173 Section III (case studies) 5. Censored in Lima: The texts of Justus Lipsius and Benedictus Arias Montanus In the early modern Peruvian book market Benedictus Arias Montanus (1527-1598) and Justus Lipsius (1547-1606) were two of the most popular authors as far as one can conclude by the number of extant copies in the 37 investigated libraries in the former audiencias of Lima, Quito and Chile. 1 Both had their books published by the Plantin-Moretus press. Their works were available in various editions over a period of more than 100 years. 2 Lipsius is represented by 86 volumes located (including editions of Tacitus, Seneca and Valerius Maximus) 3 and Arias Montanus by 43. This chapter introduces some of these texts and looks into the question how the Peruvian Inquisition dealt with some particular titles. Justus Lipsius in Lima and beyond In 1648 Diego de León Pinelo (1608- 1674), professor at the University of San Marcos in Lima, published a book with the title Hypomnema apologeticum pro Regali Academia Limensi in Lipsianam periodum meaning in translation: Notes to defend the Royal University of Lima against a phrase of Lipsius. 4 In the introduction to his description of the University of San Marcos, León Pinelo wrote (illustration 1): "I was leafing through works of Justus Lipsius one night, when a book suddenly caught my eyes (while I was already nodding off). It was titled: "Lovanium sive opidi et academia descriptio" [Lovanium or description of the city and the University of Leuven] and I was immediately clearly awake. I was delighted by the text and its eloquence as if caught by the attraction of a Siren (...) so I read and read until I reached the sixth chapter with the heading: Ancient examples of academies in the Orient, as well as in Ethiopia, in Africa and in the New World." 5 León Pinelo went on to say that he had hoped to find laudatory comments about the University of San Marcos, founded in Lima in 1551. To his disappointment Lipsius had not written anything at all 1 See chapter: Dusty books bound in parchment -early modern book collections in today's Peru, Table: Identified libraries with ancient book collections, p. 114-115. 2 See: ELECTRONIC APPENDIX: Popular Books and Authors / authors - period (sort the authors and click "Grand Total" for additional details). 3 Including editions of Tacitus, Seneca and Valerius Maximus causes the higher number than reported in chapter 4. 4 LEÓN PINELO, Hypomnema. 5 "Inter opera Iusti Lipsi Lovanium, id est, Opidi & Academia eius descriptione, noctu manus folia replicans, & compaginans, repente visendam conniventibus iam oculis obiecit. Statim somno excitatus, sermone delector, ab eloquentia, quasi a Syrene rapior, & amoenissima verborum pompa delinitus, pauxillatim ad caput sextum pervenio, cui titulus: Vetus Academarum specimen in Oriente, itemque Aetopia, Africa, Novo Orbe. " (LEÓN PINELO, Hypomnema, p. 1 r). Illustration 1 : Text detail of p. 1r, in: Diego de León Pinelo, Hypomnema, Lima 1648, John Carter Brown Library.
Transcript
173
Section III (case studies)
5. Censored in Lima: The texts of Justus Lipsius and Benedictus Arias Montanus
In the early modern Peruvian book market Benedictus Arias Montanus (1527-1598) and Justus Lipsius
(1547-1606) were two of the most popular authors as far as one can conclude by the number of
extant copies in the 37 investigated libraries in the former audiencias of Lima, Quito and Chile.1 Both
had their books published by the Plantin-Moretus press. Their works were available in various
editions over a period of more than 100 years.2 Lipsius is represented by 86 volumes located
(including editions of Tacitus, Seneca and Valerius Maximus)3 and Arias Montanus by 43. This chapter
introduces some of these texts and looks into the question how the Peruvian Inquisition dealt with
some particular titles.
Justus Lipsius in Lima and beyond
In 1648 Diego de León Pinelo (1608-
1674), professor at the University of San
Marcos in Lima, published a book with
the title Hypomnema apologeticum pro
Regali Academia Limensi in Lipsianam
periodum meaning in translation: Notes
to defend the Royal University of Lima
against a phrase of Lipsius.4 In the
introduction to his description of the
University of San Marcos, León Pinelo
wrote (illustration 1):
"I was leafing through works of Justus Lipsius one night, when a book suddenly caught my eyes
(while I was already nodding off). It was titled: "Lovanium sive opidi et academia descriptio"
[Lovanium or description of the city and the University of Leuven] and I was immediately clearly
awake. I was delighted by the text and its eloquence as if caught by the attraction of a Siren (...)
so I read and read until I reached the sixth chapter with the heading: Ancient examples of
academies in the Orient, as well as in Ethiopia, in Africa and in the New World."5
León Pinelo went on to say that he had hoped to find laudatory comments about the University of
San Marcos, founded in Lima in 1551. To his disappointment Lipsius had not written anything at all
1 See chapter: Dusty books bound in parchment -early modern book collections in today's Peru, Table: Identified
libraries with ancient book collections, p. 114-115. 2 See: ELECTRONIC APPENDIX: Popular Books and Authors / authors - period (sort the authors and click "Grand
Total" for additional details). 3 Including editions of Tacitus, Seneca and Valerius Maximus causes the higher number than reported in
chapter 4. 4 LEÓN PINELO, Hypomnema.
5 "Inter opera Iusti Lipsi Lovanium, id est, Opidi & Academia eius descriptione, noctu manus folia replicans, &
compaginans, repente visendam conniventibus iam oculis obiecit. Statim somno excitatus, sermone delector, ab eloquentia, quasi a Syrene rapior, & amoenissima verborum pompa delinitus, pauxillatim ad caput sextum pervenio, cui titulus: Vetus Academarum specimen in Oriente, itemque Aetopia, Africa, Novo Orbe." (LEÓN
PINELO, Hypomnema, p. 1 r).
Illustration 1: Text detail of p. 1r, in: Diego de León Pinelo,
Hypomnema, Lima 1648, John Carter Brown Library.
174
about any university in Peru, but – even worse – the scholar from Leuven had admitted the existence
of schools in the ancient temples of Mexico, but explained that these were an exception to the
general barbarism of the New World.6 In reaction to this ignorance in Leuven, the Limenian professor
wrote the Hypomnema apologeticum, a description of Lima's University.7
This example of a transcontinental response to an academic opinion is unfortunately not strictly an
example of academic exchange, because Lipsius never had any chance to reply to León Pinelo. He
had died in 1606, two years before the Limenian author was born in today's Argentine. León Pinelo
studied law at San Marcos University (the only notable university in the viceroyalty at that time),
obtained a chair and became rector of Lima's university in 1656 and finally Fiscal de la Audiencia de
Lima as of 1561.8
Knowing that Lipius was dead already when he himself wrote his Hypomnema, León Pinelo
nevertheless addressed the scholar from Leuven directly using the stylistic form of a letter.9 This
stylistic device proves not only that the writings of the Flemish scholar were received and valued in
Lima, but also that the Peruvian author perceived himself in a dialogue with the academic world in
Europe – using Lipsius as pars pro toto.
Lipsius' oeuvre was not unknown in Lima. Besides the reference to the Louvanium, Pinelo was aware
of Lipsius' "De constantia, Admiranda, De Militia Romana, Saturnalium Sermonum libri II, Epistolae,
his commentary to Pliny's Panegyricus and his Notes to Seneca".10 While León Pinelo quasi assigned
his description of the University of Lima to Lipsius by mentioning him in the title of his book, other
Peruvian authors quoted the scholar from Leuven less flamboyantly as a source in their own writings,
which sometimes discussed quite different topics from those treated in Lipsius' original texts.
