2013 Fry \u0026 Soderberg SOM

$Page 1: 2013 Fry \u0026 Soderberg SOM$
www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/341/6143/270/DC1

Supplementary Materials for

Lethal Aggression in Mobile Forager Bands and Implications for the Origins of War

Douglas P. Fry* and Patrik Söderberg

*Corresponding author. E-mail: [email protected]

Published 19 July 2013, Science 341, 270 (2013)

DOI: 10.1126/science.1235675

This PDF file includes:

Materials and Methods Supplementary Text References (16–127) Tables S1 to S4

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Materials and Methods Sample

The Ethnographic Atlas contains pre-coded data on subsistence, settlement, social organization, and other variables for numerous societies (11). An existing ethnographic sample, the standard cross-cultural sample (SCCS), represents 186 cultural provinces from around the world (12). The SCCS was assembled so as to avoid Galton’s problem of lack of independence among ethnographic cases within culture types. We define foraging societies in general as obtaining at most five percent of their subsistence requirements from agriculture and animal husbandry. Applying this operational definition based on Murdock’s (11) codes for subsistence economy (code column 7) results in a SCCS sub-sample of 35 forager societies, consisting of MFBS (Mobile Forager Band Societies), equestrian hunters, and complex, settled foragers. First, the MFBS in this sample are those societies coded by Murdock (11) as nomadic or semi-nomadic, but lacking both class distinctions and any type of domestic animals. Second, equestrian hunters are those that rely on horses, a cultural development arising only within the last 400 years. Third, complex foragers are non-nomadic societies coded as possessing social class distinctions and, generally-speaking, arose within the last 12,500 years (16). Attention to these Ethnographic Atlas codes yields 21 MFBS, which are the focus of this study. The question arises for any society as to how much it has been influenced by outside sources. First we note that we have included only those SCCS societies that obtained at most five percent of their subsistence requirements from agriculture and animal husbandry as reported by Murdock (11). For the most part, therefore, the ethnographic material used in this study pertains to times and places when the traditional foraging subsistence modes were still practiced. Second, by using only high quality ethnographic material (see Procedure), we are using the earliest best-described sources for each society. In some cases, outside influences had begun to affect these societies related to lethal aggression. The most notable influence in the ethnographic accounts for some societies is the affect of alcohol as a contributor to aggression. It is our impression that the introduction of alcohol has contributed to increased aggression and sometimes killing (10). Regarding the suggestion that lethality might be reduced after the arrival of colonial powers or state control, we find few examples of this effect in the early ethnographic sources used in this study. Most typically, these MFBS were ignored by agents of the state at the time the ethnographic data were recorded, although several exceptions are mentioned such as the Russians having put a damper on the practice of revenge homicide among the Yukaghir or the Royal Canadian Mounted Police arresting two Saulteaux men for killing a woman suspected of supernatural malevolence. The more typical pattern, however, is at the time of description, the judicial mechanisms of the state ignored lethal aggression among MFBS. Additionally, access to modern medical care that could have reduced the mortality rate due to violence was virtually nonexistent for the MFBS populations in this sample. In other words, the mobile foraging lifestyle placed them at great distances from medical facilities so it is our impression that medical treatment had little or no affect on reduced mortality following aggression.

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Procedure

For each of the 21 MFBS in the sample, we reviewed the ethnographic material ranked by White (12) as principal authority sources (PAS), meaning that these are primary sources and are linked to particular pin-point times and locations. Additionally, the PAS represent “the best-described societies in each of 186 world cultural provinces” and “the earliest date of high-quality description for each” (12). A bibliography of PAS has been published (12) and was used to acquire the relevant ethnographic information. All specific cases of lethal aggression were extracted from the PAS ethnographic material. Data on the specifics of each event were recorded, e.g., sex of killer(s), sex of victim(s), number of perpetrators, number of fatalities, reasons for the lethal encounter, relationship between perpetrator(s) and victims(s), and so forth. The pinpointed year and location foci, as specified for each society in the MFBS subsample of the SCCS, are included in the listing of cases (Table S4). The document number and page numbers of the case material listed for each case pertain to the PAS bibliography published by White (12) and listed in the SOM references. After an initial review of events involving lethal aggression, several types of cases were excluded from the final analysis. Excluded cases consisted of duplicates of the same event (i.e., the same case if reported in multiple writings by the same ethnographer), cases that did not actually involve any members of the sample society, and cases that involved only supernatural means of killing someone (e.g., through sorcery). Aside from such exceptions, all lethal events reported in the PAS were considered in this study.

Supplementary Text Reasons for Predicting a Paucity of War among MFBS There are numerous reasons to predict a paucity of warfare among MFBS. First, MFBS group size is too small to support warfare (3). Marlowe reports for his large sample of foragers that the mean band size is 26 persons, which includes subadults (17). Marlowe also points out that if war were prevalent among foragers, then band size would be expected to be larger, for defensive purposes, in richer habitats where larger groups could be supported, but in fact this is not the case, suggesting to Marlowe that “warfare is not that influential” [(17), p. 264]. For the sample of 21 MFBS used in this study, based on data in Binford (18), the mean group size of the smallest residential camps was 14.80 persons (SD = 7.36), and the mean group size of the largest residential camps was 45.46 persons (SD = 29.55). Second, MFBS have ego-centric social networks (16, 19-24) with descent generally figured bilaterally through both parental lines (7, 17, 19, 25, 26). For instance, among the Paliyan, roughly equal number of persons were living with paternal as with maternal relatives (26). Ingold [(27), p. 43] offers an overall assessment of MFBS ethnographies: “Flux in the composition of co-residential groups, far from being exceptional, is a widespread and striking feature of hunter-gatherer social arrangements.” Knauft (16) reports for a non-SCCS based sample of MFBS (n = 39) that 59% of the societies figure descent through both parental lines. A

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proxy variable for whether a society is ego-centric versus more collectively kin-based in terms of social networks is Murdock’s (11) mode of marriage code. Codes B (Bride-price), D (Dowry), and G (Gift exchange) reflect marriage being conceived of in group terms with matrimonially-related economic transactions constituting a collective responsibility among relatives, whereas other codes reflect that marriage is conceived as an individual or family concern (18, 28). Of the sample of 21 MFBS, only four were coded as B or D (the Hadza, Tiwi, Aranda, and Gilyak), with the remaining 88 percent of the sample reflecting ego-centeredness regarding mode of marriage and presumably ego-centered social networks more generally. Additionally, for the current sample of 21 MFBS, 71 percent of the societies were coded by Murdock (11) as having bilateral descent (Murdock codes B or K for his column 24). Third, group composition is not static, but fluctuates over time, resulting in kinship and social networks that cut across group lines (5, 7, 16, 19, 21, 25, 29-35). Turnbull (35) comments on the regular shifting of people among local groups, and Lee and DeVore [(25), p. 9] agree, writing “Brothers may be united or divided, marriage may take place within or outside the local group, and local groups may vary in numbers from one week to the next.” From Africa and Asia, North and South America, as well as the Arctic, the interconnections among bands and the changing, flexible nature of band composition are extremely well documented (7). For the current sample of 21 MFBS, the ethnographic descriptions are consistent with these generalizations. Fourth, MFBS tend not to be segmented into subgroups, patrilocal or otherwise (28). In a review article, Barnard [(19), p. 196] concludes that by the 1980s, MFBS from around the world “were shown to be neither essentially virilocal nor patrilocal in any sense.” In fact, as just noted, MFBS tend to be multi-local and flexible, and thus tend to lack a patrilocal residential pattern that can facilitate the formation of coalitions among male kin useful in times of war (7, 16, 17). Knauft (16) used the ratings in Murdock’s (11) cross cultural codes for a non-SCCS sample of 39 MFBS and reports that 72 percent of the societies are classified as “lack patrilineal kin groups of any type,” and that only 26 percent are classified as having patrilocality. For the current sample, 86 percent of the societies in the sample of 21 “lack patrilineal kin groups of any type” (column 20, code O) and 10 percent are coded as being patrilocal (column 16, code P). Fifth, the social order is egalitarian and leadership is lacking; no one has the authority to order others to fight (4, 7, 16, 20, 21). For example, Meggitt [(36), p. 245] explains that among the Walbiri of Australia there were no military hierarchy and “no military leaders, elected or hereditary, to plan tactics and ensure that others adopted the plans.” Cooper [(37), p. 116] succinctly states of the Ona of South America that “No man recognized authoritative headship of or accepted orders from any other.” Boehm (20) refers to MFBS as a social type as “fiercely egalitarian.” Leacock [(1), p. 249] writes that “what is hard to grasp about the structure of the egalitarian band is that leadership as we conceive it is not merely ‘weak’ or ‘incipient,’ as is commonly stated, but irrelevant.” The lack of authoritative leadership and the strong ethic of egalitarianism in MNBS have been documented ethnographically time and again (1, 21, 26, 36-40). Regarding the current sample, one of the inclusion criteria was “absence of significant class distinctions among freemen…ignoring variations in individual repute achieved through skill, valor, piety, or wisdom,” or a Murdock (11) class stratification code of O. Thus all 21 societies in the sample had O codes for Murdock’s class stratification variable.

