.5.5 Inadequate Formal Education
The study observed two very important aspects of education; the leadership
was mostly given through the consensus democracy to those who had higher
education levels amongst the chama members; technical projects or programmes were
limited to a few individuals who had reading, writing and analysis skills that were
noticeable. These two aspects, supported by the fact that respondents who had higher
education levels responded to questionnaires with more depth incited the study to dig
deeper and ascertain if formal education had any relevance to women chamas.
As held in section 4.3.2.1, the study found that 97% of the chama leaders
sampled had secondary and tertiary education. Gill (2011:8) contends that in order to
achieve an organization’s desired future, leaders are responsible for generating a clear
vision and mission, then leading organization to complete the common goals.
Oppositely, Das (2012:25) avers that leadership is the major determinant of
organization success. Therefore, all the contributions of the women groups to
cohesion building cited in this study would not have been possible without its
educated leadership. This study held that the more educated one is, the more likely
they will contribute to cohesion positively. The challenge however, is that the
educational level of women participating in chamas is low. Most of the said women
81% have only secondary education.
The FGD discussions further posited that chamas which had a more educated
leadership and a membership that had formal secondary education tended to grow
faster, and was involved in more than one venture as opposed to those with lower
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education levels. In fact women chamas that had higher formal level of education
enjoyed and accessed more services from the formal/mainstream sector which
included reproductive health issues, information, and experience exchange programs
in various sectors, 50% times higher than those with lower educational levels. These
findings can also be compared to the research undertaken by Wube (2010:35) who
concluded that women with formal education stood better chances in leadership and
management. Further, Wube adds that in entrepreneurship, women groups that have
more formal education in their membership engaged in more “advance business
ventures” away from the simple small scale commonly in community markets.
When asked whether education was important in delivering the mandate of the
chamas, 56% of the respondents affirmed that education was extremely important as it
gave a foundation for interaction internally and externally. 23% saw this as an
opportunity to access services outside the chama, which required efficient
communication skills which were part of the formal education systems. 14% of the
respondents acknowledged that education helped people connect issues, read of
others’ experiences and find more informed and innovative solutions. While 7%
recognized the significance of formal education but did not see any hindrance for the
lack of it, however, they noted that the world is changing fast and formal education
remains the gate to global/regional/ or national interaction(s).
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Figure 52: Education and Chama Objectives Source: Field Survey (n = 422)
4.5.6 View of Women in a Patriarchal Society
In seeking to understand how the general society viewed women chamas, the
study found that women still face hostilities that emanate from their sense of
autonomy. The study posed the question to respondents from women chamas, “How
does the community view you in relation to the chama business? A number of issues
came up but most re-affirmed the general stereotypes common in a patriarchal
society, and these included; women in chamas are “big headed” and never listened to
their husbands (22%); women in chamas are disrespectful to the society; the women
in chamas veer of the “normalcy of womanhood in the society (undertaking functions
and duties that are socially a men’s responsibility by virtue of socialization).
When asked how men in the society perceive their efforts, 17% of them held
that men perceive women development as a good phenomenon. In this instance, one
member said that;
“My husband always praised women chama members saying that they are able to take care of their families without disturbing their husbands. He could
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encourage me to join a chama because it would help me think more about development, rid me of time to be lazy and idle and give me an opportunity to have my own money.” (Namuyonga S., 2014) Another young member of a chama mentioned that she joined a chama
because her colleagues related to her how their mother’s chama membership helped
them in the following ways;
“Mimi niliingia chama kwa sababu rafiki yangu mmoja job aliniambia vile chama ya mama yake iliwasaidia akiwa mdogo. Ile mwaka ya njaa (1997), chama ya mama yao iliwanunulia mchele gunia moja na walikuwa wanachemsha tu hiyo mchele kwa miezi sita. At least hao hawakufa njaa kama neighbours wao. Tena alisema mama yao alimpeleka university parallel tu kwa kutegemea wamama wenzake wa chama kwa sababu alikuwa akipewa loan then anarudisha polepole.” – I joined the chama because my colleague told me the way her mother’s chama helped them when she was young. During the famine (1997), the chama bought them a sack of rice which they used for half a year helping them not to succumb to hunger like most of their neighbours. In addition, the mother managed to pay her parallel degree at the university by relying on loans from the chama which she could repay in instalments. (Kibuywa I., 2014) Further, the study noted that 29% of the respondents thought that men
considered their economic independence as a risk factor to their marriages. In
addition, 36% of the respondents held that men perceive a strong woman’s voice as a
political statement or demonstration of power in the house and the community at
large. Lastly 18% of the respondents thought that men imagine that women in chamas
were abandoning and upsetting the cultural set up of their communities which they
considered as misconduct.
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Figure 53: View of Members on Men’s Perception of their Autonomy Source: Field Survey (n = 286)
This perceptions hinder the operations of the women chamas as they rely on
other stakeholders in the community to achieve their goals. For instance, when
advocating for better health care, the chamas have to work with public health facilities
which are headed by men or women who subscribe to such perceptions. This closes
up the partnership which would have otherwise yielded the common good of the
society.