Antonio de Calancha (1584-1654), for example, provided such a quotation in his Cronica
moralizadora de la orden de San Agustín en el Perú (Barcelona 1638).11 He used the quotation to
make his point that the Indios should not be enslaved, but had to be considered as free vassals.
Calancha wrote: "The Indios are tax payers, in the same way as the Spanish paid tributes to the
Romans, not only the ordinary people but also the chieftains, as one reads in Justus Lipsius."12
The Augustinian friar Calancha was born in today's Sucre (Bolivia) and studied at the Augustinian
Colegio de San Ildefonso and at San Marcos University in Lima. He travelled to several of the cultural
centers of the Viceroyalty of Peru but never came to Europe. In 1638, however, his Cronica
moralizada was published in Spain. Later his student Bernardo de Torres continued the chronicle of
the Peruvian Augustinians, again citing and discussing statements made by Lipsius.13
As late as the 18th century, Lipsius' Lovanium was being quoted in Peru as a point of reference for
the ideals of the university in Lima. In his Oracion panegyrica a la minerva de las ciencias, la sabiduria
6 GERBI, 'Diego de León Pinelo contra Justo Lipsio', p. 193-194.
7 For more details to the person of Piñelo and the interpretation of the Hypomnema see: PAPY, 'Lipsius'
prophecy on the New World', p. 725-279; ROSE, 'Un caso particular de la recepción de Justo Lipsio en el Perú colonial' p. 257-265. 8 GENEANET, Diego de Leon Pinelo (online document); PÉREZ PIMENTEL, 'Diego de Leon Pinelo' (online document;
MATURO, Antonio de León Pinelo y el mito de América-Paraíso, (online document). 9 GERBI, 'Diego de Leon Pinelo contra Justo Lipsio', p.192.
10 PAPY, 'Lipsius' prophecy on the New World', p. 275.
11 CALANCHA, Cronica moralizadora (1638), p. 37; other references to Lipsius are on p. 41 and p. 93.
12 "los Indios son tributarios, lean en Justo Lipsio como los Españoles, no sólo los plebeyos, pero las cabeças
pagavan tributo a los Romanos", CALANCHA, Cronica moralizadora (1638), p. 37. 13
STOLS, 'No hay más Flandes en o tempo dos flamengos', p. 27.
175
de las escuelas Maria Santisima presented in August 1721, Juan de Sarricolea y Olea (1670-1740),
who was professor of theology at San Marcos, quoted Lipsius' poem Salvete Athenae nostrae14 -albeit
with slight changes and some omissions.15 Earlier in his text he also referred to León Pinelo's
Hypomnema.16
The Lovanium was first published in 1605. The text is divided into three main sections or books (libri).
In the first part, Lipsius described the history of Leuven up to the 12th century, while the second
book covered the events in the city until the author's time, closing with a topographic description of
Leuven including monuments and places. The third book recounted the history of the University of
Leuven and delineated Heverlee, a village close to the city. The residence of Karel III van Croÿ (1560-
1612), to whom the book was dedicated, was located in Heverlee.17
Lipsius was born in Overijse, a village situated close to the city of Leuven which was to become his
hometown. After studies in Cologne he returned to Leuven in 1564 following classes in law and
studying classical literature in the Collegium trilingue.18 In summer 1568 he left Flanders for Rome
where he worked for two years. Back in Leuven in 1570 he travelled to Vienna in 1571 and later
worked as professor in Jena. In 1574 he again returned to Leuven, by way of Cologne, and completed
his studies of jurisprudence, obtaining his licentiate in 1576. Until 1578 Lipsius taught at the Catholic
University of Leuven on a voluntary basis, and from 1578 he held a chair at the university in the
Protestant city of Leiden in Holland. Leaving Leiden in 1591 he came home to Leuven in 1592 after
being reconciled to the Catholic Church in Mainz in Germany. Back in Leuven he became professor of
ancient history and Latin. With his work De constantia (1584) Lipsius had started to focus his studies
on the philosophical principles of the Stoa, and he became a leading author of Neostoicism. In March
1606 Lipsius died in Leuven.
The Lovanium (1605) was one of his last works and it was presented as a wedding gift to Karel van
Croÿ and his cousin Dorothea van Croÿ (1585-1660) in December 1605. At the same time, Lipsius
claimed the Lovanium to be the preliminary work for his never completed "History of Brabant" which
he had been asked to write by the States of Brabant.19 The publication of the descriptions of the
miracles assigned to the Holy Virgin of Halle (1604) (illustration 3) and the Holy Virgin of
Scherpenheuvel (Diva Sichemiensis, 1605) (illustration 4) were encouraged by the Catholic
14
LIPSIUS, Lovanium, p. 94-95 (Lib. III, cap. 1). 15
"Y cosinguiò de la Regia y Pontificis auctoridad los privilegos, y esenciones, que goza iguales à los de Salamanca (*) Con tan heroycos espiritus naciò este Cuerpo, en que su todo es la razon: Que mucho hayan caminando su progressos con passos de Giganté. A su tamaño de biera ser la eloquencia, que saludasse los Umbrales suyos, à que me acojo. Pero passe, sino por vatsante elogio, por memoria perenne, el alma de aquel Hymno, cuya letra consagrò à su Academia vna perica Pluma, aunque mal in struida se la nuestra. (K) Salvete Athenae nostrae, Athenae Regiae, / O sida sedes Artium! O fructa bona, Lateque spargens lumen, & nomen tuum! / Et Fructus etiam apparete: O quot millia, / Ita dico, protulistis insignes viros? / Quot famae in ade consecratis nomina / Puerennibus victura inscriptionibus? /Et porrò prosertis & sacarbitis." (SARRICOLEA Y OLEA, Oracion panegyrica, w/o pag. (Handwritten pagination on the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional de Chile is 109). 16
SARRICOLEA Y OLEA, Oracion panegyrica, w/o pag. ((Handwritten pagination on the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional de Chile is 102.) See the annotation "N" on the page starting: "ressoso al mas prolixo". 17
TER BEEK, 'Lovanium, sive opidi et academiae eius descriptio, p. 198-200; LIPSIUS AND PAPY, Iusti Lipsi Lovanium
LANDTSHEER, SACRÉ, AND COPPENS, Justus Lipsius (1547-1606): een geleerde en zijn Europese netwerk, p. 257-260.
176
Illustration 2: Cover and binding of several texts by Justus Lipsius, Seminario de San Jerónimo, Arequipa (14-5-2-8).
Illustration 3: Title page of Justus Lipsius, Diva Virgo Hallensis, Antwerp 1605. Seminario de San Jerónimo, Arequipa (14-
5-2-8).
177
Illustration 4: Title page of Justus Lipsius, Diva
Sichemiensis sive Aspricollis, Antwerp 1606. Seminario
de San Jerónimo, Arequipa (14-5-2-8).
Illustration 5: Frontispiece of Justus Lipsius, Lovanium,
Antwerp 1619. Seminario de San Jerónimo, Arequipa
(14-5-2-8).
Illustration 6: Page 119 from Justus Lipsius, Diva Virgo
Hallensis, Antwerp 1605, Seminario de San Jerónimo,
Arequipa (14-5-2-8).
