Yorùbá Omo Odùduwà

Papers on Yoruba People, Language, and Culture

by

Yoruba Language Program Students

University of Georgia

Compiled and Previewed

by

Akinloye Ojo (August, 1999)

Athens, Georgia.

Akinloye Ojo@1999

African Languages Program,

University of Georgia

Introduction

In September 1996 (Fall quarter), the department of Comparative Literature and the

University of Georgia added Yoruba (a language spoken in the western parts of Nigeria) to

its offerings in the African Language Program. The Program had previously taught Swahili

at all levels. The Yoruba language program began with sixteen fully registered students and

four auditing students. Some of these students left the class before the end of the year

(mostly after the second quarter) due to reasons such as graduation, college transfer and

fulfillment of college foreign language requirements. In the Spring, there were eight fully

registered students in the third quarter Yoruba class. These students had become highly

proficient in the language, two of them would later be selected to participate in the U.S

Department of Education’s Group Program Abroad in Nigeria during the summer of 1997.

These eight students had also become knowledgeable about aspects of Yoruba

culture and society. As a final project, they were assigned topics for cultural presentation

and were asked to write short papers in English on their respective topics. The initial eight

papers had topics varying from history, traditional healing, religion, marriage, family

system, economy and having twin children among the Yorubas. These papers also began

the practice of an end of term

presentations and papers by students in the Yoruba language classes. The following

eighteen papers are just a selection from the growing number of such papers in the three

academic years that Yoruba classes have existed here at the University of Georgia.

In all cases, the students were not provided with any reference or review until the

day of their first paper presentation. The aim of the project or requirement was for the

students to do research on Yoruba language, culture and people, particularly and Nigeria in

general. The papers have not been edited, either for style or contents (except in cases where

I, as a native speaker and instructor, has found statements that are completely fabricated by

the students) so as to showcase the findings of the students. As might be expected, there are

many ideas in these papers that are controversial, strange, suspect or sometimes almost

outright annoying but these are the materials and ideas available in libraries in this country

about the Yoruba language and people.

It is hoped that these papers will serve as a source of information to the in-coming

Yoruba students as well as other people interested in the language and culture. Enjoy.

Oba Akinloye Ojo

LISTING OF PAPERS

Section One: Language And History

The Language of the Yoruba Olufemi (Ako)

Who Are the Yorubas? Babasoji

Yoruba History Olusanya

Section Two: Traditional Structures & Systems

The Traditional Government of Yorubaland Olukemi

Nigerian (Yoruba) Traditional Family Structure Kolade

Yoruba Traditional Marriage Olufemi (Abo)

Yoruba Naming Ceremony Titilayo M.

Twins in Yoruba Society Oluseyi (Taiwo)

The Historical Economic Structure of Yorubaland Adeleke

Yoruba Traditional Medicine Kehinde

Section Three: Religion

Yoruba Religion Titilayo S.

Yoruba Traditional Religion Oluwole

Olodumare, Orisa, ati Ebora: Yoruba Concepts of God Sangoleke

The Traditional Yoruba Divination Ceremony with

Special Emphasis on the Role of the Babalawo and Esu Olufemi

Female Deities and Their Importance in Yoruba Culture Folarin H.

Section Four: Women in Society & Issues About Nigeria

The Role of Women in Traditional Yoruba Society Adeola

Women and Culture: Yoruba Women vs. American Women Folarin A.

Nigerian Oil Crisis Babatunde

The Language of The Yoruba Olufemi (Ako)

Spoken primarily in Nigeria, the Yoruba language is complex and deeply rooted in

tradition. Yoruba is the second largest language in Nigeria and is spoken by some small

sects scattered loosely worldwide. The origin of the Yoruba language is quite obscure and

there really is no conclusive evidence proving where exactly it did originate. The most

conclusive evidence, however, does lend itself to predicting that the Yorubas adopted their

unique language somewhat from the language of the Egyptians, hundreds of years ago.

Evidence supporting this theory is found primarily in the way a vast number of Yoruba

words seem to be very similar to their Egyptian counterparts. There really is no explanation

of how the Yorubas got their language back to Nigeria, though.

According to Mr. Dawodu, there are “about 20 million speakers of the [Yoruba]

language in... Nigeria (1). Although this number seems in itself quite large, when taken into

consideration that there are “over twenty dialects which show phonological and lexical

differences” the language takes on a whole new vastness (Dawodu, 1). Yoruba is an ancient

language that continues to acquire new speakers and new hybrid dialects everyday. The

Yoruba language ismaking extraordinary leaps into colleges and educational institutions all

around the world. All over the internet people can see the advertisements for courses in

various African languages including Zulu, Yoruba, and Swahili, which are helping to

secure African languages’ place in the upcoming years.

The Yoruba alphabet is quite similar to our own English alphabet. The main

differences that separate the two are that the Yoruba alphabet contains nasal vowels in

addition to regular vowels. The other major difference is that the Yoruba language is

pronounced a little differently. Nasal vowels are basically vowels that are not enunciated

with the larynx but rather the nasal passages. These vowels have a raspy sound instead of a

clear, crisp sound. In addition to these differences, the only other truly big difference is in

the use of accent marks (or tones) that utilized to mark intonation of the words.

Although the Yoruba language and the English language share many characteristics,

the Yoruba language has a more readily understandable grammatical structure. In Yoruba,

the noun usually is followed by the adjective. One aspect that makes Yoruba easier to learn

is the fact that the Yoruba language has far less verb tenses and possible conjugations than

English does. Whereas this would, on face value, seem to make the language inherently

confusing, it actually is not as confusing as on would think. The key to understanding

Yoruba words is to take the word in context, this seems to simplify even the most difficult

of verb forms or vocabulary.

The Yoruba language, as I stated earlier, is deeply rooted in tradition. Following in

tradition, the Yoruba greeting process is chock full of traditional processes. In the Yoruba

culture, when a man of lesser age wishes to greet a man or woman older than he is, he must

lower himself on the ground and prostrate while the elder begins the conversation. In the

case of a woman who is not as old as the person she is greeting, she must kneel and speak

from that position until the elder gives her permission to stand.

In addition to greeting properly, the Yoruba language contains honorific words used

to show respect in everyday conversation. For instance, the Yorubas have a separate way to

speak when they are referring to a person older than they are. This type of honorific

language must be applied at all times in the Yoruba culture or else the person will be seen

as both rude and disrespectful. Speakers of the Yoruba language must remain aware when

they speak that the language in itself is used as an instrument to delegate respect and show

hospitality and good manners. Such emphasis is put on propriety because in the Yoruba

culture, the elders are highly regarded and essentially are the (un)official leaders of their

families.

As I mentioned ealier, the Yoruba language is spoken primarily in Southeast

Nigeria, but it spoken in small pockets around the world. In some of these different places,

like Cuba and the United States for instance, people speak a different dialect of Yoruba,

Lucumi. “Lucumi is a tonal language like Chinese” (Online 1). In this dialect, some of the

more difficult sounds are merely approximated instead of being correctly pronounced.

The Yoruba language is a constantly changing entity that is consistently teaching

students and regular people alike about the different cultural chasms that exist between

peoples across the world and how learning a language can serve to link different cultures.

At first, learning a foreign language can seem hard or boring, but the results of learning a

language and understanding what someone from thousands of miles away means makes it

all worth the effort.

Online Sources

Online, Lucumi Vocabulary, http://www.seanet.com/~efunmoyiwa/vocab.html

Online, Yoruba Language, http://www.yorubaorg/language.html

Online, Languages and Intro. http://www.citilink.com/~boomie/Nigeria/languages/html

Online, African Languages Offered at the University of Florida

http://www.africa.ufl.edu/academic/languages.html

Online, Yoruba Culture in the Diaspora http://www.yoruba.org/Diaspora.html

Online, The Yoruba and Other Major Nigerian Tribes

http://www.stg.brown.edu/projects/.../landow/post/nigeria/yorubaFH.html

Who Are The Yorubas? Babasoji

Introduction

The Yorubas, one of the major ethnic groups in Nigeria enjoy a very rich and cultural

history. The multi-faucet fabric of their history is a direct reflection of the various accounts

of their origin and interrelation they share with other groups in Nigeria. The focus of this

paper then is to explore the various account of the origins of the Yorubas and how these

historical facts relate to their present situation. In order to fulfill the mandate of this paper,

the paper will then discuss the following concepts: Origin, Marriage, and Religion among

the Yorubas. The paper will then explore all the creation stories surrounding the origins of

the Yorubas and how it encompasses the previously mentioned topics.

Who are the Yorubas?

Several theories exist as to the origin of the Yoruba people. Since their language was

unwritten for a long time, information about the group was carefully handed down via the

oral tradition. The Yorubas are said to have sprung from Lamurudu one of the kings of

Mecca (present-day Saudi Arabia). Lamurudu had a son, Oduduwa, who is generally

regarded as the ancestor of the Yorubas. During his father’s reign, Oduduwa was very

influential that he attracted many followers. Oduduwa became involved with idolatory, and

had local mosques converted to temples for idol worshiping. His main goal was to make

idol worshiping the state religion, with the help of a chief priest, Asara. Asara had a son,

Braima who was brought up as a muslim and who resented the enforced worship of idols.

Under the influence of Oduduwa all the men of the city were ordered on a three day

hunting expedition in preparation for the festival held in honor of their gods. Briama seized

the opportunity of the men's absence to wreck havoc on the city. He destroyed all of the

idols in the city with an axe, leaving the axe in the neck of the major idol. When the town’s

people learned of Briama’s handy-work, he was immediately ordered to be burnt alive. At

this time a revolt started which sparked a civil war. Lamurudu was slain and all of his

children were expelled from Mecca. Oduduwa went eastward and the other two went

westward. Oduduwa and his followers managed to escaped with two idols to Ile Ife (still Ile

Ife in modern Nigeria).

Many historians do not believe that the Yorubas could have come from Mecca.

Mecca’s account of the Yorubas does not seem to exist. But then it may be taken for

granted that all such accounts have in them some basic facts. Some people do say that the

Yorubas did come from the east. This is due to their habits, manners, and customs. With

them the East is Mecca and Mecca is the East. Having strong affinities with the east, hence

it is natural to represent themselves as having hailed originally from Mecca.

Oduduwa and his sons swore to avenge the death of the Moslems in their native

country. But Oduduwa died in Ile Ife before he was powerful enough to revolt against the

Moslems of his country. His eldest son Okanbi, commonly called Idekoseroke, also died at

Ile Ife, leaving behind seven princes and princess. From these the various Yoruba tribe

came to existence. The first was a princess who married a priest and became the mother of

Olowu, ancestor of the Owus. The second also a princess became the mother of Alaketu,

progenitor of the Ketu people. The third became the king of the Benin people. The fourth

Oranyan, became the king of Ila at Ila Orangun. The fifth, Onisabe, became king of the

Sabe (present day Benin Republic), the sixth was the king of Popos. The seventh and last

born, Oranyan (Odede), was the progenitor of the Yorubas proper or better distinguished,

the Oyos. Oranyan was the youngest, but eventually became the richest. On Oranyan’s way

to Mecca to avenge his great-grand-father’s death, he halted and built a city. This town was

called Oyo Ajaka. This was the ancient city of Oyo. Oranyan remained in Oyo, but his

descendants spread further east, west and southwest. Even after the migration they still had

free communication with Ile Ife.

Another story about the origin of the Yorubas is a traditional creation myth. The

myth describes how God let down a chain at Ile Ife by which Oduduwa-the ancestor of the

Yorubas, and, indeed, of all men descended, carrying a cock, some earth, and a palm

kernel. He threw the earth into the waters, the cock scratched it to become land, the palm

grew with sixteen branches-representing the sixteen original kingdom. Thus in several

versions of these myths one finds themes of creation and conquest. But every town and

lineage and every deity has its own origin myth. Nevertheless, in all of them, Ile Ife is

regarded as the center from which all Yorubas dispersed to their present abodes. Ile Ife

seems to have become a very important center, with, perhaps at this time, a highly

developed art in terra-cotta and stone. Myths then suggest a later conquest of Ife -possibly

in the thirteenth century -by men who established dynasties at Oyo and Benin. By the end

of the 15th century Benin’s army conquered as far afield as Idah on the Niger, and Ekiti.

Historians believe it is possible that the present dynasties in Lagos, Ijebu, and Ondo derive

from the Benin dynasty. In the 17th century, Oyo empire quickly expanded when its rulers

acquired the horse. It grew to control the major slave-trading route from the Niger to the

coast at Badagry and Whdah, a route that avoided the dense forests. Oyo and the other

kingdoms declined in the late 18th and 19th centuries owing to disputes between minor

Yoruba rulers.

There is some level of diversity in social and political organization among the

Yorubas, but they share many basic features. Inheritance and succession are based on

patrilineal descent, and members of the same patrilineage live under the authority of a

headman. The Yorubas are a people deeply rooted in customs and traditions. To narrow the

scope of this paper, two of their customs, marriage and religion will be discussed. Within

the Yoruba culture a man may not marry any woman of his own lineage, nor of the lineage

of any of his great-grandparents. In the past, he could not marry from a lineage bearing the

same taboos or appellations as his own, for such (the taboos or appellations) implied

descent from a common, if forgotten, ancestor. Most men find their wives from their own

town, or from neighboring towns within their kingdom.

Parents are deeply involved in a man’s first marriage. Parental views on the

suitability of the chosen girl, expressed in terms of the health and moral character of her

family, still tend to outweigh the selection of the young man based, perhaps, on physical

attraction. The wedding usually takes place when the girl is from sixteen to eighteen years

old, and the man in his middle or late twenties. At this point the man makes a payment,

now in cash, to the girl’s parents. There is no fixed amount. Part of this sum is kept by the

mother to buy pots and utensils for the new home. The rest is shared among the members of

the girl’s lineage.

Marriage gives the man a right to his wife’s domestic labor, the sole sexual access

to her (husband can claim damages from an adulterer), and rights to all children born to her

during the marriage. Most Yoruba men aspire to have several wives. Today, divorce is

frequent, though the Yoruba say it was rare in the past (perhaps because it was easier then

than now for a powerful and wealthy polygamist to victimize the seducer of one of his

wives). Divorce seem to involve young, childless women, a corollary perhaps of extreme

stigma attached to barrenness. When divorce is imminent, the woman secretly moves to her

lover’s home and immediately sues her husband for divorce.

The woman must repay all or portion of the marriage payment, depending on the

length of the marriage. A woman is allowed to keep her small children with her after her

divorce, but after they are seven years old the father may claim them. Traditionally if the

husband dies, the woman may be given to a junior brother or to a son, other than her own,

who can maintain her and her children. If she does not like the heir or brother, she must

divorce him. Upon her death, a woman’s children inherit from her, or if she has no children,

the nearest relatives in her own lineage. Husband and wife can never inherit from each

other. Many writers noted that the African marriage payment as creating for the wife status

of near slavery, and literate Yoruba sometimes adopt the same usage. Yet the over

submissiveness of the Yoruba wife to her husband is perhaps the corollary of her great

economic independence and her freedom to secure divorce (Lloyd 566).

Traditional Yoruba religion involves worship and respect of Olorun the Creator; of

orisa, deities; and of ancestors. The purpose of Yoruba religion is to achieve “divine

consciousness.” The Yorubas believe in having an earthly consciousness and a heavenly

consciousness. To them, conscious searching and right living can bring the earthly one into

alignment with the heavenly one. Yorubas do not worship ancestors, but they respect them

highly. Ancestors who had lived a good life are believed to be able to help their living

descendants to also live good lives and to help them through troubles.

The Yorubas are said to have 401 deities. Most of the deities are anthropomorphic,

but frequently these mythical figures are also associated with natural features, especially

rivers. There are hundreds of major and minor orisa. People pray to them and sacrifice to

them according to their needs and situation. There are deities for hunters, expectant

mothers, for the home, for farming, etc. Each one has its own rule, rites, and sacrifices.

Some are believed to be easily angered and so people seek to appease them; others are seen

as benevolent. The Yorubas pray to the orisa for divine intervention in their lives. Orisa are

considered to be Olorun’s (God) way of intervening in human affairs.

Olorun (owner of sky) is God. He is the Creator. But no shrine exist to him, no

organized priesthood. He is invoked in blessings or in thanks, and one may call on him

with prayers. Orunmila is said to be `the prophet and structural originator' of the Yoruba

religion. He is also worshiped. He was probably a real person around whom many beliefs

have risen. The odu is the word for the Yoruba scriptures, <not all of which is known>

There is also ifa divination; this is believed to have been founded by Orunmila at Ile Ife.

The babalawo, Orunmila's earthly representative casts down onto his ifa board two chains

of four kernels, cowries, or similar objects, some falling face down, others face up. For

each of the 256 possible positions there is a lengthy verse to know the cause of illness or

bad luck, put upon the person by the deity whom he has offended or ought to serve.

The Yorubas believe that the dead interfere in the daily events on earth. The

egungun, masquerade or masked dancers, in whom the spirit of a deceased person is

thought to reside temporarily, appears at funeral ceremonies. In northern Yoruba towns,

festivals are held in which each egungun dances through the town on a certain day, and on a

final day, they all dance to the palace to greet the Oba (the King).

One of the many Yoruba religious groups, the Sango worshippers are said to have

originated from an early mythical Alafin of Oyo who hanged himself; he is the god of

thunder. Sango worshipping is important in Oyo, but is found in other Yoruba towns. The

shrine in the compound of the hereditary priest contains the “thunderbolt”. Another

important Yoruba deity is Ogun, the god of iron and war. Throughout Yoruba country,

Ogun is associated with Ire and Ekiti towns. The shrine of Ogun is a group of phallic-

shaped granite monoliths. The annual festival of Ogun is usually one in which most of the

townspeople participate; a dog is always sacrificed.

Orisha Oko, the farm deity, is associated with Irawo, a town near Saki, in the north

most part of Yoruba land. However, Orisa Oko worship is also found in most Oyo towns.

Oya, the mythical wife of Sango, is also identified with the Niger River. Several other

mythical hero-deities are associated with the Osun River. The myths describing the earthly

activities of these gods vary widely from one town to another. Traditional Yoruba religion

varies across the Yorubaland and wherever it is practiced. Let us not forget that their main

goal is to find divine interventions in their lives.

As we have already seen, the Yorubas are a people with very rich culture. They

have been through a lot and have overcome a lot of obstacles to reach the point they are

today. Their culture and history can be seen throughout the world. They have influenced

many other cultures especially with their religious beliefs. In other words, the Yoruba

people are one of the most influential groups in the world.

Yoruba History Olusanya

The origin of the Yoruba in Nigeria can not be clearly deciphered. It is believed that

their primary ancestor, Oduduwa, came from Egypt. There are many variations and myths

to how the Yoruba people came to be, and here is a couple of variations. Oduduwa is the

legendary progenitor of the Yoruba. There are two variations of the story of how he

achieved this feat. The first is cosmogonic, the second, political. The cosmogonic version

also has two variations. According to the first variation of the cosmogonic myth, Orisanla

(Obatala) was the arch-divinity who was chosen by Olodumare1[1], the supreme deity to

create a solid land out of the primordial water that constituted the earth and of populating

the land with human beings.

Obatala descended from heaven on a chain, carrying a small snail shell full of earth,

palm kernels and a five-toed chicken. He was to empty the content of the snail shell on the

water after placing some pieces of iron on it, and then to place the chicken on the earth to

spread it over the primordial water. According to the first version of the story, Obatala

completed this task to the satisfaction of Olodumare. He was then given the task of making

1[1] Equivalent to Christian God.

the physical body of human beings after which Olodumare would give them the breath of

life. He also completed this task and this is why he has the title of "Obarisa" the king of

orisas. The other variant of the cosmogonic myth does not credit Obatala with the

completion of the task. While it concedes that Obatala was given the task, it avers that

Obatala got drunk even before he got to the earth and he was unable to do the job.

Olodumare got worried when he did not return on time, and he had to send Oduduwa to

find out what was going on. When Oduduwa found Obatala drunk, he simply took over the

task and completed it. Thus, Oduduwa created land. The spot on which he landed from

heaven and which he redeemed from water to become land is called Ile-Ife and is now

considered the sacred and spiritual home of the Yoruba. Obatala was embarrassed when he

woke up and, due to this experience, he made it a taboo for any of his devotees to drink

palm wine. Olodumare forgave him and gave him the responsibility of molding the physical

bodies of human beings. The making of land is a symbolic reference to the founding of the

Yoruba kingdoms, and this is why Oduduwa is credited with that achievement.

According to the second version of the myth, there was a pre-existing civilization at

Ile-Ife prior to its invasion by a group led by Oduduwa. This group came from the east,

where Oduduwa and his group had been persecuted on the basis of religious differences.

They came to Ile-Ife, fought and conquered the pre-existing Igbo (unrelated to the present

day Igbo people of Eastern Nigeria) inhabitants led by Oreluere (Obatala). Obviously, there

is a connection between the two versions of the story. The political one may be the

authentic story of the founding of the Ife kingdom through conquest. However, the myth of

creation lends it a legitimacy that is denied by the conquest story; just as it appears that it is

lent some credence by the fact that, as a result of the embarrassment it caused their deity,

the followers of Obatala are forbidden from taking palm wine.

Indeed the second version of the cosmogonic myth also appears to foreshadow the

political variant. The claim that Obatala got drunk and the task of creation had to be

performed by Oduduwa already has some political coloration which is now explicit in the

political version of the tradition. What is crucial in both variants of the story is the role of

Oduduwa as the founder of the Yoruba nation which is why the name cannot be forgotten.

Oduduwa is the symbol of the nation, the rallying point for all those who subscribe to the

Yoruba identity. The name Yoruba itself, according to historians Smith, Atanda and others,

‘was fixed on us by our northern neighbors and later popularized by colonial publications.’

