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WTP188 Nov. 1992 WORLD BANK TECHNICAL PAPER NUMBER 188 AFRICA TECHNICAL DEPARTMENT SERIES Economic Policy and Sector Investment Programs Jerry M. Silverman Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized
Transcript
Page 1: World Bank Documentdocuments.worldbank.org/curated/pt/222351468765593484/pdf/multi-page.pdf · No. 129 Berkoff, Irrigation Management on the Indo-Gangetic Plain No. 130 Agnes Kiss,

WTP188Nov. 1992

WORLD BANK TECHNICAL PAPER NUMBER 188

AFRICA TECHNICAL DEPARTMENT SERIES

Economic Policy and Sector Investment Programs

Jerry M. Silverman

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WORLD BANK TECHNICAL PAPER NUMBER 188AFRICA TECHNICAL DEPARTMENT SERIES

Public Sector DecentralizationEconomic Policy and Sector Investment Programs

Jerry M. Silverman

The World BankWashington, D.C.

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Copyright i 1992The International Bank for Reconstructionand Development/THE WORLD BANK1818 H Street, N.W.Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A.

All rights reservedManufactured in the United States of AmericaFirst printing November 1992

Technical Papers are published to communicate the results of the Bank's work to the developmentcommunity with the least possible delay. The typescript of this paper therefore has not been prepared inaccordance with the procedures appropriate to formal printed texts, and the World Bank accepts noresponsibility for errors.

The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author(s)and should not be attributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or tomembers of its Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. The World Bank does notguarantee the accuracy of the data included in this publication and accepts no responsibility whatsoeverfor any consequence of their use. Any maps that accompany the text have been prepared solely for theconvenience of readers; the designations and presentation of material in them do not imply theexpression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the World Bank, its affiliates, or its Board or membercountries concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city, or area or of the authorities thereof orconcerning the delimitation of its boundaries or its national affiliation.

The material in this publication is copyrighted. Requests for permission to reproduce portions of it shouldbe sent to the Office of the Publisher at the address shown in the copyright notice above. The World Bankencourages dissemination of its work and will normally give permission promptly and, when thereproduction is for noncommercial purposes, without asking a fee. Permission to copy portions forclassroom use is granted through the Copyright Clearance Center, 27 Congress Street, Salem,Massachusetts 01970, U.S.A.

The complete backlist of publications from the World Bank is shown in the annual Index of Publications,which contains an alphabetical title list (with full ordering information) and indexes of subjects, authors,and countries and regions. The latest edition is available free of charge from the Distribution Unit, Officeof the Publisher, Department F, The World Bank, 1818 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A., orfrom Publications, The World Bank, 66, avenue d'Iena, 75116 Paris, France.

ISSN: 0253-7494

Jerry M. Silverman is Principal Institutional Development Specialist in the Institutional Development andManagement Division of the Southern Africa Department of the World Bank.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Silverman, Jerry M.Public sector decentralization: economic policy and sector

investment programs / Jerry M. Silverman. - [Revised ed.]p. cm. - (World Bank technical paper ; no. 188. Africa

Technical Department series)Includes bibliographical references.ISBN 0-8213-2279-61. Decentralization in government-Developing countries.

2. Economic development projects-Developing countries.3. Decentralization in government-Economic aspects-Developingcountries. I. Title. II. Series: World Bank technical paper ; no.188. 1II. Series: World Bank technical paper. Africa TechnicalDepartment series.JF60.S56 1992350.007'3-dc2O 92-35725

CIP

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FOREWORD

This paper summarizes experience with alternative decentralizationarrangements and suggests a new analytical framework for assessing the impact of sucharrangements on the performance of economic development programs and projects.Consideration of alternative forms of decentralization reveals the need to clarify andestablish priorities among multiple economic development and political objectives. Thepaper describes the potential for conflict among these multiple objectives and emphasizesthe need to assess decentralization policies through acceptable trade-offs.

This paper also seeks to resolve two deficiencies in much of the currentliterature on decentralization: (1) advocacy of changes in public sector structures withoutaddressing broader changes in public sector roles and (2) a focus on alternativedecentralization arrangements as ends in themselves. These deficiencies have causedcontinuing debate between theorists and practitioners on the effectiveness ofdecentralization. Theorists argue that decentralizing government operations will improveefficiency and effectiveness, theorists provide no practical operational guidance todevelopment practitioners. Practitioners continue to encounter difficulties whenattempting to achieve program or project objectives within decentralized or decentralizingsystems.

This paper attempts to resolve this tension between theoretical and practicalconcerns. It provides a practical approach that should be useful to the broad audienceof development professionals who must consider both the substance of decentralizationissues and their impact on economic development.

Ismail SerageldinDirector

Africa Technical DepartmentAfrica Region

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vi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to thank Hans Wyss, former Director, and Ismail Serageldin, current Director, ofthe Africa Technical Department, the members of the Africa Region's Group Team 2, Myrna Alexanderand Mamadou Dia, former and current Chiefs, respectively, of AFTIM, for providing me, as an operationsstaff, with the opportunity, time, and resources to prepare this paper. Mamadou Dia, in particular, hascontributed important insights.

Shahid Chaudhry, Martha de Melo, Ben Fisher, George Gattoni, and Michael Stevens servedas the World Bank Peer Review Committee for this study. Both individually and collectively, theircomments in response to earlier drafts assisted in broadening my view of decentralization issues andcontributed substantially to my thinking about them. Andrea Jones Silverman (LA2AG) read this andearlier versions of the paper and provided valuable editorial and substantive comments. Louis de Merode(AFTIM) commented on earlier versions of Chapter IV, Section E and reviewed subsequent revisions.

Among the resources provided prior to completion of the White Cover draft of this paperwas the research assistance of Julie Burland (M.A. student at American University), Kojo Hagan (SeniorLecturer, Ghana Institute of Management and Public Administration), Karen Hendrixson (consultant), KimJohnston (M.A. student at American University), Richard Moore (Professor at American University andconsultant), and Roberto Schatan (Ph.D. student at UCLA). Karen Hendrixson joined this effort at itsearliest stage and was primarily responsible for organizing the distribution of the study questionnaire withinthe Bank and keeping track of and recording and summarizing the responses. Roberto Schatan wasexceptionally Lelpful during the early stage of conceptualization and kept me honest when my ownpreconceived ideas would get the better of me. Richard Moore, as a published scholar on issues of urbanpolicy and intergovernmental relations in developed and developing countries, contributed in the same wayat a later stage. Julie Burland and Kim Johnston reviewed every Country Economic Memorandum (CEM),Public Expenditure Review (PER), Public Investment Program (PIP) report, Structural Adjustment Loan(or credit/SAL) report, and Technical Assistance Loan (or credit/TAL) report produced within the Bankduring calendar year 1988 and every Policy Framework Paper (PFP) to which the Bank was a party duringthat same year (a total of 104 documents) and noted patterns in their treatment of decentralization issues.

Myma Alexander, Arturo Israel, and John Nellis reviewed my original draft outline for thisstudy and offered valuable comments. I am grateful to Dennis Rondinelli, Research Triangle Institute(RTI), for a one-on-one full day discussion of decentralization issues in February 1989 and Ken Kornherof the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) who shared several documents insupport of that agency's 'Decentralization: Finance and Management Project."

I also owe a debt of gratitude to the 106 Bank staff who responded to the complex andlengthy study questionnaire distributed to every country officer and country economist, and each sectoroperations division, within the Operations complex of the Bank. Their observations made a valuablecontribution, as clearly shown by the numerous references to the questionnaire responses in the text andannexes. In particular, I want to thank Michael Azefor; Jagdish K. Bahal; Eleotario Cadato; Ben Fisher;James Hicks; John Kendall; Franco Lucca; Hope Thavaraj; and Ai Chin Wee who attended a half-daymeeting on June 8, 1989 during which a number of significant issues were identified and discussed.

Mary Abu Zeid and Nadege Thadey organized and typed the various tables and LeoDemesmaker and Alicia Hetzner served as editors for this published version of the paper.

All of the assistance described above notwithstanding, I am solely responsible for any errorsof omission, fact, or analysis in the paper.

Jerry Silverman

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'ii

ABSTRACT

The paper summarizes experience with alternative decentralization arrangements and suggestsa new analytical framework for assessing the impact of such arrangements on the performance of economicdevelopment programs and projects. Consideration of alternative forms of decentralization reveals the needto clarify and establish priorities among multiple economic development and political objectives. Thepotential for conflict among multiple objectives and the need to assess decentralization policies in terms ofacceptable trade-offs among those objectives summarizes the importance of this paper. This paper isaddressed to the broad audience of development professionals who are interested in both the substance ofdecentralization issues and their impact on economic development.

NOTE FOR THIS REVISED EDITION

Two earlier versions of this paper (November 1990 and reformatted December 12, 1991) have beencirculated, under the same title, as Study Paper No. 1 of the Public Sector Management Division, AfricaTechnical Department. Only a few substantive changes have been made for this publication: two additionaltypes of decentralization, top-down and bottom-up principal agency, have been identified and discussed(Chapter I and passim) and a checklist of technical criteria for the assignment of functions among levelsof government has also been added (Chapter III). Those additions to the text reflect work undertakenduring 1991 and early 1992 with regard to decentralization issues in Bangladesh, China, Ghana, India,Laos, The Philippines, The Republic of South Africa, and Tanzania.

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viii

ACRONYMS

AFITIN Infrastructure Division, Technical Department, Africa Region (World Bank)AFTPS Public Sector Management Division, Technical Department, Africa Region (World

Bank)BOAL Basic Organization of Associated Labor (Yugoslavia)CEM Country Economic Memorandum (World Bank)CT Country Team (World Bank)EDI Economic Development institute (World Bank)EMENA Europe, Middle East, and North Africa Region (World Bank)ERP Economic Reform ProgramESAMI Eastem and Southern Africa Management InstituteESW Economic and Sector Work (World Bank)EWO Economic Work (World Bank)GDP Gross Domestic ProductIMF Intemational Monetary FundIARD Integrated Area Rural DevelopmentIRD Integrated Rural DevelopmentLAC Latin America and Caribbean Region (World Bank)LDC Lesser Developed CountryMPLD Ministry of Panchayat and Local Government (Nepal)NGO Nongovernmental OrganizationO&M Operations and MaintenanceOAU Organization of African UnityOECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and DevelopmentOED Operations Evaluation Department (World Bank)PCR Project Completion Report (World Bank)PE Public Enterprise (or parastatal)PER Public Expenditure Review (World Bank)PFP Policy Framework Paper (a strategy paper agreed among a Government, the IMF,

and the World Bank)PIP Public Investment Program (World Bank)P1U Project Implementation UnitPPAR Project Performance Audit ReportPRE Policy, Research, and External Affairs (Vice-Presidency, World Bank)PSM Public Sector ManagementRD Rural DevelopmentRegl Regional (level)SAL Structural Adjustment Loan (or Credit/SAC; World Bank)SECAL Sectoral Adjustment Loan (or Credit; World Bank)SOD Sector Operations Division (World Bank)SRA Sector Review (World Bank)TAL Technical Assistance Loan (or Credit; World Bank)USAID United States Agency for International DevelopmentWHO World Health Organization

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ix

CONTENTS

FOREWORD v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi

ABSTRACT vii

NOTE FOR THIS REVISED EDITION vii

ACRONYMS viii

L INTRODUCTION 1Definitions of Decentralization 1Scope and Outline of Paper 2

II. OBJECTIVES: DECENTRALIZATION AND THE CHANGINGROLE OF THE PUBLIC SECTOR 4Decentralization Objectives 4Clarifying Conflicting Objectives 6Implications of Macroeconomic Reform 7Linking Decentralization to MacroEconomic Policy 9Resistance to Change 13Summary Conclusions 13

in. ALTERNATIVE DECENTRALIZATION ARRANGEMENTS 15Hybrid Decentralization 15Linking Micro and Macroinstitutional Arrangements 16Organizing for Implementation and Sustainability 22Constitutional Structures 23Summary Conclusions 23

IV. ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT FUNCTIONS 25Overview 25Planning 26Fiscal Policy and Revenue Generation 28Public Expenditure 33Public Sector Staffing 35Operations and Maintenance 37Summary Conclusions 39

V. ABSORPTIVE CAPACITY AND INCENTIVES 41Public Sector Management and Institutional Environments 41Incentives and Motivation 44Decentralization and Labor Markets 45

SUMMARY CONCLUSIONS 48

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x

FIGURES

11.1 Decentralization: Location in Hierarchy of Goals and Objectives 5Hi. 1 Alternative Structures of Subnational Governments 24

NOTES

Chapter I 49Chapter 11 50Chapter m 54Chapter IV 56Chapter V 60

APPENDICES

1. Decentralized Structures and Functions 62

2. Decentralization by Countries

(a). Political and Administrative Structures (1989) 68(b). Countries Engaged in both Structural Adjustment (1985)

and Decentralization (1989) 71

3. Statistical Tables

(a). Percentage Contribution of Autonomous Local Agencies toConsolidated Local Government Spending in Selected Cities 72

(b) Financing of Local Public Expenditures In Selected Cities:Percentage Distribution By Type of Revenue 74

(c) Importance of Intergovernmental Transfer in Local Government Finance 76(d) Grants Distributed on a Formula or Ad Hoc Basis 78(e) Pure Tax Sharing Arrangements With Local Governments 83(f) Percentage Distribution of Local Tax Revenues by Source

For Selected Cities 85(g) Government Wages Relative to Total Wages, National Income,

and GDP (1983) 87(h) Government Employees by Level of Government (1983) 88(i) Share of Government Employment in Total Nonagricultural

Sector Employment and Population, by Level of Governmentand Region: Means and Standard Deviations (1983) 89

(I) Share of Different Units of Government in Total Employment ofGeneral Government and the Public Sector, by Level of Governmentand Region: Means and Standard Deviations (1983) 90

(k) Central Government Employees per 100 Inhabitants (1983) 91

REFERENCES 93

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INTRODUCTION

and despite masses of central governmentThis paper argues that alternative forms of employees stationed in branch offices, the impact

public sector decentralization have important of such a structure is to centralize power withindifferential effects on the performance of economic central government.development programs and projects and suggests anew conceptual framework and improved analytical Delegation: Independent Subsidiary Modelmethods for assessing such effects.

Delegation is the form decentralization takesConsideration of alternative forms of when parastatals and other semi-autonomous

decentralization reveals the need to clarify and government agencies are assigned responsibility forestablish priorities among multiple economic implementing or maintaining sector investments.4development and political objectives. It is the Such arrangements occur primarily in the energy,potential for conflict among multiple objectives and communications, ports, and transport sectors.the need to assess decentralization policies in terms Functions are sometimes delegated to a parastatalof the most acceptable trade-offs among those which, in turn, deconcentrates responsibility forobjectives that summarizes the importance of this internal managerial and administrative systems topaper for the design and implementation of its own subnational units. The act of delegatingeconomic development programs and projects. responsibility to an organization, however, does

not, in itself, ensure intemal deconcentration withinIt is only insofar as decentralized that organization. One form of delegation, limited

institutional arrangements within the public sector to the project implementation phase, has come tohave a significant impact on policy choices be known as "enclave' projects. On a territorialaffecting the achievement of specific economic basis, such arrangements are most prevalent in thedevelopment goals and objectives that they are of integrated rural development sector. Historically,concern to us here. the establishment of independent project

management units has also been employed withinthe national headquarters of sector ministries in

Definitions of Decentralization other sectors, but such practices are declining (withthe exception of the urban development sector).

Although the term "decentralization' hasbeen used to encompass a variety of alternative Devolution: Discretionary Authority Modelinstitutional structures,!' three types are oftendifferentiated in the literature: deconcentration; In a minority of cases, decentralizeddelegation; and devolution.2' Two additional organizational arrangements within sectors are of atypes, top-down prncipal agency and bottom-up purely devolved type. Devolution of at least someprincipal Agency, are also important because they functions is found primarily in the urbanidentify real situations which are not captured by development sector (while other functions arethe other three labels.3' delegated to project implementation units at the

national level in that sector) and, with respect toDeconcentration: Branch Office Model operations and maintenance, in the rural and urban

roads subsectors. The essence of devolution isDeconcentration is the most common form discretionary authority. In devolved systems,

of decentralization employed in the agriculture responsibilities for a range of operationsservices, primary education, preventive health, and encompassing more than one sector are assigned topopulation subsectors. In such systems, selected local governments. To the extent that localfunctions are assigned to subnational units within governments have discretionary authority, they cansector ministries or other sector-specific national do essentially what they decide to do; bound onlyagencies. One way to think about deconcentrated by: (1) broad national policy guidelines; (2) theirinstitutional arrangements is in terms of a Branch own financial, human, and material capacities; andOffice system. In deconcentrated systems, local (3) the physical environment within which theygovernments do not exist as discrete entities; at must operate. An essential characteristic ofleast with respect to the specific functions for discretionary authority is that the oversight role ofwhich central government ministries are central governments is limited to ensuring that localresponsible. Thus, with respect to those functions, governments operate within very broad nationalGovernment exists at local levels in the form of policy guidelines; at least with respect to thosediscrete ministry offices; without any mechanism at functions for which local governments have thethe local level for mandatory horizontal integration. authority to exercise discretion. The exercise ofDespite geographic dispersion of ministry offices effective discretion by local governments depends,

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2

to a significant extent, on their ability to generate government agency contracting with anotherthe financial and staff resources to implement the government agency to perform on its behalf isdecisions which they, themselves, make. known as 'force-account." Thus, a local

government's Health Department might contractIn these devolved systems, project with a Ministry of Public Works to construct a

implementing agencies are responsible to provincial clinic on its behalf, with the understanding thator local governments rather than to sector payment to the latter would be made by budgetministries. In such cases, specific functions are transfer from the former. The model introducedrarely further devolved. Either management of here includes such force-accounts, but it alsoprojects is integrated within the established encompasses a much broader range ofstructure of local governments or autonomy is arrangements between lower-level governmentgranted to project-specific management units agencies, local communities, or individualresponsible to local governments. In the former users/clients and higher-level government agencies.case, project management has been centralized atthe local government level. In the latter case, As in the case of top-down principal agency,management has been delegated or deconcentrated the characteristics of bottom-up principal agencyto project mnanagers by local government. summarized above do not depend on the extent to

which individuals, communities, or localTop-Down Principal Agency governments are, or are not, subordinate to higher-

levels of government with respect to otherWithin the context of the top-down principal functions they might perform.

agency model, local governments exerciseresponsibility on behalf of central governments or, The bottom-up form of principal agency issometimes, parastatals (such as electricity important conceptually; especially whencorporations). When acting as Principal Agents considering a fresh perspective on alternatives tounder such circumstances, local governments do so the failed way in which the provision of healthunder the direction and supervision of central services is organized in many African countries.government agencies. An important expectation However, there are few actual examples of it.concerning the relationship between local and Where some attempt has been made to providecentral governments is that, when local such services as primary health care in formsgovernments are acting as no more than agents of similar to, if not in exactly the same manner as,central governments, the latter remain primarily the model introduced here, results have beenresponsible for financing the costs associated with encouraging.whatever programs are involved. Thecharacteristics of principal agency summarized These five sub-definitions of decentralizationabove do not depend on the extent to which local will be employed in this paper as a starting point;governments are, or are not, autonomous with an important refinement will be suggested with therespect to any other functions they might introduction of the concept of "Hybrid"undertake. Thus, in some cases, local governments decentralization (Chapter III).are, in their entirety, no more than principal agentsof central governments; in other cases they serve asprincipal agents in parallel with the performance of Scope and Outline of Paperother roles as well.

This paper is meant for the broad audienceBottom-Up Principal Agency Model of development professionals having an interest in

the substance of decentralization issues and theirThe bottom-up form of principal agency impact on the achievement of economic

reverses many of the characteristics of top-down development objectives. The paper sunmarizsprincipal agency noted above. With respect to experience with alternative decentralizationbottom-up principal agency, various levels of arrangements and suggests a new analyticalgovernment or t a framework for assessing the impact of such

-uf1 dy1ii ki,fgow~wment-or4i yasage ts arrangements on the achievement of economic,of1t]iariefasrsPus, a of development objectives.

bottom-up principal agency iS significaly differentfrom the top-down version because of the source of From a practical concern for achievingdiscretionary authority to initiate contracts with economic development objectives, the analyticalgovernment agencies and supervise their framework presented in this paper is based on theimplementation. In some countries, one following propositions:

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(a) Achievement of economic policy goals and expenditure programming and management,required changes in the role of the public fiscal policy formulation and revenuesector are the criteria against which generation, public sector staffing, anddecentralization should be assessed operations and maintenance; Chapter IV);(Chapter II); and

(b) Appropriate changes in the role of the (d) Organizations and individuals responsiblepublic sector require compatible institutional for performing such functions within thosestructures, including elements of structures must have the capacity anddecentralization (Chapter II); motivation to do so efficiently and

effectively (Chapter V).(c) Appropriate changes in the role and

structure of the public sector require the Chapters II - V of this Volume expand on theperformance of five key economic analytical framework. Chapter VI summarizes themanagement functions (planning, public conclusions.

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OBJECTIVES: DECENTRALIZATION AND TIE CHANGINGROLE OF TILE PUBLIC SECTOR

Consideration of decentralization issues Improing Management Efficiencyreveals many potential trade-offs among multipleobjectives. Thus, clarifying objectives is necessary Within the development literature,because multiple objectives are often established decentralization issues are often viewed inwithout explicit determination of feasibility or the instrumental, and thus, technical terms. From thatnature of systematic links among them. perspective, the objective of decentralization is

increased efficiency and effectiveness of economicCurrent approaches to decentral-izaticn can and social development programs.' Technical

be criticized for: advocating changes in public arguments in favor of decentralization normallysector structures without addressing broader stress such benefits as: reduction of overload andchanges in public sector roles and (ii) focusing on congestion in the channels of administration andalternative decentralization arrangements as ends in communications; timely reaction to unanticipatedthemselves. A more fruitful approach relates problems that inevitably arise duringconcern for decentralization issues to current implementation; improved technical capacity tothinking about the institutional requirements for deliver services at field levels; and improvedachieving economic and other objectives. administrative and managerial capacity.

This Chapter starts with a description of Improved performance is also expected toobjectives most often advocated for programs of result from: improved information about local ordecentralization, discusses the linkages between regional conditions for more effective anddecentralization and economic policy objectives, appropriate economic development planning andand concludes with a summary analysis of decision-making and increased monitoring, exerciseresistance to change. of influence, and support by beneficiaries for

national development policies through participationin planning and decision-making. Assumptions

Decentralization Objectives concerning how alternative forms ofdecentralization contribute to administrative

This section identifies those objectives most efficiency and effectiveness vary significantly.often advanced as justification for decentralization.The relationships between those decentralization Serving Polihcal Interestsobjectives and economic policy objectives arediscussed in Section D, as illustrated in Figure 1. 1. The political interest most often advanced in

favor of decentralization is improved equity in theImproved economic and managerial allocation of government resources for investment

efficiency or effectiveness is most often advanced and the delivery of services as the result ofas the primary justification for decentralization. enhanced representation of a wide variety ofNevertheless, different parties, although ostensibly political, religious, ethnic, and other socialjoined in support of decentralization, can be groups.Y Thus, the political effects ofmotivated by quite different objectives. Thus, it is decentralization can include the transfer of poweruseful to distinguish between the three most to persons at the periphery who would notcommon objectives of decentralization: improving otherwise have influence on decision-making at themanagement efficiency; serving political interests; national level.3'and improving financial performance throughincreased revenue generation and rational In this way, decentralization has theexpenditure decisions. The first two of those potential to be a powerful instrument for betterobjectives are discussed in this Section; the third governance. Nevertheless, the reinforcement of theobjective is summarized in Section C and discussed power of locally established elites or ethnic groupsmore fully in Chapter IV.

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Figure 11.1

DECENTRALIZATION: LOCATION IN HIERARCHY OF GOALS AND OBJECTIVES

POLITICAL GOaLS

Defend Social/Physical PopularRetain Political Territorial Econoric lelfare of Participatienl

Pouer Pouer Equity Population Deincracy

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OBJECTIVES

NediuimTermEcnomic Growth

PreserveProvide PhysicalEnabling Envi rolrent

Provide Envi rormentPublic GoodB forwd Services Private Sector

FISCAL STABILIZATION OBJECTIVES

Restrict ErihanceApprepriate Limit Reform Strea line Eliminate Discretionary Competitive

Excuege Public Public Increase Public Price Nonetary FinancialRates ExpNditure Enterprise Revenue Service Controls Aggregates Intermediation

|ISTITUTIOIAL PERFORMANCE

Fiscal

I I ~Pal icyand Public operationsPublic Revemse Sector and

Plaming Expenditure Generation Staffing Maintenance

|Atternative |IDecentralization|

|Arrangements|

r: ~~~~IIn Support of Next Highest Item in Hierarchy.

-- = Potential Trade-Offs Among Item.

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at the expense of broad-based participation and Competing political interests can motivateequity can also occur. support or opposition to decentralization programs.

Thus, it is important to distinguish between thePossibilities of significant changes in the desire of development professionals to avoid

structure of political incentives, and hence advocacy of specific political objectives from theobjectives, as they affect support or opposition to importance of identifying and assessing existingdecentralization should not be overlooked. The political objectives among various groups. Indeed,conventional wisdom that senior central economic and administrative rationales for orgovernment officials are most likely to oppose against decentralization are often advanced to maskdecentralization and that local government officials the primacy of political issues. These politicalare most likely to support it should not be assumed. considerations are compounded whenTo the extent that political power within the public decentralization efforts are undertaken in thebureaucracy is transformed from a reward to a context of building national unity; such effortsburden, responsibility for the performance of public often result in the allocation of resources andfunctions becomes something to be avoided rather benefits to a particular region, tribe, or otherthan sought after. Thus, central government subset of a country's population.officials sometimes want to transfer such burdensonto reluctant local officials.

Clarifying Conflicting ObjectivesAs only one example, the credit for delivery

of goods and services at the national level is The multiple objectives associated withchanging, in some circumstances, to blame for the economic reform and decentralization programsinefficient and ineffective delivery of such services. need to be identified and the appropriateness ofThat change in political incentives is being relationships among them clarified. Tanzania'sreinforced in some countries by the practical experience with several successive attempts atconsequences of economic reform measures. In decentralization illustrates both the necessity andsuch countries, some national political leaders are difficulty of distinguishing among multipleattempting to escape responsibility for the delivery objectives.of services by shifting the blame for poorperformance to local governments through The most recent reorganization ofdecentralization. Tanzania's public sector was initiated in 1983 when

responsibilities distributed among central andThus, in circumstances of substantially regional governments were reshuffled and

reduced public expenditure, the previous rewards redistributed among central government and districtof political support and enhanced influence over councils. It has been argued by Walakira of thepeoples' lives is often transformed into opposition Eastern and Southern African Management Institutedue to the increased financial costs of such services (ESAMI) that these various attempts ator the political costs of services reduced or decentralization through alternative arrangementseliminated. Sharing responsibilities for such have been characterized by a multiplicity ofservices provides an argument for, at a minimum, objectives. He has classified these objectives undersharing the blame or, with respect to some the headings of political, administrative, andservices, escaping the blame altogether. In economic goals, as follows:countries as disparate as Zambia and Guatemala,central governments are responding to citizen On the political level the reformscomplaints by shifting responsibilities to local aim at wider and more constructivegovernments; 'don't complain to us; complain to popular participation in planyour responsible local governments." In fact, formulation and implementationcentral government spokespersons often join the within the limits implied by: anchorus of complaints by publicly exhorting local enhanced leading role for the party;governments to respond positively to such citizen and a redistribution of developmentcomplaints. Nevertheless, central governments more equally in the country. The~rarely support these exhortations with a transfer of administrative goals of the reformsresources commensurate with the transfer of may be summarized as: (1) increasedresponsibilities. effectiveness and efficiency in the

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operations of government; (2) more Inplications of Macroeconomic Reformeffective integration of governmentprogrammes; and (3) increased The literature on adjustment labelsgovernment accountability. From appropriate economic policy objectives in differentan economic point of view, the ways. While the much larger number of specificreforms are intended to: (1) increase policy reforms established to achieve thesegovernment capacity to implement objectives are not always classified under the sameproductive projects successfully; (2) headings, their content remains essentially theto increase the capacity to assist same. Thus, two important assumptions underpinvillages and institutions in their many macroeconomic reform programs (ERPs): theproductive efforts; and more public sector is seriously overextended in mostgenerally (3) to facilitate rural social LDCs and the private sector is, at the aggregateand economic development.Y level, vastly more efficient in the production of

goods and the provision of services than is theWhen twenty-five Tanzanian government public sector.!' Such assumptions lead inevitably

officials, from both central and local levels, were to considerations of the proper scope of the publicasked to identify the objectives of the current sector. The remainder of this Section focuses on:decentralization program in March 1990, they short-term fiscal stabilization objectives and longer-listed eleven distinct objectives.5' However, when term changes in the role of the public sector.asked to establish three priorities among the list ofeleven objectives to establish a foundation for an Improving Financial Performance:effective intervention strategy to improve Fiscal StabUizationdecentralization, the group selected: (1) people'sparticipation, democracy, and self-governance; (2) To achieve longer-term macro-economicenhancement of socioeconomic well-being of the objectives, emphasis is often placed on achievingpeople; and (3) provision of services to the people fiscal stabilization in the short-term in order toin the most efficient manner.0' Those selected establish a firm foundation for sustainablepriorities clearly illustrate the multiple, and economic growth. Such measures can have apotentially conflicting, objectives often established direct impact on the role of the public sectorfor decentralization programs. It is unlikely that because necessary reductions in expenditure requireany program of decentralization will be able to decisions about priorities among public goodsachieve all the objectives of the Tanzania program. which governments might ideally provide.