Transcription of the prayer:
Muy
Muy señor /mio y querido due/ño de mi corazón
/ me alegrare quede / Vuestra merced bueno in
com/pañia de mi Señora / Hermana Doña /
Mariquita
Translation:
Dear
Dear Lord and master / of my heart / I will rejoice
/ that your Grace is good / in the company of my
Lady /Sister Donna / Mariquita
178
Archdukes Albrecht and Isabella. Halle and Scherpenheuvel were at that time two popular places of
pilgrimage in Brabant, and became famous in the Catholic world in the course of the Counter-
Reformation.
Only one single copy of the Lovanium (Antwerp, 1610) extant in Arequipa was located during the
library investigation (illustration 5). This text was bound with other copies of Lipsius' later works:
Virgo Hallensis (Antwerp 1605), Diva Sichemiensis sive aspricolis (Antwerp 1606), De Vesta et
vestalibus syntagma. (Antwerp 1609)20 and De bibliothecis syntagma. (Antwerp 1607)21 (illustrations
2, 3, 4 and 6).
Manuscript annotations on the title page and on pages 2 and 52 in the Virgo Hallensis identify this
volume as having been the property of the Jesuits in Arequipa. In particular the first three texts show
traces of use in the form of handwritten annotations. The last two copies were mainly foraged for
their illustrations, which were neatly cut out from the pages. In the Lovanium one finds even a hint of
one specific reader: Doña Mariquita left a reader's mark in form of a short text (illustration 6).
Indentifying Doña Mariquita as the writer of this manuscript note is, of course, to assume that the
text was signed by her, although this is not a necessary conclusion.22 Literally the text reads: "Dear
Lord and master of my heart I will rejoice that your Grace might be good in the company of my Lady
Sister Donna Mariquita." The lack of any further context and any proper punctuation does not allow
us to decide whether this was a note to somebody who, for example, was given the book as a
present, a coded message (for whatever purpose) or – much less likely – a kind of prayer. ("Muy
señor mio y querido dueño de mi corazón" would be a very unusual way of addressing God.) Neither
one can finally decide, if the writer was "sister Donna Mariquita" or if the writer referred to her
ladyship sister Donna Mariquita. It also has to remain an open question, what connection there
might be between Lipsius' praise of Belgium's beauty in the poem marked and the content of this
note. Nevertheless, in the context of the present research the point is that one has to assume that in
this volume in Arequipa at least the Virgo Hallenis, the Diva Sichemiensis and the Lovanium were
actually used – probably studied.
However, even if one is inclined to attribute the handwritten comments in these texts to an early
modern reader, it is not possible to assign any approximate date on the comments. In the same way
it is impossible to determine when and for what purpose the illustrations were cut out from the
books. Four out of the five books in this volume were one-of-a-kind in the context of this library
analysis.
The two books about the Virgin Mary described miracles that had taken place in Halle, a town not far
from Brussels, and in Scherpenheuvel close to Diest (Brabant). According to these texts the Virgin
Mary had manifested herself in both places by working miracles, respectively since the fourteenth
and the sixteenth century.23 Both books were quite popular in the Catholic world. Lipsius' Virgo
20
The first edition dated 1603. A French translation was published in 2006: LIPISUS AND VANHAECK, De Vesta et vestalibus (2006). 21
The first edition dated 1602. (See: WALKER, 'Ancient authors on libraries'). Oberman had referred to the year 1585 as date of the first edition (OBERMAN, 'Van Leiden naar Leuven', p. 70). 22
LIPSIUS, Lovanium, p. 119 (copy of Biblioteca del Seminario de San Jerónimo, SJe 14. 5. 2. 8). Another possible interpretation might be: "in company of my ladyship sister Doña Mariquita". - Even reading the prayer as signed by Doña Mariquita it is unclear, if "mi Señora" is the Vergin Mary (most likely) or any other ladyship related to Doña Mariquita. 23
DE LANDTSHEER, 'From Philip Numan's Miracles of the Virgin of Montaigu (1604) towards Justus Lipsius's Diva Sichemiensis'.
179
Hallensis was in fact quoted (with some slight modifications) in Fernando de Valverde and Francisco
de Bejarano's Santuario de N. Señora de Copacabana en el Perú: Poema sacro, published in Lima in
1641. In the opening lines of the prologue the authors described the worshiper's impression when
entering the Sanctuary of Holy Mary, Queen of Angels, quoting Lipsius' description characterizing the
atmosphere in Halle:
"I entered and experienced a similar feeling to that of Justus Lipsius in the chapel of Our Lady in
Halle: But when I arrived and eagerly entered the church and started to pray, I felt my body and
soul seized by a trembling joy mixed with adoration: the presence of God's majesty was obvious
and even revealed itself to ignorant minds."24
This allusion to the sanctuary in the Southern Netherlands had clearly to be understood as an
equalization of these two places of pilgrimage, between the lines declaring the sacred site in Peru as
equally holy as the one in Halle. Further one has to conclude that the authors assumed that Peruvian
readers would know where and what the chapel of Our Lady in Halle was. With the exception of the
Diva virgo Hallensis authored by Melchior Goldast, which was also published by Moretus in 1605, all
publications about Our Lady of Halle were connected to the name of Lipsius, regardless of whether
they had been published in Antwerp (Moretus, 1604), Paris (Le Clerc, 1604) or Erfurt (Unserer lieben
Frawen zu Hall im Hennegauw/ inn Latein beschriebene Gutthaten und Wunderwerck, Melcher, 1627)
or London (Miracles of the B. Virgin, or, An historical account of the original, and stupendious
performances of the image entituled, Our Blessed Lady of Halle, s.n., 1688). One has to assume that
the miracle books about the Marian shrines in Halle and Scherpenheuvel were as popular in the New
World as in Europe. In the Peruvian collections analyzed here, only the volume described in Arequipa
could be located. However, copies of the Diva Sichemiensis and the Virgo Hallenis were also
identified in Mexico City, Puebla, Durango and Guadlajara in Mexico.25
De Vesta et vestalibus syntagma was the fourth text bound into a single volume with the three
aforementioned books held by the Seminary of San Geronímo in Arequipa. The text of De Vesta et
vestalibus syntagma was an antiquarian study of the Vestal Virgins. The fifth work in this volume was
the De bibliothecis syntagma providing the reader with an overview of the libraries of antiquity and
outlining their whereabouts, buildings and the way texts were stored – all based on the written
tradition of ancient Greek and Roman authors.26 While with regard to the Peruvian audiencias both
24
"Entre en el, y experimentè en mi lo que Iusto Lipsio en el Templo de nuestra Señora de Halas: sed cum veni & calidè Templum adij, & preces coepi fundere sensi trepido quodam gaudio, & mixta veneratione corpus, animamque percelli: & palam in loco Numen esse, quod vel ingnaris mentibus se superfundat" (VALVERDE AND
BEJARANO, Santuario de N. Señora de Copacabana en el Peru, Prologo, w/o pag.[folio 6 r (= pic 16/624 in the online copy of the JCB library)]. 25
Mexico City: Biblioteca Turriana and the library of the Colegio de San Fernando.Mexico City; Puebla: Biblioteca Palafoxiana, Library of the Oratorio de San Felipe Neri; Guadalajara: Library of the Seminario Conciliar Tridentino San José, Guadalajara (1696), Durango: Library of the Seminario de San Pedro, Durango. Only two copies of the Lovanium were registered in MANRIQUE FIGUEROA's research on the Mexican libraries. (see: MANRIQUE FIGUEROA, Cultural trade between the Southern Netherlands and New Spain, appendix Virgo Hallensis: p. 159, p. 178, p. 197, p. 202, p. 212; Diva Sichemiensis, p. 97, p. 159, p. 183). 26
WALKER, 'Ancient authors on libraries', p. 233. (See also: WALKER, 'Justus Lipsius and the Historiography of Libraries').
