Black Magic Beliefs and White Magic Practices: The Common Structure of Intimacy, Tradition, and Power

JULES J. WANDERER GEORGE RIVERA, JR. University of Colorado, Boulder

In this article, black magic beliefs and white magic practices among a group of Mexican-American women are shown to share common multidimensional organiz- ing principles, uncovered in a smallest space analysis to be: intimacy, tradition, and power. A subsequent analysis of intimacy permits a reexamination of the role- location of the curandera in the healing hierarchy.

INTRODUCTION Since the scientific tradition prevails in our concepts of health and illness in American society, demons supposedly abound only in the locus of the mind. It is invariably the lot of psychiatrists, psychologists, psychiatric social workers, and mental health clinicians to purge our minds of whatever demons may exist. However, there are members of our society (Native Americans, Blacks, Spanish-Americans, and some Euro-Americans) who do not subscribe to the perspective that demons are only figments of an individual's imagination: their cultural reality embodies a witchcraft belief system and includes practices for manipulating evil forces)

Sociological traditions support the folk position that witchcraft beliefs and practices have their source not so much in individual psychology as in social and cultural realities. Durkheim, for instance, in asserting that magic is not the work of solitary individuals, argues "That faith inspired by magic is only a particular case of religious faith in general, and that it is itself the product, at least indirectly, of a collective effervescence. ''2 Beliefs and practices have social origins and are built upon and modeled after social realities.

The Social Science Journal, Volume 23, Number 4, pages 419-430. Copyright �9 1986 by JAI Press, Inc. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved. ISSN: 0035-7634.

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The structure of magical beliefs, black magic beliefs and white magic practices, for instance, are aspects of the whole, the society itself, the "unique whole to which everything is related. "3 Since the organization and structure of black magic beliefs and white magic practices are collective representations, they should be organized in the same logical way as the whole, according to common principles. An empirical analysis of black magic beliefs and white magic practices should uncover that common structure, or, as Durkheim indicates, the "relation of definite derivation between them. "4

The research reported here serves two objectives. The first of these (and the most general) is an examination of a system of witchcraft beliefs (black magic) and a system of health practices (white magic) for similarities in structure. The question is whether beliefs related to black magic and practices related to white magic exhibit similar multidimen- sional organizing principles. This objective is achieved, in part, through the development of a three-dimensional model, a structure of rules, so to speak, which organizes beliefs and practices in three-dimensional space in very much the same way a three-dimensional set of rules would organize the location of chess pieces in a three-dimensional chess game.

The second objective is an examination of white magical practices in order to locate the position of the curandera in that hierarchy of practice. The question here is whether an empirical analysis of practices yields a hierarchy similar to those speculated about in the literature and a clear role-location for the curandera. 5

DEFINITION OF WITCHCRAFT

Evans-Pritchard's study of the Azande designated the following English words to describe what the Azande understood by manqu and nqua:

WITCHCRAFT: A supposed psychic emanation from witch-substance, a material substance in the bodies of certain persons, which is believed to cause injury to health and property. 6 SORCERY (BAD MAGIC): Magic that is illicit or is considered immoral. 7

Thus, Evans-Pritchard defined witchcraft as an organic attribute of a person and defined sorcery as the deliberate use of evil magic to harm others.

Kluckhohn reserved the term witchcraft to cover "all types of malevolent activities which endeavor to control the course of events by supernatural techniques. "s Though Simmons maintained that witchcraft did not lend itself to a simple definition, he noted that "witchcraft assigns meaning to the inexplicable by providing a native theory of failure, misfortune, and death. "9

The reference to witchcraft used throughout this article closely parallels Evans- Pritchard's concept of sorcery, and includes what Kluckhohn and Simmons refer to as "witchcraft." However, we will use the term brujeria to refer to witchcraft in the Mexican-American community, and brujeria should be understood to include what is sometimes designated a mal puesto, hechiceria, dano, or un trabajo.