The absence of prioritization among The primary objective of fiscal stabilizationobjectives is likely to hinder efficient policies is to reduce public sector deficits byimplementation of both ERPs and sector investment bringing government revenues and expendituresprojects. Even when specific objectives have been into balance. The measures intended to do thisclarified and ranked, interpretations of how best to often include some combination of the followingachieve them are often undetermined. The specific objectives: (1) establishing appropriatedifficulty of transforming specific objectives into exchange rates; (2) limiting public expenditurepractical programs to achieve them is illustrated by (recurrent and investment, including reduction orthe concern for equity as a goal. For example, elimination of subsidies); (3) reforming the publicwhen establishing the source of local revenues and enterprise (PE)/parastatal sector; (4) increasingthe rates to be paid, equity can be understood as public sector revenue (without creatingeither fiscal equivalence or as income disincentives for private sector investment); (5)redistribution. Should those who benefit pay the streamlining the public service bureaucracy; (6)costs of providing public goods and services and eliminating government controls over marketthose who do not benefit not pay such costs or determined pricing mechanisms in both domesticshould those who are wealthier pay a different and international trade; (7) restricting discretion inproportion of the costs of provision than those who the administration of monetary aggregates; and (8)are less wealthy?.' The choice is inherently enhancing competitive financial intermediation.subjective; but it is of the essence in choosingfinancing mechanisms in the context of a concern It is generally understood that the genericfor equity. macroeconomic model summarized here should not

be employed rigidly. It should serve only as a

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basis for analyses to be tested and refined in the public sector. These can be identified byfield as the assumptions underlying such models are considering: the factors which differentiate betweencompared to the realities of specific circumstances. the public or private nature of goods and services;The result, in practice, should be policies and (ii) the distinction between the provision andprograms which are, in important respects, unique producion of such goods and services; and (iii) theto a particular country at a specific time. extent to which decentralized structures are

potentially supportive of such changes in roles.Role of The Public Sector

Public Goods and SericesThe debate concerning the proper role of

government in society has been ongoing since the Neither the economics literature nor theintroduction of the written word (and, no doubt public finance literature are consistent in specifyingbefore that) and it can be expected to continue for the attributes that differentiate public and privateat least as long a period of time. It is generally goods and services. Nevertheless, most wouldaccepted that the resolution of that debate within agree that:any particular society is not primarily a function oftechnical considerations, but of the tradeoffs among (e) Goods or services characterized by inabilitycompeting values. The ultimate resolution of that to exclude large numbers of people fromissue is not the purpose of this paper. receiving the benefit, whether they pay for

it or not, should be considered public goodsNevertheless, the question of the role of the because there is no incentive for the private

public sector in society cannot be avoided sector to provide them;92

completely because a salient feature of ERPs is apackage of structural reforms leading to a (f) Where the goods or services are consumedsubstantial reduction of governmental manipulation jointly and simultaneously by many peopleof economic activity. Many economic reform and the quantity and differential quality ofpolicies require both qualitative reforms of such goods received by individualgovernmental roles and responsibilities and consumers are relatively difficult tocomplementary changes in the organization of measure, then such goods should mostgovernments. appropriately be considered public

goods;'0 'The political requirement underlying ERPs

is that governments must shift from attempts to (g) When people have no choice in thecontrol economic behavior through regulation or consumption of a good or service becausethrough direct and dominant participation in the exposure to it is the equivalent ofproduction of goods and services to the more consuming it, the good or service should belimited, if still crucial, role of providing an considered a public good;-U andenabling environment for private sector economiccompetition. Such a shift is expected to result in (h) When, within the normal operation ofimproved economic efficiency and growth through market mechanisms, economies of scale inthe operation of market mechanisms. This requires the production of goods or services can bethe public sector to limit its role to: (1) establishing expected to lead to 'natural monopolies,"appropriate policies and regulations for the efficient the good or service is essentially a publicand effective operation of market mechanisms; (2) good; even if the other criteria given do notdeveloping human resources (i.e., human apply.'2'infrastructure); (3) providing for the constructionand maintenance of appropriate physical Many analysts also agree that governmentsinfrastructure; and (4) providing appropriate have an appropriate role in providing goods orservices. These objectives are essentially medium services in one or more of the following cases:or longer term and are assumed to correlatedirectly with enhanced possibilities for economicgrowth. (a) The assets necessary to the production of an

important good or service are so specializedSuch macroeconomic reform policies that it does not make economic sense for

provide implicit criteria for evaluating the private entrepreneurs to acquire suchappropriate role of decentralization within the assetsW' or such assets must be linked

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together with other assets in a complex and in much the same way as central governments.mutually contingent management system to Subnational governments can and do: (1) establishbe used effectively;L4' parastatals, monopolize productive sectors and/or

distort the terms of private sector participation and(b) The provision of the good or service has competition; (2) impose prohibitive disincentives

"high political saliency or sensitivity for investment on the private sector throughsuch as those from which a politically distortive regulations and/or extortionate taxationimportant group such as the poor or a regimes; (3) engage in deficit financing of theirminority would be excluded if they were expenditures; (4) receive preferential treatment byprovided privately; 'L5 or financial institutions and borrow a disproportionate

share of available credit; (5) employ excess staff(c) The intervention of government is necessary with inappropriate qualifications; and (6) attempt to

to maintain at least minimally acceptable implement their responsibilities throughlevels of public health, safety or inappropriate institutional structures and inefficientwelfare.L'' procedures. Thus, changing the structure of the

public sector through decentralization does notProvision and Production necessarily result in changes in macroeconomic

policy or behavior that could foster greaterIt is axiomatic that governments are efficiency.

responsible for the provision of public goods;although it is not necessary that they be directly Unless radical new approaches are taken toinvolved in producing them. Provision is the the structure and objectives of decentralizationdecision to and actual allocation of resources to a programs, increased participation in public sectorparticular good or service and the monitoring of its investment and service delivery decisions is likelyuse; production is the transformation of those to increase demand pressures on governmentresources into the delivery of those goods or resources. It is also likely that, without such newservices.!2" approaches, decentralization will increase, rather

than decrease, aggregate public sector employment.Distinguishing between the functions of

providing public goods and services and producing Experience with the first structuralsuch goods and services helps to identify the types adjustment program in Yugoslavia provides anof economic management function which ought to example of the need for central government, withinbe maintained and improved within the public a substantially devolved system, to retain a key rolesector in support of economic reform measures, in the formulation and implementation of demandand those functions which ought to be reassigned to management policies if stabilization programs arethe private sector. Such distinctions also help to to be effective. It became clear during the decadefocus assessments of the potential impact of before 1974, that integrating decentralized workers'alternative decentralization arrangements on the self-management and some mechanism forachievement of economic policy objectives. macroeconomic management for short-term

economic stability would require new institutionalarrangements. A principle underlying changes was

Linking Decentralization to that they were not to result in the re-emergence ofMacroeconomic Policy central government control.

Negative Implications The result is a complex, non-hierarchical,system of planning characterized by a high degree

Although it will be argued that some forms of participation through an iterative process ofof decentralization are, at least theoretically, negotiated plans among economic agents.necessary for the achievement of economic growth Decisions flow from the micro to the macro-levelwith equity, decentralizing economic management on virtually all matters. Planning and policy-functions can also result in maintaining many making occurs at all levels simultaneously. Co-historically-rooted public sector inefficiencies. ordinating or harmonizing individual plans at all

levels is a continual process of multiple iterationsDepending on the type of decentralization, concluded through a combination of social

subnational government units can affect compacts or self-management agreements.macroeconomic policy and program implementation

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It is within this complex system that the market surrogate strategies: (1) alteration of thefunctions of macroeconomic adjustment and external environment in ways which placedemand management must be performed. The pressures on the public sector to improve itsresult has been that the capacity to manage demand delivery of services in order to compete (which, inthrough the use of fiscal policy measures has been turn, requires that public sector agencies be subjectextremely difficult to apply because the sources of to the consequences of failure) and (2) restructuringdemand are diffused and little is provided in the of internal institutional arrangements within publicway of prioritized expenditure by a central source sector organizations so as to reinforce externalwith legitimacy for establishing such priorities. competitive pressures.91

Although the form decentralization has taken in To the extent that some significant level ofYugoslavia is unique, it illustrates the severe decentralization can be expected to reinforceupward pressures on expenditures which can appear effective functioning of a market-based economy,in decentralized systems. Management of it is in some sense inevitable. To fully appreciateinflationary pressures generated by autarkic this perspective, it is useful to consider the concerndecisions and budget controls is likely to be for parallel economies in current economic reformprofoundly difficult in such systems. programs.

Positive Implications Parallel Economies. An importantassumption underlying economic policy

Despite the potential negative effects of liberalization is that a relatively free market alwaysdecentralization on short-term fiscal stabilization exists for the performance of some economicmeasures, decentralized political and administrative activities. Where governments attempt to tightlysystems appear to be a necessary element of control economic activities and, thus, createchanges required in the public sector to support the distortions in the operation of the market, authenticefficient and effective operation of market economic activities are performed, although lessdetermined economic systems.L- The potential efficiently, within parallel (black or informal, butbenefits of decentralization for economic growth not necessarily illegal) economic systems.m4' Ancan best be understood in the context of the important function of ERPs is to recognize thebroader changes in the role and structure of the reality of the market-oriented parallel economy andpublic sector. integrate it into the formal, and officially

sanctioned, economic system. By so doing, aIf government structures are to complement mutually supportive relationship can be established

and support a pluralistic economic system, it should between the interests of the public and privatemirror, to the extent possible, such a system.)' sectors. For example, if government is able toThus, governmental efficiency should also be legitimate and regularize economic 'activitiesenhanced through competition within a pluralistic undertaken in the parallel system, it should be ablepublic sector. Governmental jurisdictions and to increase its tax revenues while reducing tjIe costpolitical interest groups should compete for the of operations for the private sector. /legitimate receipts of public revenue and for theauthority to decide allocations. Such arrangements Parallel Government. A similarcould serve as one type of public sector proxy for Xphenomenon operates with-egard to the civiceconomic competition in the private sector res sib ilities overnments. In spite of themarketplace.&' The importance of such desires of many utopian political theorists, somecompetition is a principal tenet of public choice form of government exists universally in humantheory2 ' and of the market surrogate society. Most people understand intuitively whatapproach.2' Decentralized public sector $unctions, at a minimum, governments shouldstructural arrangements provide such competition. perform. It is from that understanding that

governments derive their legitimacy. WhenMarket Surrogates. The essence of a market governments do not perform their necessary

surrogate approach is that improvement of functions or where they do so in substantiallyperformance in the non-market public sector arena ineffective ways, many of those functions will becan be assisted by the selective introduction of performed in one way or another outside thecompetition, choice, and accountability mechanisms formally and officially sanctioned governmentalinto the institutional structures of government. system.&' Thus, Elinor Ostrom, LarryGabriel Roth identifies two principal components of Schroeder, and Susan Wynne argue that 'the fact

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that social life has not totally disintegrated even services ought to be provided in what quantity andunder the impact of the most repressive regimes quality, how to finance the production of suchimplies that small-scale organization that allows goods and services, and how to monitor andpeople to maintain some of the most basic functions regulate the production of such goods and services,exists everywhere. "2' actual production can be left to the private sector.

The importance of that perspective for both The current literature suggests that many ofERPs and the role of decentralized governmental the reasons, both technical and political, given assystems is illustrated by the emergence of parallel justification for decentralization relate to theauthority structures within poor urban provision function while much of the criticismneighborhoods in Latin America. In summary, relates to lack of capacity to perform what are,rapid urbanization combined with insufficient essentially, production functions. Removingopportunities for employment resulted in the responsibility for production from localmarginalization of many people. That segment of governments reduces the need for many types ofthe population was highly dependent on services technical capacity at local government levels.historically provided by the public sector.However, the economic and debt crisis beginning Once this is accepted, the skills requiredduring the mid-1970s resulted in significant within the public sector become primarily those ofdeterioration of governments' provision of such political decision-making, planning, and financingservices. As a result, that marginalized segment of rather than those of physical infrastructurethe population had to establish alternative strategies construction or management of service delivery.for survival.27' The former skills are precisely those in which local

authorities share a mutually supporting advantageOne school of thought holds that these survival with national governments. Where the focus of

strategies have relied mostly on collective action at political decisions is on national integration issues,local neighborhood levels through exchanges of central governments have the comparativelabor-intensive services, communal kitchens, advantage; where the focus is on location-specificcollective workshops, shopping cooperatives and so issues, local authorities have the comparativeforth. This required the establishment of advantage. Where the focus of planning is onidentifiable structures of authority which, within macroeconomic priority-setting and inter-sectoralsuch neighborhoods, provide the functional integration, central governments have theequivalent of government. comparative advantage; where the focus is on

location-specific investments and service deliveryJust as one objective of ERPs is to co-opt the within such national guidelines, local authorities

informal economic system, many governments have have the comparative advantage. In the case ofas an objective of decentralization the co-optation financing, comparative advantage is largelyof such parallel political systems. Effective determined by the sources of such financing.implementation of such political and administrativedecentralization strategies will require the Unfortunately,manydecentralizationsystemsestablishment of positive relationships with such in LDCs reverse this relationship between local andcommunities, rather than attempts to replace such central governments; giving central governmentsorganizations by externally manufactured responsibilities for provision and assigning localstructures. governments responsibilities for production.

Changing the allocation of responsibilities so as toDecentralization and Provision benefit from the comparative advantages of the

various levels of government and the private sectorThe mutually reinforcing relationship between should result in the enhanced performance of local

pluralistic economic and political systems has been governments. If that were accomplished, it woulddiscussed. It remains to summarize conclusions not be necessary to avoid decentralizing certainfrom the earlier discussion of public goods and functions to subnational governments because ofservices and the distinction between the provision lack of capacity nor would it be necessary toand production of those goods or services. undertake massive institutional development

programs at subnational levels.If the public sector's responsibilities in the

directly productive segment of the economy are Demand by local governments for privatelimited largely to deciding what public goods and sector production of public goods and services

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should result, eventually, in the decentralization of payoff from training in the private sector, inmuch of the private sector itself. Dispersion of improved efficiency of road construction anddemand territorially should result in the dispersion maintenance, is likely to be higher than fromof opportunities for the involvement of smaller- equivalent training in the public sector. That, inscale enterprises which operate within local turn, is due to the expectation that, skills andboundaries as well as deconcentration or delegation capacities being essentially equal, the incentives inwithin large enterprises located in capital cities to the private sector are more supportive of suchbranches located within local jurisdictions. Such efficiencies than in the public sector.changes in the role of the public sector could resultin the creation of mutual dependencies among both In addition to training, consideration is beinglocal governments and the private sector and in given to renting equipment owned by the publicenhancing competition in the private sector itself. sector to private sector firms in Burundi, Guinea,The rise of what can be termed 'public sector Tanzania, and Zaire, a practice which is already inservice industries" within most non-communist place in Ghana. In Guinea and Zaire, pilotdeveloped countries suggests a model whereby projects have been initiated to privatize mechanizedcompetition among private sector enterprises for brigades currently maintained within the publicproduction contracts with the public sector is service.fostered within the bounds of governmentregulation and auditing of performance. Unfortunately, several of the earliest

initiatives (for example in Ethiopia and Ghana)Examples of public and private sector have been unsuccessful due to subsequent changes

partnerships which might emerge if clear in economic policy and/or the inefficientdistinctions between provision and production performance of the provision role by governments.functions are explicitly drawn are provided by For example, in Ethiopia, parastatal companiesinitiatives undertaken for road construction and assumed the responsibilities of private contractorsmaintenance in Africa; a responsibility often following the 1976 revolution and, in Ghana,assigned to local governments.m' The approximately one-third of the contractors traineddevelopment of capacity among private sector firms to perform road maintenance have gone out ofto perform road maintenance activities under business because of long delays in payments by thecontract to the public sector in Ethiopia, Ghana, Government. That highlights the importance ofand Kenya was well underway twenty years ago. getting the incentives right. Nevertheless, in the

context of current economic policy reformAn example of how capacities of local firms programs, such negative incentives should be

are often underestimated by central government reduced.ministries is provided by Burundi and Tanzania,where private sector firms have been contracted by In summary, there are at least sevenlocal governments to build sections of roads even important implications of an approach which limitsas their respective Highway Authorities were the responsibilities of local governments to theunaware of such activities and did not know that provision of public goods and services:such private contractors were available with theirown road equipment. Indeed, the aggregate (a) The functions of governments, includingproduction capacity of domestic road maintenance local governments, would be substantiallycontractors in Tanzania has been estimated at nine reduced in scope in many LDCs;million dollars per year.

(b) Local governments would be more likely toThe expected efficiencies of assigning road have the capacity to perform the more

construction and maintenance responsibilities limited range of economic management(production) to private sector firms under contract activities required;to the public sector is attested to by recentinvestments in training managers and construction (c) Local government expenditures on a broadpersonnel of such firms at public sector expense in range of commercially viable investments inBurundi, the Central African Republic, Ghana, private goods and services and theKenya, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zaire; while public maintenance of such investments would beworks training centers are open to the staff of reduced in favor of private sectorprivate contractors in Madagascar and Tanzania. investment;Such investment is due to the expectation that the

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(d) As a result of withdrawing from sort of fundamental institutional reforms discussedresponsibilities for providing and maintaining here requires a long-term perspective.private goods and services and for producingand maintaining public goods and services, In many countries, it is no small undertakinglocal government expenditures on staffing to transform the role of the public sector from anshould be substantially reduced; important producer of goods and services to the

more limited, although still crucial, role of(e) The impact of local government expenditures providing an appropriate policy and regulatory

on aggregate public sector deficits should be environment, an increased emphasis on humanreduced (if not eliminated altogether, as they resource development and appropriate physicalhave been for urban authorities in Zimbabwe) infrastructure. It is not surprising that institutionalwith positive results for the availability of resistance is a major constraint to efficient andfinance for the private sector; effective performance of ERPs.

(f) A public sector service industry can be Joan Nelson suggests that resistance toexpected to evolve in the private sector to changes in economic policy is inherent inproduce public sector goods and services established institutions and can be substantiallyprovided by local governments, with the avoided through sharp breaks in the continuity ofeconomic benefits which should accrue from such institutional arrangements and traditions.2'competition in response to public sector It could be argued that local governments do notdemand; and have the same degree of established tradition or

entrenched interests in production activities as do(g) Competition within the private sector would be central government bureaucracies. A program of

both enhanced and dispersed. increasing local government responsibilities forprovision would not involve relinquishing

Although limiting the role of the public sector responsibilities for production which they have not(and local governments more specifically) to had the opportunity to exercise to any great degree.provision of public goods is an ideal which, in its The introduction of decentralized institutionalmost strict definition, is unlikely to be achieved, it arrangements could serve as the sort of regimeis a standard against which appropriate trade-offs break referred to by Nelson. A major problem iscan be identified and weighed in the balance for that those with entrenched interests in productionpractical decision-making. Investments for within the central bureaucracy will opposeimproving the capacity of local governments should decentralization precisely because it wouldbe limited to those functions required for efficient represent such a significant regime break.and effective provision, rather than for improvingcapacity for production.

Summary Conclusions

Resistance to Change This chapter has stressed the necessity ofidentifying a wide range of political, economic, and

This chapter has argued that efficient and institutional goals and objectives and clarifying theeffective government performance of its new roles relationships among them. Such clarification isrequires that, as economic activity is diffused, important because agreement on a longpublic sector institutions must also be diffused to undifferentiated list of goals and objectives mightbe compatible. Nevertheless, the discussion of easily be reached among parties advocating somechanging roles and responsibilities of the public vague notion of decentralization as a means to thesector, in the context of longer-term economic achievement of their own particular, and potentiallydevelopment objectives, does not suggest that conflicting, objectives. Problems, includingcommon agreements and understandings exist political conflict, are then likely to arise as theamong political leaders and external analysts in differential impact of alternative decentralizationcountries initiating or undergoing economic reform arrangements on competing objectives emergesprograms. Indeed, the absence of such common during implementation.understandings goes far to explain the slow pace atwhich implementation of even the most obvious This paper advocates the view thatand marginal institutional changes proceed. Full alternative forms of decentralization should beappreciation, acceptance, and implementation of the assessed according to their relative contributions to

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the achievement of specific economic policy goals, comparative advantage in the performance of manywhich require specific changes in the role of the of the elements of such a reduced role compared topublic sector. Nevertheless, the theme presented in national governments.this paper that decentralization issues should beaddressed in terms of their impact on the Prescribed changes in the role of the publicachievement of specific economic goals and sector in the economy do not imply thatobjectives does not mean that other goals and governments should abandon all involvement in theobjectives are in some sense illegitimate. economy. Rather, the reduction of state

intervention in favor of individual decision-makingAn important element of the argument is that in the market place is expected to enhance

achievement of the ultimate goals of many governments' ability to implement effectiveeconomic reform programs implicitly requires economic policies and efficiently provide thosegovernments to shift from attempts to control services which appropriately remain theeconomic behavior through direct and dominant responsibility of government.participation in the production of goods andservices to providing an enabling environment for While some forms of decentralization mightprivate sector economic competition, and that some be a necessary condition for sustaining the benefitsforms of decentralized political and administrative of ERPs, decentralization is by no meanssystems are necessary requirements. sufficient. Thus, changing the structure of the

public sector through decentralization does notDistinguishing between provision and necessarily result in changes in macroeconomic

production and limiting local authorities to policy or behavior. Improved policies andprovision substantially resolves many of the issues performance also require supporting incentivesrelated to inadequate capacity at subnational which are, in turn, affected by structures.government levels. From that perspective, two Therefore, incentives are discussed further infurther insights emerge: local governments should Chapter V, following discussions of alternativebe limited in the same manner as the overall decentralization arrangements (Chapter III) and thelimitations on the role of the public sector more characteristics of key economic managementgenerally and local governments have a functions (Chapter IV).

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ALTERNATIVE DECENTRALIZATION ARRANGEMENTS

To this point in the paper, distinctions between comprehensive macroinstitutional level, allthe four pure types of decentralization have not decentralized systems can be expected to be hybrid.been stressed. Nevertheless, decentralization is a Decentralized systems at the comprehensiveconcept encompassing myriad alternative sectoral level are most often hybrid.institutional arrangements mirroring the multiplicityof objectives identified in Chapter II. Examples of hybrid decentralization at the

systems-wide level are provided by experience inThis Chapter summarizes the importance of Nepal and Guatemala. In Nepal, the example is of

structural arrangements by examining: the alternative allocations of responsibility for differentintroduction of hyhid-deszaiionasa lx functions. In Guatemala, the example relates totype; the need to link discrete institutio 1 differences in the allocation of responsibilities forarrangements at both the macro and micro-levels the same function (financing local governmentthroughout the entire institutional system; the n expenditures).to relate short-term project implementationobjectives to longer-term sustainability issues; and The Decentralization Act of 1982 in Nepalaltemative types of constitutional structures within increased devolution of authority and thecountries. assignment of staff to positions outside Kathmandu.

The Ministry of Panchayat and Local GovernmentThe discussion which follows is concerned (MPLD) was established to lead and organize

with the actual structure and behavior of the public decentralization and a decentralization plan wassector rather than formally established systems. It incorporated into Nepal's Basic Needs Program.is often the case that actual and nominal As part of the decentralization plan, responsibilitybureaucratic systems do not coincide. for planning and implementing projects was

devolved to the local level. That was reinforced bythe Basic Needs Plan, which assigned responsibility

Hybrid Decentralization for delivering goods and services to localgovernments. It was expected that local

Five types of decentralization were introduced communities would become more autonomous inand defined in Chapter I: deconcentration; managing and implementing projects, but resourcedelegation; devolution; and both top-down and allocation remained centralized. The planning,bottom-up principal agency. Nevertheless, in budget formulation, and personnel managementpractice, it is not possible to assess the impact of functions were devolved. Nevertheless, the centraldecentralization on either ERPs or investment government retained responsibility for budgetprograms at the macro-level only in terms of these approval, revenue generation, and manpowerfive types. Most system-wide institutional employment.l' However, that experiment inarrangements are characterized by the coexistence decentralization was interrupted with the election ofof elements of at least four of those forms of a new Government in Nepal in 1990. Thatdecentralization, together with other highly Government is once again designing a newcentralized government functions. Such systems decentralization program for Nepal.will be referred to as Hybrid.

There are four different sources of financeWithin hybrid systems, some functions are for public sector development activities at the local

decentralized in one way and other functions level in Guatemala: the budgets of centraldecentralized in other ways. For example, one ministries or "institutes' (a form of semi-common form of hybrid system results when autonomous agency); transfers from the eightgovernments assign responsibility for financing and percent ("8%") of central government revenuessupervising investment projects to local required by the Constitution to be transferred togovernments, while retaining responsibility for local governments; credit borrowed from theplanning investments, technical staff employment Municipal Institute; and revenues generated throughand career advancement, as well as technical local taxes. With regard to finance from thesupport, in central sector ministries. Various budgets of central govemment entities,elements of the same function (such as financing) municipalities need the approvals of bothcan be managed in different ways. At the

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departmental and regional councils before viewed, requires the identification of each piecerequesting such assistance from the center. and its proper placement.Transfers from the "8 %" allow complete discretionto municipal govermments, but limited to capital By presenting data on the impact ofinvestment (most often in the form of city halls, autonomous local agencies on local governmentcommunity centers, rural water systems, and farm expenditures (see Appendix 3, Table 3[a])), Bahlto market roads). The recurrent costs of operation and Linn illustrate the complexity of hybridand maintenance of such capital investments remain systems. Thus, for example, in Bogota, Colombiathe responsibility of the local government. during 1972, twelve different autonomous agenciesHowever, because the budget received from the to which expenditure authority had been delegated"8%" is significantly higher than local by the central government accounted for 79.3governments' own tax revenue, many local percent of local government spending in that city.governments have been diverted from attention toOperations and Maintenance (O&M).

Linking Micro and Macro-InstitutionalLocal revenues also allow for complete Arrangements

discretion to local governments, but because the"8%" transfers are so much larger compared to Ultimately, the performance of economiclocal tax revenues, the need to provide O&M for functions at the macro-level is the result of thethose investments dominates and, thus restricts, activities of large numbers of individuallocal discretionary decisions over the longer-term. organizations (the micro-level). Although theFinally, for the purpose of receiving credit from routine functions of government in basicthe Municipal Institute, final decisions are in the administration and service delivery are oftenhands of the Institute in response to requests from viewed as containable within single organizationsindividual local governments. such as sector ministries or specific parastatals,

actual experience suggests otherwise.Y Thus, theAs the Nepalese and Guatemalan cases show, importance of linking individual organizations or

it is only at the subsectoral level, with reference to subnational governments to the broader institutionalthe performance of specific functions, that one or environment has been recognized as critical foranother of the three pure types of decentralization efficient and effective performance.3' The naturecan be identified. It is useful to focus on the of institutions at the micro-level must bemanner in which authority is structured in each understood in terms of both internal organizationalsubsector for the performance of each of the operations and their links to the externalfollowing five key economic managements environment. As noted in a World Bank Stafffunctions: planning; public expenditure Working Paper in 1980:programming and management; fiscal policyformulation and revenue generation; public sector Many of the factors that influencedstaffing; and operations and maintenance (O&M). management performance were not in

fact subject to management control....The manner in which authority is structured Increasingly, ... practitioners found

for the performance of each economic management that ... projects, in spite of theirfunction can be viewed as a discrete module in the design, were subject to influenceoverall system. It is the unique combination of from entities outside theirthese modules which describe the actual organizational boundaries and in turncharacteristics of a decentralized system at the had to exercise influence over thosesystem-wide level and, therefore, the specific entities.... Moreover, project successimpact of that system on the achievement of was determined as much by skillfuleconomic policy and sector investment objectives. handling of such external influenceThus, some understanding of the comprehensive relationships as it was by projectsystem in any particular country can be derived by resources under the control ofre-aggregating the characteristics of those management.'functonal modules once these are understood. Atthe comprehensive level, any decentralized system No single institution within any country hasis a unique picture puzzle which, to be properly control over all of the variables affecting the

achievement of either their own or more

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comprehensive policy objectivesY Effective be efficient or effective because too manyinstitutions are characterized by an ability to opportunities exist to subvert program goals wheninfluence and appreciate their environmentY The the center cannot impose the penalties necessary tohuman tendency to define a management problem elicit compliance.as being caused by insufficient control and,therefore, to see the solution as expansion of As part of the diagnosis of the broadercontrol rather than influence is a recipe for failure. institutional context within which organizationsThis has obvious and profound implications for function in decentralized systems, it is important toeconomic policy and sector investment decision- focus on the linkages among organizationsmaking, the programs and projects established to horizontally and vertically within the entire systemimplement them, and the structural arrangements rather than primarily or exclusively on the internalwhich provide the institutional context for efficiencies within local governments or individualimplementation.2' parastatals or specialized agencies. This means

focusing on the entire decentralized system ratherIntegrating Horizontal and Vertical Linkages than limiting attention to local governments

themselves. This is parfcularly important whenThe hybrid nature of decentralized systems at considering potential trade-offs between short-term

the systems-wide level provides the context within project implementation objectives and longer termwhich sector-specific organizations must function to sustainability.influence and appreciate their environment.Individual organizations which do not link Assignment of Functionseffectively to the broader institutional environmentcan be expected to face serious implementation and A vertically integrated system also requiresoperational difficulties. Institutional arrangements judgements about which functions, in whichat the system-wide level influence, and in turn are subsectors, ought to be delegated to whichinfluenced by, performance at the level of organizations or be deconcentrated or be devolvedindividual organizations or sectors. For example, to which level of government. The performance ofsystem-wide policies regarding the terms and every function at local levels should not be anconditions of public sector employment directly objective of decentralization programs. Someaffect the flexibility enjoyed within single functions are clearly national in scope andorganizations or specific sectors to make responsibilities for them ought to be retained byfundamental institutional changes. Conversely, central governments. The negative results ofsingle institutions or sectors can take unilateral devolving responsibility for an inherently nationalactions, for example incurring debt, that have an function to local governments is illustrated byimportant impact on the larger system. It is critical assignment of responsibilities for ports in Chile.that institutional arrangements at both the micro By contrast, experience in the urban developmentand macro levels and the linkages between them be sector illustrates the difficulty of substantiallyexamined. reducing the management role of central

governments for those functions which are moreHonadle and Gow-' suggest that effective appropriately the responsibility of local

decentralization strategies must be based on governments.mutually supportive relationships between centraland subnational governments. Several large Ports. The principal mode ofcomparative studies of local organizations found decentralization of responsibility for ports isthat the nature of these links between authorities delegation to Port Authorities. Beyond suchrepresenting smaller and larger communities was delegation, internal deconcentration is not oftencentral to the successful operation of the smaller viewed as necessary, since such authorities areunits.9 The center must maintain responsibilities essentially self-contained in a specific location.for performing functions for which it has a Nor are port authorities normally responsible tocomparative advantage while giving field personnel local governments with authority for portthe autonomy and resources to demonstrate their operations devolved to them. Exceptions,capabilities.)L Such an approach requires both however, do occur. For example, in Chile, as partstrong linkages and shared responsibility between of a decentralization program, provinces werethe center and periphery. In countries with weak consolidated into Regions and responsibility forcentral governments, decentralization is unlikely to

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ports was devolved to those newly-established necessary precondition to even modestRegions. The result provides a good example of improvements. What might appear to be technicalnegative consequences when a function having or procedural failures at first glance are often onlynational impact is devolved to subnational a reflection of disincentives implicit in the structureentities.W of intergovernmental relations. Sustainable

improvement often requires fundamental change inTwo of Chile's main ports, Valparaiso and the relations between levels of government.I3J

Santiago, are in the same Region. Because the cityof Valparaiso dominates the government of that The complexities represented by the trade-Region, it has succeeded in undermining the offs between the established role of centralgrowth of San Antonio, although San Antonio is governments, especially as the borrower of externalthe better port for containers. Thus, the exercise financing, and the intention that local governmentsof political influence has resulted in substantial sub- eventually assume increasing autonomy in theoptimization of the relative technical advantages provision of urban services are real and should notamong the two ports. A better alternative, from a be ignored. Thus, management of projecttechnical point of view, would have been to implementation continues to rely almost exclusivelydelegate responsibility for each port to separate on central government agencies; even in thosePort Authorities (which could foster competition cases where the objective of external assistance isand efficiency) or to a single national, internally to shift responsibility to local governments for keydeconcentrated, Port Authority on the grounds that elements of economic management. Thus,efficient operation of ports serves national although the need for establishing and sustainingeconomic interests. Alternatively, if it was the benefits of improved urban infrastructure hasnecessary to appreciate the structure already led to increasing concern for improved planningestablished for allocating responsibilities to Regions and management at the municipal level, moreas a given, Santiago Port might better have been comprehensive and systematic attention must stillassigned to the Metropolitan Region because that be given to establishing system-wide links betweenRegion is well placed geographically to serve that local and central governments.port and competition between the Valparaiso andMetropolitan Regions might improve the System-wide organizational issues should notefficiencies of each port through emphasis on their be addressed exclusively from the perspective ofcomparative advantages.L2 urban requirements. Although intergovernmental

arrangements between central and local authoritiesUrban Development. Municipal governments might often need to be structured differently (as

are key providers of urban infrastructure and are between the responsibilities of local urban and ruraloften assigned primary responsibility for the authorities), some significant degree ofoperation and maintenance of infrastructure and compatibility among those arrangements isservices provided by central governments. necessary.Increasing reliance on municipal governments forthe provision and maintenance of such services has A Technical Checklist. Specific technicalled to a concern for the place of local government criteria are now presented which can serve as ain the more comprehensive system-wide basis for assessing which functions ought to be: (1institutional structure. assigned to any level of government, or

government parastatals, acting as principal agentsThere is increasing recognition that attempts to of beneficiaries/clients/users; (2) devolved to local

improve the capacity of local governments which governments as discretionary authorities; (3)are limited to areas under their own control are assigned to local governments acting as principallikely to fail; at least as compared to expectations. agents of central governments; (4) deconcentratedIt is often insufficient to improve the administration to local levels within sector departments; (5)of a local tax without changing the tax law or to delegated to parastatals, "special districts," orimprove its local government accounting practices project management units; and (6) retained bywithout changing the national government financial central government. Nevertheless, such criteriareporting regulations. Local governments do not should be adapted to location-spe cficact autonomously. The permission and circumstances.encouragement of higher levels of government is a