Before then, the "Anago" to which some Yoruba in the present Benin Republic and others

in the new world still use to refer to themselves, was used to refer to most of the people

called Yoruba today. A common origin and language, as well as common political and

religious cultures made the Yorubas a nation long before any contact with Europeans and

the advent of colonialism.

Upon the death of Oduduwa, there was the dispersal of his children from Ife to

found other kingdoms. These original founders of the Yoruba nation included Olowu of

Owu (son of Oduduwa's daughter), Alaketu of Ketu (son of a princess), Oba of Benin,

Orangun of Ila, Onisabe of Sabe, Olupopo of Popo, and Oranyan of Oyo. Each of them

made a mark in the subsequent urbanization and consolidation of Yoruba confederacy of

kingdoms, with each kingdom tracing its origin to Ile-Ife. After the dispersal, the

aborigines, the Igbo, became difficult, and constituted a serious threat to the survival of Ife.

Thought to be survivors of the old occupants of the land before the arrival of Oduduwa,

these people now turned themselves into marauders.

The Igbos would come to town in costumes made of raffia with terrible and

fearsome appearances, and the Ife people would flee. Then the Igbo would burn down

houses and loot the markets. Then came Moremi on the scene—like Deborah of the Old

Testament. When no man could dare the Igbos, Moremi asked the Esinminrin river for help

and promised to give offerings if she could save her people. The orisa told her to allow

herself to be captured and to understudy the Igbo people. She did, and discovered that these

were not spirits; only people with raffia for dress. She escaped, and taught her people the

trick. The next time that Igbo people came, they were roundly defeated. Moremi then had to

go back to Esinminrin to thank the gods. Every offering she offered was refused. On

divination, she was told she had to give Oluorogbo, her only son. She did. The lesson of

Moremi is the lesson of patriotism and selflessness. The reward may not be reaped in one's

life time. Moremi passed on and became a member of the Yoruba pantheon. The Edi

festival celebrates the defeat of the Igbo and the sacrifice of Oluorogbo till today.

Oranmiyan was the last of the Oduduwa offsprings. But he was the most

adventurous and the founder of Oyo Kingdom. On some accounts, he was the

third ruler of Ife as successor to Oduduwa. But he later decided to avenge the expulsion of

his father from the East, and so, he led an expedition. After many years on the road, and as

a result of disagreement between him and his people, he could not go further. Feeling too

ashamed to go back, he appealed to the King of Nupe for a land to found his kingdom. He

was obliged, and that land became the nucleus of Old Oyo Kingdom. Oranmiyan, taking

the title of Alafin, succeeded in raising a very strong military and effectively expanded his

kingdom. His successors, including Sango, the mythical god of thunder, Aganju and

Oluasho were also as strong. Peace and tranquility prevailed during the reign of Abiodun,

though it also experienced the decline of the army. Aole Arogangan was Abiodun’s

successor and it was during his reign that trouble started for the kingdom. He was forced to

commit suicide; but before his death he was said to have pronounced a curse on all Yoruba,

that they will not unite and that they will be taken captives.Afonja was the Kakanfo, the

generalisimo of the army, in the northern Yoruba town of Ilorin, during the reign of Awole

and his successor.

Afonja refused to recognize the new king, and invited the Fulani who were then

leading a jihad to the south, to assist him against the king. They did, but he did not survive

himself, because the Fulani, after helping him defeat the Alafin also turned against him.

They fired numerous arrows at him and his dead body was stood erect on those arrows as

they stuck into his body. The treachery of Afonja marked the beginning of the end of the

Oyo empire and with it the decline of the Yoruba nation. Civil war erupted among the

various Yoruba kingdoms: Oyo, Ijesa, Ekiti, Ijaiye, Abeokuta and Ibadan. As this was

going on, Dahomey on the west and the Borgu on the north were also posing trouble for the

Yoruba kingdoms until the intervention of the British and the imposition of colonial rule.

Those who argue that there was no consciousness of a common Yoruba identity until the

19th century may be referring to these civil war episodes in the life of the nation. But they

forget that these people, in spite of the civil war, share a sense of common origin and

common language. And it is to be noted that the so-called peace that was imposed by the

British could not have lasted had there not been a sense of consciousness of coming from a

common origin.

Now, Since the ancient history of Yoruba is covered, more modern history should

take prevalence. There have been many events that have taken place in the 20 th century.

Between 1914 and 1922, Nigeria was presided over by a Governor-General. In 1922, as

part of the constitution of the time, the British introduced the principle of direct election

into the Legislative council. In 1951, a new constitution elevated the provinces to regional

status. The National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) had control of the

Eastern Region government, the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) had control of the

Northern Region, and the Action Group (AG) had control of the Western Region. By 1957,

the Eastern and Western Regions attained self-governing status. In 1959, the Northern

Region attained self-governing status.

On October 1 1960, Nigeria obtained it's independence. At this time, Northern and

Southern Cameroon were given the option of staying as part of Nigeria or leaving Nigeria.

Southern Cameroon decided to leave Nigeria, but Northern Cameroon stayed. Also, on

October 7, 1960, Nigeria was admitted to the United Nations as the 99th member. One of

the earliest and most signification contributions to the UN was to furnish troops for the

peacekeeping opearting in Zaire in the the early 1960s. Later on, the main thrust of

Nigeria's activism on the world stage was to eradicate apartheid and racism from Africa. In

1963, Nigeria became a republic. By 1964, the Nigerian army units had formed the

backbone of the UN force.

In January of 1966, a group of army officers, consisting mostly of the Ibo peoples,

and led by General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, overthrew the central and regional governments,

killed the prime minister, took control of the government, and got rid of the federal system

of government to replace it with a central government with many Igbos as advisors. This

caused a lot of riots and a lot of Igbos were killed in the process. In July of the same year, a

group of northern army officers revolted against the government (it seems this started a

long history of military coups), killed General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, and appointed the

army chief of staff, General Yakubu Gowon as the head of the new military government.

In 1967, Gowon moved to split the existing 4 regions of Nigeria into 12 states.

However, the military governor of the Eastern Region (Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu

Ojukwu) refused to accept the division of the Eastern Region, and declared the Eastern

Region an independent republic called Biafra. This led to a civil war between Biafra and

the remainder of Nigeria. The war started in June 1967, and continued until Biafra

surrendered on January 15, 1970 after over 1 million people had died. During the early

1970s a lot of time was spend reconstructing the areas that were formerly part of Biafra.

Around this time, the petroleum industry was booming, and the economy was recovering

from the effects of the civil war, though there were still problems with inflation, high

unemployment, decline in the price of peanuts and cocoa, and a drought.

In 1971, Nigeria joined the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).

However, the prolonged drought in 1973 led to the death of thousands of livestock, the

suffering of farms, and the fishing industry. This, in combination with the oil boom, made a

lot of people move into away from the farms, and more towards the cities. Though the oil

boom in the early 1970s brought a lot of revenue to Nigeria, this seemed to stay mostly in

government. In 1976, Nigeria was further broken down into 19 states, and plans to move

the capital to Abuja were in the works. In 1987, 2 more states were created. In 1991, 9 more

states were created, leading to 30 states at the time. Also in 1991, Abuja was formed as a

new (more central) section of the country, and the capital of Nigeria was officially moved

from Lagos to Abuja. The government took portions of then Niger, Kogi, and Plateau states

to form the new federal capital territory of Abuja.

Though Biafra was the most deadly and violent of the wars in Nigeria, there have

continued to be disputes in Nigeria due to land, ethnic differences, religious differences.

For example, in 1992 there were major clashes in the north between Christians and

Muslims, and over 3000 people were killed in the clashes. Also, there was a possibility of

Nigeria going to war with Cameroon in 1993.

The history of Yoruba is very interesting. Olodumare, the Supreme Being of the

Yoruba culture, is equivalent to the Christian God. The story of how the chicken spread the

sand across the Earth is similar how God created the Earth in the Christian Bible. They are

very similar but the political view is much more believable and accepted. As a student and

firm believer of religion (Christianity), I am very interested in the similarities of the two

religions. I would also love to learn more about the history and other similarities between

the Yoruba and Christianity beliefs.

Sites Cited:

Oduduwa: The Man Behind it All. 1997 University of Washington. 9 Oct 1997.

<http://www.uw.edu/~fl/yoruba/oduduwa.html

Yoruba: Past, Present, and Future. Dept. of Foreign Languages, University of Virginia. 31 Oct 1997.

<http://www.uva.edu/~for-lang/yoruba.html>.

The Traditional Government of Yorubaland Olukemi

Before the British colonized Nigeria and forced the Yoruba people to adopt

European government policies and standards, there was already a strong and effective

government in place. Although there never has been a single political unit of the Yorubas,

All Yoruba people feel a deep sense of culture and tradition that unifies and helps identify

the people. There are 16 established kingdoms that are said to be descendants of the main

ancestor or deity, Odua (Oduduwa). There are countless sub-kingdoms and territories that

are branches of the original 16 kingdoms. This decentralized government worked very well

for the people, but it ultimately led to European dominance in Yorubaland. Due to the

invasion and colonization of the Europeans, the decentralized Yoruba polity could not resist

(Asiwaju, 9).

There are various groups and subgroups in Yorubaland because of the fact that there

are many distinct dialects of Yoruba. The government of this diverse people is quite

intricate and each group and subgroup vary, but in general government begins at home

within your immediate family. The next level is the clan, or extended family with its own

head, Baálé, then the town chiefs, Baálè rule over clans, and these chiefs are subject to their

Oba King, and this king may also be subject to another larger king (Asiwaju, 20).

In Yorubaland, government begins at home. The father of the family is considered

the head of the family and his first wife is the mother of the house. If her husband chooses

to marry another wife, that wife must show proper respect to the first wife even if the first

wife is chronologically younger. Children are taught to have respect for all those who are

older than they are. This includes their parents, aunts, uncles, elder siblings, and cousins

who they deal with every day (Bascom, 42). Any adult presumably has as much authority

over a child as the child’s parents do. All members of a particular clan live in the same

compound and share family resources, rights, and possessions such as land (Boscom 43).

Clans are patrilateral. The continuance of the clan depends on the male. Women

leave the clan and become members of the clan of their husband. Children belong to the

clan of their father. It comes as no surprise that the eldest male member of a clan is the

leader (Baálé). He acts as a father and authority figure to every member of the clan. One of

the main responsibilities of the Baálé is to peacefully settle disputes within the clan

(Bascom 44). Only if a conflict involves two or more families and it is impossible for the

Baálé to make a peaceful decision is the town chief, Baálè or Olóyè called to settle the

conflict. This is a basic family government structure in Yorubaland (Boscom 44).

Each kingdom in Yorubaland has its own specifics in government. The kingdom of

Ife provides a good example of how Yoruba kingdoms in general are run (Bascom 29).

Town chiefs are in charge of a particular ward of a kingdom. These have lower-level chiefs

beneath them who primarily look after the interests of the young people of the ward. Town

chiefs have direct contact with the Yoruba citizens. They go to the king on behalf of the

people to let the king know exactly what the people want and how they feel about specific

issues (Bascom 33). Palace chiefs (woye) serve as messengers, pages, and representatives

of the king. Woye are important in religious functions. Some woye are assigned a chamber

of the palace for the sole purpose of religious practices by which deities are pleased. Woye

appear for the king in the numerous festivals and cultural events that go on throughout the

year (Bascom 34).

The king’s authority is based on the Yoruba myth of creation. After the main deity

Odua created Yorubaland, he sent his 16 sons to establish kingdoms. The kingdoms of

today all claim their origin from creation, but there is much debate as to the validity of

these claims. The king (Oba or the Oòni, in the case of Ile Ife) is distinguished by his right

to wear a beaded crown. This crown symbolizes the kingís authority. A new crown is made

for each Oòni but beads from the crown of his predecessor are used to preserve the link to

Odua (Bascom 30). The king may substitute the crown for a beaded cap, but his head is

never uncovered. Oòni have also been known to use beaded gowns, sandals, cushions and

other items. Solidly beaded items are restricted to the use of the king.

In many respects the king is considered divine. After being chosen king from all

eligible males of the royal family by the town chiefs, the king will only see his family

incognito and under the cover of darkness. He appears in public only once a year. He lives

isolated in his palace. Town chiefs and palace chiefs are his only link to the outside

(Bascom 32). Kingship doesn’t pass father to son. The four branches of the royal clan are

able to put someone up for king in rotation, but branches may be skipped if there is no

suitable candidate or if that candidate is somehow incompetent. The branch campaigns its

own eligible males by hosting banquets and showing generosity in other ways (Bascom 33).

The qualifications that the chiefs look for in a prospective king are that he must be

at least thirty years old, married with a family, and his father must be dead so that the king

is truly subject to no one else. A candidate for king must prove himself to have good

character, to be unselfish, and willing to listen. Wealth is important to show the generosity

of the hopeful Oòni, but it is not essential (Bascom 31). There is evidence that Oòni have

been women in the past, but today Oòni are predominantly men. The king’s compound can

count on his protection and favor. Socially, they are put above the towns people. The other

royal compounds put themselves below the towns people so that they will not be considered

arrogant or selfish when it’s time to select a new Oòni (Bascom 32).

The Oòni are not so far above the people that tyrants and unsuitable kings can not

be discarded. An Oòni was once selling his own people into slavery. A mob of citizens and

chiefs gathered in front of the king’s palace to demonstrate their outrage. This is not

something the people will do on a purely political basis. An Oni has seriously abused his

power to cause such a demonstration. When the palace is mobbed in such a way, the king

has only two choices. He may live in exile forever or kill himself (Boscom 33).

The Yoruba people have a unique system of government revolving around tradition

and respect. The fact that government begins at home helps instill responsibility and good

citizenship at an early age. Yoruba government before European colonization was highly

effective. The complex system of heads of clans, chiefs, and kings varies from kingdom to

kingdom, but has enough cultural basis to allow the Yoruba people to have a sense of

identity as a Yoruba citizen.

Over time, however, it has become increasingly difficult to separate local and

national political processes. Much of the traditional small government has given way to a

more centralized system. The power and autonomy of local-level political institutions have

progressively eroded, with the significant decisions made in the state capitals or in the

federal capital (Eades 92). The trend towards less local government began with the fall or

decline of many kingdoms in the 19th century (Bascom 27). European and Fulani

penetration also helped set the trend. The most significant factor was the growing

importance of military chiefs (Eades 92). This led to the modification of political systems

of the kingdoms that did survive and the evolution of new systems in new states. Following

British occupation there was a period of in-direct colonial rule.

The system of in-direct colonial rule continued until the 1950s. The main trend was

the growing involvement of literates and wealthy entrepreneurs in local politics and their

opposition to, or support of, the traditional rulers. Civilian politics lasted from 1952 to

1966. Power shifted away from the Native Authorities set up by the British to the new

regional and national governments. Events in Yourbaland became more and more

dependent on the events taking place at the national level. This remained the case in the

period of military rule, during which the break-up of the old political units and growth of

the financial power of the federal government strengthened central control (Eades 93). With

the return to civilian rule under an executive presidency, as is now occurring, this trend is

likely to continue (Eades 94).

New systems of government arose from the problems due to the fall of many

traditional kingdoms and the creation of new ones. Brand new systems had to be devised to

handle the different subcultures within the population in many of the larger towns and the

difficulties of integrating them into a single political system (Eades 100). The growing

power of military commanders and traders and the decline of traditional political authorities

also created problems that new policies attempted to deal with (Eades 100).

The period of time where Britain ruled indirectly over Yorubaland was a very

tumultuous and violent time in Nigerian history (Eades 102). The British restored the power

of the Obas. These rulers were deemed suitable by the English, and little thought was given

to the reality of who had the respect and support of the people. Oba were given more power

than they had ever enjoyed before and were resented by many Yoruba citizens and the

newly subordinate chiefs. People became frustrated and angry and there was much

violence and rioting in the early part of the century (Bascom 28). The population of

educated elite grew during this time. From the 1930s on, the Obas were not necessarily the

most wealthy or influential political powers. True power began to shift towards the

educated (Eades 105). The literate elite began to form political parties to support or tear

down the Obas appointed by England.

Within their own regions, the dominant parties were able to consolidate their

positions through the distribution of patronage, through control of the police and the courts

and through violence (Eades 111). By the late 1960s up to the present, Obas and town

chiefs have an ambiguous position in government (Eades 113). The people lacked elected

representatives so the Obas and chiefs became the unofficial voices of the people. Military

Governors had the title of power and the man power to enforce legislation, but they

continually sought the advice of the Obaa and chiefs to gauge the reaction of the people to

certain situations. Not that the counsel of the Obas was always taken seriously (Eades 113).

The military rulers were and are unable to keep the peace. Traditional and military

governments have been in a constant struggle. Over time the violence has dissipated with

the rise of an educated, financially secure population ready for change. Governmental

power has slowly shifted back to the civilian. This process is still under way (Eades 115).

There is no set formula for local government in Yorubaland, but the people are working

hard to attain an efficient democracy (Eades 115). The relationship between local and state

governments still need to be discerned before there can be a distinct structure in local

government. Any government must have the ability to effectively tax its citizens. This has

been an ongoing problem with the many small local governments and larger ones that have

risen and fallen in the past. Another problem Yoruba citizens must face is attracting

educated and suitable local officials.

The state and national governments are much more promising and rewarding paths

for politicians. The final stumbling block to local governments is the prestige and influence

that the traditional rulers still maintain (Eades 116). They are still considered leaders in

thought and are given some clout in local affairs. Nigeria is very much in a transitional

phase, as far as government goes. The future and the specifics of local government is

uncertain, but the people of Nigeria are working hard to establish a structured and working

government (Eades 117).

Bibliography

Asiwaju, A.I.: Western Yorubaland Under European Rule: 1889-1945. Western Printing Services Limited,

Bristol. 1976

Bascom, William: The Yoruba of Southwestern Nigeria. Holt, Rhineheart, and Winston. New York. 1969

Eades, J.S.: The Yoruba Today. Cambridge University Press, New York. 1980

Laitin, David D.: Hegemony and Culture. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. 1977

Ojo, Afolabi G.J.: Yoruba Culture. University of Ife and University of London Press Ltd., London. 1966

Olusanya, G.O.: Studies in Yoruba History and Culture. University Press Ltd., Ibadan. 1983

Nigerian (Yoruba) Traditional Family Structure Kolade

Purpose of the Paper

This paper provides an account of sex role differences in the Nigerian household

(focusing primarily on farming). The paper focuses on the division of labor, income, and

financial obligations.

Introduction

There are several reasons why sex role differences are particularly relevant within

the context of the Sub-Saharan. First , a variety of studies indicate that the chief constraint

on agricultural production in this region is labor availability at critical times of the year.

Labor bottlenecks manifest themselves during peak farming periods when several

operations such as planting, ridging, thinning, and weeding must be performed

simultaneously. Labor availability to meet these peak requirements places a limit on the

amount of land that a family can farm and on the ability of a farming household to adopt

labor-increasing technologies.

These problems relating to the availability and seasonality of farm labor can be

illustrated by sex role differences. In most areas of Sub-Saharan Africa, cultural traditions

have created a sharp sexual division of labor in the household. Men and women typically

control different crops and carry out different tasks. For example, women might do all the

weeding and men might do all the planting or harvesting. These difference in task account

for the substantial differences in the amount of time spent by each sex on farm and

household labor.

Second, in addition to their different labor roles, women and men in the African

farming household typically have different sources of income and different financial

responsibilities. Each gender's sources of assets and income are generally linked to their

different obligations and labor roles. Women are frequently responsible for their own and

their children's food and clothing, and women's contribution to their family's nutrition may

be crucial at certain times of the year. Men's earnings frequently go toward large farming

and family expenses and toward their own personal expenses.

For instance, a woman earns and controls income from yams, a crop from which she

performs most of her labor. A woman uses yam to feed her family, and she then uses the

proceeds from the sale of surplus yams to meet other responsibilities of household

expenses. Men earn and control income from millet and rice, crops which are used for

home consumption but which are also important market crops. Different sources of income

and financial responsibilities can mean a lack of incentive for one sex to contribute labor to

crop production that financially benefits the other sex. Different returns to labor for each

sex can also cause labor bottlenecks in the face of conflict over labor allocations. For

example, if women who are typically responsible for producing food crops for home

consumption should increase their labor in cash crop production, which is frequently a male

income-earning activity.

While there is much variation, women have important roles in food production in

Sub-Saharan Africa, and in some areas they are the primary producers. Women are

estimated to perform 60 to 80 percent of all agricultural work and to provide up to 70

percent of the region's food. In Nigeria, women have historically had important roles in

food processing and petty trading. They have also contributed to food production and this

role is now increasing, with male migration to urban areas considered to be crucial factor in

this regard. In Nigeria the importance of women's roles in agriculture and the sharp

differences between male and female roles suggest that to increase farm production and

productivity. Both male and female farmers are needed.

The HouseHold

The different Nigerian groups live in compounds. The compounds are made up of

huts, between three and forty in a compound. The number of people living in a compound

varies, with the average being seventeen members. The living in the compound form an

extended patrilineal polygamous family consisting of a compound head, his wife or wives,

their children, unmarried adult daughters, adult sons and their wives and children. The size

of the farm reflects the amount of agriculturally active people in the compound. The head

has control of land and the size of the fields of each person in the compound. In practice,

discussion of all the land takes place with all the male members present. The ranking of the

co-wives and the age of household members are among the factors that affect one's status

within the household.

The family is characterized by the extended family sytems. The central purpose of

marriage is to have children. In addition to parents' own children, relatives children are

often adopted in order to demonstrated their concern and regard for the family members.

The practice of polygamy is wide spread among most of the groups in Nigeria. However, a

man's multiple wives are not the only adults living in the household. Other adults such as

aunts, uncles, grandparents, cousins, older half-brothers and sisters or distance relatives

with challenging life situations. When all the children are added to the total number of

adults living in the family, a picture of a very large extended family comes to mind.