180
titles are now only to be found in Arequipa, in what was formerly Nueva España other copies were
located in Mexico City and Puebla.27
While the Lovanium, like all titles in this volume was rarely spotted, other titles by Lipsius were more
popular. Most copies of works by Lipsius found (graph 1) were of his De militia Romana (Antwerp
1596,28 1598, 1602 and 1605) and Epistolica institutio (Antwerp 1591,29 1602, 1604 and 1605).
Looking into the inventories written after the expulsion of the Jesuits, it is documented that besides
the books this investigation has physically located, the De militia Romana was held by the Jesuits in
the Colegio de Noviciado in Lima and in the colleges of Ica and Huamanga. In the Colegio de
Noviciado and the college of Huamanga the Politica was also listed in the same inventory, while in
Huancavelica a copy of the De constantia was registered.30 Even if there was a steady importation of
Lipsius titles over the years, by far the most copies found in the investigated sample were printed
between 1602 and 1605. About 60% of the Lipsius books identified date from this period, possibly
reaching Peru with the Flota of 1605, 1606, 1607 or 1608.31 This assumption is partly confirmed by
Pedro Rueda's investigation: in 1605 eight copies of Lipsius' Politica were shipped, and at least three
more copies of the same book were shipped by Fernando Mexía in 1606. Other Latin texts by Lipsius
were identified in nine shipment lists, while eight documents listed Spanish translations.32
Between 1565 and 1605 Lipsius wrote about 55 titles and published them in Leiden and Antwerp.33
During this period several other titles were issued in Cologne, Gouda, Franeker, Paris, London,
Krakow and Avignon, to name only a few examples, using Lipsius' name and texts without
authorisation. Additionally Lipsius titles were reprinted and published in translations in Rome, Lyon,
Paris, Madrid, Nuremberg and Frankfurt.34 In total 32 Lipsius titles originating from the Southern
Netherlands were located in Peruvian libraries.35 Focussing on the editions from Antwerp this means
that about 58% of all texts Lipsius had written reached at least one reader (or book owner) in the
viceroyalty. Looking at the years of publication, only books dating from after 1589 were located in
the former audiencias. Between 1589 and 1605 Lipsius published about 18 new titles, at least 16 of
which (88%) reached Peru in at least one copy.
Very often several works by Lipsius were bound into a single volume and therefore the statistics
show a high number of copies, when only a few books are physically available. This fact was taken
into account in the following reflections about Lipsius' cultural influence in the Viceroyalty of Peru.
27
Mexico city: Biblioteca Nacional de México; Puebla: Biblioteca José María Lafragua and Biblioteca Palafoxiana. See MANRIQUE FIGUEROA, Cultural trade between the Southern Netherlands and New Spain, appendix - De bibliothecis syntagma: p. 97, p. 122, p. 159; De Vesta et vestalibus: p. 123, p. 178. 28
1596 follows the date given on the title page. The book was in fact printed in 1595. 29
Antwerp refers to the printing address on the title page regardless of the fact that some editions might have been printed for Plantin in Leiden and only provided with a title page claiming to be produced by the Officina Plantiniana in Antwerp. 30
BURGA, Nueve bibliotecas jesuitas en el momento de la expulsión, p.331-332. 31
See chapter: Reading on board and trading overseas: how books from Antwerp came to Lima. Juan (I) de Sarriá repeatedly shipped books to the Indies during this period. Further research should demonstrate contact between the Officina Plantiniana and Sarriá mediated by Francisco de Robbles. 32
RUEDA RAMIREZ, Negocio e intercambio cultural, P. 353. 33
See Appendix: Titles written by Justus Lipsius (based on LANDTSHEER, 'Per patronos, non per merita'). The Jena edition was not authorised by the author. 34
Data based on WORLDCAT. 35
See Appendix: Titles written by Justus Lipsius (mainly based on LANDTSHEER, 'Per patronos, non per merita'); the Inventory of copies lists 43 different titles, because several titles in the sources catalogues could not be assigned to specific Lipsius' text with doubt.
181
Gra
ph
1: L
oca
ted
tit
les
by
Just
us
Lip
siu
s.36
36
The titles are listed separately when they were either listed like that in the source catalogue or the autopsy showed that they had a separate title page and started with new pagination, ignoring the fact that some of the titles were never published separately.
182
Lipsius' texts were present in eight libraries (graph 2).37 Looking at the dispersion of books one can
conclude that there was an extraordinary interest in Lipsius in Arequipa.38 It is not possible to
determine here whether this statistical peak can be attributed to a single collector of Lipsiana at any
one time or was due to a specifically early-17th-century philosophical and academic interest in
Lipsius and perhaps in Neo-Stoicism and the classics in general in this Andean city. One can even
imagine a combination of both aspects.
Graph 2: Identified titles by Justus Lipsius per year in the analyzed collections.
De militia Romana
In De militia Romana Lipsius described the organisation of the Roman military based on the sixth
book of the Greek historian Polybius (c. 200-c. 118 B.C.).39 While Polybius' histories were unknown in
the literary tradition of the Middle Ages, their renaissance started at latest with the Discorsi sopra la
prima deca di Tito Livio (1531) by Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527). In this book the author referred to
Polybius not only as historian but also as a political thinker. In his Arte della guerra (1512) Machiavelli
also used Polybius as a source. The first proper translation of the Greek text of the sixth book into 37
Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional de Chile (Valparaíso), Biblioteca de la Recoleta (Arequipa), Biblioteca de la Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cuzco, Biblioteca del Seminario de San Jerónimo, Biblioteca Nacional de Chile, Biblioteca Nacional Eugenio Espejo (Quito), Biblioteca Patrimonial Recoleta Dominica (Santiago de Chile) and San Francisco de Lima. 38
All copies by Lipsius are allocated in only 29 volumes. For example the 32 titles extant in the Seminario di San Jeronimo in Arequipa are today bound in 12 volumes. 39
The following paragraphs summarize: DE LANDTSHEER, 'Justus Lipsius's De militia Romana'.
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional de Chile (Valparaíso)
Biblioteca de la Recoleta (Arequipa)
Biblioteca de la Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cuzco
Biblioteca del Seminario de San Jerónimo
Biblioteca Nacional de Chile
Biblioteca Nacional Eugenio Espejo (Quito)
Biblioteca Patrimonial Recoleta Dominica (Santiago de Chile)
San Francisco de Lima
183
Latin was published by Francesco Patrizi (1529-1597) in 1583.40 Lipsius' edition of the Polybius texts
followed in 1595: De militia Romana libri quinque, commentarius ad Polybium was based on the sixth
book by Polybius.41 Patrizi and Lipsius shared the opinion that contemporary armies could improve
their effectiveness by putting Polybius' description of the organisation and moral principles of the
Roman army into practice. According to his dedication to Duke Alfonso II d' Este (1533-1597), Patrizi
saw this as possibly the only way to fight the Ottomans with success. In letters to Abraham Ortelius
(1527-1598) and Franciscus Sweertius (1567-1629), Lipsius in his turn expressed his admiration for
the military organisation of the Romans in contrast to the "awful mess" in the military practice of his
contemporaries.42 In his dedication to the Spanish crown prince, the future Philip III, Lipsius too
referred to the Ottoman threat.