4.5.7 Views of Women by Non-Members on Chamas
The study first confirmed that the non-members belonged to a society as
analyzed in section 4.5.6, however, while the section addressed issues from the
perspective of the chama members leveraging on their experiences, section 4.5.7
looked at non-members. The non-members felt that chamas required lots of money in
order to sustain membership; they need a lot of time and concentration; they open up
the lives of people and secrets to the outside world which can cause mental fatigue;
they stir bad influence among their members; they cause a lot of peer pressure
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amongst the members; and they require that one constantly knows what others are
going through.
Looking at these factors, the study sought to further ascertain what was the
most frequent and popular assumption(s) about all that had been mentioned and the
following were avowed; monthly contributions were tasking (21%); too much time
(19%); too much involvement in other people’s affairs (15%); bad influence stood at
(20%); a lot of peer pressure (18%) and exposing my secrets to outsiders (7%).
Figure 54: View of Non-Members on Chamas Source: Field Survey (n = 136)
Looking at these findings, the study attempted to address the question of
whether in the opinion of the non-members, chamas were a bad idea. The response by
about 75% of the respondents was that if the objectives were known and the chamas
made open to public / outside scrutiny, the suspicions would have reduced. In itself
the chamas was a wonderful idea, but there was urgency in harmonizing its operations
with “usual life dynamics” in order to reduce growth of unfounded assumptions about
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women who were in chamas. These findings are a demonstration of how the Kenyan
society finds difficulty in coping up with women who exercise some form of
independence, just as Kamau (2010) has noted in her study of women challenges in
facing up to their male counter parts when seeking to ascend to political leadership.
4.5.8 Conclusion
This section holds that chamas’ biggest threat is internally motivated rather
than externally driven. It points to weak governance structures, wavery commitment
of members and perception of exclusion as the main internal risks for group
disintegration. Nevertheless, external threats such as political interference, ethnicity
and lack of sustainable funding and technical support also feature prominently. Low
levels of education among chama members was seen as one of the factors decreasing
the optimum contribution of chamas to national cohesion.
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CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
5.0 Introduction
This chapter presents the discussions, summary of findings, recommendations
and proposed areas or new themes for further research. It specifically summarizes the
details in each chapter, and for the chapter (IV) on findings speaks on each objective
and enumerates the outcomes of each affirming linkages between the functioning of
women chamas and the process of national cohesion building in Kenya.
5.1 Summary of Findings
This section reads and gains understanding from the findings in chapter four of
the study providing relationships between the research objectives prominent themes
and major outcomes that had significance presence within the different topical
analytical structures as were supported by mechanism provided by chapter three. In
generating the conclusions of the study, this section seeks to interrogate the findings
based on the feedback of every objective, while at the same time it also submits to
logically give insight on the relevance of demographic data, which combined with
focus themes enhances the link to cohesion building processes in Kenya.
Demographic findings provided insights on some of the most fundamental
attributes that advanced community cohesion. When looking at demographic
specifics, the study appreciated the relevance and the elasticity of age differences
between different members of the women chamas, however, it largely noted that age
was not a limiting factor and did not inhibit membership neither discourage
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participation. The study noted that age variation was extensive as among the members
there were those who were as young as eighteen and some beyond fifty. Of particular
interest was the finding that among the interviewees majority of those below the age
of twenty and above the age of fifty, and who were members of women chamas
tended to be more accessible (as demonstrated by the response to questions) more
than those who were nonmembers. This was noticeable and linked to their levels of
confidence gained through their association with the chamas. Secondly, the study
found that most women chama members were between the age of twenty one (21) and
thirty five (35), which the study linked to the cultural cycle of women assuming
societal roles, which have more responsibilities and also demonstrates the practice of
donated autonomy from the control of community (culturally) to the realms of their
own. Further the study recognized the fact that most women chamas members were
married. The research sought to interrogate this scenario, and the outcome of this
scrutiny was the realization that married women even in the strictest of sense,
considering that in some areas women chamas have been vilified, found space in
chamas because the society had somehow allowed them recognition, thus creating
acceptability. On another note, this could be linked to the growing platform of needs,
looking at the reproductive and productive life of women, which could explain why
most women chama members were married.
In looking further analysis of the demographic characteristics, the study
revealed that education had both a negative and positive impact on the composition
and functioning of women chamas. It exposed the fact that women who seemed to
have higher levels of education tended to shy away from the groupings as represented
by chamas and on the contrary the lesser educated women formed the majority
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members of the chamas, although where one of them had a slightly noticeable higher
level of education, there was likelihood that the leadership position would be afforded
to those with such education standards. This was attributed to the fact that women
with more education levels recognized and accessed more formal and attractive
opportunities as compared to those with none or little of the same. Secondly the
education attributes provided such women with more choices and flexibility in the
mainstream market as opposed to the informal or grassroots labour market, which was
rather constrictive. It is in this context that the study revealed most women chama
members to be self-employed.
When looking at issues that emanated from religion, the study found that
women’s chama were not blind to the religious diversity of their members, however,
the miscellany did not hinder their interactions hence composition of the chamas. This
explained partly why women of different religious backgrounds could co-exist
peacefully in a region. This was linked very closely with fact that multi-ethnicity
among the women chamas remained conspicuous in area where diverse communities
resided.