Parent-Child Relationships

The manner in which Nigerian parents care for their children varies greatly in

different regions. The method of child care is dependent upon several factors. If the family

is very poor and the mother has to work some distance from the house, other members of

the family, such an older brother of sister, aunt, cousin, or grandmother will care for the

children while the mother is away during the day. Another variation of this kind of child

care is that when the family is poor, they may send some of their children to more

prosperous relatives living in other towns of villages. This may occur even if the family is

not indigent. In such instances, the motive is to unite family ties more solidly. Although

this traditional adoption method of raising children is still popular in the present day,

modern families are beginning to become more wealthy and educated and seem not to

practice this as much as in the past. This probably has to do with families being more well

to do than they were in the past. Therefore, some do not see the need as their parents did.

But in general, children’s reactions during adoption is no different than here in the

United States. Some children may feel loneliness at first and some run away from their new

guardians. Which proves children are children in all cultures and walks of life. Nearly 75

per cent of children are raised by their biological mother. The others are accounted for

through divorce and simply being raised by other family members. About half of the

mothers are housewives who spent nearly all their time engaged in household activities. On

the other hand the other half were engaged in other occupations in addition to their regular

home activities. Most were engaged in petty trading, about 26 per cent. Some spent time in

farming, about 17 per cent, and others in cloth weaving and miscellaneous activities. These

were all done to supplement the family income.

Since Nigeria is a predominantly agricultural country, most of the male population

is engaged in farming and related agricultural activities, including raising sheep, goats, and

fowl. Nearly half of all the fathers were farmers. Trading and civil service jobs were

mentioned next most often. When the mother does work away from home, the elder sister

or brother may be given responsibility of caring for the small children while the mother is

away. It is not strange to see one year old baby strapped to the back of a ten, eleven, of

twelve year old sibling who is caring for the child until the mother returns. Thus in contrast

to American families in which the parents are in most cases the sole family members who

take care of the children after they pick them up from day-care of some kind. In Nigeria

many members of the family engage in the care process of the children. This includes social

actions, toilet training, cleanliness, and habits.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Nigerian families are generally more involved in the rearing of

children. The father is usually the primary income supplier in the family with the mother

doing extra or smaller jobs to supplement the entire family income. Families are closer

together, as extended family members live in the same household. This makes the whole

family closer in their relationship, and everyone takes on a role in raising the same children.

Unlike the households in the US, were there are typically no extended families unless a

family member gets ill, the Nigerian households seems to welcome more family members

in and all of them have some responsibility in the household. The Nigerian family structure

is typically an extended family with everyone doing what best benefits the entire family.

Yoruba Traditional Marriage Olufemi (Abo)

Introduction

Yoruba marriage customs have been greatly influenced by contact with other

cultures, but the Yorubas have nevertheless retained their own individual traditions and

methods. In Nigeria today, there are four main types of marriage: traditional, marriage by

mutual consent, a gift-bride, and the levirate. There are three major religions: traditional,

Christian, and Muslim, and each type of wedding can be adapted to one or all of the

religions. Some weddings may be only legal and not religious at all. Traditional Yoruba

weddings, which may be adapted to Christianity or Islam, are arranged by the parents of the

individuals who are to be married. The bride and groom are betrothed for several years.

There is an exchange of bride wealth, gifts that the groom's family gives to his fiancee's

family. There is an elaborate system of gift-giving and expectations of all the parties

involved. Although contact with Europe and the Middle East has greatly influenced Yoruba

culture, many of the traditional methods and expectations of marriage exist today.

Yoruba Traditional Marriage

In Yoruba culture, nearly everyone marries. Traditionally, Yorubas practice both

monogamy and polygamy, but the latter is the most common of the two. Although western

contact has changed customs and rituals in every area to some extent, in some ways

traditional beliefs about marriage remain intact in Yorubaland, even though they are now

expressed in different ways. There were several purposes, traditionally, for marriage. One

of the most important was creating ties between families. According to Mann (1985),

Yoruba marriage is "a union of lineages, not individuals" (p. 37). Traditional marriages

were arranged, and they did not necessarily involve love or romance at all, but they joined

two separate families as well as providing for children and starting a man in his own life,

separate from his father.

For the man involved, marriage had many advantages. It enabled him to have

(legitimate) children, and it provided him with domestic help. In modern times, only a few

men choose to stay single, and they are mostly Christian in religion rather than traditional

or Muslim. For the woman, marriage provided financial security (although women had their

own incomes and might even be richer than their husbands), and social status. However,

some Yorubas could not easily marry. Since marriage affects one's extended family and

relatives as much as oneself, families make extensive inquiries about a potential mate for

their sons and daughters. If a person could be a carrier of a hereditary disease, or if one had

a severe physical or mental problem, such as insanity, leprosy, or epilepsy, one might be

unable to marry.

Remarriage and Alternative Weddings

As with most parts of Nigeria, there are four main types of marriage in Yorubaland:

traditional, marriage by mutual consent, giving a bride as a gift, and levirate. Each type

may be adapted to some or all of the major Yoruba religions: traditional religion,

Christianity, and Islam. Traditional marriages are the only native type, and the other three

came with modern influence and religion. The first is the traditional arranged marriage

ceremony involving betrothal, bride wealth, and so forth. This type of marriage can be

adapted to traditional, Christian, or Muslim religion. The Muslim marriage is not extremely

different from the traditional one, described in detail throughout the rest of this paper. A

Christian wedding is sometimes popular because the wedding ceremony itself involves a lot

more pomp and celebration than a traditional wedding. Christian weddings include the

exchange of vows and rings, a wedding cake, a ceremony in an elaborately decorated

church, and a party after the ceremony. However, Christian weddings are also unpopular

because they are by law monogamous.

The second type of wedding is an informal one by mutual consent of the individuals

involved. This is becoming more common in modern times. These weddings can also be

Christian or sometimes Muslim or just legal and non religious. They usually do not involve

as much ceremony as the first type, nor do they always involve the payment of bride wealth

to the girl's family. Courting for this type of marriage is done directly by the parties

involved, usually with their parent's consent, and not by intermediaries as is traditional.

The third type, a gift, is usually a Muslim wedding and not Christian or traditional.

If a girl is troublesome or wild, or if a girl's father wishes to show special honor to a friend,

he may give his daughter as a gift to a husband with no exchange of dowry. Her father may

do this to show his generosity. He may also do it to bring her under control in the close

supervision of her husband's home and his older wives. The fourth type of marriage is

called the levirate. If a woman's husband dies, she may be given over to the care of another

family member, such as a brother or cousin of the husband. If she does not like the man

who is to inherit her, she can sue for divorce. This type of marriage can be Muslim or

traditional, but not Christian.

Finding a Spouse

Traditional weddings in the past were always arranged by the families of the bride

and groom. The family ensured that the marriage was appropriate and socially acceptable,

and it went to great lengths to make certain that the marriage was a good match and would

be happy and prosperous. However, its efforts were focused more on the general

acceptability of the prospective mate than on his or her specific desirability for the son or

daughter for whom they sought a spouse. The family of a young man begins to seek his

wife usually after he goes through puberty. Girls could be betrothed between the ages of

five and ten but not married off until when they have passed puberty around their late teen

or early twenties.

For a man's first marriage, his parents and extended family makes the arrangements,

found the girl, and paid the bride-price. For later marriages, he does it for himself, or his

senior wife might do it. A family seeking a wife for one of its sons had several

considerations. They sought a girl who lived close enough for the union to be convenient

and who was healthy and came from a good, responsible, healthy family. They could not

marry their son to a blood relative, even a distant one. They also sought a girl with good

parents. They inquired about her mother's character, assuming the girl was likely to turn out

like her mother. They also avoided a girl whose parents were immoral (for then she might

be the same) or careless with money (for a man could be saddled with his father-in-law's

debts).

Once a boy's parents found a girl they considered suitable, an intermediary

approached the girl's family. Her parents then make the same inquiries about his family,

searching for any relationship to themselves, for diseases, and anything else that could

make the marriage unsuccessful, unproductive, or a liability to the family. If the results of

these inquiries were unfavorable, the girl's parents would not say so directly, but they

would consult the Ifa priest. Then they would tell the parents of the young man that the

divination was unfavorable, and that would end it. If, on the other hand, the family was

acceptable, this response would be communicated through an intermediary, and the

engagement was sealed by payment of the ijowun, a gift from the man's family to the girl's

and the first installment of the bride wealth.

Today, the vast majority of Yorubas no longer practice arranged marriages.

Western contact has influenced them so that most marriages are based on the choice of the

individuals involved. Parents approve of one's choice and pay a bride-price (Delano, 1937:

121). This is the second type of marriage, marriage by mutual consent.

Betrothal

Throughout the betrothal period, which lasted 10-15 years, until the girl was about

20, the girl called the man her oko, husband, and he called her his iyawo, bride. She was not

permitted to meet or speak to her husband or to members of his family, except in some

Yoruba groups which allow the groom to pay an extra bride-price fee: owo ibasuro, money

for speaking. This is not a very widespread custom; for the most part, traditionally, engaged

couples did not overtly interact at all.

The bride-price was usually paid in two installments, the ijowun and the idana. The

ijowun consisted of pepper, kolas, beer, wine, gin, bitter kola, and honey. It was paid when

the girl's parents accepted the man for their daughter, and it legally sealed the engagement.

The second installment, the idana, included the same things as the ijowun plus some cloth

wrappers. Bride-wealth could also be paid in three installments: the engagement sealing,

"love money" paid before the girl's third year of puberty, when she became marriageable,

and "wife money" paid just before the wedding.

On the days when dowry payments were sent, the households of both the man and

the girl feasted and celebrated separately all day. When delegates from the groom arrived

with the dowry, the girl's family would carefully examine all the articles to see if any were

defective. If they were, they would be returned to be exchanged. Sometimes the delegates

would bring replacement articles in case of such an event. If the items were acceptable, the

girl would be asked if the payment should be accepted, and she would answer yes. Then the

dowry was received, and the delegates who brought it were given gifts. The girl's family

would beat drums to indicate that the items were good, and then the dancing in that

household would begin.

There were, in traditional times, professional dowry bearers. They would receive a

gift for their services from both families. When they came to the girl's house with the

dowry, they would say, " We spied a red rose in your garden, and we come to pick it." The

girl's father would reply that they had no red rose for the guests. This would continue for a

while until the dowry bearers were invited inside and the dowry was accepted or refused.

When the dowry had been accepted, the bearers, after receiving a gift, would return home

singing, " We won our case, certainly. They gave us a daughter, certainly " (Delano, 1937:

127-128). Bride wealth is also paid for a Christian marriage, but it is done a little

differently. Christian weddings in Nigeria used to take place on Thursday, and the entire

dowry payment is made on the previous Tuesday at an engagement party. However, most

marriages, including christian ones are now done on Saturday. Also, the articles are the

same as for a traditional wedding, but Christian grooms also give the girl's family a Bible

and a gold ring.

The dowry was not, for the most part, retained by either the girl or her family. The

cloth wrappers of the idana went to the girl, and her father might keep a bottle of wine from

either or both of the dowry payments. The rest of the items were distributed to the girl's

friends and to clubs of which she was a member. If she was involved in many groups and

had many friends, each might only receive a small gift, such as one kola nut.

Bride wealth served several important purposes. Legally, it was the most important

factor to be settled in the event of a divorce: to divorce her husband, a woman must return

his bride wealth. It represented the commitment to the marriage by both individuals and

their families, and it was a safeguard against breaking that commitment. It kept the wife

from cheating on or disrespecting her husband because it would have to be repaid for her to

leave him. It also prevented the husband from mistreating his wife because he had made a

large financial investment in her. Finally, the bride-price legally established the woman's

husband as the father of her children. .A proverb about this says, " One who does not own a

kola tree cannot have its fruit " (Bascom, 1969: 60).

When a woman reached marriageable age (the third year of puberty), her body was

decorated with beauty marks by a surgeon. Her fiancee was required to pay for this and to

provide the necessary materials, such as oil, dye, etc. This was also a hint to the bridegroom

to go ahead and set a date for the wedding. He did this also through his intermediary, and

he was required to show eagerness for the date to be sooner rather than later.

Relatives

A groom-to-be had many obligations to fulfill to his in-laws in addition to paying

the bride-price. He had to pay annual gifts of the best of his farm's produce to them. This

was not a hardship as these gifts were always very small. He also was required to be

available to help his father-in-law with manual labor and farmwork if he were asked. When

his father-in-law asks him for help, which was done most often in building and rebuilding

houses, the groom would go to help along with his egbe, his group of friends and age

mates. They would spend the day working on the father-in-law's farm, doing whatever was

asked of them. Also, sons-in-law were responsible for giving gifts and services on special

occasions, particularly upon the death of the old relatives or grandparents of his wife or

fiancee.

For this, one might suspect that the Yorubas would often prefer

daughters to sons. Sons-in-law are always required to be respectful and

helpful to his wife's family. Fadipe says, "to have many daughters is to

have many people to call into one's service" (1970: 77). If a groom-to-be

fails to fulfill his obligations to his fiancee's family, the engagement may

be broken off, the dowry returned, and a more resourceful suitor sought.

Wedding Ceremonies

Compared to the large celebrations associated with dowry payments, the traditional

wedding ceremony was often a fairly quiet affair, but it still involves much celebration. On

the morning of her wedding day, the bride was bathed and dressed by her father's wives.

Then she went to her parents and was received with honor and outward display of respect

by them for the first time in her life. Her father would greet her and bless her. Then her

mother, weeping, would also bless her and talk to her about married life and home

management. Both mother and daughter would weep and embrace and say their first

farewells. The girl then spent most of the day quietly in her room with her best friends

while the rest of the household danced and feasted.

Towards evening, the household would sit in assembly with the head of the

household presiding. He would call for the bride to come in to them because the family had

decided to give her in marriage that day. She came in with her face covered and was

lectured again about married life. Then came the ekun iyawo, the bride's cry/weeping. She

would say some moving farewell sentences that she had memorized to her mother, family,

and friends. She would weep a great deal, as would everyone else.

Then the wedding procession would leave for the groom's house. This consisted of

the bride, four young men of her father's house, her egbe (age mates), four wives of her

extended family, and her bridesmaid (usually a niece or first cousin). When they arrive at

his home, the groom's senior wife, if he had one, or the last wife in the groom's extended

family, would welcome the bride and walk her in on her shoulder. The leader of the four

young men would greet the family and deliver the bride's father's message: that she should

have many children, that she should not go hungry or do exactly as she wished, that she

was inexperienced and not always agreeable and could be chastised if she caused offense.

Then she was handed over to her father-in-law.

If she was not the first wife of her husband, she was adopted during her betrothal by

one of his senior wives. This wife, who carried her into their husband's home, also washed

her feet with water holding money, so she would be rich, and with an infusion of leaves, so

she would bear children. Then she went to her husband's room. There was very little

rejoicing in his household until she was found to be a virgin. If she was, the proof of it was

sent to her family the next day with a message of thanks for preserving her for her husband.

If not, a symbolic message, such as a half-full jug of palm-wine or a kola nut with holes in

it, was sent without a message. The meaning was understood, and the girl remained with

her husband but was a disgrace to both families.

Traditionally, a woman had only one wedding ceremony in her life. If her husband

died or she was divorced, she could sometimes remarry, but there would be no wedding

ceremony. Men, however, could have numerous wedding ceremonies if they married

several wives after a betrothal.

Polygamy

Polygamy was traditionally very acceptable and common in Nigeria, and it still is.

Girls traditionally married around age 20 and men around age 35, and so, because of

mortality rates, there were always more marriageable women than men. Nearly everyone in

Yorubaland marries, and most men marry several wives. For men, plural wives are status

symbol, indicating the possession of wealth, and wives also enable men to have more

children. There are advantages for women in the system as well, for wives share chores

with one another and status with their husbands. However, in more modern times,

polygamy is decreasing in popularity, partly because of women's liberation attitudes and

partly because of the expense of supporting such a large family.

Within a polygamous marriage, there is usually little or no jealousy among the

wives. Each has a certain status with respect to the others, and each has her own

responsibilities, duties, and privileges. Younger wives are responsible for child care and

usually for the more unpleasant household tasks. Older wives are often traders or

businesswomen and sometimes travel extensively. Junior wives must always show respect

to senior wives in a compound, and this seniority is determined not by age but by date of

marriage. When a man marries a new wife, she is responsible for the most unpleasant jobs

for the first year or so. If she sees another wife working, she must offer to help, and if her

offer is refused, she must be persistent and offer several times. Usually, the senior wife

eventually gives in to her.

Divorce

Traditionally, divorce in Yorubaland was very rare. The husband's family with

whom the couple lived acted to soothe arguments, and the presence of children who

belonged to her husband helped prevent a woman from seeking a divorce. Because of

polygamy, men had little incentive for divorcing wives. However, even in the past women

sometimes divorced their husbands for reasons of excessive abuse, habitual laziness,

drunkenness, or infectious disease. Or, if a woman's husband died, she could divorce the

family if she did not want to go to the man who was to inherit her.

Even today, when divorce is much more common than it used to be, the process is

essentially the same. The important issue is repaying the husband his bride-price. A divorce

court investigates to determine exactly how much was paid, and someone must pay the

husband that amount in order for his wife to divorce him. If his wife leaves him for another

man, the new man pays the bride-price, and she becomes his wife.

In the past, a woman might seek a divorce because of extreme cruelty, and she

would go to the king's palace and take hold of one of the pillars. If her husband found her

there, he could not touch her. If a man wanted a wife, he could go there and pick one. He

would then pay a clerk an agreed-upon price and take her home as his wife. Modern

marriages are more likely to end in divorce. When a Christian marriage divorced, under

British law the husband had to pay his wife alimony. Sometimes women took advantage of

this, divorcing their husbands just to get alimony.

In Yorubaland, the modern world has influenced every area of life, and marriage

and families are no exception. The Yoruba culture is flexible and resilient and has changed

without being destroyed. Today, Nigerian culture is a colorful blend of African, European,

and Arabic traditions. Although the traditional methods of engagement and marriage are

fading out, the Yorubas put a native twist on every tradition they adopt, and their heritage

continues to influence the cultures that influence it.

Yoruba Naming Ceremony Titilayo

Introduction

The following pages are dedicated to giving an in-depth explanation of the Yoruba

naming ceremony ranging from the role played by the elder conducting the ceremony to the

meaning and purpose for naming a child. By knowing and understanding all that is

incorporated into the ceremony, a person will have a clearer view of how intertwined

Yoruba names are with the culture. Following the naming ceremony there will be a few

notes given about the linguistic applications of Yoruba names. Linguistically, the names

can be studied for language learning purposes (word order and vocabulary). More

importantly, by studying the meanings and structure of the names, a person can gain some

knowledge of the basic applications of the Yoruba language and important traditional

beliefs of the culture. Finally, the paper will conclude with regards to some modern day

influences and effects surrounding the choice of a name and the traditional applications of

the Yoruba Naming ceremony.

Yoruba Naming Ceremony

The naming ceremony is an important affair among the Yorubas. It is an ancient

practice that holds many purposes such as giving a child its name, welcoming the child into

the community, congratulating the parents for such a happy and fortunate time (a divine

blessing acknowledged), and making predictions for the child’s future (Chuks-orji 1972, p.

75-76). Before the ceremony can begin the family must first select the correct and

appropriate name for the child. The name will either be an amutorunwa name (a name

‘brought from the other world (heaven)’: mu...wa ‘bring’ ti ‘from’ orun ‘ heaven/other

world’) or an abiso (‘given at birth’) a name which reflects the circumstances surrounding a

child’s birth, usually pertaining to the family but can also refer to natural phenomena

occurring around the time of the child’s birth (Rowlands 1996, p. 216-217).

After the child’s name has been selected by either the parents or older relatives it

will not be announced until the day of the naming ceremony which is called ikomojade

(‘brought out’ - ko...jade) (p. 217). Traditionally, for boys, the naming ceremony will take

place on the ninth day after the birth, the seventh day for a female, twins of both sexes on

the eighth day, and Moslem children of either sex are invariably named on the eighth day

(Johnson 1969, 79). If the child is not named within seven to nine days after birth then it is

believed that the child will not outlive it’s parent of the same sex. Nowadays, the practice is

to have the naming ceremony on the eighth day, irrespective of gender, number of children

or religious beliefs of the parent.

The naming ceremony usually begins in the early morning or early afternoon

(Chuks-orji 79). The ceremony may take place inside or outside of the child’s home.

Traditionally, it occurs out of doors, so that the bare feet of the child may be placed on the

ground - “his/her first steps guided in the right direction” (W1). The ceremony will mark

the first time the child leaves the home. This also will be the first day that the mother has

left the home since delivery. Others present during the ceremony range from relatives to

any member of the community that takes interest in welcoming the child. Each person will

bring a gift (clothing, money, blankets, etc.) for either the child or the parents. Only women

give gifts to the mother and men give gifts to the father. If the ceremony takes place inside,

the guests will leave their gifts at the door upon arrival (Chuks-orji 79).

After about an hour after the guests have arrived the Iya Ikoko (‘mother of

newborn’) emerges with her child and hands the Ikoko / Omo tuntun (‘newborn child’) to

the chosen elder who will officiate throughout the ceremony. The role of the elder

officiating holds a special, symbolic, and traditional importance. Within Yoruba culture, the

elderly are considered to be the ones most closely related to the very young ‘since the infant

is seen as but recently returned from where the aged is preparing to go’ (Chuks-orji p.77).

Because of this special bond it seems most appropriate for the elder to be the first to guide

the child.

The rituals of the ceremony begin when a jug of water is tossed up onto the roof

(traditional homes are low-roofed) so that the child being held under the eaves will catch

the falling sprays of water (Johnson p.79). Inside the home the water is sprinkled towards

the ceiling. If the child cries when it is touched by the falling drops this is considered as a

good sign for it is believed this is an indication that the child has come to stay, “since only

living things can produce noise of their own accord” (Chuks-orji 79).