The Lipsius text is divided into five books. To start each book Lipsius chose the form of a dialogue
representing a conversation going on for five days. In these discussions with an eager student he
explained the purpose of his discourses. He rearranged the order of the source text to give it a more
methodical structure distinguishing the topics of recruiting, military divisions, armament, battle
formation and discipline. Lipsius discussed these subjects with reference to the corresponding
sections in Polybius, each time first describing the implications for the light infantry and then for
heavy infantry, followed by considerations regarding the cavalry and finishing with comments on the
auxiliaries. In the fifth part of the section he handles aspects contributing to the superiority of the
Roman army: the organisation of the camps and camp duties, the training in marching order, in the
preparation of a siege and in drill. Finally he explained the practice of the military contract, including
payments, rewards, penalties and retirement. This last book concludes with a comparison between
the modus operandi of the Romans and the practice of warfare in Lipsius' own time. Fifteen
woodcuts (mostly presenting ancient medals) and thirteen engravings illustrated the text.
The intention to provide a positive example for contemporary warfare was triggered not least by the
experience of the "unremitting confrontation with the disorganisation and the explosive military
situation in the Southern Netherlands".43 The De militia Romana had in fact a considerable influence
not only on scholars and historians, but also on commanders of armies and on the reform of military
structures. The book was dedicated to Philip III, "Hispanorum et Indiarum principi".44 However, not
the Spanish crown acted first but the States General of the Northern Netherlands, offering a copy of
the treatise to Count Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange (1567-1625), who had already been
working at an army reform for several years. The intention was to improve military efficiency and to
protect civilians from harassment by insufficiently controlled soldiers. In the context of these
reforms, ancient examples were partly revived. In July 1595 Gerardus Sandlinus wrote to Lipsius from
Leiden:
"In the meantime, now that our Count has some leisure in the Hague, he has been training his
soldiers in the Roman way: sixty heavily-armed infantrymen with spears on one side and forty on
the other armed with Roman shields according to the ancient customs."45
40
PATRIZI, FRANCESCO, La militia Romana di Polibio. 41
Both titles are considered as one single copy in this context, because in all reviewed copies both titles were bound together and the pagination was ongoing. 42
DE LANDTSHEER, 'Justus Lipsius's De militia Romana', p. 104-105. 43
DE LANDTSHEER, JEANINE, 'Justus Lipsius's De militia Romana', p. 114. 44
LIPSIUS, De militia Romana (1586), p. 2. 45
DE LANDTSHEER, 'Justus Lipsius's De militia Romana', p. 118, quoting: ILE VIII, 95 07 16 S.
184
Even if this exercise might not have been directly related to the De militia Romana, which had been
published in June of that year, it provides an example of the application of Roman military
organisation practiced in the last years of the 16th century. Jeanine De Landtsheer proved that the
"rediscovery" of Polybius' sixth book considerably influenced the military practice of the House of
Orange. "Subsequently the Dutch system was imitated on a larger scale by strategists in other
European states until far into the seventeenth century."46
This might explain the relatively high number of copies of De militia Romana found in the analysed
libraries of the former Viceroyalty of Peru. Two copies in editions from 1596 and 1602 were held by
the Seminario de San Jerónimo in Arequipa.47 According to its catalogue, the library of the convent of
San Francisco in Lima owned one edition from 1602 and another from 1605.48 Finally one copy has
been located in the National Library of Chile.
At least one example of a military handbook by a Peruvian author has been found quoting Lipsius,
but without any direct reference to De militia Romana. In his Teorica y practica de esquadrones,
deducida del tesoro militar, published in Lima in 1660, Antonio Heredia y Estupiñan explained that
"(as Justus Lipsius said, and others) the military discipline is so forgotten and lost" that he is going to
copy the relevant explanations from other authors.49 In a Carta al Excmo. señor don Baltasar de la
Cueva, written by Diego Andrés Rocha and published in Lima in 1675, the author quoted the De
militia Romana and assessed Lipsius: "Justus Lipsius is without any doubt at all the first author and
expert in Greek and Latin history".50 We can hypothesize that Lipsius' book had an influence on
Peruvian warfare, the understanding of classical antiquity and intellectual live in general at that time,
but to confirm this in detail a special and extended historical and philological investigation would be
required. Remarkably, one of the copies in the Seminario de San Jerónimo contains an autograph
dedication by the author that reads:51 "J. Lipsius donum misit" (illustration 7).
The Grootboek of Moretus provided the information that the printing of the De militia Romana was
finished in June 1595. Moretus noted that he sent six copies by messenger to Lipsius on 11 June. Ten
days later 77 copies were provided to the friends of Lipsius.52 The copy in Arequipa identified as a gift
of the author himself, however, dates from 1596. This would make it unlikely that the original owner
46
DE LANDTSHEER, 'Justus Lipsius's De militia Romana', p. 119. 47
1596 is referring to the date mentioned on the title page. 48
The signature for both years is identic, an error cannot be excluded. 49
"Pues (como dize Iusto Lipsio, y otros) la disciplina militar està tan oluidada y perdida, que quien la quisiere introducir la aurà de sacar de los libros, y los antiguos hallo muy esparcidos y dilatados, siendo los modernos mas llenos de elegancias y retoricas, que de doctrina, la qual no bien se explica con terminos esquisitos y realçados, a cuya causa solamemnet sigo y copio los Aytores que hablan con stilo llano y natural, imitandolos en lo que es sorçoso añadir par el contexto y engaze de la obra, escluyendo las tropelias, o confusiones de algunos modernos, que parece que de proposito no quieren que los entiendan" (HEREDIA Y ESTUPIÑAN, Teorica y practica de esquadrones, Prologo, w/o pag (page starts with: "El tercer libro"). 50
"Sea el primer Autor Iusto Lipsio, auctor entre los modernos sin dificultad, ni contruversia el mas erudito en la historia Griega, y Latina", ROCHA, Carta al Excmo. señor don Baltasar de la Cueva, p. 14 verso. Further quotations on p. 17 verso, p. 18, p. 24, 51
I like to thank Jeanine De Landtsheer confirming that the Note in the copy in Arequipa came from Lipsius' hand. 52
DE LANDTSHEER, 'Justus Lipsius en zijn relatie met Johannes I Moretus', p. 87; DE LANDTSHEER, 'Justus Lipsius's De militia Romana', p. 106.
185
of this copy could be directly connected to the addresses listed in the Grootboek, were it not for the
particularity that the title page of this edition printed 1595 showed 1596 as the date of printing.53
Illustration 7: Frontispiece and detail of: Justus Lipsius, De militia Romana, Antwerp 1596, Seminario de San
Jerónimo, Arequipa.