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Criteria for Bottom-Up Principal Agency at (g) Desire or require local participation;Community Level. Consideration could be given toassigning responsibilities to governments as (h) Are relatively small-scale and laborPrincipal Agents of beneficiaries/clients/users for intensive;services which:

(i) Can easily be contracted-out to the private(a) Require community-level location-specific sector for technical design, implementation,

decision-making because the area served has and operations; and/orrelatively unique characteristics in terms ofservice requirements; () Do not require significant supporting actions

by other agencies of government, either at(b) Do not have significant consequences for higher levels or among semi-autonomous

priority objectives of the country as a whole; corporations (except, in the latter case, ascontractors responsible to the local

(c) Require local participation, as determined by authority).a community's population itself; and

Criteria for Delegation to Parastatals,(d) Are not capital intensive; but 'Special Districts," or PMUs. Criteria varies

somewhat depending on the type of organization to(e) Have relatively high economies of scale; and which responsibilities are delegated. Criteria for

delegation to any type of organization include:(f) Do require supporting actions by other

agencies of government or the private sector (a) Requirements are technical and capital,because of significant technical requirements in rather than labor, intensive; andthe design, implementation, or operation of theactivity. (b) Do not require significant supporting actions

by other agencies of government.Criteria for Devolution. Consideration could

be given to devolving discretionary authority for Criteria particular to one or another type ofplanning and implementing projects and on-going organization can also be specified:operations which:

(a) Parastatals --(a) Require location-specific decision-making - The range of activities are focussed

because the area served by the project has on the delivery of a single,relatively unique characteristics in terms of discrete, service (or very limitedimpact on project implementation and range of discrete services); andsubsequent operations; - The activities to be performed are

of a commercial or quasi-(b) Do not have significant consequences for commercial nature (but are

priority objectives of the country as a whole; considered 'public goods' byvirtue of tending toward natural

(c) Have relatively low economies of scale as monopolies).compared to implementation or operation on acountry-wide scale; (b) Special Districts --

-- The range of activities are focussed(d) Require quick response times; on the delivery of a single,

discrete, service (or very limited(e) Are labor-intensive, rather than technical and range of discrete services) and they

capital-intensive; are of a commercial or quasi-commercial nature (as in the case

(f) Require close integration of activities across of other parastatals); butsectors within a limited geographical area -- Efficient and effective delivery ofencompassed within established local services require location-specficjurisdictions; decision-making because the area

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served has relatively unique Criteria for Deconcentration. Criteria forcharacteristics; and deconcentrating authority within various

-- Such unique characteristics do not departments or other organizations of centralconform to the administrative government are similar, but not exactly the same,boundaries of any of the more as for delegating to district assemblies as principalordinary administrative boundaries of agents. The one significant difference is thatGovernment (e.g. local governments). activities for which local governments are not

likely to be assigned responsibility during the(c) Project Management Units - limited to foreseeable future, but which do meet the other

functions which are performed on a temporary requirements of principal agency, should bebasis and are not expected to be performed deconcentrated in order to relieve localbeyond the life of the project. For example, governments of the burdens of implementation.managing adherence to the idiosyncraticrequirements for hiring consultants or technical Retaining Authority at Center. At one level,assistance personnel and for procuring goods criteria for retaining authority at Centralwhich are imposed by each donor agency can Government level is the easiest to identify becauseusefully be performed by a "Project it includes anything which is not devolved,Management Unit;" as long as such units do delegated, deconcentrated, or organized in terms ofnot also perform functions which it is expected principal agency. Nevertheless, from a morewill be sustained beyond the foreign substantive perspective, the responsibilities ofinvestment phase of the project. central governments should include: (1)

responsibility for managing monetary aggregates;Criteria for Top-Down Principal Agency. (2) elimination or minimization of internal

Consideration could be given to assigning tariffs;&' (3) coordinating external tariffs; and (4)responsibilities to local governments as Principal maintaining coordinated legal and judicial systemsAgents for projects and operations which: protecting property and contracts. In addition, it is

not prudent to assign discretionary authority to(a) Have significant consequences for priority local governments for activities which have high

objectives of the country as a whole; priority for a country as a whole because it isunlikely that central governments will sustain local

(b) Require some location-specific adaptation to discretion over the longer-term. Anything aboutsomewhat unique features of the environment which central governments feel strongly enoughwithin which project implementation and/or that discretion is not a real political option shouldsubsequent operations will need to take place; not, by definition, be devolved to any other level

of government.(c) Have relatively medium-range economies of

scale as compared to implementation or Ministries of Local Governmentoperation on either a strictly local or country-wide scale; The importance of the role of central

governments in a decentralized system has led(d) Are relatively small-scale and labor intensive, many countries to establish ministries of local

but require significant levels of technical, government (or the equivalent). Such ministrieslogistical, and/or managerial backup and often have responsibility for one or more of thesupport; following functions with regard to subnational

government levels: (1) appointing governors and(e) Are more easily contracted-out to the private mayors (where such positions are not elected); (2)

sector at local levels than would be the case at establishing procedures for interaction amongnational or regional level; and/or various levels of government; (3) determining the

size and scope of staffing patterns and(f) Involve activities which local governments do responsibilities at subnational levels; (4) monitoring

not now have the capacity to implement but for subnational govemment performance; (5) providingwhich it is desired they develop such capacity procedural guidance to subnational governmentso as to serve as discretionary authorities in levels; (6) seconding administrative staff; (7)future. authorizing investment plans or, alternatively,

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reviewing such plans prior to submission to responsibility was moved to a Department ofsectoral ministries or ministries of planning and/or Decentralization in the Prime Minister's Office infinance; (8) approving subnational government 1988. Now the criticism levied at that departmentbudgets; and (9) auditing subnational government is that it is concerned with the administration ofaccounts. tribal affairs to the exclusion of concern for urban

and provincial councils. It is necessary to resolveAt least two risks are inherent in the more fundamental conflicts among important

establishment of such ministries: the ministry might stakeholders, such as sector ministries and the localbecome an instrument for strong central councils, if such inefficiencies are to be addressed.government dominance over subnational leveldecision-making and operations and other line Checks and Balancesministries might ignore the operations ofsubnational jurisdictions as the responsibility of - A viable balance between the center and theministries of local government and pursue their periphery must be established by integrating theown centrally controlled operations. These two most appropriate features of both centralization andpossible outcomes are not mutually exclusive. A decentralization. Experience with the delegation ofcommon situation is the existence of a weak responsibilities to the State Electricity Board inministry of local government relative to the Rajasthan, India provides some general guidance.financial and political power of other central There, the long-range and technical perspective ofgovernment ministries which is still quite powerful the central authority was captured through therelative to the financial and political resources of assignment of responsibility for the establishmenttheir subordinate local governments. In such cases, of strategic priorities and technical criteria tothe actual operational role of local governments is headquarters while the specific application of suchperipheral to the important operations of central guidelines at the local level captured location-government line ministries; yet, even within their specific information and adaptation to local politicallimited scope, the discretion of such govermnents realities. As a result, the operations of theis limited by the interference of the ministry of Electricity Board are more responsive to the locallocal government to which they are held population, more efficient in the use of availableaccountable. resources, and have achieved both technical and

political objectives.A'YYet, changing structural arrangements does

not, by itself, resolve fundamental behavioral Such complementarity of systems andissues. Avoiding ministries of local government by operations among levels is not, of itself, sufficient.assigning overall responsibility for decentralization To decrease the possibility of abuses of discretion,programs to, for example, the Office of the Prime a system of checks and balances is also needed.Minister, does not necessarily resolve the The value of this is suggested by experience in theproblems. United States where local officials are subject to a

double bind created by the threat of losing office toIn Tanzania, before the re-creation of a voters on the one hand and the threat of facing a

Ministry of Local Government in 1983, lawsuit by higher jurisdictions if the laws of moreresponsibility for providing Central Government comprehensive jurisdictions are not adhered to onsupport to the Regions was vested in a department the other hand.Lt' Although that system places tooof the Prime Minister's Office. Nevertheless, none much burden on legal mechanisms not oftenof the Prime Ministers provided effective support effectively available in most LDCs, other forms ofand attention to the operations of that department checks and balances must be found if local officialswithin their own office and, as a result, the are to be held accountable.department was essentially powerless. The samepattern is being repeated in Zambia, where, until The establishment of a market approach torecently, responsibility for central government public sector activities requires the assignment ofsupport of decentralization was vested in a some of the same responsibilities to multipledepartment of a Ministry of Urban Housing and government agencies and levels of government.Decentralization. Because advocates of While the conventional approach to enhancingdecentralization within that Ministry believed lack public sector efficiencies by eliminatingof effective progress was due to the inattention of redundancies among government agencies isthe Minister to decentralization issues,

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appropriate where such agencies operate as (departmental) and 1,009 local (municipal)monopolies, it is counterproductive to the governments. At each level of government, theachievement of efficiencies through a market structure of central government ministries orsurrogate approach. secretariats, as well as parastatals, specialized

agencies, and so forth, was duplicated. The resultof this system was extensive overlap of functions

Organizing for Implementation and and responsibilities. However, due to the weakSustainability performance of assigned functions at the

subnational level, attempts to bypass centralThe inclusion of hybrid forms of governmental structures at all levels of bureaucracy

decentralization in the conceptual framework increased. lThus, during the 1960s and 1970s,clarifies an important point which is often increasing reliance was placed on autonomousoverlooked or, worse, misunderstood in much of specialized agencies to which those functions couldthe literature on decentralization; relationships be delegated. In some cases, these specializedamong deconcentrated, delegated, devolved, and agencies were deconcentrated internally; in otherprincipal agent forms of decentralization are not cases they were highly centralized themselves.linear. Ostrom, Schroeder, and Wynne suggest thenon-linear nature of decentralization by arguing that Initial efforts to counteract this growing de-"[decentralization] refers not to phenomena that can emphasis on subnational government levels beganbe arrayed along a single dimension but rather to as early as 1968 with the earmarking of centralmany different phenomena that can only be government funds for departmental spending onrepresented by multiple dimensions. "171 health and education. Dedicated funds allowed the

retention of some (albeit minimal) control of theseFor example, deconcentrating responsibilities functions at the state level. Although demands for

for project implementation within a ministry or administrative reform were voiced throughout thedelegating such responsibilities to a parastatal or 1970s, not much was done until 1983.specialized agency will not necessarily be anincremental step toward the ultimate devolution of The period since 1983, and especially fromoperational responsibilities to local 1986, marks the emergence of a shift from reliancegoven2ments.L81 Deconcentrating responsibilities on autonomous specialized agencies to thewithin established ministries or delegating such devolution of many of those responsibilities toresponsibilities to specialized agencies can easily departments and municipalities. Local discretionresult in the same sort of bypass effects created by over planning and political decision-making hasenclave project management arrangements; the been increased. Community participation (althoughnegative effects of which on the transition from the not control) was increased by law in 1986. Underimplementation phase to the operations phase are the same legal provisions, sub-local administrativewell known. The probable consequences are even levels, under the authority of the municipalities,more difficult to change since the ministries or were established. Community-based organizationssemi-autonomous agencies involved are permanent are intended to serve as communicationinstitutions, not temporary project implementation mechanisms for initiatives from the grassroots toorganizations. the mayoral level.

A clear example of the potentially negative The significance of Colombia's experience isconsequences of assuming a linear relationship that it required a dramatic shift from a delegated tobetween deconcentration, delegation, and a devolved approach precisely because delegationdevolution is provided by Colombia's had reinforced the weaknesses of subnational levelsdecentralization experience from the 1960s through to which any subsequent devolution ofthe 1980s. For much of Colombia's history, the responsibilities would need to be made. Assumingpublic sector has been organized in a three-tiered linear relationships among the three pure types ofsystem in which responsibilities for the decentralization is a common error which canperformance of selected functions was easily result in the creation of negative precedentsdeconcentrated to twenty - four regional for future institutional change.

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Constitutional Structures comprehensiveness of actual central governmentcontrols. Thus, in federal countries as disparate as

Federal vs. Unitary Systems .Mexico and Nigeria, central govermments clearlydominate allocation decisions at the state-level.

The constitutional structures of most countriescan be classified as either federal or unitary. Both unitary and federal systems includeFederal countries are, by definition, decentralized subnational levels of govermnent. This paperwith respect to some functions; at least officially to distinguishes between four levels of government:the subnational "state' level. The allocation of central or national; state (federal) or regionalfunctions to different levels of government in (unitary); local; and sub-local. Within each of thefederal systems is incorporated in law; usually latter three levels, many countries include yet otherfalling into two categories: those exclusively subdivisions under a variety of labels. Examplesassigned to a particular level of government and of such alternative labels are included in Figurethose that are within the concurrent competence of III. 1 for Guatemala, Indonesia, Tanzania, and thetwo (or, rarely, more) levels of government. The United States of America.legally decentralized nature of federal systemsnotwithstanding, local governments below the state There is a tendency when decentralizing tolevel are normally in a similar situation with regard local levels, especially within unitary states, toto state governments as are provincial and local create new subnational government levels andgovernments toward central governments in unitary proliferate local or sublocal governments. Thestates. Indeed, the situation for local governments addition of these new levels is often justified by thein federal countries is sometimes more perceived need to aggregate local plans and budgetcomplicated, as they often operate under different, proposals at an administrative level with shortersometimes competing, grants of authority from spans of control than the entire country; at least forboth state and central governments. Thus, the fact the purpose of screening proposals and ensuringthat functions for subnational governments are adherence to national or regional guidelines.spelled-out in the constitution does not necessarily Another reason is the need for clearer territorialmean that a federal system is more decentralized boundaries between such jurisdictions as a functionthan a unitary one. of decentralization. Such proliferation is not

exclusive to unitary systems. Nigeria hasTo the degree that unitary countries are experienced an expansion from three Regions in

decentralized, such decentralization is a function of 1960 to twenty-one states by 1988 and from justgrants of authority to subordinate jurisdictions. over a hundred local governments to over sevenThus, in federal systems, state governments are hundred.)'legally sovereign with regard to certain functions.In unitary systems, provincial and local Sunmnary Conclusionsgovernments are legally subject to the ultimatesovereignty of the central government in all The broad system-wide classifications ofmatters. These differences can have important decentralization and constitutional structures are, byconsequences for the legal capacity of subnational themselves, neutral with regard to determininggovernments to raise revenue and exercise appropriate institutional arrangements for thediscretionary decision-making concerning achievement of economic development objectives.expenditures. Only when such structures are considered in the

context of appropriate functions can the impact ofOf the sample of countries identified as alternative decentralization arrangements be

currently decentralized, in the process of deduced.decentralizing, or committed to decentralization insome form; ten operate within federal systems To fully address the complexity of(9%) and the remaining 106 (91 %) have unitary alternative decentralization arrangements andconstitutional arrangements (Appendix 2[a]). identify their potentially differential effects onNevertheless, it is the actual operation of the economic development, it has been suggested thatsystem which is of importance in this paper. the concept of decentralization should beConstitutionally federal, and hence legally substantially disaggregated. It is important thatdecentralized, systems often mask the primacy and such disaggregation includes, at a minimum, the

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five key economic management functions. The Although theoretically the concept ofmanner in which authority is structured for the decentralization might be disaggregated in severalperformance of each of these five functions, within different ways, at the level of this analysis it iseach subsector of government activity, can be most useful to differentiate among alternative typesdifferent and must be understood before designing of decentralization in terms of authority andstrategies to strengthen or modify those functions. responsibility for those five key economic

management functions as they relate to provision.That is the subject of the next Chapter.

|Figure 11.1

Alternative Structures of Subnational Governments

UnitedGuatemala Indonesia Tanzania States(unitary) (Unitary) (Unitary) (Federal)

SubnationaLLeveL

State/Rest. Region Province Region State

Department Region

LocaL unicipatity-1 City District Cityor and

District County

Subdistrict

Sublocat Village Vittage ward Yard(varies)

Hmlet ViLLage

Notes:

/1 In Latin America, unmicipaLities include both urban and rurat areas.

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ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT FUNCTIONS

Overview planning, budgeting, and revenue generation arecentral to provision. The importance of public

Decentralization at the macro and sector staffing, which currently represents thecomprehensive sectoral level consists of a greatest burden on public sector finance in manycombination of the four pure types. The difficulty LDCs, could be reduced in scope and in itsof generalizing about the impact of decentralization negative impact on local government expenditure toon economic development objectives is due to the the degree that the changes proposed in the role ofwide range of circumstances among countries and the public sector are achieved. A focus ondifferential experience within them. That problem provision transforms the operations andhas been compounded by the absence of an maintenance (O&M) function into a set ofanalytical framework which can account for that planning, budgeting, and monitoring functions.wide variation. There remains the need to furtherdisaggregate the concept of decentralization so as The manner in which authority is structuredto identify generally valid lessons from country- for the performance of each of these five functions,specific experience. within each subsector of government activity, can

be viewed as a discrete module in the overallThis paper argues for the importance of system. The impact of alternative authority

disaggregating the concept of decentralization, not structures will vary depending on the specificonly by specific subsectors of government activity subsector and the economic management functionor by various levels of government, but also by employed. For example, the impact of differentfive key economic management functions. In types of decentralization on the performance ofdescribing these functions, it provides a framework each of the five functions can be quite different onfor analysis that can be applied and tested in the the implementation of macroeconomic programsfield. than for the implementation of investment projects.

Chapter II presented the argument that, within While the planning function needs to bethe context of assumptions about the changing role performed for both macroeconomic and investmentof the public sector, governments should progress specific purposes, the practical scope and purposetoward the ideal objective of limiting their role to of such planning is different. For the formerthe provision of public goods and services. The purpose, strategic concerns for cross-sectoraldecisions required of the public sector under such prioritization and indicative guidelines should becircumstances should focus on: (1) what types of the focus, while in the latter, project specificpublic goods and services ought to be financed by feasibility and implementation planning are thethe public sector, (2) how the production of such focus. Differences concerning scope and purposepublic goods and services ought to be financed; (3) also characterize the public sector employmentthe quantity and quality of such goods and services; function: for this, the primary concern within ERPs(4) how and by whom such goods and services tends to be on fiscal impact while, from theought to be produced; (5) the type of regulation investment perspective, the focus tends toward awhich ought to be applied to private sector concem for implementation efficiency andproduction of such goods and services; and (6) how effectiveness. Differences of scope and purposethe production of such goods and services will be can also be identified for the revenue generationmonitored. function. Alternatively, the purpose of budget

formulation and approval and financial managementThe key economic management functions functions are similar from both perspectives, but

necessary for exercising such responsibilities for the scope is different. The personnel managementprovision are: (1) planning; (2) fiscal policy function is primarily of concern for sectoralformulation and generation of revenue; (3) public investment projects because its purpose isexpenditure programming and management; (4) essentially implementation efficiency andpublic sector staffing; and (5) operations and effectiveness and that requires a relatively narrowmaintenance (O&M). Of these five functions, scope focused on specific organizational units.

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The structural characteristics of each type of economic function. In practice, variations in thedecentralization, disaggregated by each of these purpose and organization of the macroeconomicfive functions, are presented in Appendix 1. A planning function occur within LDCs. In most ofsummary discussion of important performance Africa and much of Asia during the 1960s andissues related to each of these five functions (and 1970s, attempts to establish centralized economicsubfunctions) forms the remainder of this Chapter. planning systems and the capacity to perform that

function within such systems was the norm. InLatin America, centralized economic planning

Planning bodies were often created in response to USAID'srequirement that lending under the auspices of the

The establishment of cross-sectoral priorities, Alliance for Progress be based on central planas well as sector-specific and investment planning, documents.are clearly essential for provision. Through theplanning function, decisions are made concerning At least three factors, individually or inwhat goods and services will be provided by the combination, influenced the oft-repeated decision topublic sector and the quantity and quality of those establish centralized planning functions within LDCgoods and services. governments: the belief that economic development

was a technical problem based on a known science;Economic Policy Formulation the limited number of persons with the requisite

knowledge and, thus, the need to concentrate suchCross-sectoral priorities need to be established people in a central office; and the belief that the

for the public sector as a whole to guide financing public sector would need to be the primary engineand allocation decisions. Without such guidelines, for economic development and, thus, the need forperformance of the public sector within a public sector equivalent of corporate strategiesdecentralized systems is unlikely to transcend the and plans. All of these beliefs were implicit in theunintended sum of disaggregated decision-making prescriptions of such growth theorists as Rostow,by a wide variety of public sector organizations. Singer, Nurkse, and Rosenstein-Rodan.Such a situation might appear to mirror for thepublic sector the ideal private sector market. In practice, four interrelated problemsHowever, that would be the case only if the public affecting the impact of centralized macroeconomicsector at the macro-level is organized pluralistically planning on economic growth are frequentlywith the fate of each of its constituent organizations identified:subjected to market forces. That is seldom thecase in the realm of providing public goods and (a) The planning function at the national levelservices. addresses economic issues in such detail that

it results in attempts by governments toThe public sector does not normally consist of control economic behavior too tightly so as

a large number of independent actors individually to conform to plan blueprints;at risk in the market nor, at the other extreme, arepublic sector institutions the only actors in the (b) Such blueprint plans lead to eithermarket. In most cases, the public sector, as a dominance by the public sector in thewhole, is only one among several major actors. As productive and service sectors of theorganizationally complex actors, governments need economy in order to maintain control orto plan for the same reason that other individually establishment of rigid and too detaileddiscrete actors in the system need to plan; to arrive regulations in an attempt to manage privateat rational financial and allocation decisions based sector economic behavior (attempts toon clear goal setting, sufficient information, and administratively control the market and,sound analysis. thus, creation of distortions in the operation

of market mechanisms);Nevertheless, a recognition of the need for

planning does not, inevitably, result in the (c) The planning function is too far removedestablishment of appropriate institutions and from the information necessary to makeprocedures for the performance of the macro- informed judgments about the relative cost

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effectiveness of alternative priorities within context of public sector investment decisions;sectors or about the practic-al feasibility of especially in decentralized systems. Withoutimnplementing detailed plans for investment and nationally applied planning guidelines, individualoperations; and, governmental institutions are likely to use different

formats or formulas in developing their investment(d) At the operational level, comprehensive priorities; economic, financial, and technical

national development plans are essentially feasibility analyses; revenue projections; and soignored as a basis for making specific financial forth. Each institution is also likely to makeand allocation decisions and, thus, the assumptions about expected added value from thebudgetary function remains largely independent investments or activities of others. It is oftenof the planning function. extremely difficult to aggregate data and conduct

comparative analyses for macroeconomic planningThere is currently increasing emphasis in ERPs purposes; these functions are most appropriately

on transforming the national planning function from conducted at the national level.a centralized producer of blueprint plans to thepreparation of intersectoral objectives and priorities In the era of ERPs, planning for specificand provision of guidelines for sectoral planning sector investments must fully consider the broaderand budget formulation. Implicit in such a cross-sectoral investment priorities established attransformation is a reliance on decentralized the national level. The former practice of limitingplanning for specific financial and allocative the concemn of sectoral planning authorities to thedecisions within the boundaries of broad national intemnal economic and technical feasibility ofguidelines, potential projects is no longer sufficient. These

authorities are now required to formulate integratedInvestment Planning sectoral investment strategies even if specific

components are identified and provided atSector Investmnent Objectives. Although subnational levels.

economic development assistance has beencharacterized by a rapid increase in concern for Project Implementation Planningmacroeconomic policy reform, sector-specificlending remains the predominant form of In the context of short-term projectinternational development assistance. There is implementation, planning is the same function oftengeneral agreement that, over the longer-term, the referred to as project design. In addition to issuesprimary instruments for achieving the ultimate goal of post-project sustainability, at least two majorof sustainable economic growth with equity are issues affect the implementation planning function:sector-specific investment projects. Nevertheless, the location of responsibility and the informationthe objectives of sector investment programs and required.projects have both a short-term and long-termdimension. Location of Responsibility. The project

design function within LDCs has most often beenIn the short-term, the efficient and effective performed by one (or some combination) of the

implementation of a project's initial investment following: ministries of planning (or theiractivities are themselves the primary objective, equivalent); sectoral ministries or other specializedHowever, achievement of project implementation agencies (including parastatals); specialized projectobjectives in the short-term might or might not planning units; and donor agencies responsible forsupport the longer term sustainability of benefits, financing a particular project. More recently,Such sustainability should be the ultimate objective especially in the urban development sector,of sector investment projects in support of the goal municipal governments (Ghana and Indonesia) orof economic growth with equity. The ultimate district councils (Tanzania) have been assignedmeasure of the success of project implementation is such responsibilities.the sustainability of efficient and effectiveoperations over the long-termn. Ministries of planning have been assigned

responsibility for project investment feasibilityPlanning Guidelines. National planning studies and final approval of plans in many LDCs;

guidelines become increasingly important in the especially in those with centrally planned

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economies. In such cases, sectoral ministries, sustainability, which need not be enumerated here.other equivalent entities, or project-specific Subnational governments are likely to be even lessmanagement units have usually been responsible for involved in such planning than might ordinarily bemore detailed implementation planning. Some of the case.the problems arising from this approach have beenidentified here. The most important of these are: Information. Project-specific planningplanning bodies are diverted from their appropriate requires technical scientific information andfocus on strategic planning by the minutiae of location-specific 'time and place' information.detailed project planning and staff of planning The validity of location-specific informationministries are normally the least familiar with the declines in some proportion to distance from theoperational realities faced by those agencies which actual location(s) of an investment. At the samewill be responsible for implementation or with the time, in many LDCs, the availability of skilledneeds and desires of beneficiaries. Some ministries technical personnel increases in some proportion toof planning attempt to compensate for such distance from local project sites. This has obviousproblems by employing scarce technical staff; but implications for the mutual relationships amongsuch staff would be better located in technical central and subnational governments.ministries or parastatals. Specialized projectplanning units, whether located in ministries of The provision function places greaterfinance or in the offices of presidents or prime emphasis on location-specific information; althoughministers, or as a part of cabinet secretariats, also not to the complete exclusion of technicalsuffer from the same problems. information. Nevertheless, by limiting the role of

local governments largely to the provision, ratherGiven the change in the role of planning than the production, function, the requirement for

ministries toward strategic planning and the numbers of technically skilled staff to collect,formulation of cross-sectoral planning guidelines, analyze, and use technical information would bethe role of sectoral ministries in investment and reduced. Local governments in such situationsimplementation planning must necessarily be could be supported by scarce technically skilledenhanced. It is within sectoral ministries that staff within the public sector from centralscarce technical resources normally are ministries or parastatals or, as suggested throughoutconcentrated. Nevertheless, sectoral ministries at this paper, by such staff from the private sector.the national headquarters level often suffer frominadequate information about location-specificconditions and priorities of potential beneficiaries. Fiscal Policy and Revenue GenerationIn response to that problem, one or another of twoaltematives arrangements are often initiated: a A main reason for advocatingvertically linked deconcentrated planning system decentraTizaion- is tiee tai7ion that 1&Flawithin each sectoral ministry or a system which edevolves particular planning responsibilities to state than central govermments in raising revenue. Thatand local govermnents, perhaps with technical -- expectio is often based on the belie tsupport provided by sectoral ministries. efci-e- nd-tiveffe-rivsisicreased by:

ine l ease of enforcing ltions-Although seldom acknowledged officially, oftWiiisin close proximity to those who are7

donor agencies often assume primary required to pay taxes and users' feeAn eaterresponsibilities for the design of sector-specific of p rinvestment projects. This is particularly true of services to pay local governments. That belief issome bilateral donors whose financial assistance is often linked to assumptions that: locapredicated on tied procurement of goods and _ _ res responsivetoservices and who, as a consequence, sometimes citizen preferences when deciding on investmencontract directly for those inputs. In such an-urre circumstances, the involvement of governments is payers of users' fees can see a direct link betweenlimited to sponsorship of the project, endorsement payments and services. However, decentralizationof plans, secondment of staff, and monitoring of measures might be premature in many countriesimplementation. Such arrangements often suffer because simple financial control and monitoringfrom well-known problems of post-project mechanisms are lacking.

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Expenditure and financing measures are often The dependence on grants from centralused to indicate the type of decentralization within governments raises the issue of appropriate criteriaspecific countries. The share of subnational for such transfers. Examples of such criteriagovernments in total public spending is understood abound. These commonly include someto show their importance as providers of services, combination of: population size; level of socialwhile the extent to which they are self-financing is development; minimum physical infrastructuresupposed to reveal their degree of decision-making targets; national integration objectives; minimumautonomy. However, these are only partial service delivery obligations of state and localindicators because central governments can, and governments; and local revenue generation efforts.often do, exert tight control over local spending More idiosyncratic criteria are also applied inand revenue collectionY.' Discretion over specific countries. Table 3(d) in Appendix 3spending and taxing does not necessarily follow provides examples of formulas for the distributionfrom access to a certain proportion of national of grants to a selected group of cities.resources. Conversely, the proportion of localfunds coming from central resources does not Because of the degree to which subjectiveinvariably imply that local autonomy is reduced;Y' judgments are inherent in many of these criteria,although it does so more often than not. especially in the determination of the formula by

which they are combined (for example, differentialObjectives of Fiscal Decentrnization weights applied to each criteria), such formulas

seldom satisfy the competing interests of differentObjectives within various countries differ. states or localities. One common result is that such

However, some of the following are often formulas for intergovernmental transfers are notincluded: (1) increased local resource mobilization; adhered to in practice.' Thus, any assessment of(2) reduced national expenditures; (3) improved such systems must investigate actual versusefficiency of local governments; (4) reduced mandated levels of transfers over a reasonablenumber of national agencies operating at local period.level; and (5) increased local funds directedtowards investment rather than to public sector In part for those reasons, and more broadlybureaucracies. as a requirement for effective management of

ERPs, James Hicks has argued that at least threeSources of Local Revenue requirements must be met by any decentralized

system which relies to any significant extent onThere are five broad sources of revenue for central government transfers: (1) the amount and

local governments: intergovernmental transfers; frequency of such transfers must be predictable; (2)local taxes; users' fees; loans; and non-monetary they must be transparent through explicit andcontributions. The literature on fiscal identifiable entries in government budgets at bothdecentralization does not reflect a standard national and subnational levels; and (3) they mustterminology applied to types of local government be pre-determined rather than left open-ended.5'revenue sources. The labels used here are,however, sufficiently comprehensive and conform Whether or not criteria are established foressentially to accepted alternative usage.3 Table central government transfers, they remain an3(b) in Appendix 3 illustrates the sources of local unstable source of revenue for subnationalfinance for a sample of municipalities. governments. It has been asserted that "fiscal

transfers in many developing countries probablyIntergovernmental Transfers. Transfers constitute one of the least reliable sources of

from central or state governments are the primary revenues" because of frequent changes in thesource of local government revenues. Such decisions of central government officialsYftransfers include: grants; shared taxes;compensatory transfers; and mandated Finally, financing by central governments ofexpenditures. Table 3(c) in Appendix 3 provides local government operations can createcomparative data on the importance of disincentives for the generation of local revenues,intergovernmental transfers for local government even where authority for raising such revenues hasfinance. been devolved. As subnational governments have

increasingly become dependent on central

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government grants, it is more rational for them to (d) In Ecuador, general grants to relativelydevote time and energy to lobbying central smaller cities were substitutive while thegovernment bureaucrats and politicians than to same type of grants to larger cities wereestablish and implement systems for local revenue stimulative; categorical grants linked togeneration. In addition, reliance on central specific types of expenditure weregovemment decisions also allows local stimulative without regard to the size ofgovernments to avoid political responsibility for cities.A'responding to local constituent demand.