5.1.1 Origin and Forms of Women Chamas in Kenya
Objective one sought to investigate the origin and forms of women chamas in
Kenya. In order to draw pictures of women chamas, the study first sought to expose
the premise upon which chamas are established. In this scenario, socio-political and
economic environment notwithstanding, the study revealed that women chamas
tended to respond to an impending scenario which had negative effect or impact on
their wellbeing. Out of these concerns, the study found that actions necessitating
formation and defining the types of women chamas were inspired largely by
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innovative solutions, although opportunities were also available to adopting,
integrating and complementing interventions. When looking at innovative
interventions, women chamas had come up with ideas and practices which were
originally their own creativity. This was demonstrated by ground breaking
technologies like mobile day care centers made of banana leaves and the text book
collection process among members to help in accessing relevant reading and revision
material for children in the chamas.
Followed very closely in terms of inspiring logic as to why women chamas are
established, the study found that women had a tendency to integrate existing solutions
in to sorting out their issues or problems. On the integration path, women
demonstrated this by programs on issues like teenage mothers, where young girls
were taught and given guide on a number of issues including the relevance of ante-
natal services, hygiene and the general welfare matters about child bearing and
rearing. In all these interventions the study found that women also sought identify
alternative mechanism by which to confront challenges or gaps in society. In this
thinking women provided substitute methodologies, or secondary means by which
solutions were afforded the society. This was demonstrated by the availability of re-
usable sanitary pads that made the life of school going girls easy especially those who
came from poor families. Another demonstration was the use of medicinal plants to
curb against flu, acting as preventive measures against prevalent disease in the
harvesting season.
The study revealed that there are about three types of chamas comprising of
financial, welfare and enterprise development, although in terms of formation, a
chama could begin in one form but eventually graduate in to another. However the
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rural and urban socio-economic dynamics dictated the prevalence of the kind of
chama in those regions. The study found that welfare chamas1 were more prevalent in
the rural areas partly because welfare issues are more dominant in such regions, while
the financial and enterprise development thrived in urban centers, particularly the
ASCAs. However, this was not to say that in rural regions financial issues did not
arise. Where such financial issues arose, the arrangement was mostly anchored on
ROSCAS.
5.1.2 Activities and Operations of Women Chamas
Objective two of the study sought to identify the activities and operations of
women chamas in Bungoma County. The research found that most chamas are
voluntary in nature and their functionality rides on the goodwill of members. This was
further contextualized by the findings which indicated that women chamas grew by
their strength as human resources and this was channeled to invest in opportunities
and raw materials which were available to them. The opportunities and materials did
not necessarily belong to them, but their circumstances allowed them access, even in
the minutest of ways. Although the women chamas had various activities including
pooling together through cooperatives, education and training, loaning and credit
access, agricultural and livestock farming, social support and advocacy and
awareness, there was a common phenomenon which indicated the essence of
relationship building, and universality of purpose in the aims and functioning of the
events whose broader intentions was demonstrated by solidity of the women chamas.
The study found that women chamas functioned within specified guidelines or
regulations and rules. This was demonstrated by the presence of unwritten and written
1 Welfare chamas are groups that engage in activities that constantly touch on the social status of the members.
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constitutions and bylaws. Within these legal structures of the women chamas, there
were sanctions and other penalties which impressed upon the members to stick to the
straight and narrow expectations of the groups. It was revealed that most chamas
practiced what is known as consensus democracy, which was found to be appropriate
in entrenching harmony between and among members.
5.1.3 Contributions of Women Chamas to Cohesion Building in Kenya
The third objective attempted to delineate contributions of women chamas in
Bungoma County to social cohesion. In this regard the study revealed the urgency for
creating an environment that allowed for the flourishing of sectors which not only
added value to people’s lives but also enhanced their dignity. This environment in
accordance with the study included opportunities that enabled prosperity, societal
stability and inclusive participation in political processes. Prosperity in the realms of
this study was defined by savings culture, income generating activities, increased
incomes as well as guaranteed food security and improved literacy levels.
The study revealed that savings as a practice in women chamas had a
dichotomous impact, where it exposed individual commitments to processes of wealth
creation as well as group dynamics in creating synergies which allowed for
development of sustainable measures for protecting members from unnecessary
shocks or vagaries. This according to the findings allowed women to have disposable
income that encouraged establishment of income generating initiatives which grew
incomes and eventually opened opportunities that enhanced literacy level within the
chamas.
The study found that women chamas not only supported literacy and
numeracy skills to their members but also improved their critical analysis of life
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situations around them. In addition women groups improved literacy outcomes by
supporting the education of their children, finding innovative ways for accessing and
improving educational facilities.
The study underscores the argument that food security is a factor of national
cohesion given its direct relationship with rebellion and violence. In addition, it
establishes that women chamas enhance food security though skill building of their
members which enable them to produce food for their consumption, improved
incomes and access to resources which increase the members’ purchasing power and
innovative technologies that improve food production and preservation. In summary,
prosperity in its many forms, changes the incentives facing people and helps groups of
rational decision-makers avoid the ills of massive defection.
The study also reiterated the role of women groups in instituting community
resilience by providing insurance, protection and managing risk. Members of women
chamas are used as shock absorbers when their fellows experience difficulties in life
that are distressing and are hard to cope with or combat as an individual or family.