The following persons were listed in the Grootboek as recipients of some of these first copies of De
militia Romana: "Ortelio, Corn. Prunio, D. Malinao, D. Roberto Thesaurario, Franciso Schotti, Uwens
Advocato, Rovelasca, Grapho, Brantio, Ludovico Perezio, Livinio, Bochius."54 Another book was sent to
"monsieur Daman", most likely Nicolas Damant (1531-1616).55 A copy each was destined for
Johannes and Gerard Buytewech (1575-?) in Leiden.56 Other names mentioned are Jacobus Monavius
(1546-1603) and Benedictus Arias Montanus. On 26 August, Moretus registered the delivery of six
copies of De militia Romana "pour Bise", possibly the Antwerp engraver Jacques de Bie (1581-after
1637).
Based on this document it is not evident to whom the first 50 copies of this book were finally
addressed, and this question cannot be analyzed in detail in this context. Looking, however, at
identified names, there is no obvious direct connection to the copy in Arequipa. Abraham Ortelius
(1527-1598) was an Antwerp cartographer; the Antwerp senator and treasurer Cornelius Prunius
(Pruynen) was a friend of Lipsius; Franciscus Schottus (1548-1622) was a counselor in Antwerp;57 and
Henricus Uwens (1552-1622) was advocate in the Council of Brabant. "Doctor" Balthasar de Robiano
(1553-1619) was the Treasurer General of the Low Countries. The Robiano family, originally from
53
VANDER HAEGHEN AND LENGER (eds), Bibliotheca Belgica, S. 1002, L. 369. 54
MPM, Grootboek 1595, Arch. 21, p. 258. 55
Lipsius, Epistolarum Selectarum Centuria Singularis Ad Italos & Hispanos, Antwerp 1601, p. 24. 56
To Gerard Buytewech see: PEETERS, 'Le contubernium de Lipse á Louvain', p. 164-165. 57
Franciscus Schottus, in: Biographisch Woordenboek, vol. 17 part 1, p. 461-462 (online document)
186
Italy, had become part of the Antwerp bourgeoisie,58 while the Rovelascas were an Italian merchant
family active in international trade in Antwerp. The Rovelascas connected Antwerp via Portugal with
the trade in Asia.59 "Grapho" can be identified as Grapheus, possibly Abraham Graphaeus (?-1624), a
member of Antwerp’s Guild of St Luke,60 while "Brantio" could be Rubens' father-in-law, the jurist
and author Johannes Brantius (1559-1639).61 A further recipient was the secretary of the city council,
Johannes Bochius (1555-1609),62 while Livinio could be the Humanist Johannes Livineius alias Jan
Lievens (c. l549-1599).63 A "doctor" Malinao alias Malinaeus could not be identified without any
doubt, but the name might refer to the mayor of Antwerp, Karel Malineus. 64 Ludovico Perezio,
finally, most likely stands for the Spanish banker and merchant Luis Pérez (1532-1601), who lived in
Antwerp.65
With the exception of Nicolas Damant (Nicolaus Damantius), the acting Chancellor of the Duchy of
Brabant,66 none of the recipients listed here was in Spain in 1595 and therefore possibly linked to
Peru. According to the thirtieth letter in the Epistolarum Selectarum Centuria Singularis Ad Italos &
Hispanos, however, Damant was at that time in Madrid. Lipsius wrote to him:
"Although I have inscribed my militia to the prince, it is not in my power to offer it: I appeal to
you, most noble man, that you submit my successions and judge them decent, and that of course
(forgive me my confidence) you have to do."67
Further Lipsius asked Damant in this writing to promote (in all modesty) his book at court.68
Other preserved letters by and to Lipsius show that the author in fact had an extensive network of
connections to Spanish scholars, writers and politicians.69 Alejandro Ramírez documented in his book
Epistolario de Justo Lipsio y los Españoles (1577-1606)70 that Lipsius was in contact with more than 30
persons from and in Spain. In the year 1595 Lipsius made special efforts to promote his De militia
Romana in letters to Spanish diplomats and members of the Spanish court in Brussels and Madrid. At
that time he was in contact with Francisco de San Victores de la Portilla, courtier at the court of the
58
TIMMERMANS, Patronen van patronage, p. 57; DE BOOM, Geleerden en politiek, p. 142. 59
See: KALUS, Pfeffer-Kupfer-Nachrichten, p. 67. 60
HELD, Flemish and German Paintings, p. 64-65. 61
Brantius, Johannes, in CERL. 62
Bochius, Joannes (1555-1609), in: HET DIGITAAL WETENSCHAPSHISTORISCH CENTRUM (DWC), (online document). 63
BATTEZZATO, Renaissance Philology: JohannesLivineius (1546-1599), p. 75-111. 64
Guilelmus Malinaeus an aristocrat from Bruges who was in contact with Lipsius, but he had died already in 1560. (Malinaeus (Guilelmus), BIOGRAPHISCH WOORDENBOEK, part 12-1, p. 105-106. Male, Guillaume van, in: CERL) This makes it likely that the addressee was Karel Malineus who was mayor of Antwerp from 1589 to 1590 (Burgemeesters van Antwerpen (online document)). 65
The assumption is made that the book was sent to Luis Peréz the younger (see: IMHOF, Dirk, De Spaanse koopman Luys Pérez). On Luis Peréz the elder, who was a friend of Plantin and Arias Montanus, see: DEKKER, Geld in het water, p. 286. 66
GAILLARD, Le Conseil de Brabant, p. 339-340; See also: GRUCCIARDINI, Belgicae sive inferioris Germaniae descriptio, p. 122. VEGIANO, Nobiliaire des Pays-Bas, p. 77. 67
"Miltiam meam cúm Principi inscripsissem, nec offerere eam esset in meâ manu: ad te confugi Vir Amplissime quem subire has vices meas & decere arbitrare, atque adèo (ignosce fiduciae) debere." (LIPSIUS, Centuria Singularis Ad Italos & Hispanos (1601), p. 24). 68
"Ego te rogo, per comunis patriae iura, vt huic Telemacho verecundanti quasi Minerva ess velis, & apud magnum illum Nestorem sitas." Lipsius, Centuria Singularis Ad Italos & Hispanos (1601), p. 25. 69
LANDTSHEER, SACRÉ AND COPPENS, Justus Lipsius (1547-1606): een geleerde en zijn europese netwerk: see in particular chapter 5 (p. 467-470) on Italians and Spaniards. 70
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario.