The water is the first of many ceremonial items to be introduced to the child. The

Yoruba people generally believe that “when they present certain materials to the child at the

beginning of his life, he/she will make positive use and not negative use of them when he

becomes an adult” (W2). Water is used because it is very important to people. It’s use in

the ceremony reflects the importance of the child to his/her family (W2). After the child is

sprinkled with water the elder whispers the child’s new name into its ear. Next, the elder

dips his finger into the water and upon touching the child’s forehead he announces the new

name to everyone present (Chuks-orji 79). The elder then turns to seven specially filled

vessels. Within these vessels each ingredient constitutes a unique symbol in the ontological

world of the Yorubas into which the child is being initiated (Madubuike 1976, 86).

The first vessel consists of red pepper of which the elder gives a small taste to the

child. The pepper symbolizes that the child will be resolute and have command over the

forces of nature. The pepper is then passed around for the entire assemblage to taste. After

the pepper, the child tastes water, signifying purity of body and spirit (freedom from

disease). Next, the elder offers a taste of salt which symbolizes the flavor of wisdom and

intelligence of which it is wished that the child is divinely fed (Chuks-orji 80). Another

view of the salt’s importance leans toward the importance of salt to any food for its

palatability. This is used to correspond to the child’s generally perceived importance to the

community. “When any person is said to be as salt to his people, it means he brings joy,

happiness, and even sweetness where there is bitterness “ (W2). Following the salt, comes

palm oil which is touched to the child’s lips, a wish for power and health like that of

royalty. The child then tastes honey signifying for the child to be as sweet as honey to

his/her community, to have happiness, and, most importantly, for him/her not to be

ostracized by his/her people when the child has grown to adulthood (W2). After honey,

liquor or wine flavors the child’s lips for all the wealth and prosperity that the child will

have.

Finally, the child is given a taste of kola nut, symbolic of a wish for the child’s good

fortune (Chuks-orji p.80). The parents, particularly the father, may add materials to the

ceremony after the seven basic ingredients have been introduced to the child. Extra

materials may include objects that symbolize the clan deity of the family. For example:

“Ogun,” god of iron; the parent may require that a knife or sword be used in the ceremony

(W2). After the final item has been passed around to all guests the ritual is complete and the

festivities begin. Feasting (brief ceremonial food list provided after this report), dancing,

and rejoicing will last into the early hours of the next day.

During the festivities, sometimes musicians sing songs and praise the child, it’s

parents, and relatives, and friends. This is a tradition best performed by Ewi poets who are

known for the “richness of their word, the artistry of their use of idioms and proverbs, and

their deep knowledge of the Yoruba language.” (W3). By singing (proverbial) praises to

those at the naming ceremony the Ewi helps to celebrate the arrival of the child into the

family and to embrace it into the arms of the community. An example of an Ewi poem for a

naming ceremony can be found at the end of this paper

After the naming ceremony the child has at least three different names which will

guide the child through life. The first is the oruko (‘personal’) name which is either an

amutorunwa (brought from heaven) name or an abiso name. Secondly, there is the oriki

(‘praise name’) which expresses what the child is or what is hoped he or she will become.

Thirdly, the child has his/her oriki orile which is a name indicative of the child’s kinship

group’s name (Chuks-orji 80). The following paragraphs give a brief overview of the three

name types just mentioned. It is recommended that one takes note of how the meanings of

the names are created internally and to see how the names tie in with cultural labeling of

people and their traditional beliefs and practices. Yoruba names tell stories. If one knows

enough of the stories then one may begin to understand the Yoruba background and

perspective.

The choice of an oruko name depends on many factors such as time of day, a

specific day, or a special circumstance relating to the child, parents, extended family, or the

whole community which attends the child’s birth. The amutorunwa is applied to all

children born under like circumstances. The most important of these is that of twin (ibeji)

birth. The name of the first born of twins will always be Taiwo (To-aiye-wo ‘have the first

taste of the world’). The second born will be Kehinde (‘he who lags behind’).

The child born after twins, female or male, will be named Idowu. Most Idowus are

considered stubborn and heady and if they do not arrive after a mother’s twins there is a

superstition that the mother may go mad; the wild and stubborn Idowu , ‘flying into her

head’ will render her insane. The next to twins in importance of Amutorunwa names is the

child called Oni (‘today’) which from its birth cries incessantly day and night. After Oni

the next child will always be named Ola (‘tomorrow’) and the next will be Otunla (‘day

after tomorrow’). Within the Isin people the names are taken up to the eighth born called

Ijoni. Other Amutorunwa names: Ige is a child born feet first...Abiose is born on a holy

day...Dada is a child born with curly hair...Abiodun is born at the new year or during any

annual festival...Johojo is a child whose mother died at it’s birth...(Johnson 1969, p. 80-81).

If the child is not born with a ‘brought from heaven’ name then the family will

decide the child’s abiso name. There is a proverb which says ile l’a nwa k’a to so omo

l’oruko ‘we always look at the household before we give a child a name, and in fact, “the

abiso names reflect the circumstances or feelings of the family. `They may also refer to the

particular cult which a family practices (Rowlands 217). The abiso will always go

unknown until the naming ceremony. This name is very important because throughout it’s

life, the child’s behavior will reflect the name given. Commonly, chosen abiso names

make reference to the child directly and indirectly to the family (Ayodele ‘joy enter the

house,’ Omoteji ‘a child big enough for two), or refer directly to family and indirectly to the

child (Iyapo ‘many trials,’ Ogundalenu ‘our home has been devastated by war,’) or they

may reflect the deity worshipped in the family (Sangobunmi ‘Sango (god of thunder and

lightning) gave me this,’ Fafunke ‘Ifa gave me this to pet’ (Johnson 82-83).

Also, under the oruko name a special category of names emerges with the abiku

(‘born to die’) children. These children are believed to belong to a group of demons that

commonly reside in the woods around Iroko trees. Before they come into the world they

already have chosen the time when they will return back to the other demons. The demons

are connected with women who lose several children in infancy, especially after a short

period of illness. Special names are given to these children in hopes that they will not leave

upon their pre-arranged dates. This superstition attempts to explain the high rate of infant

mortality of the people. The abiku names range in meaning, attempts to persuade the

children to stay and not to be taken away from unseen forces. Examples: Malomo ‘do not

go again’...Oku ‘the dead’...Tiju-iku‘ be ashamed to die’...Duro-ori-ike ‘wait and see how

you will be petted’ (Johnson 85-86).

The oriki is an attributive praise name. “It is intended to have a stimulating effect

on the child” (85). Male names usually reflect something heroic, strong, and brave while

female names often seem to be terms of endearment, affection, and praise.

Males: Ajamu : ‘one you fight/struggle to choose/select/pick’

Ajani ‘one you fight/struggle to have/own/possess.’

Females: Ayoka ‘one who causes joy all around,’

Apinke ‘one to be jointly pampered or petted.’

Only elders can address children with oriki names (one will be addressed by his

Oriki only by someone older or except in cases where the younger person is singing the

praise of the older person at a ceremony and so on). Finally, there is the oruko orile ‘the

name reflecting family origin.’ It is very important when trying to trace a family or lineage

line. Children of both sexes usually take on their father’s orile or totem name. The orile

names are said to be descended from objects or animals that represent a family lineage

(Erin ‘elephant’ ...connected to the original line of the kings (Johnson 86).

By gaining a deep working knowledge of varying oruko, oriki, and oruko orile, a

foreigner among the Yorubas would have a very good starting vocabulary of the culture’s

language. Throughout time, culture and language have traveled in parallel paths. With

Yoruba, the two seem to embrace one another. Because the two seem to intertwine, it is not

surprising to see and hear people always praising and singing names. It is as though they

are at the same time singing in praise of their culture and it’s ancestors. In the English

speaking societies people usually have little or no meaningful significance to their names.

Their names usually cannot reveal hints into the particular person’s personality or behavior.

This seemingly reflects more of a separation between language functions, incorporating

names, and culture. English seems to wave from a distance while Yoruba seeks to fill the

space in between. The revealing code to such a nice language/culture combination emerges

from the linguistic make-up of Yoruba names. It uses the vocabulary of the language to

combine and create names.

These combinations can range from the basic Noun-Noun combination (Ife-

Olu=Ifeolu ‘the love of God.’) to simple sentences (Ore-d’ola=Oredola ‘friendship

becomes an honor’)/(Akin-ni-a-bi=Akinlabi ‘it is a brave man that we have given birth to’).

Due to these existing name structures and meanings, a person is given a view into Yoruba

culture and vice versa. Modupe Oduyoye wrote in his book, Yoruba Names, that by

teaching non-native speakers the Yoruba language through the studying of Yoruba names,

the speakers would obtain multiple opportunities to learn about Yoruba culture, grammar,

and, also, to practice utterances and speech. Yoruba names, whether phrases or complete

sentences, are written as single words. “The names, therefore, mirror exactly the stream of

utterance situation” (Oduyoye 1972:3). For example, instead of Olu re mi l’ekun written

as a sentence it would appear written as Oluremilekun (God has consoled me) as a name

“which gives a better guide for pronunciation and for conversation.” Oduyoye believes that

since one does not pause after each word of speech, one should learn utterances, not

isolated words (p. 4).

Oduyoye’s linguistic view of names divides into two parts: structural classification

and cultural classification. Structurally, Yoruba names cover many grammatical grounds.

For example, the use of compound verbs and splitting verbs (ko...de ‘to collect...to

arrive’), Ko re de = Korede ‘gather good things in,’ Ko ayo de = Kayode ‘bring joy in.’

Now, imagine, if one knew how to use this grammatical structure and all the others that

were needed to create names and had a medium sized vocabulary, one would be able to

converse at possibly an intermediate level and have a nice open door glimpse into important

cultural aspects reflected in words used when creating names.

Another interesting grammatical structure is that of the noun forming prefixes, low-

tone/à/ and mid-tone/a/. The low tone prefix forms abstract nouns from verbs or verb

phrases. It can mean “à- thing which...” or “ a- person whom...”

1. Àbike (A bi ke ) ‘someone born to be petted or pampered'

2. Àjani (A ja ni) ‘someone possessed through struggle.’

The mid-tone prefix /a/ means ‘the person who...’

1. Aboderin (a b’ode rin) ‘one who walks with a hunter’

2. Akerele (A kere le ) ‘one who in spite of being small is strong and tough.’

With basic grammar structures and a seemingly endless vocabulary, families can

create names that are distinct and truly, meaningfully unique: (Modupe (Mo dupe) ‘I give

thanks’...Morohunmubo (mo ri ohun mu bo ) ‘I found something to bring back’...Kokumo

(Ko ku mo) ‘he no longer dies...Kotoye (ko to I ye) ‘it is not enough to ...’ (Oduyoye 1-60).

'Oruko n ro o' refers to one’s name having a psychological effect on one’s

behavior. This saying reiterates the important emphasis upon choosing the correct name

among the Yoruba people. It is a solemn undertaking ‘for the name one gives to one’s child

is the name the world will call him throughout life.” (p. 67). All aspects of life which the

Yoruba people consider of high importance will be reflected in the names: religion (Olu se

ye= Oluseye ‘ God wrought a thing of dignity’...Esu bi eyi= Esubiyii ‘Esu gave birth to

this one’), the humanities [music (Ayandele ‘the drummer reaches home’) and art (Onafeka

‘art needs learning’), protection and strength of home (Odebiyii ‘ a hunter gave birth to this

one’...Akinluyii ‘ valor is dignity’) , birth, death, nature, and high status levels (Oba fe mi =

Obafemi ‘the king loves me’ ] (Oduyoye 60-86).

Today, Yoruba names can be found with strong Christian and Muslim influences.

Ever since colonizations, many have begun to adopt more Christian-like names such as

Samuel or Joseph so as to conform with western ways. Modern conditions of having

people’s names registered for all types of purposes such as birth registrations, marriages,

deaths, voting lists, school lists, etc. all have caused most Yorubas to adopt a West

European system with surnames and a limited number of forenames occurring in a fixed

order (Rowlands 216-128). Some may use the order of Christian name and then oruko for

surname. Others may structure themselves with the oruko orile and then the father’s oruko.

Such modern combinations, unfortunately, make tracing one’s ancestral background

difficult if not impossible.

In conclusion, naming ceremonies may shrink with guest size and new symbolic

western materials may be added but it seems that the naming ceremony is too imbedded

into the society by it’s language and culture for it to be forgotten and left out. The naming

ceremony welcomes, connects, and reminds a person that all Yoruba names are each unique

personal stories that reflect not only one person but the family, community, and culture as a

whole: past and present. Culturally and linguistically, names thrive within the Yoruba

culture, always reconnecting the old with the new so as to know one’s origins of the past, to

gain understanding of the present, and to have guidance into the future.

(Excerpt from a ) Yoruba Naming Ceremony Ewi Poem by Abiodun Adepoju

OLOMO LO LAIYE To have a child, is to have joy in life.EDUMARE WA FUN WA LOMO AMUSEYE God give us a child that we can be proud of.OMO TII TOJU ARA A child who takes care of the family,TII TOJU ILE that takes care of the home,TII TOJU BABA that takes care of the father.FUN WA LOMO ATATA Give us a precious child,TII MUNU IYA DUN. that makes the mother happy.OMO TITUN TO WAS SILE AIYE The baby is newly arrived.OBI AORE ATOJULOMO Parents, friends & family, you are allEMA JU ALEJO OMO TITUN commended for the baby;OROGBO LO NI KOO GBO SAIYE May the baby have a long life.KOO GBO PELU DERA. A long life in comfortOMO OWO KII KU LOJU OWO The child of the hand does not die while the hand looks on.BEE NI OMO ESE KII KU LOJU ESE The child of the leg does not die while the leg looks onOMO WA O NII KU Our baby shall not die.

Twins in Yoruba Society Oluseyi

Introduction

“Twins in Yoruba Society” is a paper about the history of twins in Nigeria, but more

specifically, Yorubaland. The paper begins with the story of the first twins among the

Yoruba, which influences the way twins are viewed today. It concentrates on practices in

the past of, within certain areas, of killing twins at birth. It also looks at how twins are

treated in the Yoruba society today. It discusses the names assigned to twins and the

children born after twins. Then it concludes by talking about the ceremony for twins when

they are born.

Twins in Yoruba Society

The birth of twins has always been a fascinating phenomena among humans. In the

past, twins have been killed or praised simply because of this phenomena. The Yoruba

culture has an interesting history relating to twins. In this society twins have their own

orisa. They are often associated with monkeys because of the story of the first twins. Since

Yoruba names have significant meaning behind them it is only natural for twins to have

specific names as well as the children born after twins.

Ibeji is the orisha of the “twin-gods.” The name comes fromibi meaning “birth”

and eji meaning “two” (Farrow, 1926: 58). Ibeji is also the deity of all twins. There is a

black species of monkey that dwells in mangrove bushes and is very agile. This monkey is

sacred to Ibeji , although it is not an orisa, it may have offerings of fruit given to it (Farrow,

1926). This monkey is named Edun Dudu meaning “black twin.” A shrine to Ibeji was

built at a place called Erupo, between Lagos and Badagry. All twins and parents of twins

are supposed to visit the temple at least once.

There is a very interesting story of how twins came among the Yoruba people. The

story begins in ancient times in the town of Isokun, which later became a part of Oyo:

“There was a farmer who was known everywhere as a hunter of monkeys. Because his fields produced good crops, monkeys came from the bush and fed there. The monkeys became a pestilence to the farmer. He tried to drive them away. But they came, they went, they returned again to feed. The farmer could not leave his fields unguarded. He and his sons took turns watching over the fields. Still the monkeys came and had to be driven away with stones and arrows. Because of his desperation and anger the farmer went everywhere to kill the monkeys. He hunted them in the fields, he hunted them in the bush, he hunted them in the forest, hoping to end the depredations on his farm. But the monkeys refused to depart from the

region, and they continued their forays on the farmer’s crops. They even devised ways of distracting the farmer and his sons. A few of them would appear at a certain place to attract attention. While the farmer and his sons attempted to drive them off, other monkeys went into fields to feed on corn. The monkeys also resorted to juju. They made the rain fall so that whoever was guarding the fields would go home, thinking ‘surely the crops will be safe in such weather.’ But the monkeys fed while the rain fell. When the farmer discovered this he built a shelter in the fields, and there he or one of his sons stood guard even when water poured from the sky. In this contest many monkeys were killed, yet those that survived persisted. The farmer had several wives. After one of them became pregnant, an adahunse, or seer, of the town of Isokun came to the farmer to warn him. He said, ‘There is danger and misfortune ahead because of your continual killing of the monkeys. They are wise in many things. They have great powers. They can cause an abiku (born to die-after birth) child to enter your wife’s womb. He will be born, stay a while, and then die. He will be born again and die again. Each time your wife becomes pregnant he will be there in her womb, and each time he is born he will stay a while and then depart. This way you will be tormented to the end. The monkeys are capable of sending you an abiku. Therefore do not drive them away anymore. Cease hunting them in the bush. Let them come and feed.’

The farmer listened, but he was not persuaded by what the adahunse had told him. He went on guarding his fields and hunting monkeys in the bush. The monkeys discussed ways of retaliating for their sufferings. They decided that they would send two abikus to the farmer. Two monkeys transformed themselves into abikus and entered the womb of the farmer’s pregnant wife. There they waited until the proper time. They emerged, first one then the other. They were the original twins to come among the Yorubas. They attracted much attention. Some people said, ‘what good fortune.’ Others said, ‘It is a bad omen. Only monkeys give birth to twins.’

As the twins were abikus they did not remain long among the living. They died and returned to reside among those not yet born. Time passed. Again the woman became pregnant. Again two children were born instead of one. They lived on briefly and again they departed. This is the way it went on. Each time the woman bore children they were ibeji, that is to say, twins. And they were also abikus who lived on a while and died.

The farmer became desperate over his succession of misfortunes. He went to consult a diviner at a distant place to discover the reason for his children’s constantly dying. The diviner cast his palm nuts and read them. He said, ‘Your troubles come from the monkeys whom you have been harassing in your fields and in the bush. It is they who sent twin abikus into your wife’s womb in retaliation for their suffering. Bring your killing of the monkeys to an end. Let them eat in your fields. Perhaps they will relent.’ The farmer returned to Isokun. He no longer drove the monkeys from his fields, but allowed them to come and go as they pleased. He no longer hunted them in

the bush. In time his wife again gave birth to twins. They did not die. They lived on. But still the farmer did not know for certain whether things had changed, and he went again to the diviner for knowledge. The diviner cast his palm nuts and extracted their meaning. He said, ‘This time the twins are not abikus. The monkeys have relented. The children will not die and return, die and return. But twins are not ordinary people. They have great power to reward or punish other humans. Their protector is the orisa Ibeji. If a person abuses or neglects a twin, the orisa Ibeji will strike such a person with disease or poverty. He who treats the twins well will be rewarded with good fortune.’ The twins are pleased with life, good luck and prosperity will come to their parents. Therefore, do everything to make them happy in this world. Whatever they want, give it to them. Whatever they say to do, do it. Make sacrifices to the orisa Ibeji. Because twins were sent into the world by the monkeys, monkeys are sacred to them. Neither twins nor their families may eat the flesh of monkeys. This is what the palm nuts tell us.’ When the farmer returned to Isokun after consulting the diviner he told his wife what he had learned. Whatever the twins asked for, the parents gave it. If they said they wanted sweets they were given sweets. If they said to their mother, ‘Go to the marketplace and beg alms for us,’ the mother carried them to the marketplace and begged alms. If they said, ‘dance with us,’ she carried them in her arms and danced. They all lived on. The farmer’s other wives also gave birth to twins. Prosperity came to the farmer of Isokun and his family. He was fortunate in every way.”

(Courlander, 1973: pp.137-141)

Due to their origin, twins are often referred to as edun meaning “monkey.” The

first born of a set of twins is considered the younger one. This one is named Taiwo

meaning “come to taste life.” The second born is the older of the two and receives the

nameKehinde meaning “come last.” It is said that Kehinde always sends Taiwo ahead to

find out if life is worth living. Twins also influence the children born after them. The first

child born after twins is given the name Idowu, whether it is male or female (Johnson,

1921). This child is considered heady and stubborn. Superstition says that a mother who

has twins and fails to have an Idowu may likely go mad (Johnson, 1921). It is believed that

the wild and stubborn Idowu flying into her head will drive her insane. The child born after

Idowu is named Idogbe if male and Alaba if female (Johnson, 1921).

There is probably some evidence that twins have not been treated favorably

everywhere in Yorubaland and Nigeria in the past. Before the British colonized Nigeria, it

was common in some parts (of Nigeria) to kill twins at birth. Twins were killed because

they were viewed as abnormal. In some areas, the parents of the children were also killed or

driven away (Talbot, 1923). Twins were considered dangerous to their parents and thus

feared. They were thought to have extra-human powers (Barrett, 1977). Twins are treated

quite differently everywhere in Yorubaland. Today, they are not feared but rather praised.

According to Neimark “Children are the ultimate blessing of Ifa, therefore twins are a

double blessing” (1993:108).

In Ijebuland twins are regarded as a special gift of the gods and the personification

of the orisa, Ibeji (Oladele, 1980). Every fifth or sixth day offerings of beans, bean cakes,

corn pudding, and sugar-cane are made to them (Oladele, 1980). Small, wooden statues

ofIbeji are made for twins. If one twin dies the Ibeji figure is treated exactly the same as

the surviving twin. This statue is given food, clothing, beads, bracelets, and even laid upon

the mother to be breastfed (Bascom, 1969).