EXPLANATIONS O F W I T C H C R A F T

According to Hash, ~~ two anthropological traditions in the explanation of witchcraft prevail: (i) a sociological tradition originating with Evans-Pritchard t' which views witch-

Black Magic Beliefs and White Magic Practices 421

craft as arising out of, or expressing, social conflict and (2) a psychological tradition indebted to Kluckhohn ~2 who argued that the source of witchcraft is some kind of psychological conflict resulting from oppressive social conditions. To support the sociological tradition Nash ~3 cited Swanson, z4 who maintained that witchcraft is prevalent where there is an absence of legitimized controls and arrangements, and supported this tradition with Marwick's ~5 research showing a relationship between sorcery and tense social relations. On the psychological side, Nash ~6 cited Whiting and Child's ~7 findings on the association between sorcery and socialization practices which are likely to generate anxiety concerning aggression.

Nash's ~s dichotomy is useful, and other researchers have contributed to it. On the sociological side, Epstein ~9 emphasized the role of strained s~rcial relations in witchcraft beliefs, and Wintrob z~ noted thai witchcraft was an appeal~of last resort in conflict resolution. On the psychological side, Rosenthal and Siegel zr hypothesized the coping and compensatory functions of magic in alleviating stress, frustrations and anxiety; Lieban 22 noted the relationship between suspicion and sorcery; and Golden 23 indicated that powerlessness, fear, hopelessness, and helplessness were evident in voodoo cases. Moreover, Binite 24 concluded that belief in witchcraft was much more common among depressed patients.

Nash 2~ argued that the two anthropological traditions converge into a sociopsycho- logical explanation wherein socializing institutions are created which produce actors who transform their aggressive impulses into witchcraft beliefs which, in turn, function to enable them to cope with institutionalized conflict.

BRUJERIA IN THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN COMMUNITY

Witchcraft in the Mexican-American community is known as brujeria. It is classified as a magical disease, 26 a disease of magical origin,27 a supernatural illness, z8 or sometimes as an emotional illnessfl There is widespread agreement that brujeria is an illness which has no empirical explanation, and it is believed to be caused by adversaries utilizing evil forces through spells or hexes. This is referred to as "black magic," practiced by brujos (male witches) or brujas (female witches). "Red" and "green" magic are believed to enable a witch to change into animal form (nagualism) and to solve love problems. 3~ However, "white magic" is considered to be "good magic" used by a curandera (folk healer) to cure individuals and is never considered to be associated with "black magic."

Madsen 3t found envy to be the most common motive for witchcraft, and Kiev 32 claimed that common motives for witchcraft were vengeance, jealousy, hatred, and envy. Rube133 also noted that invidiousness between individuals or nuclear family was a consequence of witchcraft, but he also emphasized two other kinds of social relationships as associated with witchcraft: a spat between lovers and an unrequited affair. Sexual jealousy and unfaithfulness are often reported as causes of witchcraft. 34

From the magical perspective, no illness that has been caused by witchcraft is incurable. 35 In most cases, the curandera has power over the witch. 36 Curanderas are believed to have a healing ability which is considered to be a gift from God (don), and they heal through this power, a7 Thus, the curandera is viewed as a healer who is at war with the forces of evil and is someone who can eventually dominate evil spirits. ~8 Nonetheless, some curanderas refrain from treating forms of enchantment caused by the

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preparation of love potions, 39 and the curandera who cures such cases, as the evil seduction of an innocent young woman, must sometimes use black magic to counteract the bruja. 4~

Using the hot-cold theory of illness, Ingham 4~ notes that love potions are used to render someone stupid in terms of exploitability, and exploitability was found to be associated with "coldness" while greed and envy were associated with "hotness." Thus, an examination of the literature leads to the following distinctions between witchcraft illnesses: (I) variations in how common the motives are, (2) ranges from hot to cold, and (3) degrees of difficulty in curing by a curandera who must, at times, resort to black magic to cure a patient.

Theoretical explanations of witchcraft among Mexican-Americans have focused on the impact of acculturation. Madsen 42 emphasized that witchcraft functions as a social sanction against the adoption of Anglo goals and values. Leininger 43 also found that ingroup tensions and problems were largely a consequence of acculturation; she found that displacement onto a known outgroup perceived to be the "witch mediums" was common in families who had a bewitched victim.