Women chamas also put in place preventive measures to communal disasters. One
such group is Chemron which through their venture in herbal medicine, immunize all
children in the village in the pre-harvesting season against flu which is prevalent in
the harvesting season.
It was noted that women groups enhance trust among their members and the
society at large through frequent interactions and cooperative activities such as
mentorship, coaching, team building and cooperative movements among its highly
diverse membership. Chamas also establish networks across society structures and
open platforms for interaction with local leadership. The study also found out that
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chamas enhanced the sense of belonging among its members through a shared vision,
similar goals, a shared history and other strategies for commonness such as use of
uniforms during special occasions.
The study acknowledged that family is an important pillar of support to any
community. Therefore, chamas contributed to societal stability by enhancing the
access of the family not only to basic needs such as food, shelter and clothing but also
to third generational rights such as education, medical care, household items and a
clean environment. As such, chamas enhance the realization of Article 43(1) of the
Constitution of Kenya, 2010. Groups also improve the respect and status of the
woman in the family by empowering her to participate more in decision-making.
While acknowledging that cross-cutting social ties help communities remain
peaceful, even when conflict stressors are present, the study appreciated the role of
women chamas in reducing conflict in the society through arbitration, mediation, skill
building of their members especially in problem solving, offering social support in
times of conflict and disasters and training their members on anger management.
Chamas used arbitration for internal conflicts as the verdict of the team involved was
binding to the parties. However, the women groups used mediation in cases of
conflict between members and non-members or between external parties.
Giving space to dissenting voices is fundamental to the creation of a
sustainable, socially cohesive society. The study found out the chamas install the
voices of their members by building their confidence to share their views with others
(internally or publically), amasses their resolve to undertake collective actions against
social ills such as early marriages, corruption and mismanagement of public
resources.
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The study also highlighted the contribution of chamas to democratization
which in turn opens up a platform for inclusive participation of its members in
political processes. Chamas involve their members in democratization processes
within their structures such as deliberations on rules and regulations of the chama,
instituting leadership in the group and resolving emerging problems. The groups also
boost the confidence and self-awareness of members which contributes to their
participation in elective posts. Nevertheless, the study noted that despite the support
of chamas in nominating, campaigning and lending funds for campaigns, most
members who vied had established contacts with political parties for them to succeed.
5.1.4 Challenges that Stifle the Contribution of Women Chamas to National
Cohesion
The fourth objective attempted to assess the challenges that women chamas
face in their bid to contribute to cohesion building. The study concurred with KAIG
(2014) by averring that chamas’ biggest threat is internally motivated rather than
externally driven. It pointed to weak governance structures, wavery commitment of
members and perception of exclusion as the main internal risks for group
disintegration.
The study revealed that most women chamas become attractive to politicians
when they start showing signs of stability, financial autonomy and consistent women
affiliation. At this point they risk facing political interferences in the form of
politicization of the leadership, members taking political sides in a manner that kills
the team spirit in the chamas, discrimination amongst chamas’ members in accessing
political favours, regional and personalized political funding. When this occurs,
154
chamas tend to lose original vision or goal and end up pursuing other interests
inconsistent with most members’ wishes.
Most of the inter-ethnic differences which were conspicuous in chamas were a
function of factors outside the operations of the chamas themselves. The noticeable
ethnic tendencies were mostly related to politicization of ethnicity, ethnicized
resource distribution, insensitive use of ethnic language in chama meetings and
internal ethnic groupings. The study noted that if the chamas’ leadership was not
steady and apt with conflict transformation skills, most of the groups would collapse
whenever an ethnic crisis arises.
The study found that most women chamas, even if concerned with purely
welfare matters of members, required some financial muscle to be able to fulfill their
obligations. Funding was one of the challenges the study singled out as most members
give personal contributions (both money, time and expertise) to tackle societal
problems. This challenge has constricted the groups to address only small scale
problems yet they have the knowledge, skills and innovations that could be useful to
entire societies.
As held in section 4.3.2.1, the study found that 97% of the chama leaders
sampled had secondary and tertiary education. Given that this leadership act to help
their groups achieve their goals and objectives, their role within the contributions of
the women groups to cohesion building cited in this study is marked. The challenge is
that the educational level of women is low and there are still huge obstacles to girl
child education in the county, including early marriages.
Members of women groups cited the perception of the community about them
as a challenge to their operations. They held that the community saw them as big
155
headed women who do not listen or respect their husbands. This was tied to the
economic independence that chamas offer their members. In their view, only a few
men (17%) support the idea of women development. The rest think that such
autonomy is a threat to marriages, a demonstration of power and can unsettle the
community by upsetting set systems and beliefs. Such perceptions stifle the
collaborative work that women groups may want to engage in.