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Sixth, foraging areas are large, population densities are low, and resources are spread-out, making defense of territory difficult or impossible (5-7, 25, 41). Using data from Binford (18), the average number of times that this sample of 21 MFBS moved camps was calculated to be 12.08 times a year (SD = 8.38), or once a month. The average population density for the sample was 12.74 person/ km2 (SD = 14.70), calculated from data presented in Binford (18). Seventh, boundaries often are controlled socially through use-requests and permission-granting (3, 7, 41). Kelly [(41) pp. 192-193] writes of MFBS that, “a strong tendency toward permission-granted rather than active perimeter defense gives human land tenure its own particular character.” Wolf [(42), p. 196] observes that “to survive, a person periodically needs to gain access to resources in other locations, and he gains such access through ties of kinship, marriage, friendship, and exchange.” Lee and DeVore (25) also point out that local bands tend not to maintain exclusive rights to resources. For example, most Inuit groups hunt anywhere they want and do not attempt to exclude other hunters (43). Eighth, typical spoils of war—material goods or stored food—are largely lacking, and the necessity of mobility makes the capture and containment of individuals against their will (e.g., slaves or brides) impractical (and runs counter to the MFBS ethos of egalitarianism) (7, 25, 36, 38, 43-47). With an average of 12 moves per year and an inclusion criterion of having nomadic (N) or semi-nomadic (S) ratings on Murdock’s (11) column 30 for settlement codes, the possibility of these societies having material goods or stored food worthy of plunder by other groups is largely precluded. Additionally, 20 of the 21 societies (97 percent) in the sample were coded as lacking slavery on Murdock’s column 71. Ninth, conflicts within and between groups are easily handled by separation and other conflict resolution mechanisms (4-7, 20, 25, 29, 47). Sometimes a dispute between people within a band leads to band fission, and members of MFBS are famous for “voting with their feet” in response to conflict (3, 4, 7, 10, 43, 48-54). Table S1 reflects this pervasive use of avoidance in the sample of 21 MFBS. Additionally, the separation or distraction of disputants by third parties—also called Friendly Peacemaking—mediation, and contests or duels occur with regularity and tend to be nonlethal. The Exceptional Case of the Tiwi In comparison to the rest of the MFBS, the Tiwi stand out as an exceptionally violent case, supplying 47 percent of the lethal events for the entire sample of 21 societies. The Tiwi also are one of the six MFBS in the Bowles (9) sample. Such an extreme outlier affected overall group means, as shown for instance in Table 1 and table S3. Unlike the other societies in the current sample, strings of back-and-forth revenge killings plague the Tiwi. A possible explanation is that the existence of social segmentation (28) in the form of a well defined clan structure contributes to the high rate of violent death among the Tiwi. MFBS typically tend to be unsegmented or weakly segmented if compared to other social types in which subunits such as lineages and clans are common (7, 28). Kelly [(28), p. 47] explains that in unsegmented societies, “a homicide is consequently likely to be perceived and

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experienced as an individual loss shared with some kin rather than an injury to a group.” As apparent in our data, close family members sometimes avenge the death of their loved-one by killing the actual killer, and in this type of unsegmented society, a revenge killing typically is the end of the matter (7). The second killing balances the first, as an individual affair, and life goes on without further bloodshed (e.g., see pairs of cases 36/37, 38/39, 50/51, 56/57, 107/108, 125/126). By contrast, in societies with well-developed social segments, lethal aggression tends to be perceived not only as a loss at the family level but also as an affront to the victim’s patrilineage, clan, and so forth (28). Anyone in the killer’s group may be targeted for revenge. The Tiwi cases show this pattern. They often try, in typical MFBS style, to target the actual killer, but in practice the members of a revenge expedition may settle for killing any male of the killer’s group. Kelly (28) calls this phenomenon social substitutability, and in Tiwi society this phenomenon contributes to the strings of killings—blood feuds sometimes found in segmented societies. However, social segmentation and social substitutability are quite rare among MFBS; the Tiwi constitute the exception not the rule (7, 28). It can also be noted that in Tiwi society, there is a paucity of wives available to young men since most of the older men have multiple wives, a situation which may contribute to social tensions in the society. For the Tiwi with their clan structure (a feature that is atypical of MFBS), the majority of lethal events were between members of different clans, whereas for the rest of the MFBS in the sample, the majority of lethal events occurred within the local group (i.e., within the same band), as reflected in table S2. This represents a significant different (χ2 = 41.53 (df =2), p < .001; Cramer’s V = .606, p < .001). The Correspondence of the Current Findings with Lee’s Homicide Data on the !Kung Lee (40) has reported detailed information on 22 !Kung homicides that occurred in the areas of Dobe, Nyae Nyae, and /Du/Da between 1920 and 1969. The time and locations overlap but are not identical with the pin-points given in the SCCS for the !Kung (1950, Nyae Nyae), and since the Lee study is not listed as a PAS in the SCCS, it was not methodologically appropriate to include these homicide events in the current analysis. However, it is rare in the MFBS literature to find such detailed information on lethal aggression as is provided in Lee’s (40) study. In comparing the results of the current study with those of Lee (40), we can note an overall correspondence of findings. Lee (40) explains that the !Kung, nowadays called the Ju/’hoansi, do not engage in warfare. We also find no indication of warfare among the Ju/’hoansi (7). As in the current study, large sex differences existed related both to homicide perpetrators and victims (40). All the perpetrators of homicide over this 50 year period were men, as were most of the victims, with only three victims being women. In one case a husband killed his wife, and in the other two cases the women victims were unlucky bystanders during inter-male aggression. Lee (40) notes that over three-quarters of the killings, rather than reflecting premeditation, were spontaneous crimes of passion. The usual weapons employed by killers were the ubiquitous spears or arrows used in hunting. It is likely that less people would have died from their wounds if the Ju/’hoansi did not adhere to the practice of coating their arrow-tips with poison from

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Diamphidia beetles. The homicide victims were only sometimes the adversaries themselves; victims also included supporters, peacemakers, and bystanders (40). Several other features of these 22 Ju/’hoansi homicide cases are congruent with the findings of the current study’s sample of 21 MFBS. A central point is that the lethal events reflect homicides stemming from very personal motives rather than hostility toward other groups. About one-third of the killers and victims (8 cases) were relatives (but rarely close kin), usually living in the same or nearby bands (40). The majority of the homicides involved single perpetrators and single victims: of the 19 homicide cases with clear information on the number of killers, 17 involved single perpetrators, one involved two killers, and the remaining act involved three killers (40). As in the current study, the reasons for Ju/’hoansi disputes underlying lethal attacks tended to be interpersonal, not intergroup, sometimes due to sexual disputes, the seeking of revenge, accidents, or attempts to execute recidivist killers. The picture painted by these homicide data does not lend support to the idea of a “lethal raiding psychology” wherein a given band is hypothesized to be generally hostile and competitive toward neighboring bands and therefore to be predisposed to attack individuals from neighboring bands whenever the risks to the members of an attacking coalition are low (8, 55). Lee [(40), p. 392] gives the following instances of jealousy and rivalry that are individually motivated and very personal: “a man attacked and killed a non-San [non-Ju/’hoansi] who had been sleeping with his wife… a man killed another and ran away with his wife…a man who had slept with another’s wife was attacked by the husband but killed the husband…and a man killed his wife in an argument over her adultery.” Eight of the 22 killings reflected a principal in a dispute, but due to a pattern of spontaneous emotional eruption and the likelihood that other persons then get involved, 10 out of the 22 victims were bystanders, peacemakers, or persons coming to the aid of a friend or relative during an altercation. And as in the current study, some of the homicides stemmed from revenge and/or execution motives as well. Boehm (20) has pointed out that members of MFBS may collectively execute recidivist killers. Such attacks are very personal, directed expressly at particular killers, and not due to generalized intergroup hostility. The homicides of two recidivists are reflected in the Ju/’hoansi homicide data. A man named =/Gau, who was referred to as a lion because he had killed three people, was finally stabbed in his heart by one of his in-laws as he slept. =/Gau jumped up to defend himself but dropped dead from his fatal wound. The second notorious killer, /Twi, was killed by concerted group action. Lee [(40), p 394] explains: “He had killed two people already, and on the day he died he stabbed a woman and killed a man. …No one came to his aid because all those people had decided he had to die. …Then they all fired on him with poison arrows till he looked like a porcupine.” In total, at least 11 of the 22 homicides (50%) resulted directly or indirectly from the behavior of these two exceptionally aggressive men, =/Gau and /Twi, including, ultimately, their own deaths (7). As an overall conclusion, the Ju/’hoansi data reported by Lee (40) are congruent with the findings and conclusions of the current study.