It is a common belief throughout Yorubaland that twins are difficult children who

demand constant attention and have eccentric taste (Oladele ,1980). A ceremony is held

when twins are born which is considered an initiation into their lives. This ceremony is

devised so that they may have an “easy and prosperous passage through the world”

(Oladele, 1980:103). This ceremony is lively with many songs and dances praising the

twins. One important song in the initiation is the praise-song of twins. This song is used

throughout the lifetime of twins and any mother of twins knows it by heart (Oladele, 1980).

The two children who follow twins are also regarded as priviledged and therefore

have praise-songs as well. These songs used in the initiation ceremony are also used for

ritual and social purposes. They celebrate the importance of twins and the hope for

prosperity connected with them. Aside from the names assigned to twins there are several

other things associated with them. Beans and palm-oil are considered to be the staple food

of twins (Oladele, 1980). They are also associated to monkeys, dating back to the story of

the monkeys and the farmer. It is often believed that twins are the transformation of these

creatures that displace the fetus of children (Dennett, 1968). For this reason it is considered

taboo for twins or the parents of twins to kill or eat any type of monkey.

The history of twins in Nigeria and Yorubaland is both fascinating and terrifying. I

find it amazing that groups of people living in the same geographic area of the world can

have such drastically different beliefs about twins. I do not think twins should be killed or

praised. Ifa says that we all have a “perfect twin”, (it is) just (that) some of us already know

our twin (Neimark, 1993).

The Historical Economic Structure of Yorubaland Adeleke

Introduction

The focus of this paper is the economic development of the Yorubaland. The paper

begins with a discussion of the agricultural development as well as the agricultural state of

Yorubaland. This includes such topics as the shift from small Yoruba farms to cash crop

production. Likewise, with the growth of crash crops, questions of land tenure had to be

addressed, in relation to economic growth. Such topics discussed are the distinctions

between rights of membership to land, family rights, and kingdom rights. Then, the focus

of the paper switches to another sector of economic growth of the Yorubas, namely trade

and marketing, showing the importance of women in such sectors. Lastly, the paper

concludes with a discussion of present-day craft production, with a focus on how traditional

family craft vocations have left their markers on present-day economic production.

Economic Structure in Yorubaland

In Yorubaland, the major forms of economic opportunities developed as a result of the

interaction of a number of major factors: the distribution of population and natural

resources, the location of cash crops, the development of the transport system, the growth

of education, and the economic policy of successive governments. However, among the

plethora of factors, the growth of the cash-crop economy superseded all. In the19th century,

the growth of the trade in palm oil led to a “reorganization of production in the interior and

the development of slave estates owned by the powerful war-chiefs” (Eades, pg. 65). In

addition, such a reorganization meant the development of a Saro trading elite in Lagos.

“After 1880, African merchants were affected by a trade recession, and some of them

looked for alternative investments” (Eades, pg. 65).

Cocoa, which had recently come to West Africa from the Spanish and Portuguese

African colonies, was readily adopted in Ibadan and Abeokuta. With the exception of

kolanut, alternatives to cocoa were not very successful. Cocoa, which includes “few

economies of scale,” was well adapted to production on the small holdings of Yoruba

farmers. The spread of cocoa was helped by the success of planters in Agege and Ota. They

made use of laborers from towns in the interior who took the crop back with them when

they returned home. In Ilesa and Ibadan, the rapid spread of the crop was due to the search

of new economic opportunities and the new growth in industry.

The growth in industry brought new patterns of migration. The farmers in Ile Ife who

had adopted cocoa before 1939 were joined in the following decade by Egba and Ibadan

migrants looking for new land. “Since the 1950s, most migration in search of cocoa land

has been to Ijesa(land) and Ondo” (Eades, pg. 66). Later migrants were often able to work

for established cocoa-farmers from their own home areas in return for help in starting their

own farms. The rise of the cocoa industry had profound implications: “innovations in land-

tenure patterns and labor organizations, the intensification of inequalities between the forest

and savannah areas, innovations in marketing, and the creation of the marketing-board

system with its important political repercussions” (Eades, pg. 66).

Agriculture

The majority of Yoruba farms are small, and the size is limited by the available labor

and the level of technology. The main farm tools are the hoe and the cutlass or bushknife,

and “manpower is usually the only energy input” (Eades pg. 69). Mechanization is difficult

because of the small size of plots and the pattern of shifting cultivation” (Eades, pg. 69).

The use of fertilizers is restricted to the cultivation of cash-crops like cocoa and tobacco.

Farm land fertility was traditionally maintained by a long period of “fallow after only two

or three years’ cultivation, though in many areas this has been modified because of

increasing pressure on land” (Eades, pg. 69).

In Yoruba culture, the method of reckoning farm size is not in terms of area, but rather,

in terms of “heaps,” the mounds of earth prepared for the cultivation of yams and other

food crops. The number of heaps is often reckoned in multiples of 200, or about 1/15th or

1/20th of an acre. In Ibarapa, most farms consist of 10-20 plots, usually adjacent or in 3-4

separate groups. A plot of 8-10 units of 200 heaps is considered large. Labor units per plot

is typically small. Most adult men farm independently with help from their wives and

children, though it is not uncommon for them to hire laborers when necessary. It used to be

common, particularly in Ekiti, for there to exist patrilineal group farming, in which all the

men in a lineage worked together under the direction of the oldest man. However, such an

arrangement has all but vanished. In addition, there used to be farm arrangements called

“aro” and “owe.”

“Aro” consisted of “groups of kin or age-group members who helped each other on a

rotational basis, especially to clear new land in the dry season or to help with weeding

during the rains” (Eades, pg. 70). “Owe” groups were larger, involving a hundred or more

“agnates and affines, who worked in return for food, palm wine, and kola” (Eades, pg. 70).

With the recent growth in education, it has become difficult for farms to retain the labor of

their children on the farm, forcing farmers to rely more on hired labor. It was estimated that

in 1956, 40 percent or more of the labor on cocoa farms were hired.

However, today, a large numbers of laborers come from other parts of the country,

particularly from the Niger-Benue area and Igbo areas. Hired laborers work either on an

annual basis, in return for food, lodgings, and a lump sum at the end of the season, or on a

monthly or daily rates, or on a piece-work basis. The majority of farmers who require

regular help prefer to hire workers on an annual basis, since the rate of hire is much lower.

In the savannah regions, however, hired labor has become less important, though “some of

the wealthier Igbeti farmers did use hired labor to expand their food-crop production for the

market” (Eades, pg. 70).

The major food crops of the Yoruba farmer are yams, maize, cassava, beans, cocoyam,

and guineacorn. Rice cultivation, however, has been spreading to areas such as Egba, while

plantain and bananas are important in the forest areas. Yams are the major crop in Ilorin,

Kabba, and Oyo, basically all savannah areas. Cassava is the important food crop of Ijebu,

Ibadan, and Abeokuta. Guineacorn and millet are grown only in the savannah regions.

(Eades, pg. 70). Yam cultivation, however, is steadily on the decline, since yams grow best

in rich soils and are normally planted on fallowed land, lands which are ideal for cocoa

agriculture. Thus, the forest areas have become more dependent on their yam supplies from

the savanna areas of the north. (Clarke, pg. 28).

Cash Crops

As previously stated, several of the lands that were traditionally used for the major

food crops of the Yoruba people have been replaced by cash crops. As Eades states: “In one

sense the distinction between food crops and cash crops is irrelevant in the Yoruba case, as

most of the farmers dispose of at least some of their crops on the market. In Igbeti, where

land is plentiful, those who could afford it were expanding their yam production for the

market using hired labor. In some northern areas, tobacco production for the cigarette

companies has spread rapidly in the last twenty years, mainly because of the very

successful extension work by the Nigerian Tobacco Company.” Cotton is grown in many

areas, mainly for local use, but the two major cash crops, cocoa and kolanut, are only

produced in the forest areas. (Eades, pg. 72).

The cash crop kolanut (Obì), grown entirely for the Nigerian market, is bought by

Hausa buyers, located in Yoruba towns and villages, for sale in the northern states of the

country (Cohen, pg. 122). There are two varieties of kola grown in Yorubaland, “nitida”

known in Yoruba as “abata,” and “acuminata,” known by the Yoruba as “gbanja.” Abata

is indigenous to the area, but gbanja is the main variety that is exported. Before the colonial

period, most of the gbanja kola sold in northern Nigerian came from southern Ghana. It

was introduced into Yorubaland as a cash crop in the 1890s, and by 1930, most of the

supplies for the north came from the Yoruba areas. Abata is more important for Yoruba

rituals. “Kola has proved a useful crop in some of the forest areas like Ota and Ijebu where

cocoa was introduced very early on but did not perform well” (Eades, pg. 72).

In addition to kola, Western Nigeria (mostly Yorubaland) produces substantial

amounts of palm oil, though in recent years, exports of palm oil has seriously declined. The

extraction of oil from the palm fruit is quite an elaborate process, most efficiently done by

using a mechanical press. However, many woman still use a more “traditional labor-

intensive technique” (Eades, pg. 72). First of all, the fruits are boiled and pounded, and the

mash that is produced is re-boiled. The palm oil rises to the top and is scrapped off. The

kernels of the palm fruit are likewise cracked and used separately to make palm-kernel oil.

In some areas, the palm-oil industry has been taken over by Urhobo and other migrants

from the Mid-belt, who lease the right to reap the palm fruit from the local farmers.

Lastly, the third major cash crop of Yorubaland is cocoa. The cocoa industry first

developed in the western areas: Ilaro, Agege, and Abeokuta. However, the centers for

production of the cocoa have gradually moved to the east to Ondo, Akure, and Owo, due to

the aging of the trees in these areas. The best environment for cocoa production is loamy

soils and on freshly cleared forest lands. The trees themselves take about 7 years for they

actually begin to produce. “The average life of the trees is around forty years, but

productivity declines and many of the trees die before this. Thus, a continual search for new

land suitable for cocoa cultivation is necessary, and migration, first to Ife, and later to

Ondo, has resulted” (Eades, pg. 73). As a result, cocoa planting has become viewed as a

more permanent investment than the other staple food crops, and land for cocoa production

has become increasingly scarce. Likewise, questions of land tenure and patterns of land

tenure have developed.

Land tenure in Yorubaland

The question of land tenure in Yorubaland is of great complexity and often quite

ambiguous. Before the question of land tenure can be addressed, one must first make the

distinction between the right to use land and full ownership, “particularly the right to

alienate it” (Eades, pg. 73) Throughout Yorubaland, the two may not necessarily coincide.

Second of all, as land becomes more valuable, “either because of its increasing valua due to

scarcity or its potential for cash crops, conflict over access to, and control of, land will

increase, and an increasing quantum of rights will be asserted over it” (Eades, pg. 73).

Lloyd remarks of Ondo land tenure, “while land has little scarcity or commercial

value, it will be described as communal: but as soon as it becomes valuable, the descent

groups currently using it will begin to claim rights amounting to full ownership” (Llyod,

pg.131). In different areas of Yorubaland, ownership of land is thought of as being “vested

in the ruler on behalf his community, as being vested in descent groups, or as being vested

in individuals” (Eades, pg. 73). Third of all, a sharp distinction has to be made between the

rights that a member of a kingdom can have on its land and the rights which can be

acquired by an outsider. In general, outsiders can become tenants, but cannot claim rights

of ownership over land, and as the scarcity of land increases, the more rigidly this rule

applies.

As Eades notes, descent group control over land is the norm. This is the pattern one

finds in Ibadan, Ijebu, and Ekiti (and most of Yorubaland). Within the descent group, land

is allocated in accordance to need. A farmer can use the land allocated to him, and,

likewise, he can pass the land on to his children. However, he usually cannot alienate the

land without permission of the descent group as a whole. “In the case of large descent

groups, a process of partition often takes place: the land is divided between segments which

can dispose of it without reference to the other segments, and this process of fragmentation

has reached its fullest extent in Egba, where it is common to have land rights vested in

individual farmers” (Llyod, pg. 84-85, 241-242).

The major alternative to obtaining land from one’s own descent group in many areas is

to “beg” it (toro) from another group, often in return for gifts (isaigi) and annual payment

of “isakole.” Likewise, one can access land through sharecropping. This method has

become increasingly common as owners of cocoa farms are unable or unwilling to manage

the farms themselves. The owner often provides the seed, chemicals, and accommodations,

and that proceeds of the crop are split between the sharecropper and the owner. IN some

areas, “farm-owners are commuting a third of the crop into a cash payment in advance - a

system which assures them of regular income, reduces their responsibilities and provides

the sharecropper with greater incentive to raise productivity” (Berry, pg. 131).

Lastly, in a final note on Yoruba land-tenure practices, such land-tenure patterns have

increasing political implications. First of all, such practices encourage the attachment of

individuals to their home towns. Secondly, they make it difficult for strangers or outsiders

to become easily assimilated in the areas in which they have settled. As Eades notes,

“Yoruba migrants and their descendants in the cocoa belt tend to remain ‘strangers’ (àlejò)

if they come from another kingdom, even when they speak the same dialect of Yoruba”

(Eades, pg. 76). For example, the Modakeke in Ile Ife are still considered “alejo” despite

the fact that they have been there for a century or more. (Berry, pg. 113-116).

Trade and Marketing

The Yoruba have the known reputation for their skill in trade, both throughout Nigeria

and elsewhere in West Africa The earliest accounts that are found to describe this area

speak of an area thriving with craft industries and a complex division of labor. The

development of urban centers has produced a marketing system in which agricultural

produce, craft goods and imported goods changed hands, and much of this trade, especially

in the daily markets of the towns, has traditionally been handled by women.

As well as daily markets, there were the periodic markets which served wider areas.

Trade was an important issue in international relations. “Some towns were termini on the

long-distance trade routes that linked the Yoruba kingdoms with the Akan to the west, and

the Bariba, Hausa, and Nupe to the north” (Eades, pg. 80). Trade on these routes was well-

organized, roads often being wide and well-maintained, and caravanseries were established

outside the main towns. “Trade and tolls provided a major source of revenue for the

political authorities along the route” (Mabogunje, 1968: pg. 79-90).

Some features of the traditional marketing system have survived to the present. “Daily

markets in the towns and periodic markets in the ruraL areas are still the basis of the

distributive system” (Hodder, 1969: pg. 121). The pattern of long-distance trade in the 19th

century “has given way to a Yoruba diaspora in the 20th” (Eades, pg. 81). Yoruba traders

have settled in large numbers throughout West Africa. The large daily markets of the major

commercial centers supply goods not only to the local consumers, but also to traders from

other towns. Good examples are “the major Ibadan markets, some of which are quite

specialized, such as Gege and Orita Merin in the trade foodstuffs, and Oja Iba in the trade

in kola” (Hodder, 1969: 58-93).

There are also some specialized urban periodic markets like Oje in Ibadan, where sales

of Yoruba cloth and locally made soap alternate. Ibadan, like most Yoruba towns, also has

a number of small night markets, scattered through the town, selling mainly foodstuffs and

cooked foods (Eades, pg. 81). Outside the large towns are the ‘rings’ of village markets,

organized into four- or eight day cycles, with a different market being held on each day.

The best documented of these is the Akinyele ring, an eight-day cycle to the north of

Ibadan (Hodder, 1969: pg 58-93), but four-day cycles are more common. “Over 80 per cent

of the traders in the Akinyele markets were women, and between 50 and 60 per cent of the

traders sold foodstuffs” (Eades, pg. 81). The markets in a ring are evenly spread out, and

most rural settlements are within walking distance of one or other of them. Hodder found

that much of the produce was still brought in by headload.

Marketing of this type is very labor-intensive. The goods involved are of two main

types: manufactured goods moving outwards from the major urban centers, and farm

produce moving in the other direction. Manufactured goods mostly originate from the large

expatriate and Lebanese firms in Lagos and Ibadan. (Eades, pg. 82). The middle level of

Yoruba wholesalers are usually men and women who buy in bulk on regular accounts from

the larger firms, and who sell goods in smaller units to the network of retail traders. At the

retail level, trading capital is often very limited. “Turnover is rapid, and the quantities sold

are very small. Many women sell individual cigarettes, matches in bundles of ten, and sugar

cubes in piles of two or three at a time.

Craft Production

Many Yoruba occupations were traditionally organized within particular compounds

or descent groups, including weaving, smithing, woodcarving, leatherwork, drumming and

medicine. Many of these specializations persist. In Igbeti, the best drummers in the town

still come from Ile Onilu or Ayan, and facial scars are still made by members of Ile Olola.

These occupations are mainly confined to men, but others, such as pottery, indigo-dyeing,

and weaving on the uptight loom, are carried on only by women. Some of the crafts have

survived better than others. There are still Yoruba carvers who produce work of exceptional

quality in response to modern commissions (Carroll, 1967), but the craft has declined along

with the traditional religion for which most carvings are made. Some palace crafts like

leatherwork or calabash-carving in Oyo have been reorganized around tourism. Pottery has

survived competition from imported enamel ware and locally cast aluminium, and is still

made in large quantities in Ilorin. However, the craft which has perhaps adapted best to the

changing conditions is weaving (Bray, 1968).

As with farming and trading, many children help their parents in the crafts and have

mastered the skills by the age of 16. Parents were traditionally expected to set up their

children in the occupation and provide them with the necessary tools. Until later in the

child's adulthood (by marriage), the parents could keep the profits from their children’s

work, but the child could keep the income from work done in his spare time on his own

account. The head of the craft in a town was normally the “Baale” of one of the compounds

involved in it. Members of the main crafts held regular meetings to discuss prices, sort out

disputes and share information on techniques and markets. Taxes were paid to the political

authorities in craft goods. (Eades, pg. 85).

Present day, the categories of craftsmen and traders shade off into those of transport-

owner, small-scale industrialist, and building contractor. Among the most popular

enterprises are saw-milling, baking, and printing. Nearly all towns have at least one printer,

printing such things as visitor cards and the such. A town the size of Igbeti can support

three small bakeries, each with three employees, and each producing about 200 loaves a

day. Lastly, there is a small group of very wealthy Yoruba industrialists, though in general

the Nigerian industrial scene is dominated by government and expatriate capital.

Yoruba Traditional Medicine Kehinde

Traditional Yoruba medicine and healing practices are not as easily defined as

“Medicine” is in the West, thus some introductory information must first be presented

about the Yoruba people and their beliefs.

Yoruba History

The Yoruba people occupy the Southwestern area of Nigeria in what is known as

Yorubaland; they live in the western area South and West of the River Niger. It is

commonly believed that the Yorubas settled in this area after migrating from the northeast

around the second millennium prior to the Christian Era. There are variations on the origin

of the Yoruba people, but it is generally agreed, and even supported by evidence that they

are descended from Oduduwa, a deified ancestor. Some evidence suggests that he came

from Mecca, while folklore suggests that he descended from heaven. Either way, he landed

in Ile-Ife.

Traditional Religion

In addition to the belief in God, the central elements of traditional Yoruba religious

beliefs are orisa (from the words “ori”, meaning ‘the very Source of Being” and “se” is a

verb meaning “to originate”; thus the Source-Being which gives origin to all Beings”

(Oloyoye, pg.13). This belief existed prior to Christian or Muslim influence in Yorubaland

and it is still prevalent among traditionalists. Examples of orisas include Orunmila, Ogun,

Obatala, Sango, Osun, and Sanponna. In some cases such as Sango, the orisa are deified

ancestors. Each orisa has its own cult and is worshipped by other individuals for many

reasons. Each family lineage has associated orisa. It is claimed that there are as many as

401 different orisas.

These orisa are prayed to, offered sacrifices and are supplicated, especially in times

of distress, illness or misfortune, however all these things are done so as to appease and

please the orisa and so prevent such calamity. Most Christians or Muslims who claim not to

worship orisa, when in times of need, may still petition orisa in reference to their particular

problems. Traditional believers firmly hold orisas as part of the Yoruba way of life. Many

Christian and Muslim Yorubas still revere orisa and traditional religion and if they do not

actively participate in worship, they still respect the power of the deities and make efforts

not to displease them.

A few orisa and their precedence as excerpted from Simpson’s work:

Obatala- represents the idea of ritual and ethical purityOrunmila- the oracle godSango- god of thunder and lightningOsun- goddess of fertility and waterOgun- god of war, the hunt, and all pursuits in which iron or steel is usedIfa- god of divinationSanponna- god of smallpoxIbeji- god of twinsEgugun- symbolizes all dead ancestors

Other Beliefs

The Yorubas also believe in witches and witchcraft. Unlike orisa, witches are

human, but it is said they transform into another form, such as a red-beaked bird, when they

are performing their witchcraft. It is generally believed that most witches are women and

that witchcraft may be passed on from one person to another. Witches are not necessarily

evil, and they may be summoned to good effect.

A variety of ailments and problems are attributed to the work of witches including

death, illness, or loss of a job. Witches can be supplicated by people to avenge or inflict

wrongdoers or personal enemies, but it seems they have no specific loyalty and may be

bought or appeased through sacrifices or money offerings. It is believed that witches can

hear when someone is talking about them.

Traditional Medicine

Yoruba traditional medicine is not based around the western concept of germ theory,

rather ailments can be caused by human forces and supernatural forces, although sometimes

the two forces seem to overlap or interact. Similarly, there are two classes of illnesses:

external and internal. External illnesses could include obvious problems such as rashes,

bruises, broken bones or cuts. Internal troubles could include afflictions like cancer, hernia,

or a difficult pregnancy- in general mostly chronic persistent ailments or diseases.

External problems are often attributed to human force(s), while internal problems

are attributed to supernatural forces, although this is not always the case exclusively. For

example, a builder, though skilled with his tools, may crush his hand or cut his finger.

Obviously it is a human source that actually did the damage, however, why should such an

accident occur, especially to an experienced builder? In cases such as this, it is believed that

supernatural forces that are at work actually caused the accident, making the builder maim

himself. Most Yorubas, (irrespective of education level or religious faith) are wary of

“accidents,” and most of the people are superstitious to varying degrees.