Pakistan provides an example of yet anotherOne unintended consequence of requiring local kind. In that country, provinces are assigned

governments to match all or part of the amount of primary responsibility for providing public servicescentral or state government grants from locally and maintaining law and order. However,generated revenues is the incentive for those local provincial govermments have little incentive togovernments to increase the value of their limited improve their revenue generation capacity, althoughrevenues by allocating them to the limited capital expenditures exceed revenues. The reason appearsinvestment purposes authorized for such grants.2' to be that the Federal Government provides 55At initial stages of expansionary investment, local percent of provincial budgets for recurrentgovernments often expand their payrolls to meet expenditures and almost 100 percent forthe demand for O&M. Soon, however, the local development expenditures. To relieve the burdenpayroll crowds out most other items in local on central government expenditures, the Nationalgovernment budgets; leading to the rapid Finance Commission was expected in 1988 todeterioration of facilities. Eventually, the need for incorporate a new tax-sharing formula in the FY89O&M, plus that of additional capital investment budget and various measures to increase provincialprojects, exceeds the supply of local staff with tax revenues have been recommended; such as,requisite skills available to perform such functions increasing direct taxes, reforming income tax(especially at salary levels available in the public regulations, and decreasing marginal rates ofsector). income tax. It remains to be seen whether such

revisions in the structure of local governmentThe empirical evidence on the incentive and revenues will be accompanied by incentives for

disincentive effects of central government transfers provincial governments to effectively employto local governments is mixed. Citing a range of them.IA'studies, Ostrom, Schroeder, and Wynne!' pointout that: Local Taxes. In those countries with

decentralized responsibilities for at least some(a) For every peso transferred to local elements of tax policy, various criteria are used to

governments in Colombia, local governments determine what categories of tax will accrue toincreased spending by only one centavo; state or local governments and the tax rates whichindicating that local governments simply should apply. Decentralized tax schemes normallyreduced their efforts to generate revenue distinguish between: taxes reserved to the centrallocally;2' government; taxes reserved to state or provincial

governments; taxes reserved to local governments;(b) In contrast to Colombia, per capita tax and taxes shared among two or more levels of

revenues at the local level increased by an government. Table 3(e) in Appendix 3 presentsamount almost the same as the amount of data on tax sharing arrangements within a selectedcentral government transfers in Sao Paulo group of countries.State, Brazil,°' an effect similar to thereported stimulative impact of transfers in As with most other elements of fiscal policy,India;U1 the range of variation among countries is too

diverse for generalization. However, at the(c) In The Philippines, two different grant extremes, property taxes (Tanzania and

programs had contradictory impact on local Mexico)l' and small business licenses (Colombia,revenue generation; one had a stimulative Guatemala, and francophone Africa) tend to be theeffect and the other substituted transfers for prerogative of local governments, and import andother potential local revenue;it' and export duties tend to accrue to central

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governments. Table 3(f) in Appendix 3 provides sufficient. It is also important to ascertain: thedata on the sources of local taxes for a sample of appropriateness of alternative tax regimes in themunicipalities. context of the structure of incentives in a particular

country; the current capacity of tax administration;Local governments most often have available the financial and other costs to improve such

to them the least remunerative types of taxes and capacity; and the medium-term nature of anyuser fees. For example, in China, the elasticity of capacity-building effort. Such efforts must also besales and profit taxes shared among central and weighed, at least with regard to decentralizationprovincial governments is very low in the face of issues, against the conclusion reached in a recentincreased infrastructure requirements.L6' study prepared for USAID that 'none of the

[various local tax] instruments [studied] willA major exception in most countries is simultaneously and fully satisfy the several

property taxes; these are potentially quite lucrative. objectives which are sought for local revenueHowever, such taxes are more easily identified and instruments. "nL Thus, while relying on the taxcollected in urban areas and, thus, often create system for some proportion of public sectorimbalances of services and investment between revenue, other revenue instruments must also beurban and rural populations. In rural areas, established.cadastral surveys are required to delineate personalproperty holdings. That problem is compounded in Users' Fees. User fees or beneficiarythose countries in which land is not traditionally financing schemes can also provide additionalheld by private individuals. The preparation of an revenue for local governments and semi-appropriate property tax system and the capacity to autonomous government entities. Indeed, forimplement it is likely to require significant parastatals, such fees are the only alternative toinvestment and time. government subsidies. Nevertheless, until recently

governments at the central or local levels in mostAnother problem arises when local authority to countries have not often relied on such fees. To

raise specific taxes is arbitrarily abrogated by date, users' fees normally account for only acentral governments. For example, in Guatemala, marginal percentage of state or local revenues;property taxes are assigned to municipalities by although the percentage is inherently higher forlaw, but the Ministry of Finance has parastatals. Governments have tended to rely onadministratively taken such taxes for the central subsidies for the provision of services rather thangovernment treasury. During 1989, one result was on direct payments by users at sufficient levels todemonstrations by local employees protesting that cover total costs.A2 'practice, both on legal grounds and the groundsthat the loss of such revenue by municipalities has Where subsidies comprise all or a substantialmade it impossible for them to increase salaries portion of parastatal revenue, the directors andcommensurate with the added responsibilities managers of an enterprise are likely to spend anarising from the constitutionally mandated transfer inordinate amount of time lobbying national or stateof eight percent of central government revenue to level politicians and senior civil servants. In suchlocal governments. Even when taken by central circumstances, little incentive exists to address thegovernments, however, several studies suggest that quality or service demands of clients or consumers.as little as 40-60 percent of public sector revenuesdue from tax laws in selected Latin American Partly in response to such issues, fiscalcountries are actually received by their stabilization policies are increasingly emphasizinggovernments.0' Anecdotal evidence suggests that recovery of costs for goods and services providedthe rate of collection in Subsaharan Africa is by the public sector through the establishment ofsubstantially lower. users' fees. To the extent that direct payments by

consumers are substituted for budgetaryIt is necessary to determine the level of subventions from the central treasury, subnational

revenue that ought to be generated if national and units within deconcentrated agencies must exerciselocal tax laws are enforced or, if such laws are responsibility and establish systems for collections.

deemed inadequate or inappropriate, the tax Regarding the revenue generation functioncarrying capacity of the economy. But either of alone, deconcentrated units not only collectthose assessments are not, by themselves,

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revenue, but should operate in much the same contributing can be excluded from enjoyingmanner as profit centers in the commercial sector. the benefit,s and the possibilities of "free-Such systems are distinguished from a devolved riding' do not exist);w'system by the fact that responsibility for revenuewithin a deconcentrated system is limited to a (b) That governments do not involve themselvessingle or short range of services within a sector. in self-help initiatives which are mostIn devolved systems local governments are appropriately established and maintained inresponsible for generating revenue across a wide the private sector;range of services among various sectors.

(c) That voluntary contributions made to publicTo the degree that the incentive framework sector 'stock' do not automatically require

shifts from reliance on central government the Government to finance the recurrentsubsidies to self-financing by local governments costs required to operate and maintain theand parastatals, users' fees can, and should, be new facilities; andexpected to assume much larger importance.Establishment of appropriate guidelines and (d) That the non-monetary contribution is trulyprocedures for the generation of revenue through voluntary or, alternatively, is provided as ausers' fees is an increasingly significant element in substitute for a legitimate fee or tax.both macroeconomic and sector-specific economicreform programs. The example of Harambee in Kenya shows

the recurrent cost implications which might resultLoans. Although subnational governments can from 'self-help" projects. That case is often cited

borrow, have access to special municipal as a positive example of the ability to raisedevelopment funds, and float bonds in most OECD considerable levels of monetary and non-monetarycountries, very few LDC governments currently resources for community based development.>'allow such practices.L' In most LDCs, the Yet, because almost all such self-help contributionscentral government determines the source, terms, by sublocal communities were provided for theand amount of loans. Although the situation for construction of infrastructure without anyparastatals is often more liberal, freedom to incur commitment by those communities to provide fordebt has been tightened in many countries as an their operation and maintenance, the burden ofelement of their fiscal stabilization programs. providing for recurrent costs fell on the

Government. As a result, the Government noNon-Monetary Contributions. Where the longer provides recurrent finance for such projects

informal economic sector still predominates and unless it has given approval prior to construction.cash resources are scarce, non-monetarycontributions by individuals can sometimes provide The problem of coercion can also arise.a significant offset to provision of finance through Most of the literature focusing on the importantthe local government budget. Such contributions contribution that non-monetary contributions cancan take the form of labor and the provision of make assumes that such contributions arelocal materials. However, as argued in a recent voluntary. It is also assumed that levels of non-USAID-financed study: "Administering such monetary contributions for the construction andcontributions and ensuring that they are equitably maintenance of infrastructure or the establishmentdistributed ... may be much more difficult." 2" and operation of a service are measures of

beneficiary commitment. Little attention has beenSeveral cautions are in order with reference to given to the coercion that can be brought to bear

non-financial contributions as a form of local on the local population. A recent example isgovernment revenue. Among these are: provided by Kenya where, during March 1990, the

local press was full of reports that local authorities(a) That for an adequate incentive for individuals were levying specific amounts as contributions to

to voluntarily contribute non-monetary the University Scholarship Fund established as anresources, the equivalent of a market Harambee by President Daniel Moi. Thedetermined price can be calculated for both the avoidance of coercion in self-help projects iscontribution made and the benefit derived by particularly important in countries whicheach of those specific individuals (those not

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experienced labor levies forced on the local Budget Formulationpopulation during the colonial period.

Decentralization can contribute to theNotwithstanding the potential problems rationalization of expenditure decisions among the

identified here, the growing literature on the various levels of government and make them moresubject of local participation in development efficient. Nevertheless, the complexity ofconvincingly shows thatnon-monetary contributions integrating the implications of investment budgetingcan result in substantial benefits to both the revenue into recurrent cost estimates and consolidating theside of local government balance sheets and the entire public sector budget for purposes ofsustainability of investments .24 Dennis monitoring a fiscal stabilization program isRondinelli, James McCullough, and Ronald substantiaRy compounded when budget formulationJohnson make the related point that services that is decentralized. Thus, if budgetary guidelines areinvolve or promote employment for community not well articulated, decentralization can lead toresidents can increase the capacity of people to pay increased and inappropriate spending throughfor services.21' intergovernmental duplication, contradictions, and

transfers of previous central governmentexpenditures to subnational governments; perhaps

Public Expenditure without a corresponding reduction of centralgovernment expenditures. Such problems can,

The public expenditure function is solely however, be addressed through the budget approvalrelated to provision. Whether or not the public process.sector itself produces public goods and services, itwill finance such production. Budget Approval

In the context of ERPs, an important objective The need to ensure that budgetary decisionsof the public expenditure function is the reduction made at one level of government are compatibleof fiscal deficits. Programs to reduce expenditure with budgetary decisions made at other levels is aneed to focus on both investment and recurrent serious and legitimate concern; especially asbudgets ac-oss the whole spectrum of the public regards budgetary support for activities which aresector; including public enterprises and state and financed at the central level. That concernlocal governments. However, the contribution of represents trade-offs among the competing technicaldifferent segments of the public sector to the objectives of: avoiding the overload of theconsolidated fiscal deficit requires different administrative system; the need to process andremedies in varying circumstances. make final decisions on an innumerable number of

budget proposals; and deriving efficiencies fromAlthough the target is a balance between decentralizing authority for such decisions to those

revenue and expenditures, primary stress during the persons responsible for the performance ofshort-term stabilization phase is most often placed government operations.on reducing public expenditure and onlysecondarily on achieving balance from increased It is difficult to ensure that budgetaryrevenue.2' In the longer-term perspective of decisions made by one institution will besector investment programs, however, the reverse compatible with budgetary decisions made by otheris the case; much more emphasis has been placed institutions regarding activities which areon the revenue-generating function. In parallel contingent on each other. This is a particularlywith those different emphases, the focus at the serious problem where the central government iscentral government level is primarily on limiting responsible for capital investment decisions butexpenditure, while concern for generation of local governments are responsible for financingincreased revenue has led to heightened interest in recurrent expenditure once the investment projectthe role and performance of local governments. is completed. The recurrent requirements of such

investments might so overwhelm subnationalThe public expenditure function can be usefully budgets that no real discretion is left to local

disaggregated into: budget formulation; budget governments with regard to setting priorities forapproval; and financial management. new investments or operations and maintenance

functions.

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In practice, the objective of rationalizing public At the system-wide level, difficulties ofexpenditure by centralizing the budget approval coordination and integration experienced in otherfunction is seldom achieved. Budgetary decisions functions are not as pronounced for financialare seldom taken in a reflective manner. The management. However, where financialcomplicated procedures required to process the management for an activity is devolved, butmultitude of detailed budget proposals through the performance of that activity is contingent on othersystem to the central decision point normally result activities undertaken by entities without suchin most time being spent in preparing budgets and devolved responsibilities, the inefficiencieslittle time remaining for the central authority to resulting from rigidly-controlled financialintegrate and then analyze the broad strategic management systems in the latter can have negativeimplications of such submissions. The amount of multiplier effects on the former.time remaining to central decision-makers duringannual budget preparation and approval cycles is The budget formulation and approvaltypically so short that either non-discriminatory functions are critical at the macroinstitutional level.across-the-board decisions are taken or approval of The procedures established for performing thosebudgets is so delayed that government agencies functions for the implementation of specific sectoroperate at only minimal levels for much of each investment projects should conform to proceduresyear. Because of this, the performance of applicable for the system as a whole. However,enterprises and subnational units of government to the financial management function is of particularwhich other functions have been delegated or importance to the management of sectordeconcentrated often suffer to the same degree and investments; especially where that function hasfor the same reasons as institutions in wholly been delegated to a project implementation unit.centralized systems; the primary obstacle being acentralized budget approval process. Controlling actual expenditures according to

approved budgets is a primary concern of projectFinancial Management management. The principal difference between

macro and microinstitutional arrangements is not ofThe concern for rationalizing public kind but of scope. When the financial management

expenditure too often ends with the budget function is devolved, the concern of localformulation and approval process. While public governments is for activities across a wide range ofexpenditure and investment reviews should sectors and subsectors; including many recurrentcertainly be prepared from that upstream activities for which budgets are approved annually.perspective, the actual implementation of decisions However, project managers are concerned with abased on such analyses must remain paramount. narrower range of activities budgeted over theTherefore, the monitoring and control of actual entire period of implementation. There will oftendisbursements is of fundamental concern. be less flexibility, but also less uncertainty. The

primary subfunctions of financial management atSpecifying the appropriate role of various the project implementation level are: adjustment of

governmental levels and agencies should be related project design and its budgetary implications asto 'whose money it is;" who is responsible for necessary due to previous errors in design and/orraising and managing public finances. The role of changed circumstances; accounting; and auditing.central governments in the performance ofaccounting and auditing functions at subnational The issues associated with these threelevels should be reduced in proportion to reductions subfunctions are not normally affected to anyin their financing of local government expenditures. substantial degree by alternative institutional

arrangements within the project organization. EvenAt all levels, the objective of financial when projects are implemented within a ministry,

management should be to achieve balance between parastatal, or local government, they are most oftenthe need for sufficient controls on abuse of managed within a self-contained unit. Only afterexpenditure authority and the need for efficient and the initiation of the subsequent O&M phase areeffective implementation of policy decisions at the such functions dispersed. During the projectoperational level. Too many LDCs have focused implementation phase, it is primarily at theprimarily on the control function, which is often interface between the project unit and the broaderretained by central governments even when system that alternative decentralizationsignificant revenue is generated at local levels.07 armngements affect the financial management

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function. Central and state governments will often levels notwithstanding. Such increases can berequire submission of accounts annually and will expected because:almost always assume responsibility for performingor contracting external audits. (a) Local governments are likely to duplicate the

rigid employment policies and expansivestaffing patterns of central govermments, in

Public Sector StafTing part because of lack of sophistication and inpart because the employment function can be

Public sector staffing is a fundamental issue at used for political patronage;the macro-institutional level. The followingstaffing issues affect national as well as local (b) Financial limitations often result in reducinggovernments: impact on public expenditure; O&M and service delivery rather thanstaffing patterns; technical skills; and incentives restricting employment; andand motivation. The complexity of these issues issubstantially increased in decentralized systems. (c) The staffing of key functions within a largeAddressing such issues in a systematic and number of subnational agencies (such ascomprehensive manner is even more important for planning) will require an expansion of staffattempts to rationalize public sector employment for those specific functions which will add toand management within decentralized structures of absolute numbers unless reductions in staffauthority and administration. The discussion in are made in other areas.this section is limited to the potential impact ofdecentralization on public expenditure and staffing However, an absolute increase in the numberpatterns. Incentives and motivation are discussed of public sector employees is not necessary, for atin Chapter V in the context of capacity. least two reasons. First, the centralized public

service is already too large in many LDCs,Public Expenditure consisting of significant overstaffing at the

unskilled level. Although key professional andTable 3(g) in Appendix 3 provides data on the technical ranks would need to be expanded in many

fiscal impact of public sector staffing, cases, such expansion could be offset by paring thedisaggregated by level of government. The mean number of redundant unskilled staff. Second, thetotal of general government wages as a percentage overall role of the public sector can be reduced. Aof total wages among 14 sample countries in Africa decentralized organizational system within awas 24.8 percent in 1983; in OECD countries, the retracting public sector could be expected to havemean among 20 countries was 20.7 percent and in an increased number of units, each smaller in size13 Latin American countries the mean was 17 than a central unit, performing a substantiallypercent. Yet in OECD countries, the share (mean) reduced number of functions (limited primarily toof state and local governments was 11.6 percent, provision).while in Latin America and Africa it was only 6.2percent and 1.7 percent respectively. Ostrom, Schroeder, and Wynne suggest that

even if the absolute number of public sectorThose statistics can be understood in two ways. employees increases, this need not necessarily

First, they suggest that a disproportionate number result in equivalent escalation of cost. They argueof public sector staff in LDCs are concentrated in that 'salaries and working conditions need not becapital cities at the headquarters of ministries and the same for all those working in everyother government agencies. Second, to the extent jurisdiction, even jurisdictions of the same size."that such staff are located outside the capital, they They suggest that, at least theoretically, theare financed and controlled by the center. "official duties of small village jurisdictions will

occupy individuals only intermittently and couldWithout careful analyses and design of easily be undertaken on a part-time or voluntary

programs, decentralizing responsibilities to any basis." Finally, they point out that 'traditionalsignificant number of local governments is likely to headmen in Botswana carry on substantial amountssubstantially increase the number of persons of dispute resolution and resource governanceemployed by the public sector; formulas for activities that are crucial to the survival of theirredistributing staff from the center to subnational communities with no offices nor any salary. "''

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Unfortunately, that theoretical perspective is LDCs has not been significant to date. That isprobably much too sanguine. For example, with likely to change as programs of decentralization arereference to the fiscal argument advanced by increasingly initiated. For example, localOstrom, Schroeder, and Wynne, many more governments accounted for zero percent of publiccountries which assign responsibilities for the sector employment in Tanzania in 1983. Yet byperformance of village level functions to 1989, urban and district councils in that country'traditional' headmen provide some salary or accounted for a full two-thirds of all publicstipend for the performance of such functions; servants with responsibilities for some of the mostalbeit at a rate substantially lower than civil service important basic services in that country.&salaries. In many LDCs, regular civil serviceemoluments are already below the subsistence level Poliies. To the extent that significantand are, thus, the equivalent of part-time salaries; changes in public sector employment policies mightresulting in the actuality of part-time performance result from attempts to decentralize that function,in jobs formally established as full-time. opportunities might be created for rationalization ofNevertheless, in aggregate, such salaries already such policies. However, without a consciousoverwhelm recurrent public sector budgets. In effort, the likelihood is that local governments willmany cases, the responsibilities of sublocal repeat the employment sins of central governmentsemployees can be expected to inexorably expand by copying both staffing patterns and qualificationover time; adding to pressures to transform "part- criteria. Among these are: formalistic and rigidtime" salaries to full-time remuneration. employment policies; inefficient employment

procedures; misallocation of staff by function andStaffing Pattern sector; inadequate financing; lack of autonomy on

the one hand, yet lack of integration andThe discussion of staffing patterns in this coordination on the other hand; and scarcity of

Section is limited to the two key elements of staff skilled staff.distribution and personnel employment andmanagement functions. The act of devolving the employment

function to local jurisdictions does not ensure moreDistribution. Table 3(h) in Appendix 3 rational employment policies nor improve the

provides data on the relative size of subnational capacity to implement such policies. Significantlystaffing. State and local governments in the sample increased reliance on local governments toof sixteen OECD countries represent a large undertake an expanding array of governmentalpercentage of total government employment. State functions is likely to strain local governmentand local governments employ over 75 percent of capacities; not least the capacity to establishtotal public sector employment in six of those rational employment policies.countries (37.5%); a full eleven countries (68.7%)employ over half of their staff at state and local Depending on the degree of responsivenesslevels; while only three countries (18.7%) have to demands for fiscal discipline by the localstate and local employment below 35 percent. That population (if such popular monitoring of localsituation is largely reversed in LDCs. In the government behavior occurs), the ability tosample of thirty LDCs, only three countries employ manipulate the local public sector employmentover half of public sector staff at state and local function for short-term and narrowly definedlevels (Egypt [65.1 %], India [63%], and Argentina political interests can be extremely attractive to[55.1 %]). In Africa, the highest percentage of local politicians. Under such circumstances, localsubnational employment to total general governments must shift their attention fromgovernment employment is in Uganda (28.2 %). A lobbying and being responsive to centralfull six of the sample fourteen African countries governments and political leaders as sources of(42.8 %)W' employ 100 percent of general financial and political support to mobilizing thegovernment staff at the central level (although some support of the local population. In that respect, theproportion of such staff are assigned to locations employment function is a time-worn mechanism ofthroughout those countries). political patronage in countries around the world.

As the data clearly indicate, public sector This suggests that dispersal ofemployment by state and local governments in responsibilities among an increasing number of

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governmental authorities within a decentralized range of subsectoral activities. In many cases,system is likely to compound already existing these PIUs were only nominally responsible toproblems of public sector employment policy. ministries of agriculture while in fact operating

independently with expatriate project managers orwith the advice of expatriate advisors. In

Operations and Maintenance recognition of the multisectoral scope of suchprojects, other ministries (such as specialized

The ultimate measure of the success of project ministries of rural development) or coordinatingimplementation is the sustainability of efficient and committees were sometimes assigned such nominaleffective operations over the long-term. That is responsibilities. However, such alternativeprimarily a function of recurrent O&M. Four arrangements seldom made any difference to theinterrelated factors affect the effective performance sustainability of project benefits.of the O&M function: the appropriate design ofinitial project implementation arrangements; The most significant consequence of therecurrent cost requirements; incentives for IARD "by-pass' approach, for the sustainability ofperformance; and availability of required capacity. decentralization arrangements, was that limitedCapacity issues will be discussed in the next public sector capacity at both national andChapter. The remaining three elements are the subnational levels was further weakened withinsubject of this Section. sectors included within the scope of such

projects.2' That was because the regular staff ofProject Implementation Arrangements nominally responsible ministries or local

governments were left with not much to do, asThe sustainability of post-project benefits has IARD projects, with their contract staff, assumed

become an important issue. That concern has more and more of the functional responsibilities offocused on the relationship between the nature of those sectors.organizational arrangements for projectimplementation, and institutional requirements for That need not have been the case. Ansubsequent O&M. Drawing clear distinctions argument can be made that enclave projects of thebetween the design, implementation, and operations territorially-based IARD type could have served asphases of an investment project can result in too a foundation for sustainable institutional systems ofnarrow a focus on how best to organize either the principal agency or devolved type. Ifinstitutional arrangements for the implementation LARD Project implementation units had beenphase without sufficient attention to how such transformed into subnational units withinarrangements might affect the sustainability of deconcentrated central ministries, the capabilitiesoperations over the longer term. The focus here is developed in those projects could have beenon the sustainability of project benefits when it is sustained for purposes of O&M. Alternatively, ifintended that local governments will assume they had been incorporated within provincial orresponsibility for post-project O&M. district jurisdictions to which responsibilities had

been devolved, they could have fostered substantialExamples of problems which can arise when levels of decentralization.

trade-offs between short-term projectimplementation efficiencies and post-project In almost all cases, those opportunities wereeffectiveness are not sufficiently addressed are missed because a concern for sustaining projectprovided by the World Bank's experience in the benefits through effectively institutionalizedintegrated rural development and roads sectors. subnational arrangements was not assigned a weight

equal to that assigned to shorter term projectIntegrated Rural Development. "Integrated implementation efficiencies.

Area Rural Development" (lARD) projects were animportant vehicle for implementing rural Roads. Responsibility for nationaldevelopment (RD) projects in most countries from interprovincial road networks has most often been1974 to 1986.3" IARD project implementation assigned to central ministries of public works orunits (PIUs) were created as essentially autonomous their equivalents. Such ministries often contractagencies. These agencies were delegated with private sector firms for the design andresponsibility for providing all inputs across a wide construction of roads. With the occasional

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exception of urban streets and rural farm-to-market responsibilities for O&M will be transferred toroads, decisions pertaining to the provision of some other organization at project completion.particular roads have seldom been decentralized. Lack of attention to the design of specific processesIn some decentralized systems, the responsibility which might provide the effective transfer offor planning feeder-roads is at the local government responsibilities to local governments are thenlevel but for trunk roads it is at the national reinforced by the absence of incentives amongministry level or, in other countries, responsibility project staff to address such issues during projectfor planning investments in trunk roads is in the implementation. Notwithstanding a few initiativesnational ministry but planning for the recurrent cost to develop the capacity of contractors to produceof O&M operations is at the local government road construction and maintenance under contractlevel. In either case, local governments are seldom to local governments described in Chapter II,directly involved in decisions made by central private sector organizations are seldom consideredgovernments concerning the location, as appropriate participants in that context.specifications, or recurrent cost implications ofinvestments in roads. Recurrent Cost Obligations

The record of sustainable O&M for roads has Five broad sources of revenue for localbeen particularly poor. For example, roads governments were identified and discussed infinanced by World Bank loans and credits during Section C: intergovernmental transfers; local taxes;the 1960s and 1970s are deteriorating at a rate users' fees; loans; and non-monetary contributions.which will make many of them unusable before the This Section assumes the availability of revenueborrowing countries can repay the loans for their through some combination of these sources andconstruction.33' The cost of providing necessary limits its focus to two issues: (1) the sources ofroad maintenance in LDCs, on a sustainable basis, recurrent cost obligations and incentives forhas recently been estimated at approximately $40 allocating sufficient resources to O&M and (2) thebillion. In spite of the high costs, the financing of priority and, hence, the incentive to allocate suchand actual operational responsibility for resources to O&M.maintenance of urban and farm to market roads isone function most often assigned to local Sources. One responsibility most frequentlygovernments. In addition, the more limited delegated to autonomous or semi-autonomousresponsibility for maintaining state or provincial agencies or devolved to local governments is theroads has also often been assigned to those levels. financing of recurrent O&M. This frequently

occurs without governments having control over theSummary. Economies of scale and magnitude of their total recurrent financing

management efficiencies can require different obligations and having little experience inorganizational arrangements for the construction identifying and calculating the recurrent costphase of a project and for operating and implications of new investments. This happensmaintaining such infrastructure once established. because local govermnents do not directly controlMethods for providing sufficient linkages between decision-making, financing for capital investment,those responsible for one phase and those or the establishment of service delivery systemsresponsible for subsequent phases can be within their jurisdictions.established. However, such methods must beestablished during the upstream project In many countries, ministries at the centralimplementation phase and should be explicitly level are responsible for all decisions concerningaddressed during the investment planning process. the location, design, construction, and majorFor example, if it is intended that the private sector rehabilitation of large-scale infrastructure projectswill be responsible for sustaining services provided such as irrigation systems and provincial andby a public sector project, then the competitive interprovincial roads. Nevertheless, responsibilityinvolvement of the private sector in upstream for providing and actually performing post-projectproject implementation would be appropriate. O&M is often assigned to provincial or local

governments. Similarly, central and stateUnfortunately, to the extent that such issues governments sometimes require that local

are addressed in project design documents, the governments finance the recurrent costs of staffsolution too often focuses on the assertion that necessary to sustain the operations of nationally

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mandated services, such as teachers' salaries or the ability to raise it. It has been argued elsewheregeneral services required to provide universal that calculations of the political costs of raisingprimary education. However, in spite of assigning revenue and the alternative uses to which it can bethat obligation to local governments, it is rare for allocated are at the heart of the willingness tosuch governments to be directly involved in respond to revenue needs.3' An importantdecisions leading to the creation or the design of element in that regard is the extent to which asuch facilities. critical mass of local government decision-makers

and beneficiaries perceive a direct link betweenA more indirect influence of central and state revenues paid and benefits received from O&M

governments results when direct grants provided to relative to the perceived benefits received fromlocal governments can be used only for capital alternative uses of revenue.investment which, in turn, results in a subsequentobligation by local governments to provide The expectation that, if importantrecurrent O&M from their own locally generated infrastructure deteriorates badly enough, centralresources. Although local governments retain government will assume responsibility for itsdiscretion to decide whether or not to accept such rehabilitation contributes yet another disincentivefunds and have some choice about what specific for performing the O&M function. Some centralinvestments for which such funds should be used, governments have attempted to ensure localthe imperatives are obvious.' provision of O&M by mandating a specific portion

of transfers for that purpose. Ostrom, Schroeder,The recurrent cost implications of 'self-help" and Wynne cite two examples where such

initiatives undertaken by private sector NGOs or approaches have failed because of the inability ofcommunity level interest groups is illustrated by the central governments to monitor the actual use ofexample of the "harambee' movement in Kenya such funds:described in Section D. Local and community-based initiatives should be encouraged. However, The Government of Bangladeshpreference should be given to initiatives which mandated that 25 percent of theinclude community commitment to take normal (non-development) budget beresponsibility for recurrent O&M, not merely to set aside for maintenance. Fieldcontributing to investment. Otherwise, local work indicated that the mandate wasgovernments should be included as parties to such not fully understood by local officialsinitiatives at the outset. and was seldom, if ever, audited and,

as a result, was ineffective.3y TheAn important expectation underlying advocacy Government of Indonesia has also

of devolved investment decision-making to local mandated that a portion of the generalgovernments is that such responsibilities will result Inpres grants be spent forin increased revenue generation at local levels to maintenance; however, the nature offinance locally provided goods and services. the projects undertaken with theseFinancial self-sufficiency is viewed as an essential monies is such that one local officialcomponent of discretionary decision-making at admitted that, so as to conform to thelocal levels which is the hallmark of a devolved mandate, they simply term one orsystem. For that expectation to be realized two more of the projects as arequirements must be met: recurrent obligations 'maintenance' project in spite of theresulting from centrally mandated or financed fact that it does not differ from othersinvestments do not reach levels which totally in their project portfolio.32 'absorb reasonable levels of locally-generatedrevenue and local governments have the interestand capacity to calculate the recurrent cost Summary Conclusionsimplications of their own investments and thosemade by others on their behalf. Even a summary discussion of the five key

economic management functions provided in thisIncentives Chapter illustrates the wide variety of outcomes

which can occur under alternative forms ofIt is important to note here that a willingness decentralization within specific country

to use revenue for O&M must accompany the

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environments. Evidently, location-specific analyses responsibilities at both central and local levels.must remain an important element of any Also, a strong decentralized system needs a strongassessment. Nevertheless, governmental policies center and there are weaknesses at both central andand implementation arrangements which confuse local levels. Therefore, it is important to employdiscretionary authority and principal agency pose an analytical framework which identifies whicha generic problem among a large number of outcomes most frequently occur when responsibilitycountries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The for performing each key economic managementsurvey of key economic management functions function is assigned, and actually performed, in theillustrates the contradictions that often exist same manner within the same subsectors. Such anbetween discretionary authority as a policy approach is likely to enhance the ability to reachobjective and the incentives provided by structures valid conclusions through empirically-basedof authority for financial and personnel matters comparative analyses.which are more compatible with principal agency.Formulating and implementing policies and/or An important additional element in analyzingspecific investments are more difficult when such location-specific consequences of decentralizationcontradictions exist. programs is the capacity of subnational authorities

to perform those functions for which they arePart of the lack of clarity on fiscal and responsible. That is the subject of the next

budgetary issues stems from ill-defined roles and Chapter.