The methods of witchcraft include: (1) bewitchment through food or drink; (2) use of imitative magic (dolls or figurines); and (3) real aigre or evil air. 44 Other methods include flying methods and animal metamorphosis. 45

Cases of brujeria that come to the attention of mental health authorities usually are reported to have symptoms of paranoia, a feeling of being controlled by another person, delusions, conversations with persons unseen by others, hallucinations, aberrant and erratic behavior, or dramatic mania. 46 Other related symptoms include suspicion, depression, anxiety, and stress. 47 Moreover, Leininger 4s maintains that cultural, social, economic, and psychological stresses contribute to witchcraft beliefs. Misfortune and the demands of urban life have also been noted as contributing factors to witchcraft beliefs. 49 Macklin 5~ has noted that alienation in a new environment has given rise to spiritualist centers that specialize in spirit possession and curing bewitchment cases. Brujeria cases were also found to be prevalent among the lower classes, the uneducated, and rural populations. ~

THE HEALING HIERARCHY

Housewives are consulted first in the treatment of an illness in the family, but there is some disagreement on who is consulted next as the following exemplifies: relatives and close friends or a senora--an experienced older woman in the neighborhood, 52 friends and neighbors, s~ and neighborhood healers who are a little bit above the stature of housewives. 54 Kay 5~ found that folk curers are consulted after the resources of the family have been exhausted, and Torrey 56 discovered that an ombudsman, who was a community leader, also acted as a mental health resource. After family and nonfamilial sources are exhausted, the curandera is consulted. Romano-V. 57 provides an elaborate healing hierarchy based on sphere of influence and geographic area involved which includes the following: (!) daughter, (2) mother, (3) grandmother, (4) experienced neighbor, (5) village or neighborhood healer, (6) town or city healer, (7) regional healer, (8) international healer, (9) international, religious folk saint, and (10) international, religious formal saint. Thus, there is consensus that the housewife is consulted first and

Black Magic Beliefs and White Magic Practices 423

that the curandera is consulted last, with some disagreement on who is consulted in intermediate positions.

METHODOLOGY

A review of the literature leads us to hypothesize three dimensions (sets of rules) that govern the structure of white and black magic: Intimacy, Tradition, and Power.

Intimao': A Social Dhnension. Trea tmen t modalities or treatment agents are arranged in a social hierarchy, marked by social distance from the nuclear family. This dimension orders contacts within and outside the family: mother, self (housewife), grandmother, relative, neighbor, friend, or curandera. We term this dimension Intimacy (space #1).

Tradition: A Cultural Dhnension: The literature suggests that health practices related to white magic and beliefs related to black magic will occupy separate domains along a continuum of modernity, marked by traditional views at one end and nontraditional views, at the other. We term this dimension Tradition (space #2).

Power: A Moral Dimension. Space #1 refers to a social dimension, and space #2 refers to a dimension marked by cultural practices. We hypothesize the appearance of a third dimension, Power, which orders items along a continuum of efficacy, the power to erode community morale and the power to counter that power.

SAMPLE

A survey of Mexican-American women in Brighton, Colorado, was conducted in the fall of 1981. Only Mexican-American women were selected for inclusion in the sample because they usually assume the major responsibility for health in the household, s8 Moreover, most of the brujeria cases in the literature are written on victims who are women. Thus, it was determined that it was highly advantageous to sample only women.

Brighton, Colorado, is located northeast of Denver and is primarily a farming area with oil-related activity. It has a total population of about 13,000, and approximately one-third of the community are Mexican-Americans. 59 This community was selected because it is a suburb of Denver and has a highly visible Mexican-American population.

The purpose of the survey was to gather information on curanderismo. Questionnaires were left with respondents to be self-administered. The contact in each household was informed that only the woman of the house was to fill out the questionnaire; questionnaires were prepared in English or Spanish, and respondents could choose the form they preferred. Questionnaires were picked up over a period of six consecutive weekends. If respondents indicated that they were having difficulties in filling out the questionnaire, a bilingual interviewer was available for all respondents.

In order to achieve a cross-section of Mexican-American households in the area, a multistage cluster sample was designed. In the area where most Mexican-Americans live, we first randomly selected blocks, and then randomly selected households.

The procedure yielded a sample of 70 women, with a mean age of 48 years and with an average of five children. Eighty-one percent were married, and the remainder were either

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divorced, widowed or never married. Forty-five percent were born in Colorado, and 41 percent were born in New Mexico. Ninety-seven percent were Catholics. Fifty-nine percent had spent their childhood on a farm or in town, and 41 percent spent their chilldhood in a small city, a suburb, or a large city. Fifty-two percent preferred to be called Mexican or Mexican-American, and another 15 percent preferred the term Chicana. Only 36 percent were employed. Their mean years of schooling was 8.8, and the median family income was $12,450.