Traditional Healers

There are two types of traditional healers: onisegun and babalawo. Generally,

onisegun, an herbalist, is consulted for less complex, external afflictions, while the

babalawo may petition the supernatural forces, in addition to prescribing herbal

concoctions and suggesting other actions to appease the disturbed spirits. Anyone who

believes they are afflicted by witches, or are being punished by the orisas may consult a

babalawo. This “doctor” may serve as intermediary either in summoning the supernatural

forces in question or to discover what they demand and who is prompting their harmful

demands. Appropriate action may then be taken by the afflicted, upon guidance of the

babalawo, including wearing charms, or making sacrifices. The babalawo uses a system of

divination called Ifa.

Ifa is the practice of divination where the orisa, Ifa Orunmila, is consulted before

any action is taken. The actual divining is done with the help of sixteen palm nuts from the

Awpe-Ifa tree (Ope Ifa)... Every one of these palm nuts represents sixteen subordinate

powers called Odu... All are associated with parables or traditional stories with which the

babalawo is supposed to be acquainted (Talbot, vol. ii, p.186). There is a total of 256 Odu

altogether. Simpson (73) further explains:

In learning odu Ifa, one starts with opele, a divination chain to which eight half nuts are fastened. When the opele is thrown to the ground, one can tell which odu is indicated by the combination of nut segments that fall “up” (inner side up) and which fall “down” (inner side down). The diviner then quotes from the passages in the odu which... are appropriate to the occasion or to the question that has been asked and gives his interpretation of this odu... An alternate divination technique involves the use of sixteen palm-nuts. The diviner places the nuts in the palm of his left hand and grabs at them with his right hand. If he gets all of them with his right hand, no marks are made in the termite sawdust on the divination board. If he gets all but one, two marks are made. If he gets all but two, one mark is made. Then he places the nuts in his right hand and repeats the procedure with his left hand. (Simpson, p.73)

The first procedure, opele, may be performed daily for less important matters, but

the second, complex procedure may only be performed every fifth day. Babalawo, meaning

“father of the secret” from “baba o ni awo” must then interpret and prescribe medicines,

charms or actions or a combination thereof in order to improve the afflicted client’s health

or situation. After the cause is determined and remedy is decided, the babalawo must

gather the roots, nuts, fruit, leaves, bark, animals or animal parts and necessary herbs in

order create the charms, medicine or ointments. Sometimes an apprentice will aid in the

collection of ingredients, gathering them from the forest and perhaps sometime buying

some components at the market. These formulae have been committed to memory, and

recipes differ from place to place for any given ailment.

Often incantations, drumming, dancing, singing or sacrifices accompany the

creation of the medicine as it is believed that some substances will not be potent otherwise.

The babalawo entices or calls on the spirits believed to inhabit everything living (or once

living); these spirits are what make the medicine potent. The babalawo most likely

developed after the onisegun, another type of healer, when non-magical methods failed.

The babalawo is very important and he sometimes hold more power than does a chief.

Another healer is the Onisegun. He is also a traditional healer, but he does not deal

deeply with the spiritual realm as the babalawo does. The onisegun is an herbalist who is

very knowledgeable about medicinal herbs, plants and other substances. Generally

onisegun determines the ailment from the patient’s previous medical history and symptoms

rather than using divination. Often the herbalist will belong to an Herbalist’s association,

complete with a certificate, usually indicating some degree of knowledge and competency,

but it does not necessarily indicate any standard level of education or proficiency.

Traditional Yoruba healing practices, are, like so many other aspects of Yoruba

culture, deeply entwined with traditional Yoruba religion. It is rather impossible to

completely separate spiritual belief from traditional healing practices, as it is commonly

held that witches, orisa and other supernatural entities may be the cause of an ailment.

Because of the influence of western medicine and the introduction of hospitals, patent

drugs, hypodermic injections and “germ theory”- where germs are the cause of illness

rather than spirits, etc.- traditional healing practices are slowly losing their prominence in

Yoruba society, especially among the young people. Still, whenever someone falls

seriously ill, the onisegun and the babalawo are called upon. Slowly, traditional practices

are being included in the new western medicinal ideas in Yorubaland, and the outcome is a

hybrid type of healing practice.

Yoruba Religion Titilayo

In Yoruba society, religion is equally important as politics and kinship. Religion is a

part of Yoruba daily life. Yoruba religion is monotheistic, meaning that a single God

(Olodunmare) rules over the universe, with several hundred lower deities, Orishas, who

are personified aspects of nature gods and ancestral spirits. Even though there are over a

thousand, there are at least four hundread and one recognized Orisas in the Yoruba

pantheon. Some of the most important Orisas are: Ogun, the god of iron and war; Sango,

the god of thunder; Obatala, the god of arch divinity of Yorubaland; Elegba, the god of

crossroads; Yemoja, the goddess of the oceans and otherhood; Oya, the goddess of the

winds, the whirlwinds, and the gates of the cemetery; and Osun, the goddess of love and

fertility.

Orisas are best understood by observing the forces of nature they rule over and the

endeavors of humanity. They can be natural phenomena, such as mountains, hills, and

rivers. They can also be recognized through numbers and colors which are their marks. The

devotees to each orisa can usually relate their past to their respective god. The deities are

worshipped either annually or at fixed times.

Olodumare, also known as Olorun, is the central force of the Yoruba traditional

religion. He is said to have established land and given life and breath. Myths say that

Olodumare asked Orisanla's brother, Oduduwa to descend from the sky to create the first

Earth at Ile-Ife. Then, sixteen other orisas came down from heaven to accomplish the task

of creating human beings to live on Earth. All the Orishas are said to have transcended

from Olodunmare.

Ogun is the god of iron and war. Blacksmiths, warriors, and all who use metal in

their profession are said to be patrons of this orisa. Ogun also presides over deals and

contracts; in fact, in Yoruba courts, devotees of the faith swear to tell the truth by kissing a

piece of iron or a machete that is sacred to Ogun. The Yoruba consider Ogum fearsome and

terrible in his revenge. A legend that illustrates Ogun's importance tells of the orisas trying

to carve a road through a deep jungle. Ogun was the only one with proper implements for

the task and won the right to be king of the orisa. He did not want the position though, and

it went to Obatala. Ogun is identified by the colors green and black.

Sango, the god of thunder, rules over lightning, thunder, fire, drums, and dance.

Sango's storms and lightning being a purifying moral terror with bodlness. He is a hot

blooded and strong-willed orisa with a quick temper and wit. His colors are red and white,

which resembles his virility. One myth about Sango tells of when he ruled as the fourth

king of the ancient Yoruba. He had a charm that could cause lightning, with which he

inadvertently killed his entire family. To be forgiven for his sins, he hanged himself, and

became deified. He tried to exceed his own limits and thereby destroyed what he cherished

most. Sango's devotees regard him as the embodiment of great creative potential. His

dedication to power over life is evident in his shrines.

Obatala is the god of arch divinity of Yorubaland. Known as the "King of the White

Cloth", Obatala represents the spiritual unity and interrelationship of all things. He is

known to be the creator of the world and humanities. Obatala is the source of purity,

wisdom, peacefulness, and compassion. Everything on Earth that is pure belongs to him. As

the sculpture-god, Obatala has the responsibility to evolve human bodies. He is responsible

for the normal and abnormal characteristics. Therefore, the Yorubas say that human

deformities are often a result of his errors. A pregnant woman who speaks negatively of

Obatala is likely to have a defective child. These children are called Eni Orisa, or the

children of Obatala. His followers appeal to him for children, the avenging of wrongdoing,

and the cure of deformities.

Elegba (Eleggua) is the god of crossroads, meaning he is the owner of opportunity

and the roads and doors into the world. He is a child-like messenger between the orisas and

human beings. Without his approval, nothing could be done. He is always honored first

before any other orisa because he opens the doors between the worlds and opens the door

for life. He is said to be the force in nature who brings magic into reality. Devotees give

offerings and honor to him on mondays and on the third day of every month. With his

child-like behavior he is known as a trickster, yet his tricks are simply opportunities to learn

lessons. His colors are red, white, and black which exemplify his contradicting nature.

Yemoja (Yemalla) is the goddess of the sea, moon, and motherhood. Her name, a

shortened version of Yeye Omo Eja means "Mother Whose Children are the Fish" reflects

the fact that her children are unaccountable. She is said to be the mother of many Orisha,

generous, and giving. All life started in the sea, the amniotic fluid inside the mother's

womb, is a form of sea where the embryo must transform and evolve through the form of a

fish before becoming a human baby. She represents the mother who gives love, but does

not give her power away. Yemalla also owns the collective, subconsciousness. Her worship

is indeed ancient and annual or at fixed times.

Sopona (Shokpona), the god of smallpox, apparently became an important god in

the smallpox plagues that were transmitted by various inter-tribal wars; the Yoruba also

blamed Sopona's wrath for high temperatures, carbuncles, boils, and other diseases that

resemble small-pox symptoms. Sopona once terrified some Yoruba so greatly that they

feared to say his name;they used instead such names as Elegbana ("hot earth") and A-soro-

pe-leerun ("one whose name it is not propitious to call during the dry season"). Priests of

Sopona wielded immense power; it was believed that they could bring the plague down on

their enemies, and in fact the priests sometimes made a potion from the powdered scabs and

dry skin of those who died from small-pox. They would pour the potion in an enemy's

house or a neighboring village to spread the disease. Today, however, smallpox has been all

but eradicated; the priests of Sopona have lost power and the cult has all but vanished.

Yoruba Traditional Religion Oluwole

Introduction

To examine the Yoruba religion, one must look at the entire area of Yoruba cultural

existence. Yorubas are located basically in the southwestern part of Nigeria and in some

parts of Benin and Togo. The history of the Yoruba religion seems to be somewhat of a

controversial subject in most sources that deal with this topic. There was really no mention

of when the religion started or much about the origin of the people because the beginning of

their existence was always noted as being in Ife, the center where the Yoruba people

descended from heaven. Ife is said to have been founded around a thousand years ago and

there was some mention that the Yorubas might have descended from some Middle Eastern

heritage.

As far as dealing with the actual origin of the religion itself, it is only referred to as

a surviving religion of a "higher" religion. That religion is said to be from the Ancient

Egyptian–Religion otherwise known as Khamet or Kemet. Being that the language of the

Yorubas is so strongly tied to the culture there are many comparisons analyzed as to why

there is a belief that Yoruba religion has been derived from Ancient Egyptian religion. For

example, in Lucas' "The Religion of the Yorubas" word comparisons are made. Such a

comparison is made with the Ancient Egyptian God Amon: "The God Amon is one of the

Gods formerly known to the Yorubas". The Yoruba words mon, mimon, "holy or sacred,"

are probably derived from the name of the God" (p.21).

Many of the sources which I encountered did not attempt to even approach the topic

of the origin of the Yorubas Orisa (Orisha). The Orisa is one of the key spiritual elements

of traditional Yoruba religion. It is an example of the many deep rooted meanings of the

religion of the Yorubas. The Orisa, according to Baba Ifa Karade's "The Handbook of

Yoruba Religious Concepts," are a series of Gods or divinities under the Yoruba's main–

God, Olorun or Oludumare. Karade also argues that there are many striking similarities

between the ancient Egyptians and the Yorubas. The Orisha are "... an expression of the

principles and functions of divine power manifesting on nature"(p.23).

The actual word "Orisha" has a deep meaning itself. For example, the word ori is

the "reflective spark of human consciousness embedded on human essense, and sha which

is the ultimate potentiality of that consciousness." This gives a strong example of how

strong language is tied to religion. This Ori is the aspect of the human that is in a sense in

control of their spiritual actions. The ori is divided into two which can be known as the ori

apari and the ori apere. The ori apari represents the internal spiritual head and the ori

apere represents the sign of an individuals personal protector. The common Orisa which

seem to come up time after time are these major ones: Obatala, Elegba, Ogun, Yemoja,

Oshun (Osun), Shango (Sango), and Oya.

Each of these gods has a specific purpose when dealing with the human spirit. Each

of the orisas has a specific color and natural environment associated with them. Obatala

represents the embodiment of true purity of one's soul. Obatala is also said to represent

ethical purity. Such purity is represented by pure whiteness. There is great measure taken to

carry out the importance of this pure whiteness because the temples which worship the

divinity Obatala have the color of white in all the instruments of worship. For example, the

clothing of those involved with the worship in the temples are white. In addition, all the

emblems are kept in white containers and the ornaments are white as are the beads for the

priests and priestesses. Obatala is said to be the father of the Orisha and the divinity in

charge of the carving of humans out of clay into the form they are today. He is worshiped

or appeased by his followers when they want children, revenge for wrong doings, cures for

sickness and so on.

Yemoja is the divinity that governs over all the waters or oceans. Yemoja is said to

be the mother of all the Orisha. She is the water or ambiotic fluid in the mother's womb and

the breasts which nurture a new born child. She is the Matriarchal head of the entire

universe. Her natural environment are the salt water–oceans and the lakes and the colors

associated with her are blue and crystal. There is much confusion concerning the subject

matter as to who is the chief female divinity because the different sources represent

different view points on this subject matter and this was really unclear.

Sango or Shango to non Yoruba speakers is said to be a human that was made into a

deity. He was said to be the ruler of old Oyo that was hung (legend has it that he committed

suicide by hanging himself to a tree after his failure to amass all the political powr to

himself) because of his greed for power. Sango is the god of lightning in addition to being

the Orisha of drum and dance. He is also known to change things into pure and valuabe

objects. His followers come to him for legal problems, making bad situations better, and

protection from enemies. His natural environment happens to be any place that has been

struck by lightning, and the base of trees. It is said that no god is more feared for

malevolent action than sango.

Ogun is said to be the god of iron and basically everything that becomes iron. He is

known for building or clearing paths for the building of civilizations and is the divinity of

mechanization. Ogun is considered to be the holder of divine justice and truth. He is also

said to be the executioner of the world. Natural environment are in the woods, railroads,

and forges.

Oya is the divinity that is associated with the death or the rebirth into a new life.

She is considered to be the wife of Sango. Oya is also known as the god of storms and

hurricanes and has power over the winds. She is also the deity that is in charge of guarding

the cemetary. Osun (Oshun) is the deity of diplomacy and all giving or unconditional love.

She is a river deity because she symbolizes clarity. She is the divinity of fertility and

feminine essence. Oshun is said to represent the strenght of feminine love and the power of

motherhood. It is she who is appeased when it comes time for a mother to give birth.

Elegba is the messenger of the deities and his major role is to negotiate between the

other orishas and the humans and is very close to all the forces of the deities. He is in

charge of giving from the humans to the divinities. Elegba is the one who tests the human

souls. Even when worhsipping other divinities, he is also worshipped because of his

important role in the Yoruba religion. Elegba can both punish and reward and is known for

having great wisdom. He is also the divinity who takes the body upon death and the

divinity that saves. Although he does not match the role exactly, he is what the western

world would call the devil. Elegba is not evil.

It is particularly important to discuss the dieties because they represent such an

important aspect of Yoruba traditional religion. The Yorubas have a deep and symbolic

meaning attached to each of the divinities which is exhibited through prayer and worhsip.

These divinities give the reader some idea of the powerful belief system of the Yorubas.

Many scholars or anyone not familiar with the Yoruba system of worship which is based in

the belief in more than one god, may see this religion as "superstitious" or "pagan".

The Yorubas have many festivals to give honor and praise to the many divinities

within the Orisa system of belief. The Yoruba festivals are extremely elaborate and have

much deep rooted meaning in practice related to them. Certain Yoruba towns have certain

orisas which are honored. This is extremely important because it shows the diversity of

Yoruba culture and futhermore the facets of traditional Yoruba religion. It would be tedious

and quite boring to examine and give an account of every single festival and the villages in

which they take place because the Yoruba religion covers so many (actually all) towns in

Yorubaland. The discussion could go on forever. However, I will give one account of this

widely practiced aspect of Yoruba religion.

Among the people of Osogbo, the Orisa Osun is the center of the town’s attention

even though it is worshipped by the people in all areas of Yorubaland. The reason for this

vast diversity may be due to the fact that there are major differences in the landscape of

each of the villages where the Yorubas settled. Each orisa has a natural environment and a

different emphasis may be put on a different orisa. For example, the reason why the people

of Osogbo worship osun may be because their town was founded near a river and osun's

natural environment is in fresh rivers and lakes. The historical legend or belief behind the

worship of osun is that the people of Osogbo found it hard to find any fresh drinking water

for the village. It was the divinity osun who gave the people of Osogbo fresh water. Osun

has also been credited to give infertile women children.

In Yoruba traditional religion, life is circular. What is meant by this that in the

Yoruba religion, there is no such thing as death. Death is seen as a transition from the

physical plain to the spiriitual plain. The life cycle of the Yorubas is very complex. Before

an individual is born into the world, they choose a destiny with God (Olodumare) in

heaven. The goal is to fulfil the destiny. There is one exception, once a child is born he or

she forgets the destiny he or she has chosen. The purpose of this is for the individual to

learn and gain wisdom for life in the spiritual plain. The Yoruba traditional religion

believes in predestination. It is also important to point out that there is no hell in traditional

Yoruba religion. The Yoruba believe that all of one's wrong doings will be paid for and all

good deads will be rewarded. Under the orisa system, the early cycle of life is called

"morning". Morning of one's life spans from the time of birth to the age of fifty. It is in this

time period that the individual learns and experiences life's most difficult lessons. This also

is the time when the Yorubas raise their families. The Yorubas believe that no one is a

master in any area of life until they reach age fifty. The time period from the age of fifty

until the transition into the spirit realm is called the evening. It is in this time period that

individuals enjoy life the most. By this time most Yoruba men and women would have

raised their children and have much free time to enjoy the fruits of their labor. The evening

is a time period when the Yorubas prepare for their transition. Long life and family are the

two most important blessings in Yoruba religion.

The Yoruba believe that there are three types of people: achievers, people who assist

achievers, and bystanders. Whichever role one chooses dictates the type of life that the

person will live. The babalawo is the most important figure in Yoruba religion on the

physical plain. His role is one of great respect and experience. The Babalawo's training is

long and indepth. It is said in some temples of Yoruba divination that Babalawos are said to

stay in their temples for seven years before being released into the world to pracitce Orisha.

The babalawo, by his knowledge and training, is the link between the divinities and man.

Olodumare, Orisa, ati Ebora: Yoruba concepts of God.

Sangoleke

Time and time again, one can not escape the fact that religion is an essential part of

culture amongst African people. Throughout the African continent and the Diaspora,

traditional religious beliefs and practices have served as a unifying force within the

community. Religion permeates all aspects of the everyday life of Africans who still cling

to the traditional beliefs.2[2] The Yoruba culture and their beliefs span South-Western

Nigeria as well as parts of Benin and Togo.3[3] In the words of Dr. Awolalu, “Perhaps no

other African group has had greater influence on the culture of the New World than the

Yoruba.”4[4] The practices and beliefs of the Yoruba take different shape beyond what is

considered Yorubaland.

In Sierre Leone it is known by the name ‘Aku’ . Practitioners call their religion

‘Lucimi’ in Cuba and it is referred to as ‘Nago’ in Brazil.5[5] Thus Yoruba tradition has had

a place in the New World for some time. In some parts of South America and the Caribbean

Yoruba practices have been merged with Christianity such as Santiera which combines

catholic saints with Yoruba deities.

We now have an idea of the vastness of the Yoruba religion. But,

what does the religion entail? Who is their God or gods? What do they

call Him/Her/them? How do they see Him and His powers? And, Who

serve under Him? Contrary to the belief of many, African people are not

2[2] The topic of John Mbiti’s Concepts of God in Africa is the discussion and exposition of traditional African beliefs.

3[3] Awolalu, J.Omosade,Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites, London: Longman Group Limited, 1979, pg. xiii.

4[4] Awolalu, pg. xiii.

5[5] Awolalu, pg. xiii.

heathens nor are we “religiously illiterate,”6[6] Our concepts of the God

incorporates Him/Her as both the unseen Supreme Being and Creator

and the manifestation of the physical realm and natural phenomenon.7[7]

The Yoruba believe in the existence of a Supreme Being who is

responsible for creation and sustaining both heaven and earth. By

looking at the names they give to God, one can one can gain insight into

their relationship with their God. Awolalu states:

“Among the Yoruba names are very significant.… The Yoruba attach a great deal of importance to names.... every name given by the Yoruba depicts a significant character or circumstance of the birth of the bearer of the name.”

He later adds:

“We take the trouble of examining.… secular names in order to emphasize the fact that names are not just given but that they are with definite intentions. When we turn specifically to examine the manes of the Supreme Being we discover that each of the names depicts the peoples’ concept of Him. The most prevalent name of the Supreme Being is Olodumare, which has the connotation of the Supreme God worthy of great reverence. The name Olorun means the owner of heaven. It is used in conjunction with Olodumare as Olorun Olodumare to express the Supreme Being as the God who resides in heaven. Eledaa means the Creator. Alaaye means the Living One and suggests that the Supreme Being is everlasting. The Yoruba say ‘A ki igbo iku Olodumare’ (We never hear of the death of Olodumare). Elemii means the Owner of Life, “without the Supreme Being no creature can live.” Olojo Oni means the Owner or Controller of this day or daily happenings. Therefore, all things that happen in one’s life or during that day is under the control of God”.8[8]

The Yoruba believe that Olodumare, the Supreme Being, has certain divine qualities

or attributes.9[9] A common characteristic of traditional African religion is a creation myth

6[6] Mbiti, pg. xiii.

7[7] see note 1.

8[8] Awolalu, PP 11-12.