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ABSORPTIVE CAPACITY AND INCENTIVES

Many decentralization programs fail to approaches to improvement of the capacity of localimprove either economic or administrative governments.efficiencies. This failure is frequently attributed tothe absence of managerial and technical capacity at Financial and Technical Constraintsthe local government level. There is the danger,recognized by bureaucrats and the local population The importance of these two variables isalike, that decentralization might transfer well understood. Suffice it to repeat the argumentresponsibilities to those without the capacity to presented earlier (Chapter II) that limiting localcarry them out and so result in the deterioration of govermments to the provision of public goods andgovernment services. The perception of services should have, as a major effect, theinadequate capacity at subnational levels is often substantial reduction in the number and types ofused to justify retaining managerial, administrative, technical skills required and, with lesser effect, theand technical controls at central level. amount of financial resources directly required by

local authorities.While this paper acknowledges that capacity is

indeed a major constraint to effective Policy Frameworkdecentralization, it argues that the diagnoses ofcapacity problems has often: failed to address the The policy framework primarily affectsrange of elements which contribute to the concept incentives. The key point is that priorities for theof capacity; given insufficient attention to the allocation of scarce financial and technically skilledpossible reduction of required capacity at local human resources are established in the context oflevels through consideration of changes in the role policies. If financial and technically skilledof the public sector; and neglected the relationship manpower resources are not allocated to theof incentives to capacity. performance of particular functions, activities, or

tasks, the problem is not so much the absolute non-This Chapter addresses those three deficiencies availability of such resources as it is an expression

through consideration of: the concept ocapacity of priorities; whether such priorities are formally,itself (Section A) and incentives and'their or even consciously, established or not. Policyrelationship to capacity issues (Section B). prescriptions inconsistent with each other constrain

the ability of organizations to exercise authorityand fulfill their responsibilities.

Public Sector Management and InstitutionalEnvironments Legal Framework and Structures of Authority

The concept of capacity is often understood in An assessment of the legal frameworkthe too limited sense of the technical ability to includes the type of authority legally assigned toperform a specific function. From an institutional specific organizations, not just the nature of theirperspective, capacity is the ability to anticipate and assigned responsibilities. Within decentralizedinfluence change, make informed decisions, attract systems, it is often the case that responsibilities areand absorb resources, and manage resources to administratively deconcentrated, delegated, orachieve objectives.!' The broader institutional devolved, but the legal or political authority toenvironment within which organizations operate has efficiently meet those responsibilities is held back.a direct effect on capacity. Such environments can Certainly, the legal assignment of authority andprovide fertile ground or can hinder effective responsibilities might be established for theachievement of decentralization objectives. performance of specified activities, but that, in

itself, does not deternine whether suchBecause of the variety of institutional responsibilities will be exercised. For analytical

environments and their differential impact on purposes, it is necessary to understand both thecapacity, a valid understanding of circumstances formal legal framework and the manner in whichwithin specific countries is a prerequisite. That, in authority is actually exercised to determine whetherturn, requires tailor-made, rather than ready-made, an appropriate legal framework exists.

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The nature of alternative institutional The latter situation has prevailed, untilarrangements and procedures at the system-wide recently, at the formal institutional level in mostlevel has a direct impact on the capacity of LDCs. However, that need not necessarily meanorganizations and individuals to perform their that traditional cultural attitudes at the informalfunctions at subnational levels. The key is to 'level cannot, at the same time, support theestablish systems and procedures which are institutional requirements inherent in economiccompatible with the skills and motivation of reform. While in tribal societies emphasis mightavailable staff employed by local governments or not be placed on extreme individualism, it mightautonomous agencies. Institutional capacity should not support collective responsibility at the level ofnot be assessed solely in terms of some premise an entire country either. Although 'individualabout a technically ideal institutional framework. initiative" might be understood to requireAssessments should be based on analyses of how responsibilities to distribute benefits to the familyavailable capacities can be optimized given or tribe, this need not mean that such initiativesalternative institutional options. Such analyses must be taken by the public sector nor thatshould also include the feasibility of improving individuals are responsible to provide benefits tosuch capacities through various options over a everyone arbitrarily categorized as citizens of aperiod of ten years or so. particular country as defined by current

international lawYDecentralization and Nation-Building

The potentially different outcomes ofIn addition to economic efficiency criteria, the decentralization can easily threaten modernizing

role and structure of decentralization in any country elites, especially in Africa and Southeast Asia.is affected, at least to some extent, by attitudes Familial or other ethnic and kinship loyaltiesconcerning: the appropriate place of the public and among fellow citizens might transcend and be moreprivate sectors in the economy and competing important than the commitment to the country fromvalues concerning the importance of the individual, which legally defined citizenship is derived.family, or community.2' The latter issue can be Decentralized systems are likely to provide multipleparticularly complex, as the definition offamily can channels for the expression of different norms andvary among cultures along an extended range from values arising from different cultures within athe nuclear household to broadly defined kinship country. Indeed, providing mechanisms for suchgroups, while the definition of community can diversity of opinion is often advocated as anapply to social groupings less or more objective of decentralization. Yet such mechanismscomprehensive than would be encompassed by the can complicate attempts to forge a new nationaltechnical definition of citizenship in a legally identity. The fear, at its most extreme, is thatsovereign state. decentralization might lead to secessionist

movements in local jurisdictions within whichSuch norms and values have significant impact ethnic majorities are concentrated.

even where a particular society and its governmentplace the highest priority on maximizing economic That problem arises precisely because manygrowth objectives. A society which places high sovereign-states in Africa and Asia do notvalue on individual initiative and self-reliance is correspond to nation-states. Most of them weremore likely to limit the role of government to the arbitrary creations of colonial powers whichprovision of goods and services than a culture grouped several, often hostile, communities withinwhich places higher value on society's collective the same country and established boundaries whichresponsibility to provide such goods and services. split such communities. Although the subject ofSuch decentralized institutional arrangements might dual or multiple polities cannot be specified in anyhave a positive impact on pluralistic participation in detail here, this problem is of no smalldecision-making and expanded private sector consequence for the subject of decentralization.4initiative in the former situation, but only serve to Notice need only be taken the inviolability ofexpand the role of government and tighten the level current African borders is a doctrine enshrined inof government control at local levels in the latter the Charter of the Organization of African Unitysituation. (OAU) and considerable pressure has been brought

to bear on those African governments which might

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appear to be contemplating any adjustments to their bureaucratic norms and values are shared amongexternal boundaries. the general population, the political leadership, the

established political party apparatus, significantIt is possible that appropriate forms of organized interest groups outside government, and

decentralization could result in reducing separatist the professional civil service; and the degree ofpressures. Indeed, that is a political argument congruence between shared norms concerning theoften voiced in favor of decentralization. By structure of authority and the actual structure ofextending sufficient autonomy to local jurisdictions that authority.which more accurately represent social and politicalcommunities, pressures to assert absolute legal Where legitimacy for decentralized authoritysovereignty by such communities might be reduced. is generally low, or is high for one type whileThat is even more likely to be effective where the another type is actually in place, or where it is inrole of the public sector has been reduced, so that favor with one interest group (like political parties)many of the social constraints on individual or but not another (like the civil service), thecommunity action are left to the mechanism of the performance of decentralized government functionsprivate sector market. Nevertheless, as the current can be expected to be weak.experience of the Soviet Union suggests, that canbe a very difficult line to walk. Of course, the specific nature of political

cleavages within various countries can rangeThe fact that countries are not homogenous widely. Examples include new political leaders in

with regard to norms and values complicates the favor of decentralization opposed by previouslyability to appreciate the institutional environment. established political party cadres; national laborNorms and values are affected by interests and unions opposed to the decentralization policiesmust be understood in both relative and dynamic advocated by national political leaders; regionalterms. Any sense of broad national culture must, leadership opposed by central military officers;for operational purposes, be disaggregated by civil servants of ministries and other centrally-issue, interest group, and perception of based agencies opposed to the decentralizationcircumstance. policies of ministerial level political leadership;

minority ethnic groups favoring decentralizationValues associated with support for opposed to majority ethnic groups favoring

decentralization often change as circumstances centralization; and so forth.change. For example, local officials in Tanzaniareported that the poor performance of some locally Role definitions, position descriptions,elected bodies in delivering basic services caused a bureaucratic incentives, and cultural norms withingreat deal of disillusion, leading to cynicism, about the bureaucracy at the local level often promote athe capacity of district and municipal councils to do sense of elite status which militates againstanything effectively.Y Disillusionment with the participation by beneficiaries and consumers. Thatperformance of the public sector in Tanzania is not problem is compounded when these sameunique to local government, and the central characteristics are exhibited by central levelgovernment is partly to blame for recreating government officials towards local government 7'

councils without adequately addressing resource Bureaucratic cultures need to be changed forand manpower needs.Y Yet some municipal effective participation to occur. However, thecouncils are operating with relative effectiveness design and implementation of projects andand have the confidence of their citizens. programs must be adapted to the existing

bureaucratic culture, at least in the short-term, ifDecentralization and Governance they are to be effective.

Behavior within governments is influenced by The issue of governance can be furthersome conception of legitimacy. This includes complicated by conflicting interests. A basicnotions of appropriate structures of authority and asymmetry often exists between the interests ofbehavior of public officials. Support for alternative national political leaders, their local constituents,forms of decentralization depends, to some extent, and professional civil servants. A recognition ofon: the degree of agreement about the legitimate that issue often results in central government civilstructure of authority among the population of a servants being viewed as the 'villains." That iscountry; the extent to which political and counterproductive since the civil service performs

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necessary functions and cannot, nor should not, be those above subsistence than for those below that'wished away."!' Rather, recognition of level.competing interests should enable practitioners toapproach decentralization efforts from the realistic Too many civil servants in LDCs, especiallyperspective that a sufficient range of interests, in Africa, are paid salaries and benefits belowincentives, and motivation of key stakeholders in subsistence requirements.L°' These subsistencethe system must be aligned.2' civil servants cannot be expected to approach the

performance of their official tasks with sufficientThis is not impossible. As an example, during commitment to efficient and effective performance.

the design of a health project in Guinea, an attemptwas made to approach issues of consensus and Farmers, for example, cannot be motivatedcommitment. Action was taken at the start to build to produce above subsistence when the economicnational consensus around a comprehensive sector cost of inputs is negative or when there is nothingstrategy. The process of decentralizing project on which to spend profit. In the same manner,management evolved in conjunction with that subsistence civil servants will not be motivated tostrategy. Thus, in addition to the responsible line increase their expenditure of inputs without, at aministry, the ministry in charge of decentralization minimum, a subsistence level economic return. Aswas directly involved in project design and obvious as this appears, appropriate responses areimplementation; thereby supporting local level not so obvious.organization and legitimation of new localmanagement structures and bodies. When extrapolating from an industrialized

developed country perspective, the focus is almostalways on direct monetary salaries whose financial

Incentives and Motivation costs are easy to identify and measure. However,several other types of indirect benefits also have

Incentives can be positive, negative, or the financial implications for setting civil servants'sum of both, but in most cases will be based on position above or below subsistence. Examplessome relatively complex combinations of interests. include: time made available for pursuing economicSuch interests combine in different ways for activities outside of government service; availabilitydifferent people; which complicates attempts to government transport for use by family members;structure incentives in support of improved and services provided by "messengers" and otherperformance. Such combinations of interests are marginal staff in the form of shopping for food andaffected, at least to some degree, by the calculation other household supplies. The primary advantageof the opportunity costs of performing assigned in incorporating both direct and indirect costs ofactivities and/or complying with established income to public employees is that it makes theprocedures. costs of public employment more transparent than

when much of the remuneration is in the form ofAlthough it is the sum of incentives and indirect services. Thus, it is much more difficult

disincentives which create motivations, for the to determine the extent to which particular publicpurposes of this paper it is useful to separate direct employees are actually above or below subsistence.financial incentives from non-financial incentives.To illustrate this point, this Section will focus on Non-competitive salaries and benefits,incentives for civil servants as key stakeholders in inefficient employment policies and procedures,the system. and public sector retrenchment programs often

result in the temporary recruitment of specializedFinancial Incentives technical staff as contract personnel outside the

normal civil service. Such personnel are oftenWhen considering financial incentives, it is provided with contracts which include enhanced

useful to distinguish broadly between situations in terms and conditions of service.which direct pay and emoluments are sufficient toraise family income above subsistence and Using contracts to employ staff havingsituations in which such pay and emoluments are specific technical skills pertinent to a particularnot sufficient. The specific incentives which might short-term task or to the requirements of a time-further improve performance efficiency and bound project implementation phase can be aneffectiveness are likely to be more complex for

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efficient approach. Such contracts legitimately non-financial. These incentives can beinclude enhanced salaries over that of the regular disaggregated further into two categories: genericcivil service because such employment is temporary incentives and incentives associated directly withand compensation for retirement and other related public sector employment at local levels.benefits should be provided. However, whenpersonnel performing tasks relevant to subsequent Generic Incentives. Generic incentivesoperations are paid enhanced salaries, or when include such considerations as: opportunities forcontract personnel are employed as substitutes to significant career advancement over time; potentialavoid such issues, problems of sustainability are for exercising power and influence; pleasant andlikely to result. effective working relationships with supervisors

and colleagues; access to appropriate facilities; andThe issues identified above are particularly status and prestige. The extent to which local

important in those countries undergoing a fiscal governments can provide such incentives to staffstabilization program. Under those conditions, the whose remuneration exceeds subsistence levels,conundrum is often encountered that one must raise especially as compared to such conditions offeredsalaries and benefits, absorb the increasing costs of elsewhere, can have a significant impact on theirindirect benefits to sufficiently motivate people, performance.and recruit technical personnel on contracts outsidethe civil service while, at the same time, reducing Incentives Specific ToLocal Govermnents.the amount of government finance available to Some elements which might contribute to positiveremunerate public employees. That conundrum is incentives for seeking employment in localquite often resolved by an attempt to reduce the governments rather than central governmentssize of the public service and limit reliance on include: ability to work close to home and in ownpersonal employment contracts, with the cultural environment; stability of location ofexpectation that funds remaining to the wage bill employment/avoiding prospects of frequent nation-will be distributed to remaining staff. Such wide reassignments; expectation of observableredistribution is often expected to result in impact of performance on own community'sincreased salaries to remaining staff. environment; reduced costs of living outside of

capital cities; reduced disruptions in life-styleWhen faced with such issues, yet another and/or employment of spouses and children; and

approach might yield better results. Contract entry into organized political parties or local groupspersonnel are, in effect, individual private sector of political influence.contractors. In those terms, the precedent forassigning project implementation responsibilities tothe private sector, under contract to the public Decentralization and Labor Marketssector, has already been well established in mostLDCs. Thus, all that would be necessary to fulfill Even if the role of the public sector inthe suggestion made throughout this paper would general and local governments in particular isbe to extend the practice of hiring individuals to changed dramatically by limiting such governmentscontracting-out to local private sector firms. That to provision, the performance of the necessaryis what many LDC governments already do when functions which remain will require thehiring foreign technical assistance firms to manage employment of qualified managerial and technicaldonor-financed projects. Such arrangements would staff. Given this, the public sector will continue tobe particularly appropriate in situations where local face a scarcity of skilled professional and technicalgovernments intended to contract with private staff.sector firms for O&M of those public goods andservices established by a project once completed. The discussion to this point is based on the

assumption that the best approach to addressingNon-Financial Incentives incentive issues is to identify those elements which,

in a particular combination, are likely to positivelyThe specific incentives which might further affect performance within a specific place over a

improve staff performance are likely to be more specific period. However, problems which mightcomplex for those above subsistence level than for normally be expected to arise between employersthose below it. Many incentives are likely to be and employees in the private sector1 '' are

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compounded when governments are the employer. Employment of public sector staff withinGovernments are agents on behalf of the broader hybrid systems could create serious problems to thepopulation. It is the citizenry who are, ultimately, extent that: the policies or programs of onethe principal employer. Within the public sector, organization or level of government aresenior supervisory staff tend to share the implemented by other organizations or levels ofmotivations of subordinates rather than the interests government or are contingent on such other entitiesof the citizenry. In the absence of an electorally- and differential conditions of service createbased political system, citizens do not normally competition in a distorted public sector employmenthave direct ability to manipulate positive and market. In the first case, policies or programsnegative incentives which might affect the might not be implemented in an efficient or timelyperformance of their agents. mer because the implementing agency's

employment policies are too rigid or cumbersomeAlternative decentralization arrangements to meet the need or because the implementing

might offer the possibility that incentives, even agency does not place sufficient priority on thewithin the public sector, could be established activity to recruit appropriate personnel.through a labor market mechanism without needingto rely on a direct role for the citizenry. Under the terms of the ProvincialDecentralization can create systems whereby Development Program in Indonesia (whichsuccessful recruitment of appropriate staff would be commenced in 1978), provincial planning bodiesdetermined by alternative conditions of service were responsible for preparing integrated provincialoffered by competing institutions. Through trial programs in subsectors (secondary crops andand error, appropriate structures of incentives horticulture, small ruminants, and small-scalewould be discovered. That is how conditions of industries and credit). Responsibilities forservice are established in the private sector. implementing such plans were assigned to theConventionally, opportunities to compete through sectoral line agencies (the provincial offices of thethe offering of different conditions of service ministries of agriculture and industry andamong public sector organizations are severely government-owned development banks). Althoughcircumscribed. How might such competition be sectoral agencies would agree with such subsectoralfostered within the more traditional civil service? programs during the planning stages, they did not

place sufficient priority on implementing suchWithin a decentralized system, different programs when time came to assign staff to those

governments at different levels and agencies within tasks. Other programs initiated at the central leveldifferent sectors could offer alternative incentives. were given higher priority and took precedence.Such different schemes could be expected, at leasttheoretically, to attract different people with In cases of differential conditions of service,different preferences. To the extent that those if the resources available to one agency with theattracted are the right people for the job, such authority to establish its own employment policiessystems could be deemed to be appropriate. Where create unfair disadvantages for agencies restrictedthe relevant population groups' attitudes towards by more centrally-controlled policies, scarceincentives are shared, different schemes could be qualified staff might be drawn away from theexpected to provide intelligence about the optimal latter's more important functions. For example,structure of incentives. the Tourism Department of the Ministry of

Commerce in Lesotho was transformed into aThe potential for establishing public sector parastatal, which allowed it to establish better

equivalents of labor market systems is provided terms and conditions of service than in the centralonly in the context of delegated, devolved, ministries. That occurred although, contrary to itsprincipal agency, or hybrid systems. Although the establishing act, the Tourism Board never receivedpotential for enhancing incentives for improved any of its subscribed capital nor was it able tolocal government performance within such systems engage in revenue producing activities. From thehas been suggested, experience has warned of how outset, it was totally dependent on annualthis approach can have negative affects on system- subventions from the Ministry of Commerce'swide performance. Some discussion of that budget. That subvention was consumed almostexperience is useful as a caution at this point. entirely by office rental charges at one of the best

hotels in Maseru and by staff salaries and benefits.

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Although the new Lesotho Tourism Board's Career Progression. Employment withinfunction did not have high priority, several project implementation units often provideseconomists were employed there at the same time excellent experience which can be used for inter-that the Ministry of Planning was woefully organizational transfers; especially from the publicunderstaffed. to the private sector. Indeed, the close supervision

which should be provided when implementingTwo important areas of concern arise when complex projects can provide the on-the-job

responsibilities for employment are delegated to training that private sector employers do not wishenclave projects which, in turn, rely on contract to provide themselves for entry level personnel.personnel: authority relationships and careerprogression. Conversely, project implementation units are

less likely to provide a sufficiently largeAuthority Relations. When project organizational hierarchy for promotion within the

implementation units are largely staffed by contract organization. That situation can be amelioratedpersonnel or operate essentially as autonomous somewhat if such units are located within (and areagencies, relationships between project staff and the considered to be an integral part of) a largerestablished bureaucracy, at either national or local organization such as a ministry or large parastatal.levels, are often dysfunctional. Public sector Opportunities will be even greater if the publicbureaucracies are normally highly structured in sector allows substantial mobility between itsboth personnel grades and levels within various organizations; so that, for example, a mid-organizations. Authority is associated not so much level manager in a Ministry of Agriculture can bewith the actual performance of a task but, rather, transferred to a higher-level position in thewith a person's grade and place in the structure. Ministry of Commerce. However, that is seldomContract personnel with their idiosyncratic terms the case in the public sector. In addition to theand conditions of service who operate within a rigidities of public sector employment policies,largely ad hoc implementation group cannot be post-project mobility within the govermment is.placed' in terms of either personnel 'grade' or constrained when salaries and benefits of projectparallel level of authority. In such cases, the implementation staff are substantially higher thanability of such personnel to influence the decisions those obtaining for regular positions in the civiland behavior of civil servants within regular service. Constraints on horizontal and verticalgovernment units who are responsible for the mobility are likely to be further compounded ifprovision of contingent services or materials, or for responsibilities for recurrent operations arethe performance of collateral activities, is often assigned to a large number of small decentralizedextremely low. The articulation of clear lines of units; especially if such units provide substantiallyauthority between and among such cooperating lower salaries and benefits than are provided byentities is extremely important. project implementation units.

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SUMMARY CONCLUSIONS

The many difficulties inherent in any major m an ce ofprogram of decentralization need not present thiaeoimpossible barriers to the establishment of rationalpublic sector policies and practices. However, The focus on capacity would shift to someappropriate policies are not likely to occur extent to an emphasis on requirements of theserendipitously. Careful analyses and design of institutional system rather broadly conceived. Ifdecentralization programs, including the meeting those requirements is not feasible or ifestablishment of supportive incentive systems, subnational governments do not have the capacityshould be a high priority of any program to to perform those provision functions assigned torationalize the public sector. them, priorities need to be established for the

allocation of responsibilities. Some strengtheningThe conventional wisdom holds that of public sector capacity at those levels might also

parpatory management and cn aliztionar be required.not likely to work unless they are accom byconciid effortsl Buiocal capacity. That most Even with a dramatic reduction in the role ofdften4eads-advocncy-of rograms tfor -iinpr6viiig the public sector, scarce professional and technicalpublic sector management capacity at local levels. staff will still be required by both central andBut too often, such programs are unnecessarily subnational governments. Approaches to suchcomprehensive, too long-term, costly, and unlikely issues should address trade-offs between theto satisfactorily achieve their objectives. Thus, potential impact of a labor market approach tosuch a response is self-defeating. public sector employment and the impact of

c~onsidir__the maintaining relatively uniform conditions and terms-*mor,,,. 1 0 /liapp toa~h iS to consider the of service.

considering a more limited role for the public Although advocacy of substantial changes insector in general. In that situation, local the role of the public sector and changes ingovernments might very well have expanded employment policies can contradict fundamentalfuncthons as coh eip WtO their role in a political values within a country, that need notsubstantially centralized SYStM _ yet ave necessarily be the case. With the recognition thatconsiderably fewer responsibilities than those incentives at the aggregate level represent the sumno ll>~ _ny system of active of various trade-offs among conflicting anddecentralization. In thisi way, the role of local changing values at the individual level, somegov-ernments would be enhanced with regard to the elements of both economic reform and supportiveprovision of public goods and services through decentralization programs can appeal to a criticalperformance of the planning, public expenditure, mass of individuals and interest groups.and revenue generation functions. -Staffing would Determining which incentives on a disaggregatedbe mainly limited to those personnel[ireto basis might appeal to what segments of a society ispe~iih~1hi~filll~tions. Local government important in assessing the potential impact ofresvonsiMi*l_ ii-to alternative decentralization arrangements onfinancingfsuch activities. eBsta_shicifiions economic development programs.

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Notes: Chapter I

1. For a summary review of the historical evolution of the concepts of decentralization, refer to ElinorOstrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, Institutional Incentives and Rural Infrastructures, draftstate-of-the-art paper prepared for USAID 'Decentralization: Finance and Management Project," mimeo(April 1989), p. 165 - 168. The three types specified at this point in the paper are not the only formsof decentralization found in the literature. "Privatization' (Dennis Rondinelli, et. al, Decentralizationin Developing Countries: A Review of Recent Experience, Staff Working Paper No. 581 (Washington,D.C.: The World Bank, 1984); "popular participation" and "divisionalization" (N. Kiggundu, ManaginOrganizations in Developing Countries (West Hartford, Connecticut, Kumerian Press, 1989); and'polycentric or noncentral governance systems' (Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne,op. cit.) are examples of other labels some authors have used to distinguish among alternative types ofdecentralization. However, for the purposes of this paper, "privatization" is excluded as a form ofdecentralization because: extensive analyses of privatization by the Bank and guidelines in that regardare already available on that issue and privatization is an important element of the policy reform modeland is considered as an element of the economic policy side of the equation in this paper. As for'popular participation," it is a generic objective of decentralization more than a form of it, while"divisionalism" is an extreme case of devolution. Neither are considered alternative types ofdecentralization in this paper. The comprehensive term "polycentric or noncentral governance systems'is suggested by its authors as useful for shifting the focus of decentralization from a focus on localadministration to local governments as "institutions [which] exercise independent, circumscribedauthority to make and enforce law within their own jurisdictions" (p. 179). However, since thatdefinition is essentially the same as that for devolved systems, it is not necessary to create newterminology for that purpose.

2. Dennis Rondinelli, John Nellis, and G. Shabbir Cheema, Decentralization in Developing Countries: AReview of Recent Experience, Staff Working Paper No. 581 (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank,1984), pp. 10, 15, and 19.

3. Tim Campbell w/George Peterson and Jose Brakarz, Decentralization To Local Government in LAC:National Strateeies and Local Response in Planning. Spending and Management, Regional StudiesProgram Report No. 5 (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, July 1991), p. 5 introduce "principalagency' in terms identified as 'top-down principal agency" in these pages. The concept of "bottom-upprincipal agency" was suggested to the author by Mr. S.Y.M. Zanu, Actg. Chief Director, Ministryof Local Government, Government of Ghana.

4. Dennis Rondinelli, James McCullough, and Ronald Johnson have explicitly expanded the definition of'delegation" to a grant of responsibility and authority to "publicly regulated private enterprises"("Analysing Decentralization Policies in Developing Countries: a Political-Economy Framework,"Development and Change, Vol. 20 [1989], p. 74). They contend that governments 'most often"delegate responsibilities to "organizations representing specific interest groups in society and that areestablished and operated by the members of those organizations....; includ[ing] farmers' cooperativeorganizations, trade unions, or women's and youth clubs." However, as their list and World Bankexperience suggests, delegation of authority to such organizations is central to public sector operationsprimarily in the agriculture (especially irrigation) and population planning sectors. Outside thosesectors, the delegation of authority and responsibilities continues to be limited most often to parastatalsand to agencies providing services in the form of special districts, such as water districts, irrigationdistricts, and school districts.

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Notes: Chapter II

1. The most common objective cited by World Bank staff, in responding to the questionnaire prepared anddistributed for this paper, was the introduction of decentralized arrangements to increase administrativeefficiency. They cited, as examples: the improvement of implementation and responsiveness to changingsituations and local needs; a reduction of demands on overloaded central government institutions;improving the effectiveness of supervision of subordinate staff; better coordination of service deliveryat subnational levels; improved efficiency and expanded coverage of services; improved capacity throughon-the-job learning of new management techniques and the identification and redeployment of ineffectivepersonnel.

2. Although the political consequences of decentralization can take many forms, the objective ofdecentralization most often cited by World Bank staff and the professional literature on the subject isthe involvement of communities at the grass roots level to make programs more responsive to localinterests. This objective was cited for projects including local highway maintenance in Madagascar,development of urban infrastructure and municipal projects in Ghana and Indonesia, and integrated ruraldevelopment and rural roads projects in Colombia. Other political motives were also cited in WorldBank staff responses to the study questionnaire. These included the argument that in some countriesabatement of civil rebellion (The Philippines) or attempts to increase political stability (Colombia) werethe chief objectives of decentralization and the belief that, were it not for the need to address regionalgrievances, those governments would not choose to decentralize.

3. For a summary of the historical evolution of this objective from the creation of Title IX of the UnitedStates Foreign Assistance Act of 1966 to the broader-based support of such objectives by 1987, referto Kurt Finsterbusch and Warren Van Wicklin IH, "The Contribution of Beneficiary Development toProject Effectiveness," Public Administration and Development, Vol. 7 (1987), p. 2-4.

4. P.N.L. Walakira, "The Relevance of Socio-Cultural Factors to Public Administration and Management:The East African Experience and Beyond," in Public Administration and Maaneement, p. 84-85. Healso cites in support of that analysis: David Leonard, Goren Hyden, J. Maeda, and S.S. Mushi,"Decentralization and The Issues of Efficiency, Effectiveness and Popular Participation,'" mimeo.

5. The eleven objectives identified were: (1) people's participation, democracy, and self-governance; (2)bottom-up planning; (3) community participation in self-generated projects; (4) inter-territorial equity(human and material resources); (5) redistribution of resources (manpower, funds, other resources) fromcenter to local level; (6) mobilizing local resources (manpower, funds, etc.) to assist/complementnational efforts; (7) facilitation of communication among levels (between national and local); (8)reduction of red-tape/bureaucracy; (9) maintain/promote law and order; (10) enhancement of socio-economic well-being of the people; and (11) provision of services to the people in the most efficientmanner. Reported in Andrea Jones and Hans Knikkink, "Proceedings of The Local Government ActionPlanning Workshop," mimeo (Dar Es Salaam: Ministry of Local Government, CommunityDevelopment, Cooperatives, and Marketing, 1990), p. C/i.

6. Andrea Jones and Hans Knikkink, loc. cit.

7. Studies by both the IMF and the United States Agency for International Development conclude that, atthe micro or individual enterprise level, public versus private ownership is not a significant determinantof performance efficiency. The primary determinant is the extent to which the enterprise, whetherpublic or private, is subjected to the working of the market. Bankruptcy laws exist in most countriesprecisely because privately owned enterprises are often operated inefficiently. At the macro-level,public sector enterprises as a whole are normally less likely to suffer the ultimate sanction of the marketand, thus, in aggregate, the public sector is most often less efficient than the private sector.