Health practices are indicated by seven separate items (Appendix) which ask the respondent whether she has ever used herself (TXCHIYOU), mother (MOTHER), grandmother (GRANDMA), relative (RELATIVE), neighbor (NEIGHBOR), friend (FRIEND), or curandera (TXCHICUR) to prepare remedies for her children's illnesses. "Each response category is a simple dichotomy: yes or no.

Witchcraft beliefs are indicated by six items which ask the respondent whether she believes that brujos or brujas can victimize individuals in the realms of love (BRUJLOVE), envy (BRUJENVY), sexual jealousy (BRUJJEAL), mental (BRUJ- MENT) or physical illness (BRUJILL), and vengeance (BRUJVENG). Responses are dichotomized: yes or no.

Thirteen items related to practices and beliefs were submitted to Smallest Space Analysis. 6~ SSA is a nonmetric multidimensional technique that represents the correla- tions among pairs of n items as physical distances in two- three- or more dimensional space. All possible pairs of 13 items (there are 78 possible pairs among 13 items) represented by 78 correlation coefficients are fitted by SSA program into one or more dimensions. How well the pairs of correlations "fit" into some number of dimensions is measured by a coefficient of alienation. Conventionally, a coefficient below .15 is considered a relatively good "fit" of pairs of items such that the correlation between all pairs and the transformation of those correlations into physical distances is monotonic (consistently, distances between pairs decrease monotonically the higher the correlation between pairs). A monotonic function means that the order of the magnitude of distance is the same as the magnitude ofth e size of the coefficient of correlation.

The dimensions (whatever their number) represented geometrically by SSA, make explicable and understandable some of the variation across the variables. SSA, in addition, has the advantage of portraying the structure among variables in visual form. One-dimensional solutions locate all variables along a line; a two-dimensional solution distributes them through a square; and a three-dimensional solution distributes variables through a cube. SSA is a relatively rigorous multivariate analytic technique without assumptions about linearity and mesuremcnt. The "spaces" or dimensions" produced by the analysis can be viewed as ordering the set of variables simultaneously in n-dimensions.

FINDINGS

The final solution shows 13 items distributed through three dimensions with a coefficient of alienation = .049, well below the standard of .15 (see Figure 1). The three-space solution simultaneously orders 13 items, seven linked to health practices, and six linked to witchcraft beliefs, along three different dimensions (Appendix). We identify these dimensions as Intimacy, Tradition, and Power.

Black Magic Beliefs and White Magic Practices 4 2 5

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Figure 7. Three-space Solution for Black Magic Beliefs and White Masic Practices.

426 THE SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL Vol. 23/No. 4/1986

Intimacy

Figure 1 shows the 13 items ordered by degree of intimacy along the vertical axis (from most intimate to least intimate from bottom to top), separated into two spatial domains: health practices on the right and witchcraft beliefs on the left. In the domain of practices, intimacy can be conceived in terms of social distance and familial ties, with mother occupying the most intimate and curandera occupying the least familial-intimate end. Ordered along this dimension from more to less intimate are: self, grandmother, relative, neighbor, friend, suggesting a continuous outreach from the nuclear family, into extended family, locality, friends, and finally into the larger curative community, the curandera.

In the domain of beliefs (on the left), items are ordered by degree of intimacy (most to least, from bottom to top, paralleling that ordering of practices) from LOVE (a very personal, intimate emotion) to envy (coveting objects and materials of friends and neighbors). Ordered along this dimension of intimacy are items which express beliefs about the involvement of witchcraft in the victimization of individuals in the realms of mental and physical illnesses, vengeance, sexual jealousy (which suggests, as envy covets objects and material things, coveting of a person). Thus, for beliefs and practices, Space #l, Intimacy orders items from most to least intimate (or personal).