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War in the Pleistocene? There are divergent perspectives regarding the antiquity of war. One view holds that war is ancient, extending back over the Pleistocene (9, 14, 55). Another perspective is that war is recent, originating within the last 10,000 years or so (28, 56-58). Consistent with the findings of the current study on the specifics of lethal aggression in MFBS, the worldwide archaeological evidence lends support to the latter perspective. With the exception of one possible case of which the dating is questionable (59), Jebel Sahaba in Nubia, the earliest evidence of warfare worldwide is within the last 10,000 years, as reflected for example in Pinker’s (14) Figure 2.2. Furthermore, archaeological sequences from different parts of the world show multiple regional origins of war from conditions of warlessness, all within the last 10,000 years (28, 59-61). Although warfare sometimes occurred among pre-state civilizations within the last ten thousand years, war intensified and became more common with the rise of the first states between 4,000 and 6,000 years ago (7). Forager data are regularly used to draw inferences about the past (7, 9, 14, 16, 20, 28, 55, 62). Binford (18) argues that ethnographic data can be used as a frame of reference from which to generate hypotheses that can then be investigated archaeologically. The results of the current study, in conjunction with much other information about MFBS, lead to the prediction that the archaeological record on MFBS will 1) reflect sporadic individual killings but that 2) indications of warfare would be rare, especially in regions consisting solely of prehistoric MFBS. A prediction of minimal warfare in a world consisting of MFBS is consistent with Roper’s (58) review of the skeletal material for early humans and hominids over the last three million years. Roper (58) concludes that sporadic homicides occurred but that there is no evidence of war in the deep past. In the absence of any corroborating evidence of warfare such as defensive sites or specialized weapons, evidence of a single victim of lethal aggression does not warrant the conclusion that war was present (62). One case of violent death could represent a murder, a hunting accident, or a group sanctioned execution, and inferences drawn from the findings of the current study suggest that these are likely interpretations for MFBS in prehistoric contexts (7, 28, 59, 60). Finally, it can be noted that warfare leaves traces in the archaeological record (57, 59, 60). Daggers, clubs, and other specialized weapons not used for hunting; camps only found in defensible locations; numerous interments with projectile points embedded in the bones or resting within ribcages; depictions of war in rock art; and repetition of the forgoing diverse bodies of evidence across the archaeological sites of an area: These types of data demonstrate that war was present. When multiple types of evidence show the presence of warfare, we can be certain that war was occurring. And when signs of war are absent up until a certain point in the archaeological record but then signs of war appear with no change in the quality of the archaeological record for the area under investigation, then the logical conclusion is that war, previously absent, had begun (59-61). Examples of such regional origins of war, all within 10,000 years ago, exist from various parts of the world, for example, the Valley of Oaxaca in Mexico, the Northwest Coast of North America, the Near East, and Eastern North America (7, 61).

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1.17

64. L. Marshall, Africa 30, 325–335 (1960). Doc. 1.a*

65. L. Marshall, in Peoples of Africa, J. L. Gibbs, Ed. (Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, New York,

1965), pp. 241–278. Doc. 1.15

66. L. Marshall, Africa 29, 335–364 (1959). Doc. 1.01*

67. L. Marshall, Africa 31, 231–249 (1961). Doc. 1.12


14



71. E. M. Thomas, The Harmless People (Vintage Random House, New York, 1959). Doc. 1.09*

72. J. Marshall, Nat. Hist. 67, 291–309 (1958). Doc. 1.11*

73. R. Gordon, in The Past and Future of !Kung Ethnography, M. Biesele, with R. Gordon, R.

Lee, Eds. (Helmut Buske Verlag, Hamburg, Germany, 1986), pp. 53–68. Doc. 1.cc

74. R. Gordon, in The Past and Future of !Kung Ethnography, M. Biesele, with R. Gordon, R.

Lee, Eds. (Helmut Buske Verlag, Hamburg, Germany, 1986), pp. 359–378. Doc. 1.dd

75. C. Ritchie, in The Past and Future of !Kung Ethnography, M. Biesele, with R. Gordon, R.

Lee, Eds. (Helmut Buske Verlag, Hamburg, Germany, 1986), pp. 311–325. Doc. 1.ee

Hadza

76. L. Kohl-Larsen, Wildbeuter in Ostafrica (Berlin, 1958). Doc. 1.a*

77. J. Woodburn, in Man the Hunter, R. B. Lee, I. DeVore, Eds. (Aldine, Chicago, 1968), pp.

49–58. Doc. 1.c

78. J. Woodburn, in Man the Hunter, R. B. Lee, I. DeVore, Eds. (Aldine, Chicago, 1968), pp.

103-109. Doc. 1.d

79. J. Woodburn, Hunters and Gatherers: the Material Culture of the Nomadic Hadza (The

British Museum, London, 1970). 1.e

Mbuti

80. C. M. Turnbull, The Mbuti Pygmies: Change and Adaption (Holt, Rinehart and Winston,

New York, 1983). Doc. 1.a

15

81. C. M. Turnbull, Wayward Servants (Natural History Press, Garden City, NY, 1965). Doc.

1.02

82. C. M. Turnbull, The Forest People (Simon and Schuster, New York, 1961). Doc. 1.03

83. C. M. Turnbull, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 50, 1–

282 (1965). Doc. 1.01

84. C. M. Turnbull, in Peoples of Africa, J. L. Gibbs, Ed. (Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New

York, 1965), pp. 279-317. Doc. 1.b

85. C. M. Turnbull, J. R. Anthropol. Inst. 87, 191–216 (1957). Doc. 1.c

86. P. Putnam, in A Reader in General Anthropology, C. S. Coon, Ed. (New York, 1948), pp.

322–342. Doc. 1.04

Semang

87. P. Schebesta, Among the Forest Dwarfs of Malaya (Hutchinson, London, 1927). Doc. 1.a

88. P. Schebesta, Studia Instituti Anthropos 6, 12, and 13 (Wien-Mödling, 1952–1957). Doc.

1.01 and 1.02

Andaman Islanders

89. E. H. Man, On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands (The Royal

Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, London, 1882). Doc. 1.02*

90. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, The Andaman Islanders (Cambridge Univ. Press, Cambridge, 1922).

Doc. 1.01

Vedda

16

91. C. G. Seligmann, B. Z. Seligmann, The Veddas (Cambridge Univ. Press, Cambridge, 1911).

Doc. 1.01*

Aranda

92. B Spencer, F. J. Gillen, The Arunta (Macmillian, London, 1927). Doc. 1.01*

93. G. P. Murdock, Our Primitive Contemporaries (MacMillan, New York, 1934). Doc. 1a.16

Gilyak

94. L. Shternberg, Semya I rod u narodov severo vostochnoi Azii (Leningrad, 1933). Doc. 1.01*

95. C. S. Chard, Anthropological Papers of the University of Alaska 10, 13–23 (1961). Doc. 1.a

Yukaghir

96. W. Jochelson, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History 13, 1–469 (1919-1926).

Doc. 1.a*

Ingalik

97. C. Osgood, Yale Univ. Publications in Anthropology 53, 1–289 (1958). Doc. 1.a*

98. C. Osgood, Yale Univ. Publications in Anthropology 22, 1–500 (1940). Doc. 1.b

99. C. Osgood, Yale Univ. Publications in Anthropology 56, 1–195 (1959). Doc. 1.c*

Copper Inuit

100. D. Jenness, The Life of the Copper Eskimos. Report of the Canadian Arctic Expedition,

1913-18 (F. A. Acland, Ottawa, 1922). Doc. 1.01*

17

101. D. Jenness, People of the Twilight (Univ. of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1928). Doc. 1.29

Montagnais

102. J. E. Lips, Ethnos 12, 1–78 (1947). Doc. 1.11

103. J. E. Lips, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society n.s. 37, 379–492, (1947).

Doc. 1.08*

Micmac

104. N. Denys, Publications of the Champlain Society 2, 399–452, 572–606 (1908). 1.03

105. C. le Clercq, Publications of the Champlain Society 5, 1–452 (1910). 1.02

Northern Salteaux

106. A. I. Hallowell, in Culture and Experience, A. I. Hallowell, Ed. (Univ. of Pennsylvania

Press, Philadelphia, 1952), pp. 112–124. Doc. 1.21

107. A. I. Hallowell, J. Soc. Psych. 9, 25–47 (1938). Doc. 1.b*

108. A. I. Hallowell, Psychiatry 3, 395–407 (1940). Doc. 1.d

109. A. I. Hallowell, Amer. Soc. Rev. 6, 869–881 (1941). Doc. 1.e

110. A. I. Hallowell, in Man’s Image in Medicine and Anthropology, in I. Gladstone, Ed.

(International Univ. Press, New York, 1963). Doc. 1.f

Slave

111. J. H. MacNeish, Anthropologica 2, 131–163 (1956). Doc. 1.c

18

Kaska

112. J. J. Honigmann, Yale Univ. Publications in Anthropology 40, 1–368 (1949). Doc. 1.01*

113. J. J. Honigmann, Yale Univ. Publications in Anthropology 51, 1–163 (1954). Doc. 1.06*

Paiute

114. B. B. Whiting, Viking Fund Pubs in Anthro.15, 1–110 (1950). Doc. 1.07*

Botocudo

115. P. M. A. Ehrenreich, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 19, 49–82 (1887). 1.a*

116. A. Metraux, Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology 143, 531–540 (1946). 1a.b

Aweikoma

117. J. Henry, Jungle People (J. J. Augustine, New York, 1941). Doc. 1.02*

118. A. Metraux, Bul. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 143, 445–475 (1946). Doc. 1a.01

Yahgan

119. M. Gusinde, Die Feuerland-Indianer 2: Yamana (Anthropos-Bibliothek Expeditions-Serie

II, Mödling bei Wien, 1937). Doc. 1.01*

120. M. Gusinde, Folk Literature of the Yamana Indians: Martin Gusinde’s Collection of

Yamana Narratives, J. Wilbert, Ed. (Univ. of California Press, Berkeley, 1977). Doc. 1.a

121. J. M. Cooper, Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology 143, 81–106 (1946). Doc.

1a.02

19

Tiwi

122. C. W. M. Hart, A. R. Pilling, The Tiwi of North Australia (Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New

York, 1960). Doc. 1.01

123. C. W. M. Hart, Oceania 40, 296–303 (1970). Doc. 1.a

124. C. W. M. Hart, Am. Anthropol. 56, 242–261 (1954). Doc. 1.b*

125. J. C. Goodale, Tiwi Wives (Univ. of Washington Press, Seattle, 1971). Doc. 1.c*

126. J. C. Goodale, Ethnology 1, 452–466 (1962). Doc. 1.10

127. A. R. Pilling, Law and Feud in an Aboriginal Society of North Australia (thesis, Univ. of

California, Berkeley, 1957). Doc. 1.f*

20

Table S1. Conflict management approaches in 21 MFBS ID Number

Society Avoidance Separation-Distraction

Mediation Contest/Duels

002 !Kung Sometimes Nearly always Sometimes No mention 009 Hadza Yes Sometimes Sometimes Yes 013 Mbuti Sometimes Nearly always Often Yes 077 Semang Sometimes No mention Sometimes No 079 Aka-Bea