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8. For a summary discussion of "non-excludability and the free rider problem," see Elinor Ostrom, LarrySchroeder, and Susan Wynne, Institutional Incentives and Rural Infrastructures, draft state-of-the-artpaper prepared for USAID 'Decentralization: Finance and Management Project," mimeo (April 1989),p. 76-84.

9. Compare with Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, op.cit., p. 84-85 and DennisRondinelli, James McCullough, and Ronald Johnson, "Analysing Decentralization Policies in DevelopingCountries: a Political-Economy Framework," Development and Change, Vol. 20 (1989), p.63 .

10. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, op. cit., p. 95-96 and Dennis Rondinelli, JamesMcCullough, and Ronald Johnson, loc. cit..

11. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, op.cit., p. 97-98.

12. Oliver Williamson, 'Transaction Cost Economics' in Richard Schmalensee and Robert Willig (eds.),Handbook of Industrial Organization (Amsterdam: North Holland, 1988).

13. John Montgomery, "The Informal Sector as an Administrative Resource," in Dennis Rondinelli and G.Shabbir Cheema (eds.), Urban Services in Developing Countries: Public and Private Roles in UrbanDevelopment (London: Macmillan, 1988), p. 89-111.

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid.

16. For early discussion of these concepts, refer to Richard Musgrave, loc.cit.; and Vincent Ostrom,Charles Tiebout, and Robert Warren, "The Organization of Government in Metropolitan Areas: ATheoretical Inquiry," American Political Science Review, Vol. 55 (1961). For applications of theseconcepts, see Elinor Ostrom, Roger Parks, and Gordon Whitaker, Patterns of Metropolitan Pricing(Cambridge: Massachusetts: Ballinger, 1978); Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations,The Organization of Local Public Economies (Washington, D.C.: Advisory Commission onIntergovernmental Relations, 1987) and Metropolitan Organization: The St. Louis Case (Washington,D.C.: Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, 1987); and Vincent Ostrom, Robert Bish,and Elinor Ostrom, Local Govermment in the United States (San Francisco, California: Institute forContemporary Studies Press, 1988).

17. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, -p. cit., p. 115.

18. The political science and political economy literature has long reflected a debate over the extent to whichthe operation of a market-oriented economic system requires a politically democratic environment. Theschool which argues the contingent nature of the relationship between political and economic systemsis represented by Milton Friedman in Capitalism and Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1963) and Politics and Tyrannv: Lessons in Pursuit of Freedom (Princeton, New Jersey: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1985). The contrasting view that the characteristics of alternative economic andpolitical systems are largely independent of each other is represented by Michael Harrington in TheOther America (New York: Pelican, 1971) and Twilight of Capitalism (New York: Simon and Schuster,1977). More recently, a preponderance of professional commentary by political scientists andeconomists in the United States' mass media concerning the current experiments with economic andpolitical liberalization in China and the Soviet Union argue that both of those programs are experiencingsevere stress precisely because the two systems are not developing in parallel.

19. World Bank, Sustainable Growth with Equity. A Long-Term Perspective for Sub-Saharan Africa.Technical Department, Africa Region, Report No. 8014 (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1989).

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20. Dennis Rondinelli, James McCullough, and Ronald Johnson, op. cit., p. 59, cite in support of thisargument, Charles Tiebout, 'A Pure Theory of Local Expenditures," Journal of Political Economy, Vol.64 (1956), p. 416-424; Vincent Ostrom, Charles Tiebout, and Robert Warren, op. cit., p. 831-842;James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock, The Calculus of Consent: Logical Foundations of ConstitutionalDemocracy (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1962); Mancur Olson, Jr., The Loeicof Collective Action: Public Goods and The Theory of Games (Cambridge, Massachusetts: HarvardUniversity Press,1965); Vincent Ostrom and Elinor Ostrom, "Public Goods and Public Choices," inE.S. Savas (ed.), Alternatives for Delivering Public Services: Toward Improved Performance (Boulder,Colorado: Westview Press, 1977); and Arturo Israel, Institutional Development: Incentives toPerformance (Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987). For a more recentupdated summary of this theory, refer to Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, op. cit.,p. 183-187.

21. While acknowledging the useful insights provided by Public Choice Theory to thinking aboutdecentralization issues, Dennis Rondinelli, James McCullough, and Ronald Johnson (op.cit., p. 60)criticize it for "[its] overly rationalistic assumptions and narrow prescriptions."

22. Geoffrey Lamb, "Market Surrogate Approaches to Institutional Development," working paper, mimeo(Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1982).

23. Gabriel Roth, The Private Provision of Public Services in Developing Countries (New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 1987); cited in Rondinelli, McCullough, and Johnson, op. cit., p. 76. Arturo Israelargues that:

it is clear from experience that economic competition [creates] . . pressures [which]act as incentives to increase... operational perfornance (or reduce.., organizationalslack) and.. .force the redefinition of objectives or goals or other questions to beanswered.... [However], what is less clear is the role of.. .competition surrogates,especially in low-specificity activities in which goals and methods are not clearlydefined or their is disagreement about them.... Whether competition surrogatesact as incentives to improve performance and to modify goals in the same wayas economic competition will depend on the kind of pressures to which aninstitution is subjected and the nature and complexity of the institution itself. Itwill also depend on the intensity of those pressures. A reasonable hypothesis isthat the more homogeneous the institution and the pressures, and the greater theintensity of those pressures, the more competition surrogates will resembleeconomic competition in their effects on efficiency and goal definition. Asintensity diminishes and heterogeneity increases, the effects of the surrogatesbecome less predictable and probably act more to improve efficiency than tomodify goals" (op. cit., p. 95).'

24. Compare to Hemando de Soto, The Other Path: The Invisible Revolution in the Third World (Bogota:Editorial La Oveja Negra, 1987).

25. As James Hicks of the World Bank has pointed out, such informal "governmental" arrangements on thedemand side can lead to the reasonably effective performance of some functions (e.g., garbage collectionor maintenance of small-scale infrastructure), but not others (e.g., conflict resolution through judicialprocesses or regulation of traffic); remarks at Seminar on Decentralization with faculty and staff ofAmerican University at the World Bank, April 18, 1990.

26. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, op. cit., p. 175; see also Susan Wynne,"Institutional Resources for Development Among the Kgalagadi of Botswana," in Vincent Ostrom,David Feeny, and Hartmut Picht (eds.), Rethinking Institutional Analysis and Development (SanFrancisco, California: Institute for Contemporary Studies Press, 1988), p. 213-246.

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27. Roberto Schatan, research assistant and World Bank Summer Intern, identified this case for the paper.For more detail, refer to G. Campero, Ante La Sobre Vivencia v La Accion Politica (Santiago, Chile:ILET, 1987); J. Chateau, Espacio v Poder: Los Pobladores (Santiago, Chile: FIACSO, 1987); D.Garcia and J. Silva, 'El Movimiento Vecinal y La Democracia: Participacion y Control en el GranBuenos Aires," in E. Jelin (ed.) Los Nuevos Movimientos Sociales, Vol. II (Buenos Aires: CentroEditor de. America Latina, 1985); S. Jaramillo, 'Apuntes Para la Interpretacion de la Naturaleza y delas Proyecciones de los Paros Civicos en Colombia," and P. Santana, 'La Crisis Urbana y el PoderLocal y Regional," both in Ciudades en Conflicto (Ecuador: Editorial el Conejo, 1986); D. Palma, LaInformalidad. La Popular v El Cambio Social (Lima, Peru: Cuademos Delco, 1987); and L.A.Restrepo, 'El Protagonisro Politico de los Movimientos Sociales," Revista Foro (Bogota, Colombia),No. 2, February 1987.

28. The examples of initiatives undertaken in the road construction and maintenance sector are drawn fromThe World Bank, Africa Technical Department, Infrastructure Division, "Developing DomesticContractors in Road Maintenance in Africa," mimeo (April 1990).

29. Joan Nelson, "The Politics of Pro-Poor Adjustment Policies," mimeo, paper prepared for the WorldBank Symposium on Poverty and Adjustment, April 11-13, 1988 (Washington, D.C.: OverseesDevelopment Council, 1988).

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Notes: Chapter m

1. The World Bank, Nepal: Policies for Imgroving Growth and Alleviating Poverty, Country EconomicMemorandum (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1988).

2. Samuel Paul, Institutional Reform in Sector Adjustment Operations, PPR Working Paper No. 227(Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1989b) and Richard Moore, 'Institutional Characteristics in LACLending Operations," mimeo, paper prepared for the Latin America and Caribbean Region of the WorldBank (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, March 1989).

3. For example, William Smith, Francis Lethem, and Ben Thoolen, The design of Organizations for RuralDevelonment Proiects--A Promress Report, World Bank Staff Working Paper No. 375 (Washington,D.C.: The World Bank, 1980). See also John Harbeson, "Rural Development Participation ProjectSummary," mimeo (Washington, D.C.: United States Agency for International Development, 1981),p. 9-10.

4. William Smith, Francis Lethem, and Ben Thoolen, op. cit., p. 8, 9.

5. This paragraph summarizes the analysis in Jerry Silverman, Merlyn Kettering, and Terry Schmidt,Action-PlanningWorkshops For Development Management: Guidelines (Washington, D.C.: The WorldBank, 1986), pp. 14-16. See also Herman van Gusteren, The Ouest for Control: A Critique of theRational-Central-Rule Approach in Public Affairs (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1976).

6. Because strategies and tactics for exercising influence and adapting to constraints (i.e., appreciation) aresubstantially different from those directed at the exercise of control, an understanding of control,influence, and appreciation is necessary. Control is the ability to determine a particular outcomewithout discretionary involvement of others. Influence is the ability to contribute to a particular outcomewhich will be determined in combination with the actions of other institutions. These combined actionscan be systematic in the sense that objectives are consciously integrated with the prescribed actions ofother organizations. However, combined actions can also be simply the sum of uncoordinated activitiescarried out independently by various organizations, in which case the outcome--whether positive ornegative--is unpredictable. Appreciation is the ability to identify and understand the relationships amongthe variables or actions which will affect an outcome in those cases in which the particular stakeholderhas neither control nor influence over the outcome. The importance of appreciation should not beminimized. Accurate appreciation can substantially improve a stakeholder's ability to optimize itsposition relative to its ideal outcome through effective adaptation to what are, in effect, constraints toits freedom of action. Economic theory includes concepts similar to "control," "influence," and"appreciation: " (i) Control is similar to Monopoly and Monopsony, where the level of output determinesthe price of goods; (ii) Influence is the equivalent of a "Game Theoretic Situation" typical of Oligopolyand Oligopsony where the quantity of one party's output will have an impact on price, but withoutcertainty concerning the extent of its impact because there is at least one other player with the samecapability; and (iii) Appreciation is the equivalent of perfect competition, characterized by a largenumber of small actors, no one of which produces a significant share of aggregate output by itself and,therefore, cannot have any significant impact on price.

7. Refer to Arturo Israel, Institutional Development: Incentives to Performance (Baltimore, Maryland: TheJohns Hopkins University Press, 1987), p. 199-200.

8. George Honadle and David Gow 'Putting the Cart Behind the Horse: Participation, Decentralization,and Capacity Building for Rural Development,' mimeo (Washington, D.C.: Development Altematives,Inc., nd).

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9. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, Institutional Incentives and Rural Infrastructures,draft state-of-the-art paper prepared for USAID 'Decentralization: Finance and Management Project,"mimeo (April 1989), p. 177; David Leonard and Dale Marshall (eds.), Institutions of RuralDeveloRment for the Poor: Decentralization and Rural Development Linkages (Berkeley, California:University of California, Institute of International Studies, 1982), p. 6; and Norman Uphoff and MiltonEsman, Local Organization for Rural Development in Asia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974),p. 25.

10. Rrbert Chambers, 'Project Selection and Poverty-Focussed Rural Development: Simple is Optimal,"World Development, Vol. 6, p. 209-219. See also Arturo Israel, Institutional Development: Incentivesto Performance (Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), p. 118.

11. The case summarized here was reported in response to the World Bank staff questionnaire prepared anddistributed for this paper.

12. One reported result of assigning responsibility for this national economic function to more parochiallevels of government has been deadlock concerning a proposed World Bank financed port projectbecause of intercity rivalry and the ambiguity of national government direction in that regard.

13. Per Ljung and William Dillinger, 'Approaches for Strengthening Local Government" in The WorldBank, The Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Emilia Romagna Region (Italy), StrengtheningLocal Goverments in Sub-Saharan Africa (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1989), p. 127.

14. China and India have, at times, provided rare and infrequent examples of internal tariffs; for example,the Calcutta Metropolitan Development Authority (CMDA) has taxed imports of goods into that city (theoctroi tax) and, during the late 1980s, some provincial governments in China began to collect theequivalent of local tariffs (however, that practice has since been discontinued).

15. Susan Hadden "Controlled Decentralization and Policy Implementation: The Case of RuralElectrification in Rajasthan," in Marilee Grindle (ed.), Politics and Policy Implementation in the ThirdWorld (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), p. 188-189.

16. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroder, and Susan Wynne, op. cit., p. 190.

17. Ibid, p. 169.

18. See Dennis Rondinelli, James McCullough, and Ronald Johnson, "Analysing Decentralization Policiesin Developing Countries: A Political-Economy Framework," Development and Change, Vol. 20 (1989)for a linear view which argues that deconcentration of authority within ministries and autonomousagencies can be a positive first step towards ultimate devolution of some functions.

19. Gilbert Uwujaren, Trade and Finance Division, Africa Technical Department, The World Bank, "FiscalDecentralization in Ghana: Lessons From International Experience," mimeo (1989), p. 6.

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Notes: Chapter IV

1. World Bank, The World Development Report: 1988 (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1988), p.155-157.

2. B. Smith, 'The Measurement of Decentralization,tm The International Review of Administrative Sciences,Vol. 45 (1988), p. 220.

3. The most comprehensive review and analysis of urban government finance in LDCs is Roy Bahl andJohannes Linn, 'Urban Public Finance in Developing Countries," mimeo (Washington, D.C.: WorldBank, 1988). Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, Institutional Incentives and RuralInfrastructures, draft state-of-the-art paper prepared for USAID 'Decentralization: Finance andManagement Project," mimeo (April 1989), p. 235) identify two additional sources of local revenue butargue that they are of minor significance because they can be expected to yield only small amounts ofrevenue and/or because they are not sustainable: (i) fees and charges for minor government services(e.g., stamp taxes) and (ii) sale of publicly-owned assets.

4. Dennis Rondinelli, James McCullough, and Ronald Johnson, "Analysing Decentralization Policies inDeveloping Countries: a Political-Economy Framework," Develonment and Chanee, Vol. 20 (1989),p. 71.

5. James Hicks, remarks at American University Seminar on Decentralization held at the World Bank onApril 18, 1990.

6. Richard Bird, Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations in Developing Countries, Staff Working Paper No.304 (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1978). The unreliability of intergovernmental transfers isequally true for the United States. Under the various revenue sharing programs of the 1970's and therecurrent changes in the formula for the distribution of capital grants from the Federal to municipalgovernments, cities were "left in the lurch. " The result was that municipalities found it necessary tomake strategic choices about how to use fungible intergovernmental grants (see Michael Pagano andRichard Moore [1986] Cities and Fiscal Choices: A New Model of Urban Public Investment [Durham,North Carolina: Duke University Press]).

7. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, op. cit., p. 253.

8. Ibid, p. 244-245.

9. Enid Slack and Richard Bird, "Local Response to Intergovernmental Fiscal Transfers: The Case ofColumbia,' Public Finance/Finance Publiques, Vol. 38 (1983), p. 429 - 439.

10. William Dillinger, Implicit Spatial Policies: The Case of the Fiscal System in Sao Paulo State, Urbanand Regional Report No. 81/27 (Washington, D.C.: Urban and Regional Economics Division, TheWorld Bank, 1981).

11. Roy Bahl and Velayudhan Pillai, "The Allocation Effects of Intergovermnental Flows in Less DevelopedCountries: A Case Study of India," Public Finance/Finance Publigues, Vol. 31 (1976), p. 73-89.

12. Roy Bahl, Larry Schroeder, and Michael Wasylenko, "The Stimulative Effects of IntergovernmentalGrants in Developing Countries: The Case of The Philippines," mimeo (Syracuse, New York:Metropolitan Studies Program, Syracuse University, 1987).

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13. David Greytak and Victor Mendez, The Impact of Intergovernmental Grants on Local Governments inEcuador: A Study of FONAPAR, Occasional Paper No. 106 (Syracuse, New York: MetropolitanStudies Program, Syracuse University, 1986).

14. World Bank, Pakistan: Growth Through Adjustment, Country Economic Memorandum (Washington,D.C.: The World Bank, 1988).

15. An extensive literature has developed concerning property taxes because of their widespread use; see,for example, Roy Bahl, The Taxation of Urban Propertv in Less Developed Countries (Madison,Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1979) and John Strasma, James Alm, Eric Shearer, andAlfred Waldstein, Impact of Agricultural Land Revenue Systems on Agricultural Land Usage(Burlington, Vermont: Associates in Rural Development, 1987).

16. Gilbert Uwujaren, Trade and Finance Division, Africa Technical Department, The World Bank, "FiscalDecentralization in Ghana: Lessons From International Experience," mimeo (1989), p. 5.

17. Dennis Rondinelli, James McCullough, and Ronald Johnson, op.cit., p. 72.

18. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, op. cit., p. 234.

19. Many governments have taken the position that a financial system which relies for the recovery of totalcosts on user fees is inequitable because a majority of their potential beneficiaries are below the povertyline. Further, in the case of services delivered through state monopolies, recovering total costs throughuser fees can simply result in passing the costs of unnecessary inefficienciest directly to individualconsumers. Finally, only those services are amenable to pricing if: (i) those not paying can be excludedfrom enjoying the benefits and (ii) inherent in each and every use is a measurable incremental financialvalue.

20. For further discussions of issues arising from the use of loans by local governments in LDCs, refer to:L. Kenneth Hubbel, 'Local Government Credit Financing," in Local Government Finance in the ThirdWorld, and United Nations, Credit Institutions for Local Authorities (New York: The United Nations,1972).

21. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, op. cit., p. 235-236.

22. Ibid, p. 236.

23. The "Harambee' self-help movement in Kenya is cited for that purpose in both Ibid, p. 238 and DennisRondinelli, James McCullough, and Ronald Johnson, op. cit., p. 70.

24. For example, Norman Uphoff, John Cohen, and Arthur Goldsmith, Feasibility and Application of RuralDevelopment Participation: A State-of-the-Art PaMer (Ithaca, New York: Rural DevelopmentCommittee, Cornell University, 1979); David Korten, "Community Organization and RuralDevelopment: A Learning Process Approach," Public Administration Review, Vol. 40(September/October 1980), p. 480-511; Jean Claude Garcia-Zamor (ed.) Public Participation inDevelopment Planning and Manaeement: Cases From Africa and Asia (Boulder, Colorado: WestviewPress, 1985); Hasnet Abdul Hye (ed.), Decentralisation. Local Government Institutions and ResourceMobilisation (Comilla, Bangladesh: Bangladesh Academy for Rural Development, 1985); NormanUphoff, Improving International Irrigation Management With Farmer Participation: Getting the ProcessRi2ht (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1986); Dennis Rondinelli, James McCullough, and RonaldJohnson (op. cit., p. 71) make the related point that services that involve or promote employment forcommunity residents can increase the capacity of people to pay for services.

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25. Dennis Rondinelli, James McCullough, and Ronald Johnson, op. cit., p. 70.

26. There are at least six reasons, in some combination relevant to specific circumstances, for dtressingreduced expenditure rather than increased revenue in the short-term: (i) it is easier technically andadministratively (if not politically) to cut expenditure than to increase revenues; (ii) it is generallybelieved that much public expenditure is wasteful at worst or is suboptimal at best vis-a-vis the privatesector; (iii) much public expenditure is for governmental activities that create unfair competition for theprivate sector; (iv) available credit is diverted to the government at the expense of credit for the privatesector as a consequence of expenditure induced deficits; (v) inflation is increased by attempts to reducedeficits through expansionary monetary policy; and (vi) increased taxation, at least above some level,can be a disincentive to private sector investment.

27. Thus, many LDCs have established extremely rigid financial control procedures; in part due to: (i) thelegacy of an authoritarian bureaucratic culture inherited from the colonial period (especially in Asia andAfrica); (ii) formal attempts to control public sector corruption; and/or (iii) to enforce expenditurereform as part of a stabilization program. Such systems often depend on pre-audits; this is particularlythe case in countries influenced by the British during the colonial period. Nevertheless, experienceconclusively shows that such systems are seldom effective in controlling corruption or inappropriateexpenditures and, at the same time, they have profoundly negative effects on the operations ofgovernment agencies. Thus, decentralized systems cannot operate efficiently under the requirementsof a pre-audit system; however such procedures might be modified. Unfortunately, experience withaltemative post-audit systems also often result in wide-spread corruption and uncontrollable expenditure.Such systems require the effective performance of both accounting and auditing functions andenforcement of sanctions against those who abuse expenditure authority. The record in that regard inmany LDCs has not been encouragig.

28. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, op. cit., p. 191-192.

29. Tanzania is omitted from these calculations because the data in Table 3(h), Appendix 3, which showsthe central levels as accounting for all general government employment, is no longer accurate since theenactment of the local District Council legislation in 1983.

30. 'Tanzania Public Expenditure Review," Report No. 7559-TA, Country Operations Division,Southern Africa Department (Washington, D.C: The World Bank, 1989), Vol. II, p. 36.

31. "World Bank Experience With Rural Development: 1965-1986," mimeo (Washington, D.C.: OperationsEvaluation Department, The World Bank, July 10, 1987), p. 9.

32. For example, George Honadle, David Gow, and Jerry Silverman "Technical Assistance Alternatives forRural Development: Beyond the Bypass Model," Canadian Journal of Development Studies (Fall 1982).

33. Dennis Rondinelli, James McCullough, and Ronald Johnson, op. cit., p. 59.

34. This problem is not limited to local governments in LDCs. Michael Pagano and Richard Moore haveshown that, during the 1970s, the nature of the intergovernmental grant program had a negative effecton local decision-making in the United States due largely to the division of responsibilities between thefinancing of capital investment on the one hand and the recurrent cost requirements of maintenance onthe other hand; refer to Cities and Fiscal Choices: A New Model of Urban Public Investment (Durham,North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1986).

35. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroder, and Susan Wynne, op. cit., p. 250.

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36. Roy Bahl, lhterovernmental Grants in Bangladesh, Occasional Paper No. 87, (Syracuse, New York:Metropolitan Studies Program, Syracuse University, 1983).

37. Elinor Ostrom, Larry Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, oM.cit., p. 245 -246. See also Larry Schroeder,Rural Development Grants to Local Governments in Asia, Monograph No. 19 (Syracuse, New York:Metropolitan Studies Program, Syracuse University, 1987).

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Notes: Chapter V

1. The definition of 'institutional sustainability' used here is from Andrea Jones, "Laying the Groundworkfor Sustainability: Using Action-Planning to Improve Project Design and Implementation in Ghana andGuatemala," in Derrick Brinckerhoff and Arthur Goldsmith (eds.) Institutional Sustainability inAgriculture and Rural Development: A Global Perspective (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1990), p.101-113. This publication is among the outputs of USAID's "Institutional Sustainability Initiative."

2. Mamadou Dia, 'For a New Approach to Management in SubSahara Africa: Essays in the Analysis ofAfrican Incentives/Motivations and its Linkage to Economic Efficiency and Growth," draft paper,mimeo (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1989).

3. Ibid.

4. See, for example, Jerry M. Silverman, 'Historic National Rivalries and Contemporary Inter-StateConflict in Mainland Southeast Asia," in Mark W. Zacher and R. Stephen Milne (eds.), Conflict andStability in Southeast Asia (Garden City, New York: Anchor Books, 1974), p. 45-78; Jerry M.Silverman, "The Domino Theory: Alternatives to a Self-Fulfilling Prophecy," Asian Survev, Vol. 15(November 1975), 915-939; and Mamadou Dia, op. cit..

5. Andrea Jones and Hans Knikkink, 'Proceedings of The Local Government Action Planning Workshop,19 to 23 March, 1990, Arusha," mimeo (Dar Es Salaam: Ministry of Local Government, CommunityDevelopment, Cooperatives, and Marketing, March 1990). This was also the view of World Bank staffresponding to the questionnaire for this study.

6. Ibid.

7. John Harbeson, 'Rural Development Participation Project Summary," mimeo (Washington, D.C.:United States Agency for International Development, 1981).

8. George Honadle and David Gow, "Putting the Cart Behind the Horse: Participation, Decentralization,and Capacity Building for Rural Development," mimeo (Washington, D.C.: Development Alternatives,Inc., nd).

9. Some scholars have argued, to the contrary, that achievement of ERP objectives is unlikely to beachieved if broad-based agreement of interests is sought. Rather, they argue that the public relationshipsaspect of ERPs should include a degree of subterfuge and camouflage. That argument suggests thatgovernments might need to hide the potential impact of economic policy reform in order to establish andmaintain coalitions of support. John Waterbury apparently advocates such an approach in a recent EDIpolicy seminar report, the relevant portion of which is quoted below:

Structural adjustment cannot be carried out with mirrors, but I am going to makea case, one that is personally troubling, for subterfuge. The donor communityseeks from developing countries clear and unambiguous statements of objectives,the explicit elaboration of the measures designed to achieve them, a binding timetable, and a public commitment to the package. Leadersand policymakers shouldresist such displays. Progress toward reform (unless there is an authoritariangovernment) should be uneven, sometimes intentionally inconsistent, and ifpossible, camouflaged .... Losses and benefits to various constituents should notbe made clear. The higher the potential political and economic costs of structuraladjustment, the greater the premium on obfuscation.

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Such an approach suggests that imperfect information and uncertainty is likely to lead to betterdecisions than might otherwise be the case. That directly contradicts the assumption ofrationality on which the Bank's economic policy models are based. Further, that approach mightbe understood by some to imply that a govemment ought to engage in active disinformation inorder to attempt to control the behavior of interest groups through manipulation (although it isnot clear whether or not Waterbury meant to leave that impression). Advocacy of attempts tocontrol behavior through manipulation of information perpetuates the false belief that themanagers of a reform process could do so if they wished. Even if such control is desirable, ithas been argued in this paper that it is simply not possible (paras. 95-95). See John Waterbury,'The Political Management of Economic Adjustment and Reform," in Alan Roe, et al (eds.),Economic Adiustment in Algeria. Egypt. Jordan. Morocco, Pakistan. Tunisia. and Turkey, EDIPolicy Seminar Report No. 15 (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1989).

10. In the case of civil servants, subsistence can be calculated in a variety of ways. As an example, for theSierra Leone Agricultural Sector Support Project (1983), a formula was devised which calculated themarket price of the staple food extrapolated as a percentage of a person's total minimum foodrequirement (in terms of calories as specified by WHO) and, in turn, the percentage that foodrepresented of a minimum household budget. In that case,even when personally produced food wastaken into account as an offset, the maximum rate of combined salary and emoluments which could beearned by the highest grade that an agriculture extension agent could achieve in the Ministry's staffingpattern throughout his/her career was only sufficient to support a fraction above one person; clearlybelow any reasonable definition of "subsistence.

11. Elinor Ostrom, Iary Schroeder, and Susan Wynne, Institutional Incentives and Rural Infrastructures,draft state-of-the-art paper prepared for USAID 'Decentralization: Finance and Management Project,"mimeo (April 1989).

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DECENTRALIZED STRUCTURES AND FUNCTIONStructural Arrangements

FUNCTIONS DECONCENTRATION DELEGATION

Economic and Investment Normally Ministry of Planning or similar planning Autonomous or semi-autonomous agencies responsiblePlanning body retains ultimate responsibility for for strategic corporate plans; sometimes within

translating political mandate of Govemment into boundaries established by central govemment planningnational plan. Distinguished from centralized guidelines, sometimes without guidance. Might orplanning system by extent planning inputs are might not have planning units or staff assigned full-solicited (or required) from branch offices which time. Decisions based on plans are the responsibility ofcompete for inclusion in national plan. boards of directors and/or general managers. Extent of

delegation does not determine degree of simplicity/rigidity of intemal procedures.

Public Expenditure Primary responsibility Ministry of Finance, but Autonomous or semi-autonomous agencies responsible(al Budget Formulation based on proposals from variety of central for preparing own budgets, with or without

govemment agencies. Those agencies either supervision of central govemment ministries.prepare their own budgets in centralized manner Finalization of budget proposals normally responsibilityor have intemal procedures for proposal from of boards of directors and/or general managers. If suchtheir own lower levels. Although not decision responsibility of extemal institution, budgetconcentrated like centralized system, Ministry of formulation function is centralized. Viable enterprisesFinance reserves responsibility for preparing expected to transfer finance to center through taxescomprehensive/integrated budget. Distinguished and/or dividends.from centralized system by extent budgetproposals solicited (or required) branch offices.

(bl Budget Approval Budget approval responsibility of sector Budget approval responsibility of sector ministriesministries within budget limits las established by within their own budget limits (as established by thethe Ministry of Finance and, perhaps, approved Ministry of Finance and, perhaps approved by nationalby central govemment cabinets and/or govemment cabinets and/or legislatures). Ultimatelegislatures). Ultimate decisions seldom left decisions seldom left solely to boards of directorssolely to branch office. This is point in and/or general managers. This is point inplanning/budgeting process that central planning/budgeting process that central ministries haveministries have opportunity harmonize budget opportunity harmonize budget proposals.proposals

ic) Financial Management Autonomous/semi-autonomous agencies manage Local units of central or state govemments manageown finances. Central govemments require own finances. Central and/or state govemmentssubmission of accounts on annual basis and require submission of accounts on annual basis andperform audits. Strong intemal accounting and perform audits. Strong intemal accounting and auditingauditing functions functions prerequisite for effective operations.prerequisite for effective operations.

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ADmendix 163

DEVOLUiON PRINCPAL AGENCY HYBRID

Similar in at least three key respects to that in Normally Minitry of planning similar Planning functions disaggregated anddelegated system: (1i planning prny rsponsIblty of plannin body retainz ultimate responsibility assigned to various instutions and lewbs oflocal gvovmments: iit each ha authority to implemnt for tranalting political mandate of goveme nt. Each of thes. various agenciesown plans: /iii) plans tend to focus inwar rather than Goveme nt into national plan. Distinguished of govemment might or might not shoreon linkage to plans prpared or adopted by other. from contralitzd planning eyrtem by extent information and/or coordinate its planningPrimary differences are: (li delegated systems focus on planning inputs ae soicited (or requiredt with any of the other institutions involved.single or closly-related production or service from local govemments through nagotiationfunctions, local governmnts raponsible for integrtd of contract TORs with central govemment.planning across sctors; 0l) loc governments requirespecific organizations horizontly. Does not deteminedegmre of concentration or devoution to sub-locallevels of government ||

Preparation of budgets is primarily the responsiiity of Primary responsbility Minisry of Finaxnco, udgetary responsibilities disaggregated andlocal governments. Grant-in-aid to local governmnn but based on proposals from variety of assigned difterentially to various institutionsby central govrmments ae comnnon, revere sedom central govemment agencies. Those and levels of govemment. To extentthe case. Local budget preparation focused internly, agencies sither prepar their own budgets in planninglimplementation of some activitiesUttbe concrm for financial actitIes In broader centralized manner or have intenal are assigned to local govemments while other

environment. Local governmet should reflect broad proceduroe for cost estimates from local activitise assigned to srmi-autonomousfinancial responsibilites across sectors nd delegated govemmrnnts. Atthough not concentrated like agencies or central govemment, difficultbudget preparation procedures for own sector-speoific centralized system, Ministry of Finance ensure budgetary decisions compatible. EachImplemntation agencies, reserves responsibilty for preparing agency might or might not share information

comprehensive integroted budget. and/or coordinate budget formulationDistinguished from centralized system by functions. Particulsily serious problem whereextent budget proposals soicitad for requied central governments responsible for capitalfrom local govemments regarding cost of investment decisions but local govemmentsacting as agents. for financing post-project recurrent

expenditure. Each institution likely makeassumptions about budgetary decisions ofother institutins.