9[9] Awolalu, PP 12-18.

or story.10[10] There is a story of creation that among the Yoruba is used “mainly to

emphasize the fact that Olodumare is the creator of heaven and earth and all beings and

things.”11[11] Among the attributes of the Supreme Being is His uniqueness. To the Yoruba,

He is the Only One and no others are like Him. The Yoruba say ‘A ki igbo iku Olodumare’

(‘We never here of the death of Olodumare’) to convey the everlasting nature of Olorun

Alaaye, the Living God. Without the Supreme Being, nothing can be done. He is Olorun

Alagbara , the powerful God. The Yoruba believe God to be omnipotent. God, the Supreme

Being, knows all‘ A-rinu-rode Olumo okan’ (the One who sees both the inside and outside

(of a person)- the Discerner of the Heart).

The Supreme Being is the Oba orun, King of heaven and the Oba a dake dajo, the

King who sits in silence and dispense justice. “In their anthropomorphic conception of God,

the Yoruba see Him as holding the position of a very important king who is also an

impartial Judge.”12[12] The belief in the transcendence of God is key to the Yoruba’s concept

of the Supreme Being. It is He who is above all but he is not an unapproachable God. He is

One who is easily accessible without regard to time and place because of His

omnipresence.13[13] Along with the creation of heaven and earth, Olodumare brought into

existence other divinites- Orisa, and spirits, Ebora, to help Him administer His creation.

There is no true separation between the divinities and spirit according to Awolalu, probably

because of their effect on man and the reverence or respect the Yoruba have for these

10[10] Mbiti, pg. 161.

11[11] The entire creation story can be located in Awolalu’s work that has been cited on pp. 12-13.12[12] Awolalu, pg. 15.

13[13] Awolalu, pg. 16.

supernatural forces or Beings. The number of divinities and spirits that span Yorubaland

varies from 200 to more than 2000. The importance of each divinity or spirit depends on

the location within Yorubaland and the Diaspora. Some are classified as either a primordial

divinity or deified ancestor.

Obatala or Orisa-nla is seen as one of the first divinities the Supreme Being created

and is connected to the creation story. Among his notoriety is his ability to make barren

women fertile and his purity. Followers of Obatala are expected to be of upright nature and

clean. Hence the color white is significant in his worshippers’ attire and articles at his

shrines. In the creation story, Obatala got intoxicated by drinking palm wine, hence his

followers are forbidden from offering it to him or drinking it themselves.

Orunmila is another of the primordial divinities, who was sent to accompany

Obatala to earth and provide him with guidance. Orunmila is believed to be specifically

gifted with knowledge and wisdom, thus the name ‘Eleriipin’ one who bears witness to

fate.’ A belief among the Yoruba is that the destiny of man is held by Olodumare before

one is born. Part of Orunmila’s wisdom is knowing the likes and dislikes of the divinities

and this knowledge allows him to guide both the divinities and man. Orunmila serves as the

divinities’ messenger to man and man’s guide to the divinities. With the aid of Ifa,

Orunmila can discern the wishes of Olodumare and what steps to take to appease Him.

Orunmila priests are known as Babalawo (father of mysteries). They are the highest of all

Yoruba priests. Babalawo are consulted before any important project is carried out.

Oduduwa is considered both a primordial divinity and a deified ancestor. There is

much controversy concerning him and his place in the pantheon of Yoruba Gods. Some

contest it was him and not Obatala that was sent to earth by Olodumare because of

Obatala’s drunken stupor. Some claim Oduduwa as wife to Obatala and the primary

female Orisa, with Obatala the primary male Orisa. However, both Oduduwa and Obatala

are associated with the creation.

Esu is one of the primary divinities in Yoruba beliefs. His main purpose is to run

errands for both man and the divinities and to report their deeds to Olodumare. Within the

character of Esu is good and evil. Unlike the Christian concept of the devil or the Islamic

character of shaitan, Esu is not wholly evil and he is not scorned but recognized as having a

place in the world.

Ogun is considered as both a primordial divinity and a deified ancestor. As legend

tells us, it was Ogun who cleared the thicket for Olodumare after the other divinities could

not. Therefore, the association with Ogun as the one associated with clearing obstacles

exists in Yoruba belief. By appeasing Ogun, these obstacles can be overcome. One tradition

holds that Ogun was a powerful warrior, the son of Oduduwa, who helped him defeat his

enemies. Hence, the association between Ogun and warriors exists. It is still a practice for

Yorubas to swear upon Ogun (represented as a piece of iron). If your testimony is false or

you break your word, Ogun’s judgment shall be severe. In this manner Ogun symbolizes or

deifies absolute justice. Some other symbols for Ogun are the machete or guns.

In ancient Yoruba society, if a man or woman made contributions to life and culture

they were deified, Instead of them dying, Yoruba heroes and heroines won data or won

diirin turn into stone or iron. So they are not forgotten and their exploits give them

supernatural power or influence. An important person in the history of the Yoruba is the

man who served as the fourth Alaafin of Oyo, Sango.14[14] Sango is not just an important

14[14] Awolalu, PP 20-33.

figure to the Yoruba of the African continent, but he seems to play a role in the customs of

Diaspora Yoruba belief in the New World.15[15]

Within Yoruba beliefs, Sango is the deity associated with thunder and lightning. As

a ruler Sango was tyrannical and often misused his power and his knowledge of magic.

Eventually, his arrogance was his undoing when he summoned up lightning that ultimately

destroyed his wives and children. Some stories contend that he was so distraught that he

went into the woods and hung himself and returned as thunder and lightning.16[16]

Associated with Sango's veneration are the Orogbo (bitter kola nut) and Erindinlogun

(sixteen cowries) divination systems.17[17]

Orisa-oko is the patron divinity of Yoruba farmers. He is represented by an iron

staff covered with cowrie shells and is served by honey bees. Orisa-oko is said to be

Olodumare functionary in matters concerning the maintenance and sustenance of the world

in particular agriculture. Ayelala is a goddess both feared and revered by the people of the

Okitipupa Portion of Western Nigeria. She is associated with vengeance. She is said to

accompany various plagues such as small pox and others whom are looked upon as spirits

also. A male god, Sanponna is associated with these plagues and so on in other areas of

Yorubaland.

Along with the primordial divinities and deified ancestors are the spirits or Ebora.

The Yoruba recognize these spirits and associate them with natural phenomenon such as

the earth, the rivers, the wind, and the mountains. These things in nature are either

15[15] see Shango in the New World by William Bascom.

16[16] Barnes, Sandra T., Africa’s Ogun : Old world and New, 2nd ed., Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997, pg. 78.

17[17] Awolalu, pg. 37.

considered as spirits, the abode of spirits, or the vehicle through which spirits travel. Many

of these spirits have shrines and or festivals associated with their veneration. Bodies of

water are also included as Ebora. Yemoja or Yemoya is considered the source of all

water. Oya is the goddess of the river Niger. Osun is the divinity associated with the river

that bears its name and the tutelary divinity of Osogbo. Osun governs fertility and healing.

Olokun or Malokun is the lord of the sea. He is justly revered because of man’s awe of the

sea.

Elevated land and rocks are considered abodes of spirits18[18] such as oke-Olumo,

Olumo Rock.19[19] Due to rocks perceived immortality, the Yoruba say ‘Oke o ki iku’ (the

rock never dies). Trees are considered to be spirits or the domain of the supernatural. The

Iroko tree is held in high regard as it is thought to be inhabited by some powerful spirits.

The Ayan, Eegun, and Omo tree are also treated with respect and reverence. The spirits of

the air are countless to the Yoruba. Oro, a spirit responsible for paralysis, travels through

and woe is he who meets him, for paralysis soon follows. Ajija travels by wind and

transports men to the forest where they are taught the medicinal arts.

There are seemingly countless spirits and divinities in Yorubaland. I am sure that

each ilu (town) has its own patron spirit or divinity with a shrine, festival, and priesthood

associated with it. However, Olodumare is the Supreme Being to the Yoruba. Noting His

names and the attributes they associate with Him, one does not need to ponder long on why

the religion and culture has not only survived colonialism and post-colonial rule. Neither

Christianity nor Islam have successfully wiped out its practice. O se Olodunmare!

18[18] Awolalu, PP 41-48.

19[19] Scleicher, Antonia Yetunde Folarin, Je K’ A So Yoruba ,New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993, pg. 130.

Bibliography:

Awolalu, J. Omosade. Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites. London: Longman Group Limited, 1979.

Barnes, Sandra T, ed. Africa’s Ogun: Old World and New. 2Ed. Bloomington: Indiana University Press,

1997.

Bascom, William. Shango in the New World Austin: African and Afro-American Institute, Universtiy

of Texas, Austin. 1972.

Mbiti, John S. Concepts of God in Africa. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1970.

Schleicher, Antonia Y.F. Je K’ A So Yoruba. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1993.

The Traditional Yoruba Divination Ceremony with Special Emphasis on the Role of

the Babalowo and Esu

Olufemi

In traditional Yoruba society the paramount obstacle was to perpetually keep the

many deities placated. This appeasement was crucial to ensuring peace and prosperity for

one’s self, one’s family, and even one’s village. The traditional Yorubas had many deities

that held influence over different Earthly realms. Arguably as important as these deities was

Esu. He was responsible for delivering sacrifices made by humans to Olorun, ”God

Almighty” Esu served as a sort of spiritual mediator; he was the link between the humans

and the gods. It is rumored that Olorun once pretended to be dead in order to see who was

actually loyal to him. As the story goes, only Esu grieved and was thus given his special

position as mediator between the spirit world and Earthly inhabitants. (This story was found

on the website www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html )

The Yoruba deities often appear to be very egotistical and well aware of their

superiority. It seems that the Yoruba gods behave a lot like the gods of Greek and Roman

mythology in this sense. In all three cultures, the gods were aware of their supremacy and

often used their powers to toy with humans. In Greek mythology Zeus was well known for

tricking mortal women into sleeping with him. In the Yoruba culture, gods apparently

amused themselves at the expense of humans as well. Due to this tendency, the traditional

Yorubas tried very hard to keep the gods happy and thus to keep themselves in good graces.

Sacrifices and reciting odu were the main instrument used in appeasing the gods and

thus ensuring happiness for traditional Yorubas. Although such communication with the

gods was imperative, few had the sufficient knowledge and training to be able to preside

over these mystical practices. The people who possessed the knowledge to communicate

with higher powers were called Babalowo or diviner. They were similar to Native

American shamans as far as the role they played in the community, and they are highly

esteemed.

The traditional Yoruba culture put great faith into the Babalowo. His role was very

complex and multifaceted. In fact, he was so revered by the community that he was allowed

to wear clothing ornamented with beads. These beads are highly regarded as they “Once

serv[ed] as trade currencies, beaded objects were usually reserved for the Yoruba kings” To

the villagers, the Babalowo served as a sort of priest, doctor, and fortune-teller all rolled

into one. He utilized special instruments to decipher what a person had done to offend a

deity, what sacrifices were needed, and which odu should be recited to get back into the

god’s good graces. His position was very important in traditional Yoruba society.

(www.middlebury.edu/~atherton/AR325/divination/yoruba_bag.html ).

For the act of deviation, a Babalowo had many tools to assist him in contacting a

higher power. These tools were kept in a bowl called opon igere. This bowl would often be

decorated with carvings containing the images of deities. One of the key elements used in

the divination ceremony was the tapper. The tapper is “usually made of ivory,” and was

used to summon supernatural forces. Additionally, the Babalowo had a carved cup in which

he carries around sacred palm nuts. The traditional name for the cup is agere-Ifa. The cup

“served as a home” for the palm nuts (Kernels). The palm nuts themselves played a crucial

role in the divination, as they were tossed across a sacred divination board, called opon-Ifa,

covered in sawdust (www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html).

Unlike in many other cultures, the Yorubas actually were allowed to be present and

to be actively engaged in the ceremony. A person would come to a Babalowo with a

problem, perhaps his wife was sick. The diviner would then bring out his agere-Ifa. From

the agere-Ifa the Babalowo would retrieve the sixteen precious palm nuts. Then, he would

throw them across opon-Ifa. The Opon-Ifa was covered in sawdust or powder. The trails

made by the tossed palm nuts were studied in depth by the Babalowo. From the sawdust

trails the Babalowo could derive at which chapter he should start reading odu from. The

‘client’ would then listen as the Babalowo reads. The ‘client’ “would stop the diviner when

he recognized an odu of particular significance.” The diviner would essentially repeat this

process until a “meaningful text began to coalesce”

(www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html ).

The article that I read concerning the recitation of odu contained an example of

some verses that were recited for a man whom the diviner said will be

honored soon:

“Nobody despises fireAnd wraps it up in a cloth.Nobody despises the snakeAnd ties it round his waist as a belt.Nobody despises the King And hits him over the head.Today people must honor me.

(Beier:1959:57)”(www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html )

Apart from the performance of divination ceremonies, the Babalowo maintain an air

of spirituality above the rest of the community at all times. They carry items to symbolize

their powers for all to see. For instance, some Babalowo carry opa osun. Opa osun was a

type of divining staff and served to remind the villagers of the diviner’s position in society.

At certain ceremonies the Babalowo would carry around other symbolic artifacts.

Babalowo “brings out this special iron staff at large, community-oriented functions. The

staff symbolizes the diviner’s power over death and other destructive forces.” The Yorubas

believed that if someone was at the point of death and the diviner sacrificed a rooster on the

staff, that “death would be fooled into taking the life of the rooster instead of the human

being.” (www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html ).

The traditional Yorubas held many beliefs that people from other countries would

perhaps find strange. But on the same token, the Yorubas would find peculiarity in

someone else’s beliefs. If modern day Christians can believe that Jesus Christ rose up from

the dead and will later come back to earth to take people to heaven, why is it so far-fetched

to believe that Babalowo had supernatural powers? Many Westerners ridicule ancient

beliefs such as the ones held by the Yoruba as evidence of lesser cultures, but they often

forget that tradition is usually based on some amount of facts. For instance one of the

primary things, Yoruba people visit the Babalowo for was to try and increase fertility.

According to recent evidence the Yorubas have the highest rate of twin births in the world,

“Forty-five out of every thousand births is a twin birth”

(www.middlebury.edu/~atherton/AR325/fertility/yoruba_ibeji.html). One inhibitor of

learning about the Yoruba religion and culture is that some people are hesitant to look at the

world from a different view, to take a leap of faith that maybe there is something else to

know about the world. People in the United States are very ethnocentric and try to force

ideas to fit in a strictly American framework.

The Yoruba concept of Esu and Babalowo will not fit nicely into such a framework.

It must be studied from an objective perspective. After much research on the topic and

much reflection, it has become obvious to me that to actually understand the significance of

the Yoruba culture, including the divination ceremony and the role of the Babalowo, one

must, in fact, be Yoruba. Although much can be learned from reading descriptions of

Yoruba rituals and information about the different roles the deities play in life, one is still

not able to grasp the cultural implications and significance of these things. Although we can

never hope to achieve a full sense of understanding, that should not divert us from our goals

of learning about the language of the Yoruba or about their rich culture. The Yoruba culture

is vast in tradition and value and it can be an asset to anyone to unravel even a little of its

mystic.

Websites Cited:

www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html

www.middlebury.edu/~atherton/AR325/fertility/yoruba_ibeji.html

Female Deities and Their Importance in the Yoruba Culture

Folarin (H)

There is no doubt that religion is a major aspect of the Yoruba culture. This is a

culture that contains a huge pantheon of gods and goddesses each with a different

mythology and purpose. Many Yoruba deities are connected to the natural forces that

command and create life. They are seen not only in religious worship, but in the daily lives

and activities of the Yoruba people.

To a Yoruba person, knowing the mythology of deities is as important as learning

the history of his/her ancestors. The deities are in fact the ancestors of all humankind. This

deep connection plays a tremendous role in the relationship between deity and human; in

the human need for help in working with nature’s forces deities are consulted for guidance

and example. Women being at the source of creation have always looked to deities

(primarily female deities) for assistance in their survival and for the welfare of the

community.

There are constant celebrations and festivals reminding and teaching the Yoruba

people of this rich past and deep connection. An example of such a festival is the “Gelede”.

This festival celebrates the “great ancestral mothers” and women’s life giving powers. The

festival has two parts a night ceremony called the “Efe” and the daytime celebration called

the “Gelede”. In both celebrations, elaborate costumes and masks are created to pay

homage to deities and ancestors. The importance of women in Yoruba society is the overall

theme of the festival.

The festival is held in the marketplace which is the center of women’s social and

economic activity. The marketplace is the key to the economic wealth of women in Yoruba

society. Therefore, it is the perfect place to pay homage to women’s influence and strength.

Several female deities play a large role in the festival’s activities.

One of the most sacred “Efe” and “Gelede” performances is of the Great

Mother,”Iyanla”. Special preparations are made for this performance. All the lights are

extinguished, and a shrine is provided as a center for worship. The shrine consists of a mask

wrapped or draped in white cloth, and the performers representing “Iyanla” focus on their

dancing. The “Iyanla” can come in two forms: a bearded elderly lady or a Spirit bird. There

are two chants that are spoken when the performers appear. One chant is to the Spirit bird

form:

Spirit Bird is coming (Twice)Ososobi o, Spirit Bird is coming The one who brings the festival todayTomorrow is the day when devotees of the gods will worshipYou are the one who brought us to this placeIt is your influence that we are usingOsosobi o, Spirit bird is coming

[Recorded in Ilaro, 1978]

This chant demonstrates how important “Iyanla” is to the Yoruba people. She is the

reason and the power behind the festival. Another chant spoken is to the bearded mother

form:

“Iyanla come into the world, our motherKind one will not die like the evil oneOsosomu come into the worldOur mother the kind one will not die like the evil one”

And

“Ososomu e e eHonored ancestor “apake e e e”Mother, Mother, child who brings peace to the worldRepair the world for usIyanla, child who brings peace to the world o e”

[Collected in Ibaiyun, 1975]

In both of these chants “Iyanla” is constantly referred to as mother. This indicates

homage to a deity like that of a great ancestor. In the second chant, “Iyanla” is asked to

bring peace to the world, and by participating is this chant comfort is given by knowing that

“Iyanla” hears the trouble of her children. Again there is a motherly portral of the goddess.

In addition to the mask representing ”Iyanla”, other goddesses are depicted. Masks

with special clay pots called “otun” are attached for collecting sacred water. These masks

are dedicated to water deities such as ”Yemoja” and “Osun”. Water signifies a natural

force needed for human survival; as well as a symbol of richness and fertility. The goddess

“Yemoja” is also honored by a special mask worn only by a priestess. Red parrot feathers

crown the mask symbolizing the mystical power of women. Other articles of clothing

signify a woman’s connection to deity. The oja can be worn in a variety of ways depending

upon the senority of a prietess or follower. It may be worn as a gele (head wrap) to indicate

new initiates or around the buba (traditional blouse) for older prietesses. The Yoruba

people recognize and respect the differences.

Outside of festivals and celebrations female deities still remain a powerful

influence. Daily these deities are consulted in problems that occur in everyday life. Specific

problems are brought to different goddesses. Each goddess has her own history and

personality. These qualities mirror the positive and negative aspects of the Yoruba culture.

The river goddess “Osun” is sought after for advice in matters of love and children.

In Yoruba culture, she is seen as the goddess of love and beauty. A festival is also

dedicated to her; many offerings are given to her by women asking for her help. She can

cause drought or flood and therefore must be constantly appeased. She is the matron

goddess of the town Osogbo in Osun State of Nigeria.

Another important goddess to the Yoruba people is “Oya”. She is a goddess with

many different aspects. One of her most dominant traits is her association with the forest

and the hunt. Because of these aspects, she is also known as the “Buffalo-woman”. She can

come in the form of the hunter or in the form of the prey. These two forms illustrate the

importance of both aspects of life. She teaches understanding and respect for the life of the

animal killed to provide food, and the balance that must be maintained in nature.

In the role of “Buffalo-woman”, she also teaches that the roles of men and women

in Yoruba society are not as important as the survival of the community. This is a lesson

being used in modern Yoruba culture. Traditionally women are not allowed to leave the

village to search for roots or food. Even women trained in gathering roots for medicine can

not go deep into the forest. However, a hunter is only considered to be the best if he is

successful in the depths of the forest. He must recognize the greatness and skills of “Oya”

as a hunter goddess to feed the village.

Another aspect of “Oya” is as the whirlwind or tornado. This again illustrates the

negative but necessary aspect of nature; to have creation destruction must take place. She is

seen as the cause of tornadoes in Yoruba culture. This also relates to the negative and

violent power within men and women. If these powers are allowed the run rapid, they can

be just as destructive as any tornado.

Oya’s diversified personality makes her one of the most distinctive of the Yoruba

goddesses. Her personality is best summoned up in a poem by Judith Gleason. It describes

both her negative and positive qualities.

OyaDark forest, deepest obscurityWhich grabs and swallows you in the forestWinds of DeathTears the Calabash, tears the bushSango’s wife whoWith the thumb tears outThe intestines of the one liarGreat Oya, yesOnly she seizes the horns of the buffaloOnly she confronts the returning deadSwiftly she gets her things together swiftlyOya messenger, carry me on your backDon’t let me downShe burns like fire in the hearthEverywhere at onceTornado, quivering sold canopied tress--Great Oya, yesWhirlwind, masquerader, awakeningCourageously takes up her saberIya O, Iya O

Mother OyaIt is not from today that she is honorableBut from long agoIya O, Oya OMother OyaShe’s the one who employs truth against [untruth]She stands at the frontierBetween Life and DeathIya O, Oya OIf it is Bembe, she dances it, O she’ll dance itWho dances Bata Drums?O she dances itWho dances Shekere,O she dances itWife of Ogun, that’s the one who dances it, whatever it isShe has been performing Egungun masquerade for a long timeOya had so much honorShe turned and became OrisaOya guards the road into the world and out of itOya, respect to the awesome!

(Judith Gleason@1987)

The role of female deities in Yoruba culture is ever present and ever changing. A

strong connection between female deities and the Yoruba people is illustrated by the many

lessons learned from them. These lessons include “Iyanla’s” wisdom, “Osun’s” love, and

“Oya’s” strength. Connection between humankind and deity is crucial. By having respect

for deity whether male or female, one gains a love and kindred to everything in nature. This

serves as a way to pass on the lesson of how to live in balance with ourselves and others.