Andaman Sometimes Nearly always Rarely/never No mention

080 Veddas No mention No mention No mention 090 Tiwi Sometimes Sometimes No mention Yes 091 Aranda No mention Sometimes No mention Yes 119 Gilyak Sometimes Yes Sometimes Yes 120 Yukaghir No mention No mention Sometimes Yes 122 Ingalik Sometimes Sometimes No mention Yes 124 Copper Inuit Sometimes Sometimes No mention No 125 Montagnais-

Naskapi Sometimes No mention Sometimes No mention

126 Micmac Sometimes No mention No mention No mention 127 Northern

Saulteaux No mention No mention No mention No mention

128 Slave Predominantly Nearly always No mention No mention 129 Kaska Sometimes Sometimes No mention No mention 137 Paiute Sometimes Nearly always No mention No mention 178 Botocudos No mention No mention No mention Yes 180 Aweikoma Sometimes No mention Rarely/never No mention 186 Yahgan Sometimes Sometimes Sometimes Yes Total 21 16 12 10 9

NB: The variables (such as Avoidance) were coded first as “yes, mentioned” or “no, not mentioned” in the PAS ethnographic material. If coded “yes,” then based on the ethnographic data, the frequency was coded as, for example, “Nearly Always,” “Sometimes,” “Rarely/Never,” or “Insufficient Information.”

21

Table S2. The social context of lethal events, in percentages, for the Tiwi separately, the rest of the sample societies separately, and for the entire sample (N=21). Social Context of Lethal Events

The Tiwi Only (66 events)

The Other 20 Societies (47 events)

Total Sample (113 events)

Within the same local group

18.2 61.7 36.3

Within the same society but not within the same local group

74.2 12.8 48.7

Between members of different societies

7.6 25.5 15.0

Totals 100 100 100

22

Table S3. Reasons for lethal aggression from the personal to the communal (expanded). The atypical Tiwi findings are shown separately, followed by the other societies minus the Tiwi (n = 20), and the entire sample (n = 21), all in number of cases (with percentages in parentheses). The numbers in the Reason column refer to the case numbers of lethal aggression events that are listed in table S4. The case numbers that are in Italic font are lethal aggression events that involved only one perpetrator and only one victim, 55% of all events. [Table appears on next page]

23

Reason (case numbers from table S4) Tiwi Only All Others Total

Interpersonal Events 24 (34.8%) 50 (63.3%) 74 (50.0%)

Revenge against a particular killer(s) (37, 39, 51, 53, 54, 57, 84, 85, Tiwi: 100, 105, 108, 128, 135, 138, 145, 149, 153)

9 (13.0%) 8 (10.1%) 17 (11.5%)

Over a particular woman (2, 31*, 49, 62, 76, 82, Tiwi: 103, 109, 111, 112, 115*, 121, 132, 142)

8 (11.6%) 6 (7.6%) 14 (9.5%)

Over a particular man (77)

0 (0.0%) 1 (1.3%) 1 (0.7%)

Husband kills wife (29, 38, 52, 56, 66, 71, 94, Tiwi: 96, 113)

2 (2.9%) 7 (8.9%) 9 (6.1%)

Wife kills husband 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%) 0 (0.0%)

Miscellaneous interpersonal disputes†

5 (7.2%) 28 (35.4%) 33 (22.3%)

Interfamilial vendetta (55, 83, 87, 88, 89, 90)

0 (0.0%) 6 (7.6%) 6 (4.1%)

Within-group execution (74, 75, 81)

0 (0.0%) (3.8%) 3 (2.0%)

Execution of outsiders (such as missionaries, explorers, castaways, and colonists) (43*, 44*, 80, Tiwi: 97*, 98*, 102, 124*)

4 (5.8%) 3 (3.8%) 7 (4.7%)

Intergroup events 38 (55.1%) 12 (15.2%) 50 (33.8%)

Over borders/resources (e.g., fruit tree) (21, 22)

0 (0.0%) 2 (2.5%) 2 (1.4%)

Theft of women from another group (79, 86‡)

0 (0.0%) 2 (2.5%) 2 (1.4%)

Inter-clan revenge-seeking (Tiwi: 126, 130, 131, 134, 136, 139, 141, 143, 144, 147, 148, 151,152,

17 (24.6%) 0 (0.0%) 17 (11.5%)

24

155, 157, 158, 163)

During a general fight (expiatory encounter) (Tiwi: 118, 122*, 137, 168)

4 (5.8%) 0 (0.0%) 4 (2.7%)

Miscellaneous intergroup disputes§ 17 (24.6%) 8 (10.1%) 25 (16.9)

Accident (63, 69, 171, Tiwi: 117, 119, 167)

3 (4.3%) 3 (3.8%) 6 (4.1%)

Starvation cannibalism (35, 45*)

0 (0.0%) 2 (2.5%) 2 (1.4%)

Grand Total 69 (100%) 79 (100%) 148 (100%) Table notes. * For these cases, it was unclear whether single or multiple perpetrators participated in the lethal event and/or how many victims there were. † Miscellaneous interpersonal disputes include (with case numbers in parentheses): over a man’s daughter (Tiwi: 116), stealing honey (1), an unjust transaction (73), defense of self or others (8), killing of dogs by magic (23), due to boasting (40), due to insults/taunting (46, 47), to obtain victim’s liver for magical purposes (24), incest related (68, Tiwi: 104), wife kills child to punish husband (72), suspected of sorcery (28, 42, 50, 60, 64, 65), insanity (3*, 170), and reason unspecified (18, 19, 34, 36, 48, 67*, 78, 91, 92, 93*, Tiwi: 99, 107, 165). ‡ This event seems to have been primarily motivated by revenge-seeking within the context of inter-familial violence, with the capture of two women constituting an opportunistic occurrence rather than a primary motive. § Miscellaneous intergroup events include (with case numbers in parentheses): to avenge suspected sorcery (30, 32), related to stealing pastoralists’ cattle (MFBS attacked) (9, 10, 12), related to stealing pastoralists’ cattle (MFBS counter-attack) (11, 13), to steal guns/over a woman (Tiwi: 159), inter-clan dispute but with the reason unspecified (Tiwi: 110, 125, 127, 129, 140, 146, 150, 154*, 156, 164, 166), and insufficient information to classify (33, Tiwi: 106, 114, 133, 162, 169).

1

Table S4. Lethal Aggression Cases in 21 Mobile Forager Band Societies.

[Table appears on next page]

Case Society doc p. Killer(s) Victim(s) Relation Case summary Primary reason

1

!Kung bushmen; SCCS #2; Time Focus: 1950; Place Focus: Nyae Nyae region, Namibia (63-75) 1 !Kung

bushmen

1.a 336 1 Man 1 Man - A man stole honey from a find in a tree that someone else had already marked. The original “owner” of the find killed the man.

Stealing

2 !Kung bushmen

1.01 361 1 Man 1 Man - A young widower killed a man in a quarrel over a woman and was taken by the authorities.

Over a woman

3 !Kung bushmen

1.11 390 1 Man - - Same group A man went insane, murdered, and run raving into the veld.

Insanity

8 !Kung bushmen

1.09 182 1 10-year old 1 Man Same group "A terrible accident" (p. 182). A boy, no more than ten years old, became upset and angry when his father was arguing with another man and took his father's weapon and shot the other man in the chest with a poisoned arrow. The man was helped to the shade, the arrow was drawn out and the wound sucked, but as there was no antidote for poison the man died.

Anger, passion, defense of his father


2

Hadza; SCCS #9; Time Focus: 1930; Place Focus: entirety: tribe (76-79) 9 Hadza

1.a 32 ≥2 Not Hadza

(Mangati) ≥2 Hadza Different

societies A group of Hadza was attacked at night by Mangati people. Many Hadza were killed by spears or died in fire.

Inter-societal dispute, presumably over cattle theft.

10 Hadza 1.a 33 ≥2 Not Hadza (Masai)

1 Woman Different societies

A group of Hadza fled to the mountains in order to avoid a Masai raid/attack. A Hadza wife went back to camp to get some things, and was knifed to death by the Masai.

Inter-societal dispute, presumably over cattle theft.

11 Hadza 1.a 34 ≥2 Hadza men ≥2 Masai men

Different societies

After the Hadza hideout is revealed (see case #10), Hadza men were fighting with the Masai. The Masai is well beaten: "Unsere Pfeile drangen durch ihre Schilde" (p. 34)

Inter-societal. Defending women and children from raid/attack.

12 Hadza 1.a 34 ≥2 Not Hadza (Masai)

4 Women Different societies

A Hadza group tried to avoid a group of Masai after a fight (see case #11), but the Masai pursued the Hadza and killed 4 women.

Inter-societal dispute. Revenge (see case #11) Presumably started over cattle theft.


3

13 Hadza 1.a 34 ≥2 Hadza men ≥2 Masai

men Different societies

Hadza men avenged their fallen wives (see case #12) by pursuing the Masai and attacking them with fire arrows at night. The Masai were well beaten and fled.

Inter-societal. Revenge (see case #12).


4

Mbuti, SCCS # 13; Time Focus: 1950; Place Focus: Epulu Net hunters of the Ituri Forest (80-86) No events of lethal aggression


5

Semang; SCCS #77; Time Focus: 1925; Place Focus: Jahai subtribe (87, 88) No events of lethal aggression


6

Andaman Islanders; SCCS #79; Time Focus: 1860; Place Focus: Aka-Bea tribe of South Andaman (89,90) 18 Andaman

Islanders 1.02 43 1 Youth 2 Children Same tribe [In year 1878] An

Andamanese youth murdered two children.