Subnational govemment mancies approve own Budget approval responsibility of s_tor Approval of budgets among sectors andbudgets Ihaving that uthority is essentiai condition ministries within budgeot limits las botween levels of govemment extremelyfor system to be 'devotvdti. One problem with such established by the Minisry of Finnce and, complex. Budget approval responsibilitiessystems is mutiplication of policy nd impimntation perhaps, approved by central govement assigned through variety of mechanisms todecision-points, cabinets andlor legisatures). Ultimate different institutions end levels of

decisions never left to local govemrments govemment. To extent approval of budgetsThis is point in planning budgeting proces ior some activities assigned to localthat central ministries have opportunity govemment while approval of other budgetsharmonoiz budget proposal. assignod to semi-utonomous agencies or

central govemment bodies, difficult ensurecompatibility.

Local governments do not routinly submit accournts Local govemments mange own finnces. The difficutites of coordination andto centrl govemment although centrd govenments Central govemments require submission of integration exporienced in the performancemight perform extemal audits. accounts on annual basis and perform of other functions within hybrid sstems is

audits. Strong intemal accounting nd not as pronounced with respect to financialauditing functions prerequisite for effective management. In cases where financialopertions, management for en activity Is devolved, but

performnnce Is contingent on other activitis

undertaken by entities without dovolvedresponsbilities. Inefficiencies resulting fromrigidly controlled financial managementsystomB in the latter can have negativemutipiher affects on the former.

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64

FUNCTIONS DECONCENTRATION DELEGATION

Fiscal Policy and Revenue Revenue generaton Dmited to single or short If performance boards of directors or general managersGeneration range of sevice within a sctor. evaluated in terms of short-term profitsldividends or

quantity of goods/services produced, little incentive toaddress medium/long-term maintenance functions.

(a) Intergovemmental Ficd by cntral govemewnt budget; not Managoment of fiscal polcy not responsibility ofTransfers affected by intergovemnmntal transfes. prastatals or other semi-autonomous agencies which

recive goverment subsidies.

Ibl Local Taxes NormaHy financed by users fees, not taxes.

(c) Users' Fees Branch offices responsible/ establish systms for When parastaal have a commercial function, revenuecolbction. Deconcentrated units hould also generated from payewnts by clients/consumers.operate as profit centrs'. Pricing responsibility of managers with guidance from

boards of directon although distinctions betweenenterprises operating in a competitive environmentmust be distinguished from those operating asmonopolies (e.g., utilities). In competitiveenvironmnnts, pricing decisions made by managers toqualify as doegation. In monopoly situations, revenueprimarily function of users' fees. Responsibility to*stabish prices utonomously rarely given bygovenmment. Even in cases when monopoly enterprisedeibgated aN other responsiblities, regulation of pricingexpected

(d) Borrowing Branch offices hav no authority to borrow. Not Entitisa have authority for borrow from commercialjuridical pwrsona. banks.

(a) Non-Monetary Can be provided to Branch ofices. Can be provided to parastalsContribution

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Apoendix 165

DEVOLU_ON PRINCPAL AGENCY HYBID

Revenue generation is key to functions of iocd Revenue goneraton responsibolity of central Wid dispersal of responsibilitI for revenuegovemments. Without ability to generte revenue, govemment agencies on whose behalf local generation. When responsibilities forability of local govemments to exercbi discretionary govemments act as principal agents. performance of O&M in one subsector Isdecisaon-making acros a wide range of servicos Is delegated to one agency but inreduced. In pure devolved systems, local govemments interdependent subsector is centralized.must be largely s*if-sufficient in revenue. deconcentrated. or devolved to yet other

entites, disincentives result for performanceof maintenance functions.

Transfers from central govermmnt minimized. When Transfers from central govemment Transfer from central govemment primarilyused, only in from of non-targeted bbck grants minimized. When used, only Inorm of targeted non matching grants to local

targeted grants. govemrnment acting as principal agents. Othercentral govemment limited, but, refused tosupport local govemment discretionaryauthority only to a form of targeted, non-matching block grants.

Local govemrnments need direct access to broad rang Local govemments have primary access toof tax sources to finance own discretionary authority. ioal taxes. Central govemment also raises

revenue at local levels. Some sourcesexclusive to local on central govemments,other taxes shared. 'Richer' localgovemment might be 'taxed' by centralgovemment for redistribution to 'power'local governments.

Local goveme nts receive direct payment of users' Local govemments financed by central Local and Central govemrnents have accessfees and establish scheduies of fees, govemment through sectorsi misy to both exclusive and shared fees.

budgets. Commwrcial parstatals establish own prces.

Local govemnments have authority to borrow from Local govemments do not have authority to Local and central govemments havecommercial banks, borrow from commercili banks authority to borrow; although for local

governments limited to discrtionarypurposes. Commercial perastetsls also haveauthority to borrow. Non-commercialpwarstatals borrow only with govemmentguarantees. Branch offices, centralgovemrnment, and ministry/agencies cannotborrow.

Can be provided to local govemrnmnts Can be provided to local govemments. Diffrent levels/agencies of govemmentcompete for non-monetary contributions.Can resuit in overoading planningmanagement capacity of public sector orover reaching demands by govemmentagencies on consttuents.

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66

FUNCTIONS DECONCENTRAION DELEOATION

Public Sector Staffina Ministries or other central govemment agencies Boards of directors estabUsh personnel policies;(a) Employment cruit staff; enforce staff discipline; and dismiss managers establish personnel procedures, recruit

*mployees. Central govemment ministries or candidates, endorse staff discipline; and dismissother supervisory bodies retain authority to employees. Central govemment ministries or other*etablish employemnt policies or procedures. supervisory bodies might be involved In employment

and retention of senior staf.

(b) Personnel Management Central goveme nt ministries or agencies Board of directors establish personnel policies;establish personnel policies. Branch office managers establish personnel procedures. recruitmanagers responsibie for hiring, dismissal and candides, enforce staff discipline; and dismisssupervision of staff, employees. Central government ministries or other

supervisory bodies might be involved in employmentand retention of unior staff.

Oceratlons and Maintenance Sectoral ministries primary responsibie for Autonomous/semi-autonomous agencies responsibie(0 & M) project impiementation planning. Altematvely for project planning; sometimes under supervision.

such responsiblItIes assigned to local plannin Investment plannin decisions responsibility of boards(a) Implementation Planning unit responsibie directly to Ministry of Planning. of directors and/or general managers.lnvestment

Akthough not as concentrated in centralized planring focusses on needs/interests of specificsystem. sectoral ministries nd utimately. enterprise itelf. Little attention paid to Unkages toMinistry of Finance or Planning, til reserves other Instiutions.ultimate responsibility for approving plans andtranslating them Into ministerial or sector-specific document with country-wideapplication. Deconcentreted projoet planningsystem distinguihed from centralized system byextent to which Initativets and/or designdocuments solicited lor required) ftrom cealgovernmments or Branch offices.

(bl Management Branch offtics responsibie for managing on- Autonomous/semI-outonomous agencies responsibiegoing O&M. for on-going O&M

(cl Technical Support Branch Offices have own technically qualified Autonomous or semi-autonomous agencies have ownstaff. Interal expertise.

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Ap2mdix 167

DlVO UTION PUiNCIPAL AaGlCY iHYiRID

Local goverments have reaponsibility for establishing Local govemments have responslbiiity for Central govementand bocal govemmntiemployment policy: as wal as actully hiring nd establishing employment poicy; as wdN as maintain seprate employment policies anddismissIn staff. ctually hirng and dismissIng staff, retain seprate *uthority to hire, promote

and transfer staff.

State or local governm nt policy-makers responsible State or local governmmnt polcy-makwe Personnel managed under different systemsfor establishhn peronnel polcy. Senior managers of rsponsible for establishin personnel at each level of govemment nd amongthe entity have the qeponsibigity for supeMsion, polcy. Senior managers of the entity have different local govemment and parustatais.hiring nd dimtssal decisions, the responsibility for supervison, hirng and

dismissal decisions.

Local govenmments rponsible for project-planning Local govemments responsible for project Project implementtion planning can beimpbementabon impbmentation planning, responsibility of any one or combination of

agencies rqponsible for both financing andmanaging such implementation. Can becomecomplex when one or more agencissresponsible for financing and yet others areresponsible for managemnent.

Local govement responsible for on-going O&M Local govemment responsible for ongoing infinit combination of agenies includingO&M. private sector on contract, can be Involved

in proiect implementation.

Local govenments have own central technical support Local governmmnts have own central Can be very compblex especially if theunit or have technically qualfled staff assigned technical support unit or have technicaly agencies which need to cooperate aredirectly to each sectoral unit within own juriudiction. qualified staff assigned directy to each organized differently, some deconcentrated

sectoral unit within won judediction. Might delegated, or devolved.aleo be supported technidcay by centralgovemment ageny on behalf of which itact as principal agent.

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Appendix 2(a)68

POLMTICAL AND ADMINLSTRATIVE STRUC URES

Unitary (U) Decentralizedor or

Country De0trall zni inff Popaion

Africa:

ANGOLA U 9.0BENIN U decentralizing 4.6BOTSWANA U decentalizing 1.2BURKINA FASO U decentrdized 7.7BURUNDI U 5.2CAMEROON U decentraized 10.9CAPE VERDE U .3CAR U decentralized 3.0CHAD U S.7COMOROS E decentralized .SCONGO U 2.0COTE d'IVOIRE U decentralizing 11.8DJIBOUTI U .3EQUAT. GUINEA U .4ETHIOPIA U decentralizing 47.7GABON U 1.1GAMBIA U .8GHANA U decentralizing 13.7GUINEA U decentralizing 6.1GUINEA-BISSAU U .9KENYA U decentralizing 23.7LESOTHO U decentralizing 1.7LIBERIA U decentraliig 2.5MADAGASCAR U decentralizd 11.1MALAWI U decntralized 8.1MALI U decentralizing 8.5MAURITANIA U decentralizing 1.8MAURITIUS U decentralized 1.0MOZAMBIQUE U 15.3NIGER U decentralizing 7.4NIGERIA E decentralized 115.2RWANDA U decentralizing 7.3SAO TOME/PRINC. U decentralized .1SENEGAL U decentalizing 7.7SEYCHELLES U .1SIERRA LEONE U decentrlizing 4.3SOMALIA U decentalizing 8.6SUDAN U decentralized 25.0SWAZ-ILAND U .8TANZANIA U decentralized 24.7TOGO U 3.4UGANDA U decentralizing 16.8ZAIRE U 84.0ZAMBIA U dcentralizing 7.8ZIMBABWE U decentralizing 10.0

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Avvendix 2(a)69

Asia:

BANGLADESH U traLid 112.8BHUTAN U 1.5BURMA U 39.9CHINA U dcentralized 1,069.6INDIA E decentralized 833.4INDONESIA U decentralizng . 189.7KAMPUCHEA U 6.9KOREA U 45.2LAOS U 3.9MALAYSIA E dcentalized 16.9MALDIVES U dcntralized .3NEPAL U decentalized 18.8PAKISTAN E decentized 110.4PHILIPPINES U decentrlized 62.0SRI LANKA U dcentalizing 17.5THAILAND U decentalizing 55.0VIETNAM U 66.7

Caribbean:

BAHAMAS U .2BARBADOS U .3DOMINICAN REP. U decentralized 7.3HAITI U 6.2JAMAICA U 2.4TRINIDAD/TOB. U 1.3

Latin American:

ARGENTINA U decentralized 32.6BELIZE U .2BOLIVIA U denal 6.9BRAZIL E dnliz 154.0CHILE U decenalized 12.9COLOMBIA U decentralize 31.9COSTA RICA U 2.9ECUADOR U dcenalizing 10.5EL SALVADOR U 5.5GUATEMALA U decnraizing 9.4GUYANA U .8HOUDURAS U 5.1MEXICO E d lizd 88.1NICARAGUA U 3.7PANAMA U 2.4PARAGUAY U 4.5PERU U 21.8SURINAME U .4URUGUAY U 3.0VENEZUELA E 19.2

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ARMendix 2(a)70

Middle East:

AFGHANISTAN U 16.6ALGERIA U 25.1BAHRAIN U 5EGYPT U decentralizing 54.8IRAN U 51.0IRAQ U 17.6JORDAN U decentralized 3.0KUWAIT U 2.0LEBANON U 2.9LIBYA U 4.3MOROCCO U decentralized 25.4QATAR U .3OMAN U 1.4SAUDI ARABIA U 12.7SYRIA U 12.2TUNISIA U 7.9TURKEY U decentralized 55.4UAE E decentralized 1.5YEMEN AR U decentralized 6.9YEMEN PDR U decentralized 2.5

South Pacific:

FIJI U .8KIRIBATI U .1PAPUA NEW GUINEA U decentralized 3.6SOLOMON ISL. U .3TONGA U .1VANUATU U .2W. SAMOA U .2

Other:YUGOSLAVIA E decentralized 23.8

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COUNTRIES ENGAGES IN BOTH STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT (1985)DECENTRALIZATION (1989)

Adjustmnent Decentralization

48 recipients of Adjustment 23 countries that received 10 countries that Decentralized Decentralizinglending SALS before 1985 received 3 or more SALS

Bolivia _X . _ . X

Brazil X X X

Cote d'lvoire X X x

Ghana X X x

Guyana X X __ _

Kenya X X x

Malawi X X X

Mauritius X X

Mexico X X ,___

Morocco X _ X X

Nigeria X X

Pakistan X X X

Philippines X X X

Senegal X _ XSierm Leone X _ XSudan X XTanzania X _ XThailand X X _ XTurkey X X X >

Uganda X .

Yugoslavia X X

Zambia X X X

Zimbabwe X X

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Table 3(a): PERCENTAGE CONTRIBUTION OF AUTONOMOUS LOCAL AGENCIES TO CONSOLIDATEDLOCAL GOVERNMENT SPENDING IN SELECTED CITIES

Number of % of Total % of CapitalCity A2escies Expenditures Expenditures Autonomous Agency Function Source

COLOMBIABogota (1972) 12 79.3 98.5 Public Utilities, Housing, Roads, Public Linn (1980a)

Transportation, Refuse Collection

Cali (1974) 4 80.0 90.9 Public Utilities, Housing, Roads, RefuseCollection Linn (1980a)

Caragena (1972) 4 84.1 84.4 Public Utilities, Roads, Refuse Collection Linn (1975)

INDmAhmadabad (1971) 3 58.7 32.7 Education, Public Transportation Milk Scheme Bahl (1975)Bombay (1972) 1 30.2 19.7 Electricity, Public Trnasportation Bougon-Maassen (1976)Bombay (1975) 1 39.2 19.4

KOREASeoul (1971) 1 23.1 10.3 Education Bahl & Wasylenko (1976)Seoul (1983) 1 25.5 39.1Daegu (1975) n.a 42.2 n.a Water, Land Readjustment, Housing Smnith and Kim (1979)Owangju (1975) n.a 21.6 n.a Water, Land Readjustment, Housing Smith and Kim (1979)Daejeon (1975) A.a 38.4 n.a Water, Land Readjustment, Housing Smith and Kim (1979)Jeoqu (1975) n.a 36.0 n.a Water, LAnd Readjustment, Housing Smith and Kim (1979)

INDONESIAJakuat (1972) 5 23.2 15.9 Water, Public Tansportation, Land Linn, Smith and

Developmnent, Education, Abattoir Wignjowijto (1976)Jakarta (1982) 4 11.0 -

BOTSWANAFrancistown (1972) 2 39.0 n.a Water, Electricity 1974 World Bank Mission

D&At

Source: Roy Bahl and Johannes Linn (1988) 'Urban Public Finance in Developing Countries," mimeo (Washington, D.C.: World Bank)Chapter 2: between pages 9 and 10.

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Table 3(a) continued

Number of % of Total % of CapitalCity Aeencies Expenditures Expenditures Autonomous Agencv Functions Source

NICARAGUAManagua (1974) 1 28.7a/ n.a Water Lacayo, Layman and Velasco (1976)Managua (1979) 1 25.1 n.a

JAMAICAKingston (1972) la/ 43.4 73.4 Water Bougeon-Ma ssen and Linn (1975)

a/Based on revenues.

Metropolitan water company administered under central govemnment control. The expenditures and revenues of this enterpriseare not included in the other expenditure and revenue tables in this chapter.

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Table 3(b): FINANCING OF LOCAL PUBLIC EXPENDITURES IN SELECTED CITIES: PERCENTAGEDISTRIBUTION BY TYPE OF REVENUE

Locally Raised Revenue Revenue from External SourcesTotal Self- Other Total Grants &Local Local Financing Local External Shared Net

City Year Revenue Taxes Services Revenue Revenue Taxes Borrowinea/ Source

Francistown (Botswana) 1972 102.9 46.8 56.1 - -2.9 1.9 -4.8 World Bank EstimatesFrancistown (Botswana) 1986 55.8 33.5 22.3 - 44.2 47.0 -2.8Mexico City (Mexico) 1968 101.9 70.9 5.2 25.8 -1.9 8.9 -10.8 Fried (1972)Mexico City (Mexico) 1982 13.5 6.5 4.2 2.8 86.5 26.3 60.3La Paz (Bolivia) 1975 97.0 61.9 3.6 31.5 3.0 9.0 -6.0 World Bank EstimatesLa Paz (Bolivia) 1985 83.0 46.9 8.8 27.3 17.0 2.0 15.0Tunis (Tunisia) 1972 93.9 36.8 7.1 50.0 6.1 0.7 5.4 Prud'HommneTunis (Tunisia) 1985 33.8 24.7 5.3 3.8 66.2 17.1 49.1Kitwe (Zambia) 1975 92.7 35.0 53.1 4.6 7.3 2.2 5. I World Bank EstimatesValencia (Venezuela) 1968 90.8 44.8 13.4 32.6 9.2 9.2 - Cannon et all (1973)Lumbumbashi (Zaire) 1972 90.5 72.8 - 17.7 9.5 9.5 - World Bank EstimatesRio de Janeiro (Brazil)b/ 1967 88.4 74.5 7.2 6.7 11.6 .1.7 9.9 Richardson (1973)Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) 1984 92.2 72.3 12.0 7.9 7.8 0.4 7.4Ahmedabad (India) 1970/1 86.3 38.6 41.8 5.9 13.7 4.2 9.5 Bahl (1975)Ahmedabad (India) 1981 65.9 60.1 4.5 1.3 34.2 8.6 25.6 .

Bombay (India) 1970/1 84.6 37.9 38.7 8.0 15.4 1.0 14.4 Bougeon-Maaseen (1976)Bombay (India) 1981/2 81.8 35.8 42.3 3.7 18.2 0.7 17.5Karachi (Pakistan) 1974/5 84.1 67.6 2.2 14.3 13.9 2.8 13.1 Kee (1973)Karachi (Pakistan) 1982 101.4 93.3 0.9 7.2 -1.5 3.0 -4.5Seoul (Korea) 1971 80.0 30.3 36.3 13.4. 19.9 15.8 4.1 Bahl and Waylenko (1976)Seoul (Korea) 1983 70.1 38.7 26.8 5.5 29.1 22.0 7.0Daegu (Korea) 1983 54.9 25.4 21.5 8.0 45.1 32.9 12.2Jeonju (Korea) 1983 59.8 13.8 18.8 27.1 40.2 31.0 9.2Gwanju (Korea) 1983 41.2 12.4 25.4 3.4 58.8 22.2 36.7Daejeon (Korea) 1983 63.2 20.8 34.9 7.6 36.8 32.5 4.3Jakarta (lndonesia)cI 1972/3 78.8 40.6 15.2 23.0 21.1 21.1 - Linnetal.

(81.9) (43.7) (15.2) (23.0) (18.1) (18.2)Jakarta (Indonesia) 1981 65.7 38.8 17.6 9.3 34.3 39.1 -4.8

(69.6) (42.7) (17.6) (9.3) (30.4) (35.2) (-4.8)Lusaka (Zambia) 1972 78.2 39.3 36.9 2.0 21.8 6.0 15.8 World Bank EstimatesCali (Colombia) 1974 74.4 15.6 57.5 1.3 25.7 2.8 22.9 World Bank Estimates ICalculta Corp. (India) 1974/5 73.8 64.4 - 9.4 26.2 19.4 6.8 World Bank Eistimates(Calufla Corp. (India) 1982 61.3 49.0 - 12.3 38.7 54.9 -16.2

Source: Roy Bahl and Johannes Linn (1986) "Urban Public Finance in Developing Countries," mimeo (Washington, D.C.: World Bank)Chapter 2: between pages 15 and 16.

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Table 3(b) continued

Locally Raised Revenue Revenue from External SourcesTotal Self- Other Total Grants &

Local Local Financing Local External Shared NetCityYear Revenue Taxes Services Revenue Revenue Taxes Borrowinga/ Source

Cartagena (Colombia) 1972 70.4 23.3 43.3 3.8 29.6 12.8 16.8 Linn (1975)

Mbuji-May (Zaire) 1971 70.2 66.5 2.7 29.8 29.8 - World Bank EstimatesManila (Philippines) 1970 70.0 55.0 10.0 5.0 30.0 30.0 - Bahl et alManila (Philippines) 1985 71.6 58.3 6.0 7.4 28.4 24.1 4.3Bukaru (Zaire) 1971 69.9 67.4 - 2.5 30.1 30.1 - World Bank EstimatesMadras (India) 1975/6 69.2 54.5 3.7 11.0 30.8 25.1 5.7 World Bank EstimatesMadras (India) 1979 72.9 58.0 0.6 14.4 27.1 13.7 13.4

(84.6) (69.6) (0.6) (14.4) (15.4) (2.0) (13.4)Bogota (Colombia)c/ 1972 62.5 13.7 48.5 0.3 37.5 14.0 23.5 World Bank Estimates

(72.4) (23.6) (48.5) (0.3) (27.6) (4.1) (23.5)Tehran (Iran) 1974 46.9 42.8 - 4.1 53.1 45.2 7.9 Smith (n.d.)Kingston (Jamaica) 1971/2 30.1 23.9 2.7 3.4 69.9 67.2 2.7 Bougeon-Maassen & Linn (1975)Kinshasa (Zaire) 1971 26.9 25.4 - 1.5 73.1 73.1 - World Bank EstimatesSao Paulo (Brazil) 1984 72.9 62.0 4.2 6.7 27.0 0.4' 26.6Nairobi (Kenya) 1981 80.2 34.1 46.1 - 19.8 13.7 6.0Mombasa (Kenya) 1981 75.6 75.6 - - 24.4 32.2 -7.8Lima (Peru) 1982 73.4 27.8 36.1 9.5 26.6 19.0 7.7Bangkok (Thailand) 1977 60.4 47.2 5.3 7.9 39.6 39.6 -

(84.2) (71.0) (5.3) (7.9) (15.8) (15.8) -

Gujranwala 1983 106.9 82.0 8.5 16.4 -6.9 10.3 -17.2Lagos 1980 51.2 42.8 0.2 8.2 48.8 48.8 -

Managua (Nicaragua) 1979 80.2 45.8 - 34.3 19.8 5.0 14.8Dhaka (Bangladesh) 1983 113.4 48.9 30.5 34.0 -13.4 34.6 -48.0Median

Before 1979 78.5 46.2 13.4 7.9 21.5 11.2 8.7Since 1979 70.1 38.8 17.6 7.8 29.1 22.0 7.0

a/Net borrowing consists of loan financing minus net changes in financial assets or reserves.h/Due to exclusion of autonomous agencies, the contribution of self-financing service revenues are probably understated.c/Figures not in brackets include shared taxes under grant; figures in brackets include shared taxes under taxes.

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76

Table 3(c): DMPORTANCE OF INTERGOVERMENTAL TRANSFERIN LOCAL GOVERNMENT FINANCE

Cities in Countries Where the Subnational IntergovernmentalGovernment Share" of Total Government Transfers as a Percent

Expenditures Is of Government Revenuesi

Above 30%: (1967) Rio de Janiero (Brazil) 1.7(1984) Rio de Janiero (Brazil) 0.4(1971) Ahmedabad (India) 4.2(1981) Ahmedabad (India) 1.6(1971) Bombay (India) 1.0(1975) Bombay (India) 1.0(1982) Bombay (India) 0.7(1970) Calcutta (India) 18.5(1975) Calcutta (India) 19.4(1982) Calcutta (India) 54.9(1976) Madras (India) 25.1(1979) Madras (India) 13.7(1982) lbadan (Nigeria) 64.4(1968) Seoul (Korea) 23.2(1971) Seoul (Korea) 15.8(1975) Seoul (Korea) 14.3(1983) Seoul (Korea) 22.0

10 - 30%: (1975) Karachi (Pakistan) 2.8(1982) Karachi (Pakistan) 3.0(1968) Mexico City (Mexico) 8.9(1982) Mexico City (Mexico) 26.3(1974) Cali (Columbia) 2.8(1972) Cartegena (Columbia) 12.8(1972) Bogota (Columbia) 12.9(1979) Bogota (Columbia) 8.8(1975) Nairobi (Kenya) 31.6(1982) Nairobi (Kenya) 24.7(1975) Mombasa (Kenya) 33.8(1981) Mombasa (Kenya) 32.2(1970) Manila. (Philippines) 30.0(1970) Manila, (Philippines) 30.0

Les than 10%:(1972) Francestown (Botswana) 1.9(1986) Francestown (Botswana) 47.0(1975) La Paz (Bolivia) 9.0(1985) La Paz (Bolivia) 2.0(1972) Tunis (Tunisia) 0.7(1985) Tunis (Tunisia) 17.1

Source: Roy Bahl and Johannes Linn (1988) *Urban Public Finance in Developing Countries,"mimeo (Washington, D.C.: World Bank), Chapter 13: between pages 4 and 5.

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ADpendix 377

Table 3(c continued

Cities in Countries Where the Subnational IntergovernmentalGovemment Share of Total Government Transfers as a Percent

Expenditures Is of Government Revenueb

Less than 10% (cont.): (1983) Dbaka (Bangladesh) 34.6(1983) Chittagong (Bangladesh) 41.7(1975) Kitwe (Zambia) 2.2(1968) Istanbul (Turkey) 28.0(1972) Lumbumbishi (Zaire) 9.5(1971) Bukavu (Zaire) 30.1(1971) Mbuji-Mayi (Zaire) 29.8(1971) Kinshasa (Zaire) 73.1(1973) Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) 18.7(1980) Dakar (Senegal) 78.7(1972) Lusaka (Zambia) 6.0(1981) Abidjan (Ivory Coast) 67.1(1972) Kingston (Jamaica) 67.2(1977) Kingston (Jamaica) 98.2(1974) Tehran (Iran) 45.2(1973) Jakarta (Indonesia) 21.1(1981) Jakarta (Indonesia) 39.1(1968) Bangkok (Thailand) 19.8(1977) Bangkok (Thailand) 39.6(1977) Colombo (Sri Lanka) 19.0(1982) Colombo (Sri Lanka) 42.6

* In this computation, Central grants to State and Local Governments are netted out of totalCentral Governmet expenditues to avoid double-counting.

b Total local government revenues including borrowing.

* Agggate of all cities and municipalities in Metropolitan Manila.

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Table 3(d): GRANTS DISTRIBUTED ON A FORMULA OR AD IIOC BASIS

Country City Determination of Total Grant Pool Eligible Units Method of DistributionAmong Eligible Units

India Ahmadabad Proceeds of a pre-1939 toll taxon vehicles.

Indonesia Jakarta (a) 10% of foreign currency raisedthrough province exports in1976 plus 5% automatic increaseper year.

Philippines Manila (a) 20% of national taxes All local governments (a,b) 769% to cities and provinces and24% to municipalities; 70% by

(b) A share of specific excise population; 20% by land areataxes on petroleum products. and 10% by equal shares.

Korea Seoul (a) Education grant: 11.55 % of (a) All local govern- (a) Fixed amount per school and per(pre-1972) national tax revenues. ments providing class. 0

education services;

(b) Local share grant: 17.6% of (b) All local govern- (b) Approved budget 'deficits'national tax revenue. ments. defined as the difference

between approved costs and80% of 'collectable' revenue.

Korea Seoul (a) Local share grant: ad hoc (a) Same as pre-1972 (a) Same fdtmula as pre-1972 except(post-1972) decision, depending on that apptrximately 20% is

current budget condition distributed on an ad hoc basisof Central Government. by the Ministry of Home

Affairs.

(b) Subsidy: ad hoc determi- (b) Same as pre-1972 (b) Approved on a project basis.nation.

Source: Roy Bahl and Johannes Linn (1988) "Urban Public Finance in Developing Countries," mimeo (Washington, D.C.: World Bank), Chapter G

13: between pages 16 and 17.

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Table 3(d) continued

Country Citv Determination of Total Grant Pool Eligible Units Method of DistributionAmone Elieible Units

Turkey Istanbul (a) 5 % of national income taxes (a) Municipalities (a) Population(1968)

(b) 25 % of property taxes (b) Municipalities (b) Population

(c) Motor vehicle and traffic (c) Municipalities (c) Populationfines (11 %); fuel productiontax (8%); and monopolyrevenues (2%).

(d) 15% of customs duties (d) Municipalities (d) Population

Nigeria Distribution pool: 50% of rents State governmnents 50% is divided equally among the 19and royalties on inshore mining; states; 50% is distributed on the50% of excise duties. basis of population.

Brazil (a) 23% of the Industrial (a) 10.5% to states, (a) State shares are distributedProduction Tax and the 10.5% to munici- according to land area (5 %)Manufacturers Sales Tax. palities and 2% to and population and inverse per

to special fund for capita income (95%). The municipallow income north- share is distributed 10% to theeastern states. state capital and 90% to other

municipalities on a populationbasis. 20% of the municipal shareis earmarked for education

(b) Tax on fuels and lubricants. (b) 31% to state and (b) Weighed according to consumption8% to municipalities. of imported fuels (40%), population

(40%) and land area (20%).Earmarked for Transport Sector.

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Table 3(d) continued

Country City Determination of Total Grant Pool EliRible Units Method of DistributionAmong Eligible Units

Brazil (cont.) (c) Tax on electricity (c) 50% to states and (c) 20% by land area, 60% by population10% municipalities. 2% by production, 15% by consump-

tion of electric energy, and 3 % byarea of hydroelectric projects.Earmarked for investment in energysector.

(d) Tax on licensing of vehicles. (d) States and (d) Number of vehicles licensed.municipalities.

Jamaica Kingston (a) 50% of motor vehicle license. (a) Local authorities. (a) Mileage of parochial roads.

(b) Deficit grant; ad hoc (b) Local authorities. (b) 'Approved' deficits.distribution.

India States (a) 85% of individual income tax (a) States (a) 90% by population, 10% by origin of 00collections less union collection.surcharge, agricultural incometax and union territory share(1979-1984).

(b) 40% of Excise Duties (1979- (b) States (a) 25% by population, 25% by the1984). reciprocal of per capita income,

25% by the 'poverty" ratio, and 25%by revenue equalization.

(c) Plan grants determined (c) States (c) 60% by population, 10% to stateswhose per capita income is belowthe national average, 10% accordingto tax effort, 10% according tooutlays on major irrigation andpower projects, 10% in discre-tionary assistance for *special iproblems.'"