Tradition

Figure I shows the 13 items (distributed along the horizontal axis) separated into two spatial domains: practices and beliefs. The dimension of tradition also orders items along a continuum marked by modernity, from folk to modern (from left to right), such that relatives, friends, and neighbors (preparing curatives) occupy one end of the continuum, and beliefs in the involvement of brujas and brujos in vengeance, occupy the other. It should be noted that mediating between the modern and the traditional are (almost in a straight line) mother, grandmother, and curandera, bridging the gap, so to speak, between the present and the past.

Power

Figure I shows (in the third dimension, the depth perspective) the 13 items ordered along a continuum marked by power and efficacy (conceived in terms of the folk cultural system). From floor to ceiling, items are ordered from least to most efficacious, in terms of the power to integrate or threaten the social bond. The realm of white magic practices, grandmother and curandera (with grandmother occupying a slightly more dominant position than the curandera) occupy the highest position of folk cultural efficacy and power. I n the realm of black magic, a belief in the power of the brujo or bruja to victimize individuals through vengeance, occupies the dominating power position. Vengeance affects a wider social circle than love potions and mental illness, thus having greater implications for social integration. All 13 items are ordered along the dimension of power. Least efficacious are neighbors and self, and the belief that witchcraft can victimize in the realm of sexual jealousy and envy. Of intermediate power are friends and relatives, and the belief in the power of witchcraft to victimize individuals in love, mental and physical illnesses. Mother follows next as an agent of cultural efficacy, with grandmother and curandera representing the highest degree of folk efficacy and power, matched across the domain, only by the power of vengeance to threaten group solidarity and morale.

Black Magic Beliefs and White Magic Practices 427

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

While the ethnographic literature speculates on the health practice hierarchy, this is the first empirical test and demonstration of that hierarchy. Our findings tend to support these speculations, in the main, but do point to some differences.

The three-dimensional solution produced by Smallest Space Analysis supports the hypotheses set forth in this article. First, one dimension common to witchcraft beliefs and health practices orders items along a continuum of intimacy, or social distance from the nuclear family marked by mother and self, at one end, and by the curandera, at the other. While the ethnographic literature has indicated the existence of such an ordering from self (housewife) to curandera, through intermediate persons such as relatives, neighbors, and friends, we find that t he mother begins the continuum with self (housewife) occupying a secondary position. The intermediate positions along the hierarchy are grandmother, relative, neighbor, and friend. In the hierarchy portrayed by Smallest Space Analysis, the mother replaces the housewife (in the ethnographic literature) as the origin of the health practice hierarchy.

Second, health practices related to white magic and beliefs related to black magic occupy separate domains at opposite ends of a second dimension: Tradition. Within each domain, moreover, items are ordered from most to least traditional. In the black magic belief domain, items are ordered, from left to right, so that the left-most cluster of beliefs represents the most traditional position along the continuum. Envy, sexual jealousy and vengeance are most traditional since they involve core and primary values of the folk belief system and are the last line of resistance to modern invasions (such as coveting material goods, things, and persons as objects).

The cluster of beliefs which include belief in the power of the brujo or bruja to victimize in the realms of mental and physical illnesses and love (enchantment) is closer to modernity because bewitchment through food and drink is more visible, less abstract and more easily observed--thus requiring less suspension of belief (in the mz/terial world) than victimization in the realms of vengeance, envy and sexual jealousy. The more magic is made invisible (and less understandable) and inaccessible, the greater the need for a leap of faith in traditional bewitchments.

In the domain of practices (in the second dimension of tradition), the mother, grandmother, and curandera form almost a straight line representing the first (and presumably most potent) defense against practices of black magic. Most modern and removed from the domain of black magic practices are friends, neighbors, and relatives.

Third, beliefs and practices are organized by a dimension: Power. Items of beliefs and practices are ordered along a dimension marked at one end by power to destroy the social bond, and, at the other, by power to integrate the social bond. In the domain of practices, the power to integrate the group is shown by the domain and position of the grandmother and curandera (who occupy the highest position in the third dimension), with mother occupying the third highest position. Least efficacious in the domain of practices are neighbor, self (housewife), friends, and relatives.

In the domain of beliefs, the imPlications of vengeance, with the power to destroy the social bond, qualify it for its dominant position. Most individual, on the other hand, are beliefs related to envy and sexual jealousy since affected persons are two or, at most, three in a love triangle. Intermediate along the dimension of power to destroy social

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bonds are beliefs that brujas or brujos can victimize in the realms of mental and physical illnesses and love, since those victimizations might include immediate and extended family.