-

19 Andaman Islanders

1.02 43 1 Youth 1 Man Same tribe [In year 1880] An Andamanese youth (same as in case #18) murdered one of his countrymen.

-


7

Vedda; SCCS #80; Time Focus: 1860; Place Focus: Danigala forest group (91) 21 Vedda

1.01 7 1 - 1 - Different

groups One person gathered fruit from a tree near the borders between two groups. A member of the other group interrupted, and the two “fell to words, and from words to blows, and one of them shot the other” (p. 7).

Borders and resources

22 Vedda 1.01 7 ≥2 Members of two groups

20-30 Members of two groups

Both killers and victims from two groups

After an initial killing (see case #21) the skirmish escalated, with bows and arrows.

Escalating dispute on borders and resources

23 Vedda 1.01 117 1 Man 1 Man - A man thought that two of his dogs had been killed by magic by another man, and knocked the second man’s brain out.

Interpersonal revenge for sorcery

24 Vedda 1.01 207-208

1 Headman of group

1 Man Different groups

The headman of a small group of Kovil' Vanamai Vedda killed a Sinhalese, “simply because he required a piece of human liver to keep in his betel pouch”. (p. 208) [Dried liver was to make men strong and confident]

Magical purposes


8

Aranda; SCCS ID: 91; Time Focus: 1896; Place Focus: Alice Springs and environs (92,93) 28 Aranda

1.01 404 ≥2 Members

of group 1 Man - A man, who was supposed to

have killed another man by magic, was in turn killed by members of the same group as the original victim.

Revenge for suspected sorcery.

29 Aranda 1.01 410 1 Man 1 Woman Married A woman who was having an affair and was captured and killed by her previous husband and his friend.

Adultery


9

30 Aranda 1.01 443 ≥2 Men 2 Men Different

society In order to avenge the deaths of several persons, believed to have been killed by magic by certain Iliaura men, the Aranda tribe organized an avenging party (atninga). After a couple of days the party came upon a group of Iliaura families. The party was offered use of the camp's women, but declined. Finally, the Iliaura elder offered to help the Aranda to kill "three bad men in our camp" provided no one else was injured (p. 445). The terms were accepted. The victims were lured to a fireplace where they were ambushed by the Aranda party; "The Iliaura men looked on quietly while the killing took place" (ibid.). Two of the men were killed, but the third man had grown suspicious and decamped.

Avenging several deaths attributed to the evil magic of certain of the Iliaura men.


10

31 Aranda 1.01 446 1 Man - Men - A man carried off a woman

who was not his lawful woman to be married to (anua). Several attempts were made to kill them, but the man killed two of the men who attempted to punish him, and nearly killed the proper husband. [Note: from the description it is not clear if the two killings occurred at separate times or at the same time]

Over a woman: defending his life for breaking rules on marriage.

32 Aranda 1.01 447-453

≥2 Men 1 Man Victim is father of the man that the group set out to kill

Avenging party (atninga) ceremoniously prepared, for a week, to kill a man they believed had killed another man by sorcery. However, the man in question had fled. Instead they speared his father under the plea that the old man had known all about his son’s doings, but had not attempted to prevent him.

Avenging death of a man, attributed to evil magic of a man living 130 miles away.


11

Gilyak; SCCS #119, Time Focus: 1890; Place Focus: Sakhalin Island (94, 95) 33 Gilyak

1.01 165-

166 ≥2 Men 1 Young

man Different clans

A young man had brought vengeance upon his clan. He persuaded his kinsmen to save themselves and faced, and was killed by, the avengers.

Intergroup vengeance

34 Gilyak 1.01 167 1 Man 1 Man from another tribe

Different clans

In year 1851 a man was killed by a man from another clan.

-


12

Yukaghir; SCCS #120; Time Focus: 1850; Place Focus: Upper Kolyma River (96) 35 Yukaghir

1.a 54 1 Man 1 Young

man Victim was a nephew to the killer

[In year 1904] During a famine, most members of two families succumbed and died, leaving only a man, his daughter and his nephew. Then, “at the entreaties of the girl, the father killed the nephew, and he and his daughter fed on the body" (p. 54)

Starvation cannibalism.


13

Ingalik; SCCS #122; Time Focus: 1885; Place Focus: Shageluk village (97-99) 36 Ingalik

1.a 54 1 Man 1 Man A man was murdered. -

37 Ingalik 1.a 54 1 Man 1 Man Killer was friend of a man killed by the victim

A friend of a murdered man (see case #36) got angry at the killer, drew a knife and drove it into the killer's heart; "About a year after the [first] death occurred, the surviving partner was in the village of the murderer who, being spoken to, was sullen and finally refused to continue what was purely a social conversation." (p. 54)

Revenge (see case #36).

38 Ingalik 1.a 54-55

1 Man 1 Wife Husband and wife

During a heated argument a husband hit his wife over the head with a stick, smashing her skull.

Anger

39 Ingalik 1.a 55 1 Man 1 Man Brother-in-law

The brother of a wife killed by her husband (see case #38) chased the man who had killed his sister, and "squeezed his brother-in-law to death, breaking his ribs in the process" (p.55)

Revenge for death of sister (see case #38)


14

40 Ingalik 1.c 67 1 Man 1 Man A man killed another man because the latter boasted of superior sexual virility in reference to a woman with whom they both had been intimate.

Jealousy, boasting

42 Ingalik 1.c 134-135

≥2 Group 1 Man, shaman

A shaman accused of killing a young man by sorcery was hunted down and killed by the young man’s father and his group of friends. The shaman was stabbed with knives.

Avenging sorcery. Shaman accused of killing rich man's son that refused to marry shaman’s daughter.


15

Copper Inuit; SCCS # 124; Time Focus: 1915; Place Focus: Coronation Gulf, Mainland division (100, 101) 43 Copper Inuit

1.01 18 - Inuits 2 Men,

priests Different societies

[In 1913] Two (catholic) priests followed some of the Eskimos north and were murdered.

Killing of outsiders

44 Copper Inuit 1.01 18 - Inuits 2 White men

Different societies

[In 1912] Two white men, who started from Hudson bay and travelled overland to Bathurs inlet, were killed by the natives

Killing of outsiders

45 Copper Inuit 1.01 26 - Inuits 1 Boy During a famine, the Inuits “were reduced to eating the frozen corpses of their dead, and in one instance at least a boy was actually killed and eaten" (p. 26).

Starvation cannibalism

46 Copper Inuit 1.01 62-67

1 Woman 1 Woman From the same tribe

A woman killed another woman who had taunted her with childlessness.

Anger, taunting


16

47 Copper Inuit 1.01 62-

67 1 Man 1 Man Neighbors A man stabbed and killed

another man who had been taunting him, saying the former did not know how to make a knife. "The owner [of the knife] quietly continued to sharpen his weapon until its edge was keen enough, then drove it into the jester's stomach with the remark 'Now see if I can't make a knife'." (p. 62-67)

Anger, taunting


1 Man 1 Man Companions [In year 193] A man was stabbed.

-


1 Man 1 Man Victim was husband of woman the murderer wanted

A man was stabbed: "One day when Ailanaluk was spearing fish Tamauyuk went up behind him and stabbed him to death with his knife." (p. 62-67)

Over a woman: murderer wanted victims wife


1 Man 1 Man A man was stabbed with a knife during a quarrel. He ran outside to get his rifle, but fell dead in the snow before he could reach it.

"A woman was accused of causing a man's death by sorcery. At once a quarrel arose, for this was a straight charge of murder" (p. 62-67)


17

51 Copper Inuit 1.01 62-

67 1 Man 1 Man A man stabbed the man who

had stabbed a third man (see case #50).

Revenge (see case #50).


1 Man 1 Woman Husband and wife

A man stabbed his wife with a spear as she was about to enter her hut, since he did not want to share her with another man. The woman staggered outside and fell dead in the snow.

Punishing wife for fear of adultery


≥2 Man, with help of others

1 Man Father-in-law and son-in-law

The father of a murdered wife (see case #52), with the help of some other natives, seized the husband and stabbed him to death.

Revenge (see case #52)


1 Man 1 Man Family related by marriage

The brother of a murdered husband (see case #53) crept up behind the murderer and stabbed him in the back.



≥2 Group 1 Man Different society

The Asiak tribe wanted to put an end to a vendetta (see cases #51, #52 and #53) by destroying an entire family. They killed a man (the father in case #53) and wounded one of his sons, who managed to escape.

Put an end to vendetta (see cases #52, #53, and #54). Different societies.


18



A man stabbed his wife, when the tribe wanted to take his wife away from him and leave him to starve to death.

-


1 Man 1 Man Same tribe A man stabbed another man, as the victim was only a burden to his community and had killed his own wife (see case #56).

Victim seen as burden to the community / revenge (see case #56)


19

Montagnais; SCCS #125; Time Focus: 1910; Place Focus: Lake St. John & Mistassini bands (102-103) 60 Montagnais 1.08 411-

412 ≥2 Tribe 1 Man Father and

son [Report from 1834-1835]. Chieftain orders his son to be executed/strangled, for fear that he would transform into a cannibal (witigo).

Magical purification of the tribe. Fear of person being turned into a cannibal.

62 Montagnais 1.08 470 1 Man 1 Man Same tribe [In 1850]. A Tete-de-Boule Indian chieftain killed another man in order to get hold of the latter’s wife. The three had just finished their meal in the teepee, when the headman rose and shot the other man, and, instead of burying the body, only covered the body in snow and continued to hunt and trap.