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Table 3(d) continued

Country City Determination of Total Grant Pool Eligible Units Method of DistributionAmong Eligible Units

Colombia Cartegena (a) 30% of national sales tax (a) Departments (a) The amount to be distributed among(1975) collections. (States), the local governments is divided as

Bogota municipalities, follows: 70% is shared among theBogota District. departments in proportion to their

popuJation; the remaining 30% isshared in equal parts among thedepartments, regardless ofpopulation. The departmnentsdistribute 40% of their respectiveshares among municipalities on aper capita basis.

Colombia Bogota 15% of national current Decentralized special Among the Bogota District and the(1980) revenues less shared taxes. Districts for primary Departments, 70% is distributed

education and public by population and 30% by equal shares.health. Of the amount received by the Bogota

District, 74% is allocated and 26% tothe Education Special District and 26%to the Special Health District.

Zaire Kinshasa (a) Central Government subsidy (a) All cities. (a) Ad hoc distribution.

Tunisia Tunis (a) Common Fund: 10% of taxes on (a) Communes and (a) 10% of tbe total divisible pool isproduction, consumption and Goveorates. is distribiud to the commune ofservices, and 15% of taxes Tunis. Tuns also shares in theon buiness licenses and remaining 90% as follows: 17.5% ofnonbusiness profits. the total divisible pool is

distributed according to popula-tion; 35% of their to isprorated soording to rentavalue, tax revenues; and 10% of thepool is distributed amongst thefour largest communes (includingTunis) on the basis of the size of Itheir ordinary budgets.

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Table 3(d) continued

Country City Determination of Total Grant Pool Eligible Units Method of DistributionAmone Eligible Units

Tunisia (cont.) (b) Common Fuel and Tire Fund: (b) Communes and (b) The commune of Tunis receives 10%10% of excise taxes on oil Govemorates. of the divisible pool and sharesand gas and 105 of tax on another 10% with the three other-tires and tubes. largest municipalities according to

size of the ordinary budget.Approximateiy 53 % of the pool isdivided amongst communes accordingto the area of their highwaysystem, and the remaining 17% isdivided among Govemorate Councilsaccording to the area of their

highway systam.

GoX~

L.

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Appendix 383

Table 3 le) PURE TAX SHARING ARRANGEMENTS WITH LOCAL GOVERNMENTS

Country Citv Shared Tax Sherina Arranaement

Shaina with Local Governments

India Ahmadabad (a) Property Tax (a) 1/3 of a State Governmenton the over rate on the localproperty tax is retained forlocal use.

(b) Open Lands Tax (b) 75% of the StateGovernment collections.

Indonesia Jakarta (a) Property Tax (a) 100% of amountcollected.

(b) Petroleum Products (b) Fixed Amount per liter.Tax.

Colombia Bogota (a) Beer Tax (a) 40% of a 48% tax onproducer price is returned tothe Bogota District and theDepartments on a basis ofestimated beerconsumption.

(b) Tobacco Tax (b) National tobacco taxcollections are distributed ona basis of tobaccoconsumption, but Bogota'sshare is limited to 20% ofthe revenues collected inbogota and the Departmentof Cundinamarca.

Jamaica Kingston (a) Property Tax (a) 50% of collections(parochial rates) on a basisof origin.

(b) Vacant Land Tax (b) 100% of collections on abasis of origin.

Bangladesh Dhaka (a) Transfer Tax on (a) Revenue from a 1% rate areChittagong immovable property returned on a origin basis.

Zaire Kinshasa (a) Head Tax for low (a) Origin of collections.income residents(based on incomelevel)

Source: Roy Bahl and Johannes Unn (1988) 'Urban Public Finance in Developing Countries," mimeo (Washington,D.C.: World Bank, Chapter 13: between pages 13 and 14.

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Appendix 384

Table 3(e) continued

COUNTFRY IHY SHARED TAX SHARING ARRANGEMENT

Pakistan Gujranwala (a) Shared property (a) 50% on basis of origin oftax with province collectdons.

Brazil States and (a) Value added tax (a) 80% of revenues from this stateMunicipalities tax are retained by the state(as of 1982) government, Of the remaining

20% three-fourths is distributed-nong municipalities on an originbasis and the remainder at theclseld vfutIie state government.

(b) Minerals tax (b) 90% is distributed among states onan origin basis. Of this amount, 22%is distributed among municipalities onan origin basis.

te) Property trensfer tax (e) A state tax, evenly divided betweenstates and municipalities on an originbasis.

(d) Vehicle registration tax Id) 45% of collections returned to stateson an origin basis. Distribution amongmunicipalities at the discredon ofstates.

Brazil Municipalities (a) Rural land tax (a) 80% distributed among(as of 1982) municipalities on an origin basis.

SHARING WITH STATE GOVERNMENTS

Brazil States (a) Education salary tax (s) Two thirds of collections returned(as of 1982) to states on an origin basis

(earmarked for educadon).

Papua Provinces (a) Export tax (a) 1.25% of the value of exportsgenerated in the province (with atwo-year lag and minus anyroyalties paid to the province).

(b) Turnover tax on (b) 95% of collections.(c) Motor vehicle and Ic) 75%-95% to the provinces.

drivers leense fees

Nigeria States (1979) (a) Rents and royalties on (a) 20% are retained by the States.in-shore mining

Malaysia States (a) Import *nd Excise (a) 30% of yield is returned to statesDuties on Petrol on a derivation basis.

(b) Export duty on tin lb) 10% of yield is returned to stateson a derivation basis.

(c) Export duty on timber (C) 100% is retumed on a derivationand other forest products basis to Sabah and Sarawak.

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Table 3(10: PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF LOCAL TAX REVENUES BY SOURCE FOR SiELECTED CTIES

Percent of Total Tax Revenues

Local Taxes Industryas percent of Property Generai and Motor AllTotal LoOM Property Transfer Income Sales Deer Gasoline Entertainment Commerce Vehicle Gambling Other

City Year Expenditure Taxes Taxes Taxes Taxes Octrol Taxes Tax Tax Tax Tax Tax Taxes Source

Managua INlcrgual 1974 64.3 * - 69.4 2.3 21.1 3.1 4.1 Lace"y t L. 119761Managua lceresual . 1379 46.8 - 77.1 * - - . 2.9xIexlcqCky lMaxcol 1936 70.3 .33.6 2.8 - -* 1.1 2.6 44.2 - 16.8 Fdaed 19721Mxico CktV texlcol 1382 1.6 68.6 1.3 . 5.8 3.6 - 20.8Vencle Venzueal 1368 44.8 21.4 - - - 66.7 11.8 Cannon at *. 119731Boota CoInbk al 1972 13.7 68.4 a1 * -* 1.6 7.0 18.2 6.1 9 *.6 Woedd Bnk EetkneteeCal ICokmbIl 1374 23.2 64.6 . . . 6.1 27.8 4.3 7.8 Wolddamnk EsmatsCegteoe nCoun*l 1972 23.3 61.2 - - - - - 4.4 12.2 2.1 5.6 14.2 tLn 119781La PMu Piaia 1076 01.9 5.2 * 7.1 - 1.5 73.8 12.4 Wodd lan EsmatesLasE PoBll3b . 1966 48.7 26.0 - - 62.1 22.3 . -Mnia IhHippI"ni 1978 55.0. 61.9 - * 2.2 * 32.1 3.8 BaM at al. 119761Mafnia FhllppIel 1386 68.3 69.2 1.0 * . 7.2 30.7 - 1.3

Kcral IP*atnl 197416 67.6 46.8 - 49.9 - - 3.0 * 1.0 Kee 119761Kwarahl IPabta4 . 1982 - 27.3 - 71.8 - * 8.1 - - 0.8A6ndbsd lWku 137112 36.6 42.8 -- - - 62.0 . 2.0 - 3.0 8hl 11761Ahmedabed Ihdbl 131 608.1 29.7 - - 0.7 - - 0.2 - 1.4 ;Bombay fikdl a 197112 37.i 66.6 3 7 * a7.7 - - 0.3 - 3.7 . 2.7 B6ouun-Masesn 119741 "'

rer81 Ihkl 18-112 37.4 61.3 - * - 46.8 - - 0.2 .* 1.1C_NUet Cup. Ihdbl 197416 64.4 64.8 * - 27.1bl - * 6 8.2 Wod Bank EatlmniteCalcutta Cup. Illhdl 1962 73.1 68.6 32.9 8 8.4 * 2.1

F_rantewn ltetwa .1372 . 46.8 12.3 61.1 . . . . 26.0 Wold Bn EtimateseFranolelewn ltewanw 1986: 336 68.3 - - - * 41.0Luseaa iZmbi 1972 33.3 74.d * 26.4 . . Wouid BankEsthotesW-We ¢ZAbl 1972 .e . 76.4 24.4 . . . . . . . Woul ank EtlmatesItwa Izemb 197i n.e s .d * 20.0 Woldd lak EatmateKhelheslZaks 1971 26.4 - * 14.4 * 62.6 - - * - 23.1 Wou Sank Eatnm te.Klness lZlel 13 . . 41.9 * 3.3 10.9 - * 43.3BOkew IZael 1971 . 67.4 . 3.7 * * 7.0 * - - 3.3 Wdl an EsdmatEs*eW IZeel 6 * . .* * . .. . 34.0 13.0 5 53.0

Mb*Mas . 1371 66.5 62.7 . . . . .37.3 Wold Bank EtImatesDosgu Kenl 1976 n.e 49.6 21.2 9.1 1 0 . IB.4 5 5.4 3.6 S1 end KIm 119791Degu ilrAsl 1983 26.4 27.9 47.0 9.2 - - * 3.4 0.6 8.3 * 4.1Owu*&ul oeal 1976 n.e 60.3 23.1 13.2 . . . 8.4 - 4.1 * 2.9 Soth en Kim (19731aweu*uptl- 1983 .16.8 50.8 - 22.0 - - - - 4.0 6.9 13.8 - 0.6DOeslonlKoreel 1978 noe 61.0 20.1 9.7 - - - 10.7 * 6.6 - 3.0 SwikhendKim 1S9791Deo onlKoreal 1983 24.3 60.3 21.9 - * * - - 7.1 1.7 12.1 - 0.9Jonu Wrval 1976 n.e 62.0 24.4 6.9 - . . 7.6 * 4.9 - 2.1 SmIh *nd Kim (19791J.ul Kore 1983 16.6 66.3 23.2 - - - - 6.4 1.4 12.6 - 1.1

Soud IKoKeal 1971 .30.3 20.6 34.8 . . 16.4 22.2 * 6.0 IaN and Wasylekeo 119761Seoui IKo*#ea 1363 30.7 21.1 . 61.3 - 3.6 0.6 7.6 - 16.1Madtas kIdial 197618 64.6 60.9 6.1 - * * - . 16.0 * * - 10.0 Would bank Estknates

Source: Roy Daei nd Johnnes iinn It9801 Urban Publi Fianc n DevelopinC Countrie.. mnimeo IWeshinglon. D.C.: Worldf anklChapter 2: betwean peass 17 and I0.

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Table 311) continued

Parcent of Totai Tax Revanues

Local Taxes Industryas percent of Property Genoral and Motor All

Total Loca Property Transofr Income Sales BEaar Gasoline Entartainment Comnmnrce Vehicle Gambling Othar

City Year Expenditure Taxas Taxes Taxes Taxes Octrol Taxas Tax Tax Tax Tax Tax Taxas Source

Taw" lIran) 1974 42.0 66.3 * 9.1 10.1 26.6 Smith (n.dTunIs iTunisul -. 1973 3f0.8 82.6 12.8 - 4.6 - - , ,Tuns ITunIlsa 1986 . 24.7 42.4 67.1 - - 0.6Jskaklt llndo*lr : 17213 43.7 * - 16.9 50.2 28.9 6.0 Lni at I (139761Jk es lnWdones al 19B112. 42.7 9.5 - - 12.2 ,4.6 13.8Laoes INimel 198718 50.9 100.0Laaes (Nlgedal 1980 42.0 99.7lbdrn iNIrual 19082 , 14,0c1 8.6 12.9b/ 38.8c0 * * 4.011 Wodd Dank EstlustesOnkish INI"deI . 1982 na, 34.1 - - 0.0h/ - - 36.8c/ 9o.0d/ World "nk Estimats

Kigston (Janismal 1972 - 23.9 100.0 , , - - ., . .- -- o4soaMaaan& Lko 1139761Ri ede jansr raz"'' 1987 84.4 3.9 1.0 89.2 - .. 9 Pchardaon 11B81

IttodeJaeko f8rsall 1984 72.3 16.7 - 60.1 34.2See rub roazll) 1984 02.0 10.7 , 60.5 . - . , - 30.8

pakwrISenegai - 1982 21.0 20.6/1 - - - 41.OV 3.8, 108.1 WodBm Bk EstmutsUq.uva lUbedal 1932 . - - . . , , , , , , Would Bank EstimntesAbidlen lIvel Coatl . 1982 38.7 . - * 67.2 - - - Woudd Bank EstInmtes

Nairbl 0(enyal 18I1 34.1 100.0Mombasa (Kenyal 1981 76.6 100.0UrLk (Pn4 1982 27.8 67.6 . . . , , 20.4 - 22.2 00

BenkokiThsaNmnd 1977 71.0 15.4 - - - - 2.0 1.1 42,1 33.3 3.5 2.0 ouirawat IPtatenl 1983 .82.1 . 16.1 9.1 - - 75.4 - . 8.2 - 0.3

Madras Ihdl 1973 09.6 72.0 3.7 - - - - 10.7 7.Phkok (Dangladesht 1983 48.3 61.1 8.6 - - 31.9 - - 4.3 3.6 0.0

Ovrra ModIan Befor 1979 40.3 64.7 16.5 14.4 77.1 43.8 34.8 1.8 6.7 32.1 6.0 3.1 7.6Snce 1373 30.7 42.4 12.3 21.3 60.1 46.8 41.9 36.8 4.3 3.6 7.6 13.8

eA/1er to pel tax.tRave nu lfrom 1qrr lonses,. .*/hdudc fass and Icenses from busines nd bulai Inspection, layout development end other Itms.

dltno* ,las :.ees.aeicofos mantel and plot eess, slauhter tee;, end other fes./PoN and dctme taxes; those are boshad In 1981. Flum lor 1982 Is smen colected.

Igtadlg fees, . .. .Wlolud ground ant and plt "S. ; ;

lswles to bsins tax axnd onsee. ;;, .: >Jthucludcs gsbags coltectloql tax coelcted by ecaqtral goev ment and othe tatxs collected by the munbIcpalty.

@ * * . 4 . ,^@,, i*sl 4... ,I -;.

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Appendix 387

Table 3 (ai: GOVERNMENT WAGES REATIVE TO TOTAL WAGESNATIONAL INCOME, AND GDP 11983)

Developing Countries

OECD TotalIndustrial sample of LaiinCountries countries Africa Asia America

(As share of total wages in the economy; in percent)

Central govemnment (xJ 8.7 19.8. 226 17.2 14.7(S (4. 6J (9.9) 9 .5) ( 1.9) (7.2)(nJ 20 35 14 13

State and local govemment (xi 11.6 3.6 1.7 ... 6.2(rs (6.7) (4.5) (2. 0) (.J (5.4)(nJ 11 tr 5 t 5

Generalgovemment (xi 20.7 20.0 24.8 ... 17.0

(si (7.3J )(73J (4.3) (J 7.1)

(ni 11 t1 5 1 5Nonfinancial publicenterprises (xi 4.6 8.4 8.6 9.7

(si (4.0) (57) (6.6) t (.1J (5.1)(ni 5 10 4 2 4

Public sector (xi 22.9 32.0[Si (7.9J (6.3J t J. t J. tJ(ni 5 6 3 1 3

tAs share of national income at markt prices; in percent)Central government (x) 6.4 9.4 10.1 7.5 8.5

(s) (3.4) (4.3) (4.0) (4.7) (4.5)(n) 21 43 18 6 14

State and localgovernment (x) 8.2 1.5 0.7 ... 2.7

(s) (4.7) (2.2) (0.9) C.) (2.9)(n) 1 1 14 6 1 6

General government (x) 14.6 11.6 13.5 ... 10.6(s) (5.0) (3.3) (1.3) C.) (3.8)(n) 11 14 6 1 6

Nonfinancial publicenterprises (x) 3.7 3.8 4.1 ... 4.0

(s) (2.9) (3.1) (4.5) C...) (2.3)(n) 6 12 5 2 5

Public sector (x) 17.0 16.7 18.5 ... 15.0(s) (16.2) (4.5) (5.7) C.) (2.6)(n) 5 8 4 1 4

(As share of GOP; in percent)Central government (x) 5.2 7.9 8.3 6.0 7.2

(s) (2.6) (3.4) (3.3) (3.4) (3.4)(n) 21 57 25 7 18

State and local government (x) 6.4 0.8 0.4 ... 1.8(s) (3.6) (1.6) (0.7) ( ) (2.2)(n) 11 22 9 2 8

General government (x) 11.5 8.8 9.5 ... 9.1(s) (3.7) (2.4) - (2.4) C.) (2.5)(n) 11 22 - 9- 2 8

Nonfinancial publicenterprises (x) 2.7 2.8 3.1 . *.. 2.8

(s) (2.2) C2.2) (3.0) ( .. )(2.0)(n) 6 13 5 2 . 6

Public sector (x) 13.4 12.4 14.2 ... 11.0(s) (4.8) (3.8) 3.6 C.) (3.6)

(n) 5 9 4 1 5

Source: Ibidx- means; s-standard deviation; n number of observations tn the sample

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Appendix 388

Table 31hi: GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES BY LEVEL OF GOVERNMENT (1983)fin percentd

Central State & Local Nonfinanlel

Gcovemmnt Govemmnt . Central Stat & Loal Central Pubiac

Employee. in Empby.v. In Government Governmnervt Government nt

General General Employsee In Empby hIn Employees In Employees in

Country Year Government Governmevt Public Sector Pubtb Setor Public Sector Public Sect

Australba 1980 21.01 78.99 18.83 70.81 89.65 10.35

Austria 1979 47.80 52.73 ...

Belgium 1980 72.31 27.72 55.71 21.36 77.05 22.S6

Canada 1981 23.91 76.09 19:06 i.ei. 79.71 20.29

Denmark 1981 22.63 77.37 i2.51 70A 90.60 9.40

Germany 1980 21.4S 78.55 1 6.89 61.86 78.75 21.2S

Iceland 19'0 85.42 14.48 71.68 12.14 83.82 16.10

Ireland 1978 51.01 48.99 34.23 32.88 67.12 32.88

Italy 19S0 55.57 39.66 48.57 34.86 87.40 12.60

Japan 1980 27.82 72.82 23.32 81.48 84.43 15.57

Netherlands 1980 45.86 54.14 43.28 51.09 94.38 5.82

New Zoaland 1981 81.87 18.13 66.32 14.69 81.01 18.99

Norway 1979 38.31 63.69 ... ... ... ...

Sweden 1979 17.38 82.62 15.83'' 74.30 89.93 10.07

United Kingdom 1980 43.48 56.54 31.49 40.96 72.45 27.55

United States 1981 24.03 75.97 23.15 _ 73.21 96.36 3.64

Benin 1979 86.39 13.61 49.51 7.80 57.31 42.69

Botswans 1979 74.17 21.2 ......

Sunundl 1978 83.30 18.70 50.94 10.21 61.15 38.85

Camaroon 1981 100.00 - ... ... ... ...

Kenya 1980 94.47 10.96 74.13 8.80 78.48 21.52

Uberia 1982 100.00 - 88.48 - 88.49 11.SI

Madagescar 1980 ... ... ... ... 71.37 ...

Maurftius 1980 90.09 9.91 65.91 7.25 73.15 26.85

Senegal 1976 100.00 - 71.83 - 71.83 28.17

South Africa 1982 74.52 25.48 ... ... ...

Swaziland 1982 100.00 - 92.48 - 92.46 7.54.

Tanzania 1978 100.00 - 59.21 - .59.21 40.79

Togo 1980 100.00 -...Uganda 1982 71.78 28.24 50.59 19.91 70.50 29.50

Zambia 1980 94.98 2.90 52.23 1.80 54.99 45.01

Zimbabwe 1979 82.77 17.23 ... ... ... ...

India 1977 37.03 62.97 27.94 47.52 75.47 24.53

Korea 1981 86.37 13.64 72.75 11.49 84.23 15.77

Philippines 1979 83.16 16.84 39.40 7.98 47.37 52.63

Singepore 1981 100.00 - ... ...

Sri Lanka 1980 89.90 10.10 33.29 3.74 37.03 62.97

Cypnrs 1980 97.13 2.87 ... .... ...

Bahrain 1980 97.83 2.17 ... ..

Egypt 1979 34.91 65.09 25.84 48.19 74.03 25.97

Oman 1980 100.00 ... ... -_

Argendna 1981 44.93 58.07 36.06 44.21 80.27 19.73

Bahamas 1978 100.00 - 86.15 - 86.15 13.85

Belize 1981 100.00 -. , .

Guatetmal 1981 84.81 15.15 80.09 14.31 94.4.3 5.S7

Jamaica 1980 59.12 40.88 -. ... ...

Panama 1979 88.84 5.72 57.80 3.72 65.06 34.94

St lucia 1981 92.00 8.00 ... ...

Souree: P. HaIler and A. Tait. Govemment Employment and Pay, Some Intermatlonel Comeod on. Occasional Ppr 24 rWashington. D.C.: Intemzdaonl Monetary

Fund, 1983). table 23.

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Agpendix 389

Table 3 0)f SWHAR OF GOVNMENfT WAPLOYMW4T IN TOTALNONAGRICULTURAL SECTOR EMPLOYMENT AND

POPULATION, BY LEVE. OF GOVERNMENT AND REGM:MEANS AND STANDARDS DEVtATIONS 11583)

Developing Countrie

OECD TotalIndustrial sample of LatinCountrios countries Africa Asia America

£4. s she, of nonagricultua employment; In pwama

C.ntriW govemment (xi 8.7 23.4 30.8 13.9 20.7Is) (5. 7) (16.2) (`15.01 (3.9 (21.7/

jn) 16 31 13 5 9

State and locel govemment ixl 11.6 4.0 2.1 8.0 4.2Is) (6.01 (7.33 (2.) 114.71 t4.41jn) 16 35 16 - 5 10

Geno-ralgovernment [xi 19.2 26.0 33.0 22.2 20.7

Is) (5.91 f 13.7) (15.1) f16.31 (4.6)(ni 21 31 13 6 7

Nonfinancial publicenterprisos (xi 4.1 13.9 18.7 15.7 5.5

si 12.7) (1 1.9) (14.2) (10.81 14.2)

In) 14 18 8 4 5

Public sactor Ix) 24.2 43.9 54.4 36.0 27.4

employment Is) (7.8) (22.1) (21.2J (23.1) (13.2)(ni 14 23 12 5 5

£As share of total populaton; per 100 inhabitants)

Central government (x) 3.1 2.4 1.8 2.8 2.6(s) (1.6) (1.5) (1.3) (1.8) (1.2)(n) 16 35 16 5 10

State and localgovernment tx) 4.S 0.4 0.2 0.4 0.8

(s) (3.0) (0.7) (0.2) (0.4) 01.1)

(n) 16 31 15 5 7

General government (x) 7.2 3.0 1.9 3.1 4.6(s) (2.7) (2.0) (1.3) (1.3) (2.8)(n) 21 36 17 6 8

Nonfinancial publicenterprises (x) 1.5 1.1 0.8 2.1 0.9

(a) (0.9) (1.2) (0.7) (2.21 (0.8)

In) 14 20 10 4 S

Public sector (x) 9.0 3.7 2.9 4.6 4.8employment' (s) (3.3) (2.2) (2.1) l2.5) (2.0)

(n) 14 20 11 4 4

Source: Heller &,Tait, IMF. 1983x - mean; s - standards deviation; n -number of observations in the smpl

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Appendix 390

Tobb 3(n: SHAtE OF DIFFERENT UNITS OF GOVERNMENT IN TOTALEMPLOYMENT OF GENERAL GOVERNMENT AND THE PUBLIC SECTOR.

BY LEVEL OF GOVERNMENT AND REGION:MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS (1983)

Developing Countries

OECD TotalIndustrial sample of LatinCountries countries Africa Asia Americf

(As a share of general goverrumm mployment. in percent)

Central G60omment (x) 42.4 85.4 90.2 79.3 81.4

(s) (22.2) (18.6) (10.6) (24.5) (21.2)

State & local Govt (xl 57.6 14.6 9.8 20.7 1 8.6

(s) (23.7) (19.2) (9.2) (24.4) (22.1)

Number of cases 16 31. 1 S S 7

(As a share of public sector employment in percent)

Central Govt (x) 34.9 58.7 65.5 43.3 6s.0

Is) (19.1) (20.7) (15.9) (20.2) (22.8)

State and local Govt Ix) 48.6 12.4 5.5 17.7. 15.6Is) (22.3) (16.2) (6.5) (20.1) (20.0)

General Govemment (x) 83.5 71.1 71.0 61.0 30.6(s) (8.3) 15 .1) (12.3) (22.4) (12.4)

Nonfinancial PEs Ix) 1 6.5 28.9 29.0 39.0 19.4

(a) (8.3) (15 .5) (12.9) (22.4) (12.4)

Number of cases 14 19 10 4 4

Source: Heller Tait. IMF. 1983x - mean; s - standud devWan

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Appendix 391

Table 3 IkI: CENTRAL GOVERNMENT B01PLOYEESPER 100 INHABrTANTS 119831

Developing Countries

OECO TotalIndustral sample of LatinCountries countries Africa Asia America

Administradon: Ixl 0.25 0.29 0.29 0.14 0.22Is) (0.15) (0.32) (0.25) 10.07) (o.I6)In) 1 27 12 4 9

Education: (xi 2.02 0.79 0.50 0.69 1.06Is) (0.72) (0.49J (0.34) f.78J (0.551In) 10 30 12 5 10

Health: (Xi 1.47 0.36 0.23 0.29 0.45Is) (1.94) (0.31) (0.22) (0.28) (0.28J(nJ 10 28 12 4 9

Defense: Ix) 0.63 0.63 0.27 1.20 0.35Is) (0.33) 10.78) (0.718) 1.20) 10.34)n) 1t5 26 17 4 7

Po/ice: Ix) 0.34 0.31 0.22 0.29 0.37Is) 10.09) 10.20J (0.13) 10.20) (0.22)In) 10 24 10 4 9

fnance & planning (x) 0.13 0.10 0.08 ... 0.11(s) (0.14) (0.08) (0.07) (0.07)(n) 9 26 11 3 9

Agriculture: (x) 0.13 0.16 0.19 0.05 0.17(s) (0.14) (0.17) (0.23) (0.05) (0.13)(n) 10 28 12 4 9

Manufacturing, mining (x) 0.11 0.12 0.14 0.12and construction: (s) (0.16) (0.16) (0.21) C.) (0. 10)

(n) 9 27 12 3 9

Utiiities: (x) 0.08 0.09 0.05 0.04(s) (0.12) (0. 16) (0.04) (0.05) (... )(n) 4 16 6 4 3

Transport and (x) 0.21 0.12 W 0.06 0.15 0.015communications: (s) (0.33) (0.13) (0.07) (0.14) (0.16)

(n) 11 24 9 4 8

Postal: (x) 0.27 0.09 0.13(s) (0.31) (0.07) ( C...) (0.08)(n) 5 1 5 4 3 5

Labor and social (x) 0.10 0.05 0.02 0.06security: (s) (0.09) (0.04) (0.03) C.) (0.04)

(n) 11 23 9 3 8

Other: (x) 0.12 0.15 0.11 0.08 0.08(s) (0.12) (0.25) (0.26) (0.08) (0.06)(n) 9 26 11 4 8

x - means; s-standard deviadon; n - number of observations In the sample

Source: P. Holler and A. Tait, Government Employment and Pay: Some Intemational Comoarlsons Occasional Paper 24(Washington, D.C.: Intemational Monetary Fund, 1983) table 3.

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93

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RECENT WORLD BANK TECHNICAL PAPERS (continued)

No. 155 Belot and Weigel, Programs in Industrial Countries to Promote Foreign Direct Investment in DevelopingCountries

No. 156 De Geyndt, Managing Health Expenditures under National Health Insurance: The Case of Korea

No. 157 Critchley, Reij, and Seznec, Water Harvestingfor Plant Production, vol. II: Case Studiesand Conclusions for Sub-Saharan Africa

No. 158 Hay and Paul, Regulation and Taxation of Commercial Banks during the International Debt Crisis

No. 159 Liese, Sachdeva, and Cochrane, Organizing and Managing Tropical Disease Control Programs:Lessons of Success

No. 160 Boner and Krueger, The Basics of Antitrust Policy: A Review of Ten Nations and the EuropeanCommunities

No. 161 Riverson and Carapetis, Intermediate Means of Transport in Sub-Saharan Africa: Its Potentialfor Improving Rural Travel and Transport

No. 162 Replogle, Non-Motorized Vehicles in Asian Cities

No. 163 Shilling, editor, Beyond Syndicated Loans: Sources of Credit for Developing Countries

No. 164 Schwartz and Kampen, Agricultural Extension in East Africa

No. 165 Kellaghan and Greaney, Using Examinations to Improve Education: A Study in Fourteen AfricanCountries

No. 166 Ahmad and Kutcher, Irrigation Planning with Environmental Considerations: A Case Studyof Pakistan's Indus Basin

No. 167 Liese, Sachdeva, and Cochrane, Organizing and Managing Tropical Disease Control Programs:Case Studies

No. 168 Barlow, McNelis, and Derrick, Solar Pumping: An Introduction and Update on the Technology,Performance, Costs and Economics

No. 169 Westoff, Age at Marriage, Age at First Birth, and Fertility in Africa

No. 170 Sung and Troia, Developments in Debt Conversion Programs and Conversion Activities

No. 171 Brown and Nooter, Successful Small-Scale Irrigation in the Sahel

No. 172 Thomas and Shaw, Issues in the Development of Multigrade Schools

No. 173 Byrnes, Water Users Association in World Bank-Assisted Irrigation Projects in Pakistan

No. 174 Constant and Sheldrick, World Nitrogen Survey

No. 175 Le Moigne and others, editors, Country Experiences with Water Resources Management: Economic,Institutional, Technological and Environmental Issues

No. 176 The World Bank/FAO/UNIDO/Industry Fertilizer Working Group, World and Regional Supplyand Demand Balances for Nitrogen, Phosphate, and Potash, 1990/91-1996/97

No. 177 Adams, The World Bank's Treatment of Employment and Labor Market Issues

No. 178 Le Moigne, Barghouti, and Garbus, editors, Developing and Improving Irrigation and DrainageSystems: Selected Papers from Word Bank Seminars

No. 179 Speirs and Olsen, Indigenous Integrated Farming Systems in the Sahel

No. 180 Barghouti, Garbus, and Umali, editors, Trends in Agricultural Diversification: Regional Perspectives

No. 181 Mining Unit, Industry and Energy Division, Strategy for African Mining

No. 182 Land Resources Unit, Asia Technical Department, Strategy for Forest Sector Development in Asia

No. 183 Najera, Liese, and Hammer, Malaria: New Patterns and Perspectives

No. 184 Crosson and Anderson, Resources and Global Food Prospects: Supply and Demand for Cereals to 2030

No. 185 Frederiksen, Drought Planning and Water Efficiency Implications in Water Resources Management

No. 186 Guislain, Divestiture of State Enterprises: An Overview of the Legal Framework

No. 187 Geyndt, Zhao, and Liu, From Barefoot Doctor to Village Doctor in Rural China

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