5.2 Conclusions
The first objective sought to examine the forms and types of women chamas in
Kenya with a particular focus on Bungoma County. Having observed and read from
the findings which indicated that women chamas were not constricted to age, religion
and ethnicity, this study takes the position that national cohesion must be a product
and process that is anchored on practical and value oriented factors of human
interactions. This revelation is tandem with the social exchange theory which asserts
that human beings enter in to relations deemed mutually beneficial and based on a
value laden foundation. In this context, therefore the study acknowledged the different
premises upon which women chamas were established, noting the diverse societal
problems that they sought to address and took notice of the myriad approaches
employed in finding solutions to impending needs. In this regard, the study denoted
the importance of the common pillar that ran across women chamas, which
manifested as shared vision, history and similar goals, thus outriding any other
orientations which reduced the relevance and attractiveness of togetherness.
The second objective pursued to identify the activities and operations of
women chamas in Kenya. Reflecting on the findings which demonstrated the
156
strengths in unity, women chamas placed emphasis on the unique contributions of
individual members and created a web of a functional society where synergies made
up for noticeable weaknesses. The study concludes that if Kenyans could ride on the
strengths of the different ethnic groups and not exploit the weaknesses thereof, as is
the case, the country could garner national cohesion. Being founded on value laden
pillars, national cohesion requires the establishment of systems and structures which
exhibit the rule of law, equitable relationships, inclusion and commonality of purpose.
This practice as observed within women groups is modeled around on the social
exchange theory which places emphasis on relationships that evolve over time into
trusting loyal and mutual commitments that are driven by adherence to known norms.
The third objective delineated the contribution of women chamas to national
cohesion. The findings of the study showcased that national cohesion was not only an
attribute of solidarity in a people, but a tangible demonstration of how people
promoted and protected socio-economic spaces, which had positive implications and
change in their lives or daily undertakings. Looking at the thematic outcomes under
prosperity, societal stability and participation, the study established that women
chamas increased people’s interests in the economic production space, by way of
increased incomes, culture of savings and guaranteed food security. The findings
revealed that people only protect assets or spaces where their interests are defined,
understood and allocated accordingly. In this regard, therefore this study concludes
that structures and systems which acknowledge, distribute and allocate prosperity
enhancement spaces increase the loyalty and allegiance towards suffocation of trends
with the likelihood to destabilize such economic tranquility.
157
Further, the study having collated the findings in to logical flow of
descriptions, established that women chamas, between and among the members
enhanced social stability. Social stability in the context of their groups was
demonstrate by nurturing of stable families, better belonging strategies, building and
strengthening community resilience and enhancing decision making at the household
level thus increasing trust and belonging while reducing points of conflicts. The study
concludes that, by translating the aforementioned women capacities in to the national
Kenyan picture may inform the manner in which social challenges are addressed. This
implies that women chamas and such like institutions have in place mechanisms
which promote co-existence between members, and the same concept requires to be
adopted by mainstream institutions seeking to establish sustainable community
resilience strategies, which are not imposed.
This study appreciated that most societal stability contributions were
inferences and the research only sought to identify linkages that replicated in the
world outside the women chamas. However, the aspect of participation was evidence
of direct women involvement in community activities. Inclusive participation which
was modelled around the topical issues on confidence building,
The forth objective of this study was to determine the challenges faced by
women chamas in their bid to contribute to national cohesion. Findings of the study
identified political interference from political institutions, ethnicized political
tendencies, though from outside the group affected women’s attempts at maintaining
solidarity of their groups and communities they belong to. The study underscored that
such tendencies, once they were observed by members sometimes led to a non-
committal conduct towards chama affairs. This was worsened by inadequate sources
158
of finances that were required from time to time in addressing pressing issues inside
the chamas. These challenges however are not unique to women chamas alone, as this
country has institutions which confront such and thus affects their effectiveness.
Looking at the Kenyan National Dialogue and Reconciliation Act of 2008, these
findings indicate that, its formulation was a recognition that Kenya faced challenges
which required systemic interventions such as establishment of long term institutions
to curb against these challenges.
5.3 Recommendations
This study observed women chamas as consistent, reliable and alternative
avenues by which members used to articulate their issues and drive a socio-economic
agenda which enhanced welfare, rights and interests in a way that aided in the
actualization of their dignity. The study however noted despite their reliability,
chamas still faced hurdles that were mostly structural, though negative perceptions
and attitudes had a noticeable effect too. Following these observations, the study
recommends the establishment of a Public Institution that will be charged with the
mandate to regulate the operational space of women chamas in Kenya. This Public
Institution could be referred to as the Chama Development and Regulatory Board
(CDRB), whose role would be to license, register, supervise and regulate the
operations for women chamas in the country, as well as undertake research and
development in the chama subsector. The board will further offer education and
training, strengthen governance structure of women chamas, link them to other
credible institutions for growth and development, while ensuring safety and security
of members contributions, through a recognized fund. This can modelled along the
Sacco Societies Regulatory Authority (SASRA), which is a statutory state corporation
159
established under the Sacco Societies Act (Cap 490B) of the laws of Kenya. The
presence of a body like Chama Development and Regulatory Board would aid in
addressing challenges that stifle the work of chamas.