Another man's woman


20

63 Montagnais 1.08 470 1 Young

man 1 Young

man Different bands, same society

[From the Mistassini report for the year 1829-1830]: Unintentional killing. A young man visiting other Indians got up at night while still asleep and got out of his canoe into the water. The others took him for some wild Indian and one shot him through the head.

Accident

171 Montagnais 1.08 459 1 Woman 1 Woman Mother-in-law and daughter-in-law

A mother-in-law died as a consequence of being thrown on a stump by the daughter-in-law while they were drinking together.

-


21

Micmac (SCCS #126) Time Focus: 1650; Place Focus: Mainland division (104-105) No events of lethal aggression


22

Northern Salteaux (SCCS #127); Time Focus: 1930; Place Focus: Berens River, Little Grand Rapids, and Pekangekum bands (106-110) 64 Northern

Salteaux

1.b 256-257

3 Men 1 Woman Mother and sons

[1876] Three men killed their mother, built a pyre, and burned her body.

Fear of cannibalism

65 Northern Salteaux

1.b 257 2 men 1 Woman - [1906] Two men were arrested for murder by the mounted police because they had participated in the disposal of a woman reputed to be a supernatural cannibal (windigo).

Fear of cannibalism


23

Slave (SCCS #128) Time Focus: 1940; Place Focus: Lynx Point band (23, 111) 66 Slave

1.a 107 1 Man 1 Woman Husband and

wife A man shot his wife due to suspicion that their child was not his.

Suspicion of adultery


24

Kaska (SCCS #129) Time Focus: 1900; Place Focus: Upper Liard River (112-113) 67 Kaska

1.01 169 - - 1 Man - "Quarreling frequently

occurs in the course of drinking parties but only one instance of murder under such conditions could be recalled for a period of about fifty years" (p. 169)

Alcohol, reason unclear

68 Kaska 1.06 91 1 Man 1 Man Brothers-in-law

Husband is wounded by brother-in-law who wants his own sister. The woman asked the husband to kill her brother, which he did.

Incest

170 Kaska 1.06 239 1 Woman 1 Young man/boy

Grandmother and grandson

A woman developed mental illness and killed her grandson

Mental illness


25

Paiute (SCCS #137) Time Focus: 1870; Place Focus: Wadadika of Harney Valley (114) 69 Paiute

1.07 48 1 Young boy 1 Young

boy Brothers [1934] Two brothers were

playing with another boy, setting up nickels and shooting at them with a gun. During the game one of the boys shot his brother by accident.

Accident

71 Paiute 1.07 63 1 Man 1 Woman Husband and wife

A woman was murdered by her husband. "Henry was in Seneca piling brush for the lumber company. According to reports, Clara philandered while he was away and contracted gonorrhea. He returned one weekend and soon after developed gonorrhea. /.../ [he] blamed Anne [Clara's mother] /.../ drunk ... [he] got angry and drew a gun on Anne. A struggle ensued and he accidentally shot and killed Clara while trying to shoot Anne." (p. 63)

Accident, alcohol, anger


26

72 Paiute 1.07 71 1 Woman 1 Child Mother and

child A woman killed her only child because her husband would not give her the blanket she wanted.

To punish husband.

73 Paiute 1.07 77 1 Man 1 Man One man had paid for a mare and a colt. When the owner delivered the mare but refused to give the colt, the buyer killed the owner.

Anger, sense of unjust business.

74 Paiute 1.07 77 1 Man 1 Man Brothers "In two different cases which involved fights over gambling debts, the murderer was killed by his own brother to stop retaliation." (p. 77) [Note: to be conservative, we counted this as one killing event]

To prevent retaliation for fights over gambling debts.

75 Paiute 1.07 77 1 Man 1 Man Brothers "In two different cases which involved fights over gambling debts, the murderer was killed by his own brother to stop retaliation" (p. 77) [Note: to be conservative, we counted this as one killing event]

To prevent retaliation for fights over gambling debts.


27

76 Paiute 1.07 77 1 Man 1 Man Rivals over a

woman A man killed his rival in a fight over a woman and then killed himself [in fear of retaliation]

Fight over a woman

77 Paiute 1.07 78 1 Woman 1 Woman Rivals over a man

A woman competed with another woman over a man and shot her rival (with her father's gun).

Fight over a man


28

Botocudo (SCCS #178) Time Focus: 1884; Place Focus: Naknenuk subtribe (115-116) 78 Botocudo

1.a 13 1 Man 1 Man Brothers A man shot his brother. Revenge or jealousy (aus

Rache oder Eifersucht) "Ich habe ihm im Dickicht für ein Capivary (Wasserschwein) gehalten" (p. 13)

79 Botocudos 1.a 13 ≥2 Group of men

≥2 Group of men

Different tribes

A group from Cuiete arrived in Mutum and invited people to come to visit them in Cuiete. On the road, the Mutum men were killed and their wives were kidnapped.

Stealing women from another village. Different societies.

80 Botocudos 1.a 30 ≥2 Probably a group of Botocudos

≥2 Slaves and owners

Probably different societies

A plantation was attacked and the owners and several slaves were killed and eaten. [Note: the victims were not killed in order to be eaten, but rather eaten when already killed.]

Probably different societies involved.


29

Aweikoma (SCCS #180); Time Focus 1932; Place Focus: Duque de Caxias Reservation (117-118) 81 Aweikoma

1.02 62-

63 ≥2 Group

"nine people and five women"

1 Man Same tribe One day when Thecha was crossing the river with a group of people, the canoe “tipped over" and Thecha went to the bottom as he could not swim; "He stayed there six days and when they brought him up he was dead!" (p. 63)

Probably a group sanctioned execution. The victim was considered “too waikayu”; he took to saying that he wasn't afraid of anyone and that he was angry at everyone, and “since he was angry with them they became angry with him” (p. 63)

82 Aweikoma

1.02 52-53

1 Man 1 Man Husband and wife's lover

Having found out about adultery, the husband (Koví) killed the wife’s lover (Nduicha) with an axe as the latter bent over to cut the former a piece of meat.

Adultery

83 Aweikoma 1.02 53 ≥2 Extended Family Group

≥2 Extended Family Group

Different extended families

Koví (the husband in case #82) plotted the murder of all of Nduicha's relatives and hunting companions (as a pre-emptive strike before they would take revenge on him), and succeeded in killing and wounding several, but not all.

Pre-emptive strike toward other family group


30

84 Aweikoma 1.02 53-54

1 Man 1 Man Step-father and step-son

Koví is slain by Kuvén, brother of Kumbló (whose half-brother was killed by Koví (see case #83), and step-son of Koví. "With characteristic cunning” Kumbló and Kuvén plotted the death of Koví, and then “Kumbló took Koví's bow from him, saying 'Kuvén asked me to get your bow, for his is broken'. So the foolish Koví handed over his bow, leaving himself incapable of fighting at a distance. At night they slept near Koví and early in the morning they attacked, killing him, their stepfather, and wounding Patklé, their own brother-in-law" (p. 53)

Revenge. Killer(s) "found out" the victim wanted to kill them. “They wanted to avenge Nduichá, and they 'found out' that Koví wanted to kill them." (p. 53-54)

85 Aweikoma 1.02 54-55

1 Man 1 Man Different extended families

A revenge killing. Kuvén is killed by Wainló, brother of Koví (see case #84), with the assistance of Patklé and his wife, who was Kuvén's lover.



31

86 Aweikoma 1.02 55 ≥2 Family

Group 4 Women Different

extended families

The companions of Nduicha hunted the murderers of Nduicha (see case #82) and killed four woman, and captured two woman and six boys, three of them son s of Kumbló


87 Aweikoma 1.02 56 ≥2 Family Group

≥2 Family Group


"The killing of the women and children by Nducha's avengers [see case #86] brought an inevitable retaliation in the slaughter of men, women and children by Kumblós family.” (p. 56). A group of men stole upon camp, and when they were detected they pursued every individual, killing men, women and children “like cornered rats” (ibid.).



32

88 Aweikoma 1.02 56 ≥2 Extended

family ≥2 Extended

family Different extended families

Original killers, Kumbló and his children (see cases #82, #87), were pursued and slaughtered by the sons of Kumbló’s half-brother Wanyeki. Some, including Kumbló, escaped but were later killed by Brazilians, completing the extermination.

Revenge (see cases #82, #87)

89 Aweikoma 1.02 56-58

≥2 Extended family

≥2 Entire family line


[1885]. Patklé's entire line is annihilated. Kanyahe, son of Vimlé, resolved to kill Patklé (see case #85). Kanyahe decided to 'make beer for Patklé' and his family, and made long preparation to gain Patklé’s trust. At a fiesta, when Patklés people were drunk and dancing, Kanyahe’s group turned on them and killed Patklé as well as four of his sons. A fifth son was wounded but ran away with most of the women and children.



33

90 Aweikoma 1.02 60 ≥2 Family ≥2 Family Different

extended families

The children of Wanenggló met with the children of Yokégn and took away their wives (by asking), but where then afraid that the children of Yokégn would wish to kill them in order to retain their wives and to “wipe out the shape of the experience". The children of Yokégn were enraged and eager to kill the new husbands of their wives, and so "the two families dwelt in fear of each other, and it soon became a question only of who would be clever enough to strike the first blow.” (p. 60) It eventually turned out that “Yokégn was the slyest and in a single night he destroyed Wanengglo and all his children" (ibid.)