187
Archdukes in Brussels,71 with the medical attendant of the king, José González a Cunedo (médico
regio), with Esteban de Ibarra, secretary of State and War for the Southern Netherlands, with Doctor
Juan Martínez de Verástegui, a member of the Real Consejo de Castilla and president of the
Tribunalis Censura, all of them residing in Brussels. Lipsius also exchanged letters with García de
Loaysa, tutor of Prince Philip III (maestro del Príncipe) and with García de Figueroa y Toledo,
Gentleman of the King's Chamber in Madrid. Other addressees of Lipsius' letters were Juan de
Idiáquez, active as officer in the royal administration, and Martín de Idiáquez, royal secretary at the
Madrilenian court. Additional writings dating from the period 1595 to 1596 went to Juan Ramirez
Arellano, secretary of the Count of Lemos and chancellor of the Consejo de Indias,72 to the Spanish
general and statesman Pedro Enriquez de Acevedo Count of Fuentes de Valdepero, to the treasurer
Juan de Drenckwaert and to Juan Fernández de Velasco, Constable of Castile, all of whom were in
Brussels at that time. Two further correspondents were the Italian Juan Bautista Sacco, member of
the Senate in Milan (Italy) and Gastón Espínola, the "maestre de campo in Cambrai".73 Finally Lipius
addressed in these two years letters to Philip III with regard to the dedication of the De militia
Romana.74 The scholar discussed his book and its dedication as well with García de Loaysa75 and
referred to it and/or promoted it in his letters to García de Figueroa y Toledo,76 Juan Fernández de
Velasco77, Juan Bautista Sacco78 and his notes to Juan and Martín de Idiáquez.79 The last confirmed in
a letter dated 25 July 1595 that he had received a copy80 and in a letter to Juan Martínez de
Verástegui (2 Sep. 1595) Lipsius let the addressee know that he had asked for a complimentary copy
of the book to be sent to Esteban de Ibarra.81 For none of these recipients of Lipius' letters and
possibly of a copy of the De militia Romana, any connection to Peru would be obvious. On the other
hand it is known that Lipsius was also in touch with Baltasar de Zúñiga (1561-1622) who was minister
in two Spanish governments and the protégé of the Spanish King Philip III and later of his son Philip
IV. Zúñiga had served as a soldier in the Armada before he became administrator in Milan. In 1599 he
arrived in Flanders as a representative of the Madrid Council of State in peace negotiations with the
English. Due to shared scholarly interests Zúñiga contacted Lipsius, with whom he corresponded
about classical literature and with whom he exchanged books. In 1602 Lipsius dedicated the Centuria
prima ad Belgas to Baltasar de Zúñiga.82
Theodor G. Corbett reasoned that Zúñiga's career after
leaving Flanders was significant to trace the influence of Lipsian thought in the Spanish empire.
Lipsius' works were to be found, Corbett claimed, in the book collections of Zúñiga's political
associates. His ideas were also familiar to other reading members of Zúñiga's family, which was in
fact the Olivares family. One of Zúñiga's older brothers was Enrique de Guzmán, Second Count of
71
WASZINK (ed.), Justus Lipsius - Politica, p. 126. See: MOUT, 'Justus Lipsius between War and Peace', RAMÍREZ, Epistolario, p. 82-83. 72
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario, p. 176, footnote 245. Juan Ramirez Arellano was the secretary of Don Pedro Fernadez de Castro, 7th count of Lemos, viceroy of Naples (1610). The Peruvian viceroy was Pedro Antonio Fernández de Castro, 10th Count of Lemos (1632 - 1672), viceroy in the period 1667-1672. 73
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario, p. 82-193. 74
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario, p. 121-127. 75
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario p. 117-120. 76
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario p. 131-133. 77
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario p. 182-186. 78
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario p. 178-181. 79
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario p. 134-139. 80
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario, p. 139. 81
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario p. 154-155. 82
CORBETT, 'The Cult of Lipsius', p. 149; LIPSIUS, Epistolarum selectarum centuria prima ad Belgas, p. 2.
Olivares, and Baltasar de Zúñiga's nephew was Don Gaspar de Guzmán y Pimentel Ribera y Velasco
de Tovar (1587-1645), commonly known as the Count-Duke of Olivares, the prime minister of Spain
from 1621 until 1643. In the book collection of the Olivares family one could find an almost complete
set of Lipsius' Latin works, "including two copies of his edition of Tacitus and single copies of his De
militia Romana, Politicorum, and De Cruce."83 Corbett assumed that Zúñiga gave these books to
Enrique de Guzmán. He arrived to this conclusion, because the books were "all printed by the same
Antwerp publishing house, between 1599 and 1602, the years of Zúñiga's mission to Flanders."84
Unfortunately it is not known how far Baltasar de Zúñiga's preference for Lipsius influenced his eldest
brother Gaspar de Zúñiga y Acevedo (1560-1606), who was viceroy of Mexico from 1595 to 1603 and
viceroy of Peru from 1604 to 1606. Nevertheless, the popularity of Lipsian texts among Spanish
diplomats, army officers and politicians is one argument explaining the presence of Lipsius' books in
the Viceroyalty of Peru. One can assume that the original owner of the signed copy in Arequipa
belonged to this group of politically high-ranking readers of Lipsius, as these were the people most
likely to own a library and to transport it from Spain to Peru, as well as the most likely to have books
sent directly from Europe, or to have relatives who did so at a later point of time.
Despite these speculations there is no clear indication of any year when the particular book in
Arequipa reached the viceroyalty. The Seminario was not founded before 1622.85 Looking at the
binding of the volume in Arequipa one finds that it is not from the late 16th century. It was most
likely newly bound, possibly in Europe in the 18th (?) century. This consideration opens the possibility
that the copy came to Arequipa only later and leads to the hypothesis that the book might have
reached Peru in the luggage of Bishop Pedro José Chávez de la Rosa (1740-1819). Chávez de la Rosa
originated from Cadiz (Spain), where one of Lipsius' Spanish correspondents had lived in 1604: Juan
Bautista Suárez de Salazar, a canon of Cadiz cathedral.86 Chávez de la Rosa reached Lima in 1787.
From then until his resignation in 1804 he headed the diocese of Arequipa. In 1809 he returned to
Spain. In Peru he reformed the (by that time) very traditional Seminario de San Jerónimo into a study
center from which European ideas of liberalism spread in the south of Peru.87 Archival documents
show that he shipped 52 boxes of books from his private library when leaving Cadiz. These books
were later donated to the library of San Jerónimo.88
One other possible owner in Arequipa could have been Pedro de Perea y Diez de Medina (1556-
1630), founder of the Seminario.89 He was an Augustinian friar and became bishop of Arequipa in
1619, remaining at the head of the diocese until 1630. Still preserved are two of his letters, published
by Geronimo de Contreras in Lima in 1629.90 A first review of this work does not provide any hint of a
connection to Lipsius or any other writer from the Southern Netherlands. It did show, however, that
Pedro de Perea was still taking part in the academic theological debate about the Blessed Virgin,
83
CORBETT, 'The Cult of Lipsius', p. 150. 84
CORBETT, 'The Cult of Lipsius', p.150. 85
Alejandro Malaga Medina dates the fundacion in 1619 and the start of operation in 1622. (MALAGA MEDINA, Arequipa: estudios históricos, p. 32 and p. 129-130) 86
RAMÍREZ, Epistolario, p. 395. See also: DOCUMENTACIÓN HISTÓRICA DE CÁDIZ, 1664. Libro de la genealogía del canónigo Doctor Juan Bautista Suárez de Salazar (online document). 87
MALAGA MEDINA, Arequipa: estudios históricos, p. 130. 88
BENITO RODRIGUEZ, 'El Archivo y la biblioteca del Seminario San Jerónimo, p. 123. The archival document listing these books in detail survives in the National Archive in Lima, but it has not been possible to obtain a copy. 89
COMMUNITY TREES, Pedro de Perea, (online document). 90
PEREA, Copia de la carta, que el obispo de Arequipa fray don Pedro de Perea, de la Orden de san Agustin, escriuiò al Rey (1629).
189
addressing the second letter in the volume to Francisco Sanchez de Villanueva, bishop of Taranto
(Italy).
Looking into the question whether Friar Juan de Almoguera y Ramírez (1605-1676), a native of
Cordoba who was bishop of Arequipa from 1661 until 1674, could have been related to Lipsius'
correspondent Juan Ramirez Arellano, did not turn up any evidence relevant to the copy in question,
because no evidence of a direct relationship was found.91 Friar Juan de Almoguera y Ramírez had
earlier been provincial of his order (La Santisima Trinidad Calzada) in Andalucia and preacher to King
Philip IV.