The study made astounding observations in regard to the process of
establishing leadership within the women chamas in Kenya. The research recognized
that most women chamas practiced consensus democracy, an application of consensus
decision making to the process of legislation in a democracy. It is predominantly a
decision making structure which involves and gives consideration to as broad a range
of opinions as possible as opposed to systems where minority opinion can potentially
be ignored by vote-winning majorities. The effects of majoritarian democracies have
been strongly experienced in Kenya where the tyranny of the majority has oppressed
and excluded minority groups from public services, opportunities and resources which
plays a major role in national disintegration. It is in light of this scenario that this
study recommends the adoption of consensus democracy whose main contribution
will encompass the inclusion of minorities. Given the unique circumstances facing the
country in terms of ethnicization of politics Kenya stands to gain if she develops a
homemade strand of consensus democracy, its own Kenyamocracy. In this regard
Kenya could borrow a leaf from countries like the Netherlands, Belgium, Switzerland
and Austria, which have practiced integrative-indirect democracy for many years,
accounting in part to the cohesiveness of such states.
Despite the fact that the main purpose for which most women chamas were
established was financial, they (chamas) incorporated welfare as a cross cutting
theme. The study while noting the difference between economic and social exchanges
as set out in the social exchange theory, revealed that social exchanges yielded longer
160
term and sustainable relationships. It is on this basis that the study recommends a
welfare economy approach to the achievement of vision 2030, in which economic
focus emphasizes optimal allocation of resources and goods based on the measure of
the improvements to an individuals’ social welfare. This approach can be replicated
from the experiences and lessons of the Nordic Countries including Denmark,
Norway, Sweden and Finland, which have avoided both southern Europe’s economic
sclerosis and America’s extreme inequality. This is in tandem with one of the
conclusions made earlier that most women chamas provide socio-economic space that
gives primacy to individual welfare and curbs inequalities.
Reading through the findings, the study acknowledged the fact that social
stability remained a core principle in affirming a community that is well grounded
towards the realization of national cohesion. Noticeable though is the fact that social
stability is defined by a number of factors which comprised of family stability,
community resilience, societal trust and belonging and conflict management. Women
chamas recognize that socio-economic challenges face communities in different ways,
and has in their operations allowed development of stress management system(s),
which essentially has entrenched resilience schemes among the members. This has
encouraged development of psycho-social support system(s) that have emphasized
social security at the level of the household. The strongest function of a stable family
was recognized as sustainable supply of nutritive food to the household. In this
scenario, this study makes a recommendation that Kenya should consider putting in
place a policy regime that is comprehensive towards provision of basic needs
particularly food as is provided for in the Constitution. While the study acknowledged
that there are several policies in regard to agriculture, it underscores the urgency to
161
generate a food security specific policy that should outline sustainable provisions of
food supply in the country.
5.3.1 Recommendations for Further Research
Despite the additional knowledge that this study has contributed to academic
discourse, there are still some gaps that subsequent research may want to highlight.
1. The Contribution of social protection to social cohesion and state building
Social protection was highlighted as one way in which women groups increase
resilience of their members to disasters and emergencies. Nonetheless, this study did
not evaluate the different types of social protection used within women chamas and
how much such systems impact on in-group cohesion. A study on this topic may give
a basis for discussions on a national health system and a national social security
system that may improve cohesiveness of communities.
2. Similar studies may be replicated in other counties for wider generalization
In order to make generalized conclusions on Kenya as a country, the research
questions in this study should be applied on several counties if not all. This will not
only establish the variances in the contextual environments of different counties but
will also corroborate and strengthen the validity of the findings of this study.
162
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176
APPENDICES Appendix One: Map of Bungoma County
177
Appendix Two: Names of Oral Interviewers
1. Peter Chem – Mt. Elgon
2. Doreen Wangili - Webuye
3. Pamela Ajuran - Kanduyi
4. Hellen Amtallah – Mt. Elgon
5. Doris Muyonga - Webuye
6. Rose Temko – Mt. Elgon
7. Hosborn Wambulwa - Kanduyi
8. Aggrey Mamai – Webuye
9. Christine Kuto - Kanduyi
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Appendix Three: Research Instruments Instrument No. 1: Questionnaire
Women Chamas and Cohesion Building in Kenya
Questionnaire
Hello, I am Sellah Nasimiyu King’oro. Am a PhD student at Kisii University carrying out a field study on the The Role of Women Chamas in Cohesion Building in Kenya. During this study, I will interview some women from Bungoma County, whether members of chamas or not. As a member of a chama, you have been selected by reference of another chama member. I'd like to ask your views on a number of issues. All data and information collected will be treated with confidentiality and used for research purposes only. Your support in this study will be highly appreciated. Questionnaire Number Constituency
Urban
Rural
Background information
1) Gender (select appropriately) O Female ………… O Male………. 2) Are you a member of a chama?
Yes No
3) What is your age? O below 20 O Between 20 – 35 O Between 35 – 50 O Above 50
4) What is your level of education? Select one from the list below. Non-Formal 0
Primary Education 1 Secondary 2 College/ University 3
5) Which of the following religions do you profess? Catholic 1 Protestant 2
Other Christian (e.g. evangelicals) 3 Muslim 4 Hindu 5
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Traditionalist 6 Other religion (specify) 7 None 0
6) What is your marital status? Married Single Widowed Separated/Divorced
7) Which language do you consider to be your mother tongue? .........................................................................................................................................
8) How many dependents do you have? ………………………………………………….