Revenge for humiliation


34

Yahgan (SCCS #186) Time Focus: 1865; Place Focus: Eastern and Central Divisions (119-121) 91 Yahgan

1.01 892-

893 1 Man 1 Man A man, Hatuswaianges,

became very ill from injuries received from another man, Couiluj, and died a few days later. Couiluj had been jealous of Hatuswaianges.

Jealousy

92 Yahgan 1.01 897 1 Man 1 Man - A man (Hawaten) discovered that a certain fish was poisonous by giving another man a small piece of it. The other man immediately died.

Wanted to find out if the fat of the fish caused death

93 Yahgan 1.01 897 1 Man - Men "When he [Hawaten] wanted to kill someone, he stealthily stuck a small piece of fat from the fish into the person’s food. He did this several times and a number of men died" (p. 897). [Note: since the source does not say how many times this happened, we are treating number of victims as missing data]

-


35

94 Yahgan 1.01 898 1 Man 1 Woman Husband and

wife "Even the gentle, quiet Richard killed his first wife in a state of complete drunkenness" (p. 898)

Alcohol


36

Tiwi (SCCS #90); Time Focus: 1929; Place Focus: Melville Island (122-127) 96 Tiwi

1.b 252 1 Man 1 Woman Husband and

wife A man, Louis, beat his wife in a fit of anger. She died after the beating, and “while the natives never said so openly, they clearly agreed with the Mission's charges that Louis had murdered his wife." (p. 252)

Anger, passion

97 Tiwi 1.c 7 - Tiwis 1 Ship-wrecked

Different societies

In year 1882 the Tiwi murdered a member of a shipwreck crew.

Repelling outsiders from a different society.

98 Tiwi 1.c 7 - Tiwis ≥2 Ship-wrecked

Different societies

In year 1886 several people of two subsequent shipwreck crews “escaped or were killed" (p. 7)

Repelling outsiders from a different society.


37

99 Tiwi 1.c 177 3 Brothers 1 Man - Three sons of Banjo, the boss

of Wilerangu, had a grievance with a man in Mandiupu country. One night the sons saw the man and decided to kill him: "They drove a spear through their enemy, and as he lay dying the victim asked 'Why did you kill me?' The sons of Bajo replied, 'We are sorry, we thought you were someone else'.” (p. 177)

Grievance

100 Tiwi 1.c 177 ≥2 Relatives of previous victim

2 Men, brothers

When Banjo died, relatives of the man killed by Banjo’ sons (see case #99) plotted to kill the murderers, but one of the sons had a friend among the victim’s relatives. When the group was holding a dance, the friend gave a signal, and then "the forewarned murderer sped for the mangroves while his brothers were killed and spears were thrown after him" (p. 177).



38

102 Tiwi 1.f 231-232 (11)

≥2 Tiwi people 2 Man and wife

The victims were the new leader of the people

In 1800 a Tiwi tribe decided to kill a white man that had tried to assume leadership by killing the old guard. The man was speared and his wife fed to the sharks.

Execution, punishment for previous killing

103 Tiwi 1.f 234 (16)

1 Tiwi country 9

1 Man Different societies

Mainlanders raided country 9 for women (offense 1: wife theft). In return, a Tiwi man raided the mainland and speared a man, who died from his wounds.

Revenge for wife theft

104 Tiwi 1.f 234-235 (17)

≥2 Tiwi men of country 5

1 Man from clan 11

In 1875, a man had sexual relations with his step-daughter, and refused to give her up, claiming she was to be his wife now. (offence 1: incest). One day Tiwi men sneaked up and killed him.

Incest

105 Tiwi 1.f 235-236 (18)

1 Man 1 Man Different Tiwi countries

In 1877, men from countries 1, 2 and 3 fought with men from countries 7, 8 and 9 (reasons unknown). When a man received five spear wounds, his half-brother “became 'wild' and threw a spear" at one of the men, killing him instantly (p. 236).

Inter-Tiwi fight, revenging injury to half-brother


39

106 Tiwi 1.f 238 (20)

2 Men 1 Man In 1880, a man, Pawiyantaringila, who was a famous fighter, was killed by two men.

-

107 Tiwi 1.f 239-240 (22)

1 Man 1 Man Same country, “clan brothers”

A group of Tiwi men were on a sneak attack, when one of the attackers killed another one, who was the leader of country 1. At that point the sneak attack was abandoned.

108 Tiwi 1.f 240 (22)

3 Men 1 Man Different Tiwi countries

Three men, ‘clan brothers' of a previous victim (see case #107) were 'pushed' and killed the original killer.

Revenge for previous (accidental?) killing (see case #107)

109 Tiwi 1.f 241-242 (23)

2 Men 1 Man New and old husband

[1885-1892] A man from clan 13 stole a wife from clan 4 (offence 1: wife-theft). The husband, Katjila of clan 13, country 3, was ‘pushed’ by a man from clan 3 to kill the offender. Together with a friend, Katjila ambushed and speared the offender, who died of his wounds after a month.

Being pushed to avenge wife-theft


40

110 Tiwi 1.f 242-

243 (24)


In 1892, a man of country 4 was murdered by a man from country 3 during a sneak attack.

-

111 Tiwi 1.f 243-244 (26)

1 Man 1 Man Different clans

In 1900 a man attempted to seduce a woman of another man. The husband got clubs to fight the offender, but the offender became frightened and threw a spear, killing the husband.

Fear of punishment for adultery

112 Tiwi 1.f 246-247 (28)

1 Man 1 Man ‘clan brothers’

In 1905, a man desired the wife of another man, so he sneaked up and killed the husband, which also was his 'brother' from another clan.

Over a woman

113 Tiwi 1.f 247-248 (29)


In 1906, a wife was assumed to be having an affair. The husband was told about it from another of his wives, hid by a trail and speared his wife as she passed. (A sister to the first wife, and also a wife of the same man, was also having an affair and was also ambushed and speared, but did not die.)

Adultery


41

114 Tiwi 1.f 248-249 (30)


In 1906, a group of men from countries 8 and 9 opposed men from countries 4 and 5 in an open fight. A man from country 9 speared and killed a man.

-

115 Tiwi 1.f 249 (31)

- - 1 Man [1907]. A man, Pararlakapinyani, was 'playing about' and was killed in a sneak attack.

Probably adultery

116 Tiwi 1.f 251-252 (34)

1 Man 1 Man Same clan [1913]. A man, Karlantama, returned home in time to see another man, Mintili, removing a ring from his daughter’s neck. Karlantama was angered and got his fighting clubs. The two men fought and Karlantama collapsed. A few minutes later Karlantama handled his clubs to his sister’s grandson, Bill Puti, who was ‘pushed’ by a friend and threw a club that pierced Mintill's lower left leg, thus killing him.

Being pushed to avenge relative

117 Tiwi 1.f 256 (36)

1 Man 1 Man Same clan A man, Tipampirimiri, was accidently speared during a communal wallaby hunt.

Accident


42

118 Tiwi 1,f 258-260

≥2 Men 5 Men Different Tiwi countries

In 1922, a woman-theft lead to a general inter-clan fight involving 15-20 clans. At the first round of fighting no one was hurt, but at the second round, a couple of days later, five men from clan 17 of country 1 were killed.

General fight (over a woman)

119 Tiwi 1.f 261 (41)


In 1927, a man, Donny of Clan 11, was accidentally shot to death in Country 2 by a clan 13 man.

Accident

121 Tiwi 1.f 265-266 (45)

1 Man 1 Man Husband and rival

Due to an attempted adultery, the offender was punished in the jaw by the husband. When the two fought at a later time, the adulterer pulled a knife and stabbed the husband, who died four days later.

Adultery

122 Tiwi 1.f 267-268

- Tiwi 1 Man Different clans

Wife-theft lead to inter-clan fight (preceded by several days of dancing). There were only a few injuries during the ritualized fighting, but when an open fight broke out, one man was killed.

General fight


43

124 Tiwi 1.f 303-

304 (61)

- Tiwi 2 British men

Victims are British

When the British attempted to monopolize water resources, the Tiwi natives went armed with spears in upon an armed group of British water carriers. A Tiwi child was wounded by the British and a Tiwi man was captured in order to learn English and be able to interpret communication between the British and the Tiwi. One evening, when two British men went walking unarmed, they were murdered with double-barbed spears.

Monopolizing resources, revenge for wounding a Tiwi child and capturing a Tiwi man. Different societies, with the British.

125 Tiwi 1.f 304-305 (62)

≥2 Tiwi 1 Man Different countries (Tiwi)

[1860, 1865]. In a sneak attack on country 2 by countries 5, 6, 7, and 9, a man, Pipungawantipa, was killed, while his brother, Tipunguti of clan 16, was speared.

- (initial offence unknown)


44

126 Tiwi 1.f 304-

305 (62)

1 Man 1 Man Different countries (Tiwi)

A man, Tipunguti, who was wounded in an earlier sneak attack (se case #125), managed with the help of his 'clan sons' to kill a man from the same clan as the previous killers.


127 Tiwi 1.f 306-307 (63)


A group of men from country 4 made a sneak attack at night on country 3. A man killed the brother of Tipunguti.


128 Tiwi 1.f 306-307 (63)


Tipunguti attempted to revenge the murder of his brother (see case #127). At first he could not find the original offenders, but in a sneak attack on the country he killed the killer and speared the killer’s friend.


129 Tiwi 1.f 307-308 (64)

≥2 Men 2 Young men

Different countries (Tiwi)

Some men from Country 9 went to Country 3 and killed two young men from clan 17.