This analysis supports the conjecture that black magic beliefs and white magic health practices share common structural arrangements linked to social distance, cultural practices, and group integration or solidarity. We have taken the study of individual beliefs in magic a step further: to a level of structural analysis wherein social, cultural, and moral elements are shown to explain variations in individuals' magical beliefs.

APPENDIX

Guttman-Ungoes Smallest Space Coordinates for M = 3 After Principal Axes Rotation

Variable Distance From C Dimens.ion

(Centroid) ! 2 3

M O T H E R 51. 79.74 0 41.26 G R A N D M A 46. 82.39 25.16 63.75 R E L A T I V E 46. 100.00 44.98 33.69 F R I E N D 54. 96.65 75.95 27.91 N E I G I t B O R 60. 99.97 65.97 0 T X C t t l C U R 58. 82.20 85.10 61.74 T X C t l l Y O U 54. 85.73 5.36 9.51 B R U J M E N T 31/ 25.04 35.13 32.01 B R U J I L L 28. 28.41 33.75 32.79 B R U J L O V E 34. 24.26 28.70 34.57 B R U J V E N G 56. I . I I 49.29 47.78 B R U J E N V Y 57. 1.77 60.72 21.51 B R U J J E A L 57. 0 53.41 19.21

C 54.41 43.35 32.75

Normalized P i l l = .00124 for 42 iterations Coefficient of Al ienation = .4978E-01

NOTES A N D REFERENCES

I. George M. Foster and Barbara Gallatin Anderson, Medical Anthropology (New York: Wiley, 1978), pp. 70-77.

2. Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. Translated by Joseph Ward Swain (Glencoe: The Free Press, n.d.), p. 382.

3. Emile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, Primitive Classification. Translated by Rodney Needham (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963), p. 83.

4. Durkheim, op. cit.', p. 362, fn. 5. Octavio Ignacio Romano-V.. "Charismatic Medicine, Folk-healing. and Folk-sainthood," American

Anthropologist. 67(1965):1151-1173. 6. E.E. Evans-Pritchard. IVitchcraft, Oracles and Magit. Among the Azande (Oxford: Clarendon Press.

1973), p. 9. 7. Ibid.,p. I0.

Black Magic Beliefs and White Magic Practices 429

8. Clyde Kluckhohn, Navaho Witchcraft (Cambridge: llarvard University Press. 1944), p. 14. 9. Marc Simmons. Witchcraft in the Southwest (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1974), p. 5.

10. Dennison Nash, "A Convergence of Psychological and Sociological Explanations of Witchcraft," Current Anthropology, 14(1973):545.

II. Evans-Pritchard, op. cit. 12. Kluckhohn, op. cit. 13. Nash, op. cit. 14. Guy E. Swanson, The Birth o f the Gods: The Origin o f Primitive Beliefs (Ann Arbor: University of

Michigan Press, 1960), p. 151. 15. M.G. Marwick, Sorcery in Its Social Setting (Manchester:. Manchester University Press, 1965),

pp. 288-290. 16. Nash, op. cit., p. 546. 17. John W. Whiting and Irv,in L. Child, Child Training and Personality: A Crosx-Cuhural Stud)" (New

Ilaven: Yale University Press, 1953), p. 282. 18. Nash, op. cit. 19. Scarlett Epstein, "A Sociological Analysis of Witch Beliefs in a Mysore Village," The Eastern

Anthropologist, 12( 1959):234-25 I. 20. Ronald M. Wintrob, "The Influence of Others: Witchcraft and Root,aork as Explanations of

Behavior Disturbances," Journal o f Nervous and Mental Disease, i 56( 1973):318-326. 21. Theodore Rosenthal and Bernard J. Siegel, "Magic and Witchcraft: An Interpretation from Dis-

sonance Theory," Southwestern JournalofAnthropology, 15( 1959):143-167. 22. Richard W. Lieban, Cebuano Sorcery-Malign Magic in the Philippines (Berkeley: University of

California Press, 1967). 23. Kenneth M. Golden, "Voodoo in Africa and the United States," American Journal o f Psychiatry,

134( 1977):1425-1427. 24. Ayo Binitie, "The Psychological Basis of Certain Culturally Held Beliefs," International Journal o f

Social Psychiatry, 23(I 977):204-208. 25. Nash, op. cit., p. 546. 26. Lyle Saunders, Cultural Differences and Medical Care: The Case o f the Spanish-speaking People o f

the Southwest (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1954). 27. Margaret Clark, tlealth in the Mexican American Communi O" (Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1959). 28. William Madsen, The Mexican Americans o f South Texas (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston,

1964). 29. Margarita Artschwager Kay, "Health and lllncss in a Mexican American Barrio." in Edward ti.