9) What do you do for a living? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
10) What was your average monthly income before you joined the chama? Amount in Kshs 0 - 5000 5001 – 10,000 10,001 – 15,000 15,001 – 20,000 20,001 – 25,000 Above 25,000
11) What is your average monthly income after joining the group? Amount in Kshs 0 - 5000 5001 – 10,000 10,001 – 15,000 15,001 – 20,000 20,001 – 25,000 Above 25,000
12) How much money could you save monthly before joining the chama? Amount in Kshs 0 - 1000 1001 – 1,500 1,501 – 2,000 Above 2,000
13) How much money do you save now after joining the chama? Amount in Kshs 0 - 1000
180
1001 – 1,500 1,501 – 2,000 Above 2,000
14) Did you register and vote in the last parliamentary/national elections? Yes No
Registered voter
1 2
Voted 1 2
15) Were you engaged in an enterprise before joining the chama? O Yes O No 16) Are you engaged in any income generating activity after joining the chama? O
Yes O No ABOUT THE GROUP (to be answered by group members only)
17) How many members are there in your group?
10-20
21-40
Above 40
18) What is the main aim of your group?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
19) What activities does your chama do? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
20) How many ethnic groups are represented in your chama? …………………………….
21) What are the effects of cooperatives to their members? …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
22) Does your chama offer its members any training? O Yes O No 23) What subjects or areas does your group train on?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
24) What in your opinion is the impact of these trainings on the members? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
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25) Does your chama loan its members? O Yes O No 26) What in your opinion is the impact of these loans to the members?
………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
27) What problem or celebration made you get support from your chama? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
28) Do you vote for leaders in your chama? O Yes O No 29) Are there any discussions among members on who to vote for before voting?
O Yes O No 30) Does your chama have guidelines, rules and regulations? O Yes O No 31) If yes, what rights do these rules give you as a member of the chama?
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
32) What responsibilities does your chama expect of you, if any? ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
33) Does your chama keep records? O Yes O No 34) In what documents are these records kept and shared?
………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
35) Does your group deal with issues of public concer? O Yes O No 36) If yes, what specific issues of public concern has your chama engaged in?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
37) What are the challenges facing your chama? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
38) Does your chama experience any external interference? O Yes O No 39) If yes, explain.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. GENERAL INFORMATION ON WOMEN CHAMAS (to be answered by both members and Non-members)
40) Why are women groups formed? …………………………………………………………………………………………
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……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
41) How important is trust to group formation and operations? Not Important at all Somewhat Important Fairly Important Very Important
42) Why is it so? …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
43) What increases trust within women groups? ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
44) Is there gossip within women groups? O Yes O No 45) In which way do the groups achieve their foundational goals?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
46) What are the causes of internal strife in chamas? ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
47) How do chamas handle these conflicts? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
48) What other efforts do women groups put in place against conflicts in the community (outside the group)? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
49) What activities are done jointly by women groups in farming? ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
50) What examples of small scale businesses do women groups engage in? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
51) What common issues do chamas advocate for or against? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
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52) What common issues do women chamas do awareness about? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
53) How do women groups improve food security? ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
54) Do chamas offer emotional support to their members? O Yes O No 55) If yes, in what ways?
………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
56) Besides the challenges earlier mentioned, how are do the following challenges affect the work of chamas:
a) Ethnicity ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
b) Funding……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
c) Educational level of members …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
57) When does ethnicity become a problem in any women chama? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
58) How do men view women who belong to chamas? ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
59) To what extend do you agree with the following statements? A Women’s chama has….
Strongly
Disagree
Disagree Neither Disagree
nor Agree
Agree Strongly
Agree
Improved income of women
Undertake new income generating activities
New employment opportunities for women
Ensure food security
Increase savings
Improve Literacy
Increased community resilience against disasters
Role in decision making in the community
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Establishes stable families
Reduced conflicts in the society
Better sense of belonging
Increased trust among members
Improved self-confidence
Improved Communication Skills
Awareness on societal problems
Engagement with local leadership
Improved observation of the rule of law
Improved political participation through voting
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Instrument No. 2: Interview Schedule
1. Explain the concept of Community Cohesion.
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
2. What is the difference between cohesion building and peace building?
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………….
3. What activities do men and women undertake to promote cohesion in the
society?
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………….
4. What are the unique contributions of women to building cohesion in your
community?
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………..
5. What are the inherent characteristics that help women good agents of cohesion
and peace?
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………….....
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6. Do women chamas improve the economic status of their members? If yes,
how?
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………….
7. How do women groups encourage people of different ethnic groups and
religions to live together in harmony?
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………….
8. How does the women chama increase belonging of its members to the group
and the society?
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
9. Do women groups encourage their members to undertake civic engagement? If
so, how?
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
10. How do women groups participate in peace building?
…………………………………………………………………………………
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…………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………………………
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Instrument No. 3: Observation Guide
CATEGORY INCLUDES RESEARCHERS SHOULD NOTE
RESEARCHERS NOTE
Appearance Clothing, age, gender, physical appearance
Anything that might indicate membership in groups or in sub-populations of interest to the study, such as religion or ethnicity
Verbal behavior and interactions
Who speaks to whom and for how long; who initiates interaction; tone of voice
Gender, age, ethnicity and profession of speakers; dynamics of interaction
Physical behavior and gestures
What people do, who does what, who is not interacting
What individuals indicate about their feelings toward one another
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Appendix Four: Consent Form in English
KISII UNIVERSITY THESIS TOPIC: WOMEN CHAMAS AND COHESION BUILDING IN KENYA:
A FOCUS ON BUNGOMA COUNTY Consent form
Name of participant:
Name of investigator(s): MS. SELLAH NASIMIYU KING’ORO, (PhD STUDENT)
1. I consent to participate in this thesis, the details of which have been
explained and I have been provided with a written plain language statement to keep.