45

130 Tiwi 1.f 307-

308 (64)

≥2 Men 2 Men Different countries (Tiwi)

Some men from Country 1, 2 and 3 went on a revenge-raid to country 9 (see case #129), and speared two persons. Both were pursued and finally killed by Tipunguti.


131 Tiwi 1.f 307-308 (64)


[1882, 1885]. Men from Country 9 went on several occasions to country 3 to avenge earlier victims (see case #130). Two men, one from clan 1 and one from clan 22, were killed.


132 Tiwi 1.f 310-311 (65)

≥2 Men 1 Man Different countries (Tiwi)

In 1891, adultery by some visiting clan members lead to a sneak attack on the visitors, were one man was speared, ran off and was never seen again.

Adultery

133 Tiwi 1.f 312-314 (66)


Tipunguti (same man as in cases #125-128, 130), was lead to believe he would catch an adulterer, lured into an ambush, speared and killed.



46

134 Tiwi 1.f 312-

314 (66)


Men of country 3 went to country 1 to kill the killer of Tipunguti (see case #133), but the people of country 1 hid him and misdirected the aggressors. The people of country 3 threatened that if they would not find the killer the next time, then they would kill the first person they find. This also happened, as men of country 3 killed the brother of the man they were looking for.


135 Tiwi 1.f 315 (66)

2 Men 1 Man Different countries (Tiwi)

A man killing another man (see case #134) was brought to a meeting and stood to answer the charges against him. He argued that the situation was even now, after his revenge-killing, but two men came up behind him and ran him through with a spear.



47

136 Tiwi 1.f 315

(66) 1 Man 1 Man Different

countries (Tiwi)

Men from country 3 raided country 1 and killed a man of clan 13, a countryman of the man who had sneaked up and killed the man in case #135.


137 Tiwi 1.f 315 (66)


Men from country 1 went on raid to country 3 in order to revenge the killing in case #136, but as they found no one they sent a woman as a messenger to schedule a fight. In the fight a man from clan 3 was killed.


138 Tiwi 1.f 316 (66)


Men from clan 4 of country 5 took offense by the killing in case #135. Two men decided to avenge the death and, using the deception of friendship, caught one of the killers off guard and speared him. (This man was at the same time the son of one of his killers ‘clan brother').



48

139 Tiwi 1.f 316

(66) ≥2 Men 2 Boy and

girl Different countries (Tiwi)

Men form country 1 raided country 4 to retaliate for the killing in case #138. They killed a young man as well as a daughter of one of the previous offenders.


140 Tiwi 1.f 317 (67)


Two men from clan 17 were killed by men from country 9 in a sneak attack on country 2.


141 Tiwi 1.f 317 (67)


In revenge for the killing in case #140, one man from country 2 killed his ‘clan brother' from clan 13.


142 Tiwi 1.f 319 (69)

3 Men 1 Man Different clans

An attempted wife theft led to a meeting in which it was decided that the offender should be killed. He was killed by three men appointed to the task.

Attempted wife theft.

143 Tiwi 1.f 320 (69)


During a revenge sneak attack for a previous killing (see case #142), one man killed a man that was not closely related to the original killer.



49

144 Tiwi 1.f 320

(69) ≥2 Men 4 Young

man, girl, and two men

Different clans

Men of clans 7 and 20 attempted three times to find the killer in case #143, in order to kill him. They decided to kill any man if they could not find the one they were looking for. They did not find the killer so they killed a young man, and also a young girl. They arrived a fifth time and killed a man who was in the process of being initiated and a sixth time and killed another man.


145 Tiwi 1.f 321 (69)

≥2 Men 1 Man Different clans

Men from country 8 lured the killer in case #141 into a trap and killed him


146 Tiwi 1.f 321 (70)


Men from country 4 and 5 made a sneak attack on country 3. A man, Irangkalatsi, from clan 1 of country 3, was speared by a man, Jrntoray, from clan 4 of country 4. The former died when the spear was pulled out of his heart.



50

147 Tiwi 1.f 322

(70) ≥2 Men 2 Men Different

clans Men from clan 1, 2 and 3 went on a sneak attack to country 4, as a revenge for the killing in case #146, and killed one man at the first sneak attack, and another at the second.


148 Tiwi 1.f 323 (70)

3 Men 1 Man Different clans

A man, Ironturlayi, of clan 2 was speared to death by three clan 4 men as a revenge for the killing in case #147. It was a severe murder, because the man was not involved in the death for which he was killed.

Misplaced revenge (see case #147)

149 Tiwi 1.f 325 (70)

≥2 Men 2 Men Different clans

Men of country 9 moved into country 5 and killed two men, including the one that had speared the victim in case #148.


150 Tiwi 1.f 326-329 (71)


Men from countries 4 and 5 went to country 9 and killed two men.



51

151 Tiwi 1.f 326-

329 (71)


Men from country 9 went to country 5 (see case #150) and killed a man, Ngawarlmari, Malamini's son.


152 Tiwi 1.f 326-329 (71)


Six men from Country 5, including five of Malamini's sons, went to Country 9 to avenge the death of their brother (see case #151). On the way, they saw a group of country 9 travelers, including a cripple who was straggling behind his companions. They were about to not kill him because he was their 'first cousin' (i.e., he was a son of a member of the same clan as their father), but nevertheless two of them speared him. These two were bashed by the others in the company.



52

153 Tiwi 1.f 326-

329 (71)

≥2 Men 4 Men Killers are clan brothers of the victim’s father

Malamini, the father of the men that had killed the cripple in case #152, was ashamed of what his sons had done, and told his clan friend 'When I die, kill my family, for they killed my grandson' (i.e. his clan 'brother's son).After he had died, before the morning ceremony, Malamini's sons were present at a dance with men of clan 13. There the men of clan 13 speared all five of them, shouting “This is what happened to you for you murdered Piyimpiwi. For you murdering lame man.” (p. 329) One of the sons got away, but the other ones were killed.


154 Tiwi 1.f 329-331 (72)

- One or more assailants

1 Man Different countries (Tiwi)

A man, Ampulawayi, from country 3, was killed in a sneak attack.



53

155 Tiwi 1.f 329-

331 (72)


Men from country 3 marched southward for a sneak attack on country 1 in revenge of the killing in case #154. A man from country 3, speared a man from country 1, Parntipawa, who died a few months later.


156 Tiwi 1.f 331-333 (73)


In 1906, men from clans 12, 13 and 20 of country 9 made a sneak attack on country 6 and killed a man, Purtumantura, who was Malamini's son and Pimparamparungi's brother.


157 Tiwi 1.f 331-333 (73)


In 1906, a man, Pimparamparungi, tried to avenge the death of his brother (see case #156). He was unsuccessful several times. When an elderly man from clan 13 of country 9 went to visit his relatives at country 4, Pimparamparungi and two of his brothers caught the old man off guard and killed him.



54

158 Tiwi 1.f 331-333 (73)


In 1906, a man from clan 20 of country 9, Karinuwaa, assembled an attacking force to take revenge on the killers in case #157. Three men in country 4, from clans 3, 13, and 14, were speared and died.



55

159 Tiwi 1.f 333-

335 (74)

≥2 Men ≥2 Old women and one man

Different countries (not Tiwi)

In 1911, after men from Yuwatja (not Tiwi) had stolen guns and attempted to steal wives, a man from country 2 injured a Yuwatja man. When the Yuwatja men and men from country 9 held a meeting, they decided that clan 16 was responsible for all the trouble. The Yuwatja and men from countries 8 and 9 went to country 2 for a sneak attack with guns. As they approached, the people from countries 1 and 2 ran into the mangroves, but the old women from clan 16 and country 1, who could not run, were shot by Kuralu, a Yuwatja part-aborigine. When three Tiwi men moved forward to the Yuwatja and handed over a gun, a Yuwatja man shot and killed one of them.

Guns and over a woman


56

162 Tiwi 1.f 338-

342 (77)

3 Mainlander men

1 Tiwi man Killers non-Tiwi

In early 1949, the body of the son of Long George, a Tiwi man, was found in the water beneath the Jetty in Darwin. A man was charged with the murder, but denied the assertion, and later it turned out that the son of Long George had been in a fight and was killed by three Mainland youth.

Unknown Different societies.

163 Tiwi 1.f 338-342 (77)

≥2 - 1 Man Different countries (not Tiwi)

A Tiwi man, Cabbagie, who had been wounded while defending a friend (see case #162) led an attack on clan 8. Prior to the fight, one of his sons asked him to stop fighting. In the fight, Cabbagie received a slight head wound, but the son was mortally wounded and died that evening.


164 Tiwi 1.f 344-345 (82)

1 Man 1 Man In 1884, a man, Pangkalari, was murdered during a sneak attack by Tamiratao, a man from clan 3.



57

165 Tiwi 1.f 345

(83) 1 Man 1 Man Clan

'brothers' A man was murdered by his clan 16 'brother' in a fight within the camp.


166 Tiwi 1.f 346 (85)


In 1893, a man from clan 19 or 20, who was a member of the dance group Ilituwi, was murdered by a man from clan 20.


167 Tiwi 1.f 349 (89)

1 Man 1 Man Clan 'brothers'

Two men went hunting for buffalo and wallaby. One shot the other with a .44 gun, and then carried his dying friend to his canoe, but the man died while they were crossing the strait.

Accident

168 Tiwi 1.f 350 (91)

1 Man 1 Man During a fight a man, Tamparayamiri, speared a man of clan 12.

-

169 Tiwi 1.f 352 (93)

1 Man 1 Man Mariano was 'too cheeky'. He had caused trouble for many years and had killed at least one man.

-

Note: For the Tiwi, the number in parenthesis in the column “page number” denotes the original case number in the source.

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