All these are valuable teachings which can be used in daily life not of just the Yoruba

people but of everyone and anyone.

References

Blakely, Thomas D., Van Beek, Walter E. A., and Thomson, Dennis L. Religion in Africa: Experience

and Expression. David M. Kennedy Center 1994.

Drewal, Henry John and Drewal, Margaret Thompson. 1983. Gelede: Art and Female Power among the

Yoruba. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press.

Gleason, Judith. 1987, 1992. Oya: In Praise of an African Goddess. San Francisco: Harper.

Websites:

Web-Site: http://www.voiceofwomen.com/articles/omi.html

-“Keys to Feminine Empowerment: from the Yoruba West African

Tradition” by: Omifunke.

Web-Site: http://www.artnet,net/~ifa/oshun.htm

-“Ijo Orunmila: Spreading Ifa to All Olodumare’s Children.” by: Chief

Fashina Falade, Chief Olubikin of Ile-Ife.

Role of Women in Traditional Yoruba Society Adeola

Women played various roles in traditional Yoruba society. They performed in areas

such as farming and trading, and economically, women's efforts were crucial to the survival

of their families and the society as a whole. Political roles were also abundant. Though

males essentially dominated Yoruba politics in a physical sense, a woman's importance was

generated through mystical power and was fully independent of the reputation of her

husband. Women also participated in body markings, and further, they held a great

knowledge of medicine. In addition, traditional ceremonies and rituals such as Gelede,

portray a profound respect for women--especially mothers. Historical myths placed sharp

focus on religious and supernatural forces. In fact, in some instances, they were held as

high as goddesses because of their alleged awesome power.

Women are further saluted through chants called Oriki, and these chants,

additionally, assist women in their journey to marriage. In 1826, a man named Capperton

observed wives of the Alaafin of Oyo (the most powerful Yoruba king at the time) in every

place trading and like other women of the common class, carrying large loads on their

heads from town to town (Drewal 225). Though the majority of women earn their income

through trading, farming also plays a significant role (Spiro 13). Their function in

supplying nutrition and clothing for themselves and their families depend greatly on both

farming and trading (Kolade 1). Previous studies have shown that women's only economic

concern is with food processing and distribution, with some craft specialization and that

women rarely take part in any phase of agriculture, but other studies show that almost all

women spend approximately 25% of their time in some farming activity (Spiro 7).

Women are estimated to perform 60% to 80% of all agricultural work and to

provide up to 70% of the region's food (Middleton and Rassam 392). For instance, a

woman performs much of her labor through the farming of crops such as yams, maize,

cassava, and okra, and they even have to hire some male labor for their own farms (Spiro

7). The production and sale of such crops contributes to the well-being of her family in

addition to providing income for various other household expenses (Middleton and Rassam

392). Women are in their prime years between the ages of 25-40, since their economic

authority grows with age and their status as mothers.

Responsibilities increase because they need to supplement their husband's income

and provide money for school fees and other every day necessities. Women are also

expected to supply the sauces, stews, and snacks eaten with staples. Women use their own

money to buy clothes and luxury items for themselves and their children (Spiro 9).

Yoruba women marry at age eighteen and move to their husband’s village. During

the early years of marriage, women are economically subservient to their husbands. Their

domestic duties also include extensive unpaid agricultural labor on their husband’s

holdings. These early years are also devoted to organizing the household, and bearing and

rearing children. Yorubas strive for a 3 year space between children, owing to traditional

sexual abstinence during an extended breast-feeding period. As children approach the

school age, mothers start moving more seriously into trading enterprises. Children are net

dependents on their parents between ages 6 and 18, depending on the schooling they

receive (Spiro 9).

Women are further involved in body marks. A woman whose father is a mark maker

can be taught how to and she can make marks (Barnes 358). These are incisions or tattoos

on the body that represent sexuality, spirituality, strength, and status for males and females

(254). For example, a woman with many marks is considered courageous and a woman

without marks is deemed a coward (255). As a consequence of their significant

contributions, women are given official roles in public affairs (Middleton and Rassam 392).

In fact, the market women’s administrative head, Iyalode, holds a position on the king’s

council of chiefs (Drewal 10). Women also participate in activities such as pottery making,

spinning, dyeing, weaving, basketry, and dressmaking was added in the 19th century and

medicinal activity is also predominant.

The collection and sale of medicinal ingredients takes place in large daily markets.

These ingredients are not affected by menstruation and can therefore be handled by women.

Since these women are intimately familiar with the plants and animals they handle, they

undoubtedly know much about medicine, but they tend to limit their medicinal practice to

the sale of ingredients. They also offer advice, recommending cures to their friends, and

occasionally they will sell someone a recipe (Buckley 3).

On another note, women are considered the center of Gelede ceremonies (Lawal

36). Gelede is a ceremony that promotes the motif of barrenness as its prime focus. Certain

traditional, religious beliefs form the basis for such ceremonies. First of all, Ogboni was

one of the most religious organizations in Yorubaland (34-35). The Earth Goddess, Ile, held

it’s divine authority and represented maternal principles. This is evident in the word, Abiye,

meaning <born to live>. It was used by female members of Ogboni called, Erelu, as a

symbol of being good midwives and to prevent infant mortality, called Abiku.

Gelede society elaborates on the maternal values of Ogboni in order to inculcate

into the mother’s mind the responsibility to her children and her community (Lawal 36).

There are two main ceremonies that Gelede embodies. Efe is the night ceremony while

Gelede occurs during the day. Furthermore, as with any phenomenon, there are two type of

traditions concerning the origin of Gelede: the mythical and the historical (37). In Yoruba

mythology, it is believed that a woman holds innate power which can be either good or evil.

Such powers are called, aje often translated as ‘witch’ or ‘My Mother.’ The negative

tendencies of aje are believed to branch from jealousy and competition within the

polygamous setting of a Yoruba compound. Another important role in Gelede ceremonies

is played out through the Chief priestess, Iyalase (82). She is the head of the society and the

ase (the Gelede shrine), and she is the only one who can enter its divine quarters. The

Iyalase has to be of age and must understand the Yoruba herbs and liturgy.

In further understanding of Gelede’s mythological origin, practices of a babalowo

were referred to in many cases. A diviner, or babalowo, was consulted during times of

trouble (Lawal 37-38). He memorizes rituals, or ese ifa, during training and then relates and

interprets these stories for clients who have a given problem. These clients are instructed to

follow the same steps as the mythical character, or orisa (gods), in order to resolve their

problem. One ese ifa tells a story of a woman named Yewajobi, mother of all orisa and

living things (39-40). She contacted the babalowo because she could no longer bear

children after marrying her husband, Oluweri. She was instructed to dance and give

sacrifices in honor of the orisa, and, in turn, she became fertile again. She gave birth to two

children: Efe and Gelede. Efe was a jocular young man, and Gelede was obese and enjoyed

dancing like her mother. Efe and Gelede, as well, had problems having children, but they,

too, were advised to give sacrifice and dance about with wooden images on their heads.

Sure enough, they both began having children.

In addition to the performance in honor of orisa, Gelede’s most popular function is

to placate Iya Nla, the Great Mother (or Mother Nature) (71). Iya Nla was a sea out of

which land emerged and life, humanity, and culture were sustained. Iya Nla loves music

and dance. In fact, her Earthly disciples, the powerful mothers, enjoy music and dance, as

well. They favor all who honor them with such entertainment. These rituals are performed

today as the Gelede masked dance which gives respect to powerful mothers like Yewajobi

and Iya Nla. The comical Efe mask is worn during the nocturnal Efe ceremony, and the

female Gelede mask is bulky and worn during the day.

From a historical perspective, the story of a town called Ketu seems to be the most

accredited origin of Gelede (Lawal 46-49). In a battle for the throne, two twin sons, Edun

and Akan, split apart. Edun fled to a town called Ilobi to devise revenge on his brother,

while Akan stayed behind. When Akan arrived in Ilobi to look for his brother, he was

scared away by the device that his brother had built to keep him away. It consisted of

numerous strings and shells that sent chilling noises into the night. When Edun returned to

Ketu to claim his throne, he shared the secret of the strange noises with the community.

The secret eventually developed into Gelede.

Still another traditional respect for women unveils through Oriki (Barber 12). Oriki

parallels with the English word, definition, but goes deeper and exists on a more personal

level: They are heavy words, fused together into formulations that have exceptional density

and sensuous weight (12-13). They are special names that act as personal and family

descriptions. There are three specific types of oriki: oriki orisa (gods), personal oriki

(recognizes outstanding characteristics), and oriki orile (identifies large groups of people

with common origin in an ancient, named town). Oriki orile is the most common type and

is used to distinguish between houses. No oriki is specified for any particular occasion, and

each type can be combined. Depending on the person’s past and defining characteristics,

not all oriki are good. There is actually another category of oriki that exists, akija, that deals

with negative incidents.

Oriki are also used in marriage ceremonies. Throughout a young girlís childhood

she is exposed to numerous rituals and performances where oriki are used (Barber 96-99).

By the time she is and adolescent, she has her own rara iyawo chant (or ekun Iyawo) which

is performed during weddings. Rara iyawo are made up mostly of oriki orile. The girls

chant to the bride in unison as the bride bids her own rara iyawo and farewells. The bridal

laments are practiced extensively before the wedding day and are kept a secret. However,

unlike a mature woman, the bride has no chance to improve her public performance by

gradual, repeated exposure, because rara iyawo is only performed on one occasion (105).

After the wedding ceremony is over, it is considered inappropriate to chant rara iyawo

publicly.

In preparation for her wedding, the bride must also pay homage to her future

husband’s family (108). Before entering into her new life, a woman undergoes a three

month process of induction into her new family. This process involves a number of acts

which demonstrate her willingness to contribute her labor and property to her husband’s

people. Aside from her job of dividing her belongings amongst every member of the

husband’s family, she performs symbolic acts that convey her separation from her former

status. For example, on the day after the wedding, the husband’s female relatives strip and

wash the bride and then dress her in new clothes. The old clothes are then taken back to her

own family compound.

Some women became experts in chanting and, therefore, joined cults along with

other devotees in dedication and worship of a particular orisa (Barber 99). It was

considered extremely important for young women to become familiar with chanting called

orisa pipe, which simply means chants to the orisa. Older women would assist in this

achievement through encouragement and support. One such cult is the Gelede cult, iya un,

otherwise known as our mothers. It refers to a select group of women who have reached

menopause and have special powers (Ibitokun 36). They are the rightful owners of the

Gelede ceremony, and all females are potential iya un. Iya un have a lot of praise names, or

oriki, with various meanings-- especially during performances. One example is

adananlojuomi, meaning she whose heart is the open sea (37).

In conclusion, women had a huge impact on the traditional Yoruba society. Their

role as economic, political, medical, and religious leaders, as well as their majestic role as

mothers, proves their significance in the survival of mankind. The sacred masks worn in the

traditional Gelede ceremonies was and continues to be a symbol of the community’s

respect for, in addition to their dependence on women.

Works Cited

Barber, Karin. I Could Speak Until Tomorrow. pg.12-13, 96-99, 105, 108

Barnes, Sandra T. Ed. Africa’s Ogun. pg. 255 - 258

Buckley, Anthony D. Yoruba Medicine. pg. 3

Drewal, Henry John and Margret Thompson. Gelede. pg. 12, 225

Ibitokun, Benedict M. Dance as a Ritual Drama and Entertainment in the Gelede of the Ketu-Yoruba

Subgroup in West Africa. pg. 36-37

Lawal, Babatunde. The Gelede Spectacle. pg. 34-40, 46-49, 71, 82

Middleton, John and Rassam Amal Eds. Encyclopedia of World Cultures. Vol IX. pg. 392

Spiro, Heather. The Ilora Farm Settlement. pg. 6 - 9, XIII, XVI

Women and Culture: Yoruba Women vs. American Women

Folarin (A)

Women vary from culture to culture. Their ideas, perceptions, and mannerisms are

often determined by their cultural environment. Yoruba and American women serve as

perfect paradigms of females who are socialized in accordance with their culture. An

analysis of how these two different groups interact with their surroundings will reveal the

effect that cultural environment has on a woman’s role in the society.

One can first observe the differences between the two female groups early in

childhood. At this point American women are being socialized to be slender,

pretty, and marry their prince charming. Many young American girls have boyfriends as

early as age nine. Meanwhile young Yoruba girls are learning about work from their

mothers and older siblings. One huge difference which reflects different patterns of

socialization is evident in body image. American women often complain and worry about

their weight, but not Yoruba women.

Yoruba culture does not pressure it’s female members to fit any sort of weight

requirement. In fact, it is rare to hear a Yoruba women complain about her

weight. Yoruba men are said to prefer plump women. A woman in the US who is

considered “plump” would most likely feel inferior to her slimmer counterparts. To be

called slim, or tinrin, may be considered an insult in Yorubaland. The difference in the type

of body image requirements that these two groups live with is a direct result of their

cultural socialization.

Yoruba and American women also vary greatly when it comes to courting and

marriage. It is extremely common for American women to date. Dating

provides them opportunities for finding a mate. Co-habitation and pre-martial sex are also

common in American society. Dating is only common among the educated or college

individuals in Yoruba society. This is because they are the ones most influenced by western

culture and society. Pre-marital sex and co-habitation are both things which (now) occur in

Yoruba culture, but are considered very taboo. Many Yoruba women find their husbands

through arranged marriage. Parents play a large role in determining who their daughter

marries in Yorubaland.

Cultural differences are responsible for the variations between Yoruba and

American women. This is most evident when a Yoruba woman comes to live in

the US She often adapts the mannerisms and actions of a typical American women. She

may assimilate to what is the norm in American society. The same can occur when an

American woman enters the Yoruba culture, but it is not as likely. This is mainly because

many women who have experienced the freedom America offers have trouble returning to

more restrictive societies.

In general American women are more independent and career oriented than Yoruba

women. This is not to say Yoruba women don’t like independence, they just are more

family oriented. Yoruba culture revolves around the family unit. American society has

somewhat lost that family stability. Family stability is also reflected in the divorce rates of

these two cultures. America has 50% divorce rate. Nigeria, where Yoruba people are found,

has a 5% divorce rate. Nigerians place a greater deal of emphasis on keeping the family

together. Yoruba women often sacrifice for family harmony.

Finally, Yoruba women and American women are both direct results of their

socialization and culture. Their attitudes and general actions reflect those which are

considered the norm in their different societies.

Nigerian Oil Crisis Babatunde

When some people think about oil, and the major countries that produce it, Nigeria

is often left out. This is extremely unfortunate because Nigeria is a member of the

Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and one of the world’s largest oil

producing countries. Nigeria is also the fifth largest importer of oil into the United States, a

fact many may not be aware of.

Nigeria’s oil is by far the country's leading moneymaker, directly responsible for

nearly 50 percent of the gross domestic product and 95 percent of the country’s foreign

exchange earnings. Nigeria’s proven oil supply is an estimated 22.5 billion barrels.

Almost all of these reserves are found in along the Niger River Delta. Most of the oil lies

in 250 small fields, the majority of which hold reserves of 50 million barrels each. Up to

200 hundred other fields exist, however their reserves are unknown.

Foreign oil companies now search intensely in Nigerian waters. It is estimated that

up to 20 billion barrels may be found in some of these newly discovered reserves. In 1996

Shell announced the Bonga discovery. Bonga’s initial tests produced 3,000 barrels per day,

and the entire reserve may hold up to 1 billion barrels. Shell also had a smaller discovery,

Ngolo which has an estimated 100 billion barrels in reserves.

In January of 1999, Famfa Oil, a local firm, announced the Agabami reserve. This

field, which lies 70 miles off shore, is believed to contain several hundred million barrels of

recoverable oil. The exploration for new oil continues now. Development in Nigeria’s

traditional oil areas, on shore and in the shallow waters of the Niger Delta, as well as in

other regions. Shell announced in February of 1999 that it plans to invest 8.5 billion over

the next five years developing off shore fields. This proposal is the largest industrial

investment ever in sub-Saharan Africa.

Oil discovery is not without dispute. Both Cameroon and Nigeria make claims for

the Bakassi peninsula. The Bakassi peninsula is a 400 square mile area located in the Gulf

of Guinea and is believed to contain a huge amount of undiscovered oil. In 1994, Cameroon

submitted a suit to the International Court of Justice for a settlement. Nigeria later

responded with a suit of its own, and at the latest the dispute had not been resolved.

Nigeria’s crude oil production at the end of 1998 averaged 2.153 million barrels per

day, down from 2.317 million barrels a day in 1997. In March of 1998 Nigeria made an

agreement with other OPEC members and some non-OPEC countries to cut production in

order to stabilize worldwide oil prices. In this agreement Nigeria committed themselves to

cutting production by 125,000 barrels a day. Nigeria’s slowed oil production is not only

due to the agreement to cut production, but also with the ethnic violence and unrest that

plagues the country. Since gaining its freedom from the UK in 1960, Nigeria has been

under military rule for 27 of its 37 years. Disturbances, such as sabotage, have occurred in

many areas of the oil-producing Niger River Delta.The disruptions in production, which

have always been frequent, but usually short, have intensified lately. Supposedly much of

the trouble in the area is caused by the demand for justice and fair treatment by the Ijaw

which is one of Nigeria’s largest ethnic group after the Hausa-Fulani, Igbo, and of course

everyone’s favorite the Yoruba.

Most of Nigeria’s oil is exported to the United States and Western Europe. Asia has

become an increasingly large destination for Nigerian oil, but recent economic problems

have hindered the expansion. In 1998 Nigeria exported an average of 697,000 barrels per

day to the United States. In July of 1998 the government adopted new guidelines for the

movement of there oil. These changes were made in hope of solving the problems of abuse.

The new guidelines draw four categories of companies that will be allowed to export oil:

Upstream investors who have acquired oil-prospecting licenses and who have completed a

minimum amount of work on the concession; companies that have built an export-refinery

in Nigeria; bona fide end users how own a refinery or retail outlet abroad; established and

globally recognized large volume traders. All of these guidelines were put into effect in an

effort to organize what has been for the most part, a poorly run operation.

Nigeria has four refineries that have a combined capacity of 438,750 barrels per

day. However, problems from fire sabotage as well as poor management hinder the actual

amount of output. Because of these refining problems, Nigeria being as rich with oil as it

is, actually has had fuel shortages. For the most part Nigeria has had strict regulations on

the importation of petroleum products, but because of the fuel shortages the government

has deregulated petroleum imports, which has helped with the problem.

The fuel shortage problem troubles Nigeria’s land. Manufacturing companies cut

production because of lack of fuel. Many men are unable to get work, either because they

have no transportation, or are unable to afford fuel, which leads to the loss of a significant

amount man-hours. Flights are often cancelled because of the scarcity of fuel for aviation.

In October of 1998, more than 700 people were killed while they were scavenging for fuel

from a burst pipeline after a spark ignited the gasoline. The incident was attributed to

vandals who broke a pipeline in an effort to steal fuel. The Nigerian government now

imposes strict laws against anyone found harassing pipelines. New policies have been

enacted in an attempt to fight the countries fuel problems. The Federal Petroleum

Monitoring Unit was established in November of 1998 to oversee the petroleum

distribution in the country. Basically the body ensures that oil distributed domestically goes

where it is supposed to, and not to unauthorized locations. In December that same year, fuel

prices more than doubled from 11 Naira to 25 Naira.

Nigeria is certainly a country on the rise, and a country that is definitely trying to

grow. In February of this year elections where held to elect a president and in May a

civilian president will take control. Hopefully if the people stick together all of the

countries oil problems will be resolved, and in the long run will make Nigeria stronger.

The Ogoni Footnote:

Part of where oil was rich in Nigeria were the Ogoni lands. In 1993, 300,000 Ogoni

marched peacefully to demand a share in oil revenues and some form of political

autonomy. They had formed an organization called MOSOP (Movement for the Survival of

Ogoni People), and they also asked the oil companies to begin environmental remediation

and pay compensation for past damage. They are a minority and felt that they were not

being given their human rights, and they were being tortured just so the country could make

money off the oil that was on their land.

This started a lot of opposition from the government, and the leader, Ken Saro-

Wiwa was imprisoned on several occasions. In November of 1993, General Sanni Abacha

took over the government, and this was when the real trouble started for the Ogonis. The

military started terrorizing Ogoniland with arrests, rapes, executions, burnings and lootings.

It is believed that the Shell oil company was working with the government, and this is part

of the reason why there are many protests worldwide to boycott Shell. In May 1994 Saro-

Wiwa was abducted from his home and jailed along with other MOSOP leaders and

charged with the murder of four Ogoni leaders.

By this time, the world was involved in the issue, and dismissed these charges as

fraudulent. While Ken Saro Wiwa was in detention, he was denied legal or medical help,

and he had 4 heart attacks while in jail. On October 31, 1995, the military government tried

him and the other 8 people, and found them guilty of the murder of the 4 Ogoni people. The

sentence immediately drew an international outcry by concerned persons and organizations,

including Earthlife Africa, Amnesty International, Friends of the Earth, Greenpeace, the

United Nations, and others. They urged the government to spare the lives of the

environmentalists, and they called on Shell to intervene, but on November 10, 1995, Saro-

Wiwa and the others were executed anyway. Their execution resulted in more international

outcry, a lot of which you can read more about on the web, and Nigeria was almost

immediately suspended from the Commonwealth.

OPIN IRINAJO

Yorùbá Omo Odùduwà

Papers on Yoruba People, Language, and Culture

by

Yoruba Language Program Students

University of Georgia

Compiled and Reviewed

by

Akinloye Ojo (August, 1999)

Athens, Georgia.

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Mo lérò pé e gbádùn un àwon èrò inú u àwon bébà

wònyí. E seun.

E kúusé O

Akinloye

Ojo@1999