2. I understand that after I sign this consent form it will be retained by the researcher.
3. I understand that my participation will involve an interview and where possible photography may be taken and I agree that the researcher may use the results as described in the plain language statement.
4. I acknowledge that: (a) The possible effects of participating in the interview have been
explained to my satisfaction; (b) I have been informed that I am free to withdraw from the study at any
time without explanation or prejudice and to withdraw any unprocessed data I have provided;
(c) The study is for the purpose of PhD research at Kisii University; (d) I have been informed that the confidentiality of the information I
provide will be safeguarded subject to any legal requirements; (e) I have been informed that with my consent the interview will be audio-
taped and photographs may be taken; (f) My name and my photos will be referred to in any publications arising
from the research; (g) I have been informed that a copy of the research thesis will be
forwarded to me, should I agree to this. I consent to this interview being audio-taped □ yes □ no
(Please tick) I wish to receive a copy of the summary project report on research findings □ yes □ no (Please tick) I consent to my name or photos appearing in any publications arising from the research □ yes □ no
(Please tick) Participant signature: Date:
190
Appendix Five: Consent Form in Kiswahili KISII UNIVERSITY
KICHWA CHA UTAFITI: MCHANGO WA VYAMA VYA KINA MAMA KATIKA KUKUZA UWIANO NCHINI KENYA: MFANO WA KAUNTI YA
BUNGOMA
FOMU YA IDHINI
Jina la Mshiriki:
Jina la Mtafiti: BI. Sellah Nasimiyu King’oro, (Mwanafunzi wa [shahada ya] PhD)
1. Ninaridhia kushiriki katika utafiti huu ambao nimeelezwa madhumuni [kiini]
yake. Aidha, nimepewa andiko katika lugha nyepesi/sahili kujitunzia. 2. Ninaelewa kwamba baada ya kutia saini fomu hii ya idhini itabaki na mtafiti. 3. Ninaelewa kwamba ushiriki wangu utahusisha mahojiano na ambapo
itawezekana picha zinaweza kuchukuliwa. Ninakukubali kwamba mtafiti anaweza kutumia matokeo kama ilivyoelezwa kwenye andiko la lugha nyepesi.
4. �i�a�iri �waba� (a) Nimeridhishwa na maelezo kuhusu athari zinazoweza kujitokeza kutokana na
kushiriki kwangu katika mahojiano; (b) Nimefahamishwa kwamba niko huru kujiondoa kwenye utafiti wakati wowote
bila maelezo wala madhara; (c) Uchunguzi huu ni kwa ajili ya utafiti wa [shahada ya] PhD katika Chuo Kikuu
cha Kisii; (d) Nimefahamishwa kwamba taarifa nitakazotoa [kwenye mahojiano] zitatunzwa
kwa mujibu wa mahitaji yoyote ya kisheria; (e) Nimefahamishwa kwamba kwa idhini yangu, mahojiano yatanaswa kwa
kinasa sauti na kwamba picha zinaweza kuchukuliwa; (f) Jina langu na picha zangu zitarejelewa katika machapisho yoyote
yatakayotokana na utafiti huu; (g) Nimefahamishwa kwamba nakala ya tasnifu ya utafiti itatumwa kwangu
nikitaka.
Ninakubali mahojiano haya yanaswe kwa kinasa sauti □ Ndiyo □ Hapana (Tafadhali weka tiki [√] panapofaa)
Ningependa kupata nakala ya matokeo ya utafiti □ Ndiyo □ Hapana
(Tafadhali weka tiki [√] panapofaa)
Ninaridhia jina au picha yangu kuonekana katika machapisho yoyote yatakayotokana na utafiti huu □ Ndiyo □ Hapana (Tafadhali weka tiki [√] panapofaa)
Saini ya Mshiriki: Tarehe:
191
Appendix Six: Introduction Letter to Interviewees TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN Dear Respondent, RE: LETTER OF INTRODUCTION AND REQUEST FOR PARTICIPATION IN RESEARCH My name is Sellah Nasimiyu King’oro, a PhD student at Kisii University of Science and Technology. I am currently undertaking a research on Women Networks and Social Cohesion in Bungoma County. I kindly request you to participate in this study and assure you that the information you give will be treated as confidential, for use in academic purposes only. Please give honest information. Thanking you for your co-operation. Yours Sincerely,
Sellah Nasimiyu King’oro PhD Student – Kisii University
192
Appendix Seven: Authorization to Undertake Research from Kisii University
193
Appendix Eight: Authorization to Undertake Research from NACOSTI
194
Appendix Nine: Permit from NACOSTI
195
Appendix Ten: Letter of Authorization from the County Commissioner of Bungoma