Spicer (ed.), Ethnic Medicine in the Southwest (Tucson: Univcrsity of Arizona Press, 1977). pp. 99-166. 30. William Madsen and Claudia Madsen. A Guide to Mexican Witchcraft (Mexico, D.F.: Minutiae

Mexicana, 1969), p. 60. 31. Madsen. 1964, op. cir., p. 84. 32. Ari Kicv, Curanderismo: Mexican American Folk Psychiatry (New York: The Free Press, 1968),

p. 112. 33. Arthur J. Rubel, AcroJs the Tracks: Mexican-Americans in a Texas Cit). (Austin: llogg Foundation

of Mental llealth. University of Texas Press, 1966), p. 168. 34. Kay. op. cir., p. 140; Isabel Kelly, "Mexican Spiritualism." Kroeber Anthropology Society Papers,

25(1961):202; Madsen, 1964, op. cit., p. 84; John M. Ingham, "On Mexican Folk Medicine," American Anthropologist, 72( 1979):83.

35. Robert T. Trotter and Juan Antonio Chavlra, Curanderismo: Mexican Amerir tlealing (Athens: University of Georgla Press, 1981), p. 70.

36. Joe S. Graham, "The Role of the Curandcro in Mexican American Folk Medicine System in West Texas," in Wayland D. Hand (ed.), American Folk Medicine: A S)'mposhml (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), p. 180.

37. Trotter and Chavira, op. clt., p. 27. 38. Kiev, op. cit.,p. 140. 39. Simmons, op. cit.,pp. 15, 158-159. 40. Kiev, op. clt.,pp. 140-141.

430 THE SOCIAL SCIENCE IOURNAL Vol. 23/No. 4/1986

41. lngham, op. cit., p. 83. 42. William Madsen, "Anxiety and Witchcraft in Mexican-American Acculturation," Anthropological

Quarterly, 39( 1966): 126. 43. Madeleine Leininger, "Witchcraft Practices and Psychocultural Therapy ~ith Urban U.S. Families,"

Human Organization, 31(1973):82. 44. Donovan Senter, "Witches and Psychiatrists," Ps.vchiatry, 10(1947):49-56. 45. Simmons, op. cit. 46. Madsen, 1964, op. cit.,p. 87; Rubel, op. cit.,pp. 167-174; Kiev, op. cit.,pp. 41--42. 47. Simmons, op. cit.; Kiev, op. cir.; Jerold J. Kreisman, "The Curandero's Apprentice: A Therapeutic

Integration of Folk and Medical llealing," American Journal of Psychiatrr, 132(1975):81-83; E.G. Casper and M.J. Philippus, "Fifteen Cases of Embrujada: Combining Medication and Suggestion in Treatment," tlospital and Communio', 26(1975):271,274; Raymond L. Garcia, "'Witch Doctor?' A tlexirig Case of Dermatitis," Cutis, 19(1977):103-105; Richard Warner, "Witchcraft and Soul Loss: Implications for Community Psychiatry," Hospital and Communi O' Ps)'chiatr)', 28(1977):686--690; Senter, op. cit.; Madscn, 1964, op. cit.; James A.V. Galvin and Arnold M. Ludwig, "A Case of Witchcraft," Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 133(1961):161-168.

48. Leininger, op. cit. 49. Rubel, op. cit.; Trotter and Chavira, op. cit.; Clark, op. cit. 50. June Macklin, "Curanderismo and Espiritismo: Complimentary Approaches to Traditional Mental

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51. Madsen, 1964, op. cit.; Galvin and Ludwig, op. cit. 52. E. Fuller Torrey, The Mind Game: IVitchdoctors and Psychiatrists (New York: Bantam Books.

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