Summarizing these reflections about the signed copy of De militia Romana, one can construct some
hypothetical connections between Justus Lipsius and officials in Peru, but it has not been possible to
reconstruct the provenance of the autographed book in Arequipa.
Epistolica institutio and the Epistolarum centuriae
The Epistolica institutio can be found in the investigated libraries nearly as often as De militia
Romana. This book, first published in Leiden in 1591, provided the reader with instructions on how to
write letters. This treatise about the art of writing and addressing texts to a particular recipient goes
back to lectures Lipsius had given in Leiden in 1587, providing practical examples and exercises for his
students on how to compose letters. De Landtsheer has outlined how the Epistolica institutio was
intended to be the first part of Lipsius' projected work De instituenda iuventute (On the instruction of
young people), which was never completed.92 In publishing this early-modern handbook on
epistolography, Lipsius was working in a tradition that included other prominent humanists like
Desiderius Erasmus (1466-1536) (De conscribendis epsistolis, Basel 1522) and Juan Luis Vives (De
conscribendis epistolis, Antwerp 1533), to name only two.93 In his theoretical disputation on the
different forms of correspondence, Lipsius resorted, according to Emil J. Polak, to texts by ancient
authors: "Besides Quintilian Lipsius made use of a wide range of authors from Plautus, Tacitus, and
Demetrius of Tarsus to Jerome and Isidore of Seville."94
Lipsius started his treatise with an introduction to letters in general and their classic form in Greece
and Rome. This presentation was followed by the description of the different parts of a letter and a
characterization of letters according to their content as well as to the style being used. This resulted
basically in the differentiation of three types of letters: serious, learned, and familiar.
Letters considered as "materia seria" concerned public or private themes of high significance
("matters of gravity") while the "materies docta" dealt with scientific, technical or philosophic
questions: appertaining "to knowledge or wisdom; it is non-epistolary matter dressed in the garment
91
"Fray Juan de Almoguera y Ramírez, O.S.T. (Córdoba, España, 18 de febrero de 1605 - Lima, Perú, 2 de marzo de 1676), fue un religioso español que llegó a ser Obispo de Arequipa (1661-1674) y VII Arzobispo de Lima (1674-1676). Sus padres fueron Juan de Almoguera y Catalina Ramírez." (CORDOBAPEDIA, Juan de Almoguera y Ramírez, online document). 92
De Landtsheer, 'From Ultima Thule to Finisterra', p. 48. 93
For further references regarding earlier Briefensteller see: ENENEKEL, 'Der neulateinische Brief als Quelle politisch-religiöser Überzeugungen', p. 5. 94
POLAK, 'Principles of Letter-Writing', p. 142. Polak refers to: YOUNG AND HESTER (eds.), Justus Lipsius, Principles of letter-writing.
190
of a letter."95 According to the system of humanistic science these learned letters could treat
philological, philosophical or theological questions. This second category of letters was similar to and
often mixed with treatises, while the first category was related to orations dealing with questions of
(semi-)public concern.
For Lipsius the only genuinely epistolary type of letter was, as Catherine Dunn has it,96 "materies
familiaris", which was "a letter which touches our private affairs or the affairs of those around us, or
whatever is unremitting in life".97 In the remaining chapters Lipsius discussed characteristics of style
such as brevity, clarity and simplicity, elegance and decorum.98 For the practical training on writing
letters Lipsius advised young people to compile excerpts from their reading (of classic authors) in
formularies, to create "ornamentaries" as collections of figures of speech, and to maintain
dictionaries. While the texts produced by children and maturing students might involve the use of
copied excerpts like stylistic formulas the advanced student should be using the more figurative
language that characterizes a more mature style – if he followed Lipsius' advice.99
Chapter headings of the Epistolica institutio100
I. De nominibus variis epistolae: & de forma apud veteres
II. Quid sit epistola, & quae ejus partes.
III. Materies definita, divisa, & de praemissis epistolae.
IV. De iis quae ad finem epistolae, itemque de signo.
V. De materie varia, eiusque sectione.
VI. De inventione pauca & ordine.
VII. De sermone, quae de eo dicenda; & primum de brevitate.
VIII. De perspicuitate; qui peccetur in eam, qui paretur.
IX. De simplicitate duplici; & ad hanc monita.
X. Junctim de venustate & decentia.
XI. Ad sermonem distinote transitum, eum parari imitatione: ad hanc tria praecepta, & primum de iis, qui, & quando, legendi.
XII. De excerptis; quo ordine ea instituenda, & a quibus singula carpenda. XIII. De expressione & formatione stili, per tria genera imitationum.
The copies of the Epistolica turned up by this investigation were located in Lima (Convent of San
Francisco), Cusco (Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cuzco), Arequipa (Seminario de San
Jerónimo) and Valparaiso in Chile. The copy in Arequipa was earlier owned by the Jesuits; for the
95
"quae ad scientiam aut sapientiam continet, et res non epistolicae epistolae veste velat" Lipsius, Epistiloica institutio, quoting here: LANDTSHEER ,From Ultima Thule to Finisterra, p. 49. 96
DUNN, 'Lipsius on the Art of Letter-Writing', p. 151 97
"quae res tangit nostras aut circa nos, quaeque in assidua vita", Lipsius, Epistiloica institutio, quoting here: LANDTSHEER ,From Ultima Thule to Finisterra, p. 49. 98
POLAK, 'Principles of Letter-Writing, p. 142. 99
POLAK, 'Principles of Letter-Writing', p. 143. I would like to thank Jeanine de Landtsheer for providing me with a prepublication copy of her article 'Letter-Writing Manuals' which is forthcoming (2014) in: FORD, BLOEMENDAL and FANTAZZI, (eds), Brill’s Encyclopaedia of the Neo-Latin World, p. 1036-1038. 100
DUNN, 'Lipsius on the Art of Letter-Writing', p. 151-152. The appendix of the Epistolica institutio contains a short essay on style by Pseudo-Demetrius and its Latin translation by Lipsius.
191
other books no information about provenance is available. The books in the Convent of San Francisco
in Lima and in the University of Cusco were physically examined.101 However, due to organizational
restrictions it was not possible to review these copies in detail for traces of use.
One can assume that the Epistolica institutio was used in the Viceroyalty of Peru according to its
intended purpose: teaching students how to compose a good letter in Latin.
For humanist scholars letters were the most important medium of scientific communication, whether
sent directly to a correspondent or indirectly in the form of a published collection of letters made
available to a broader audience. These letters provided evidence about the social, political and
academic network of the author as well as of the philosophical and scientific achievements discussed
in them. Such letters fulfilled many of the functions now played by the internet and by scientific
journals.102 Or to put it differently: "Correspondence was the information superhighway of the early
modern world. Between 1550 and 1750, regular exchanges of letters encouraged the formation of
virtual communities of people with shared interests in various kinds of knowledge which stretched
across the globe."103 The Latin Privatbrief or familiar letter stood in the literary tradition of Petrarca
(1304-1374) and was the main medium of communication in the Respublica litteraria.104 Karl Enenkel
described how these letters were understood by their authors as a rhetorical device which did not
focus on self-expression, but rather intended to convince, educate or influence the addressee (and
any other reader) with regard to the topic being discussed.105
In 1586 Lipsius had published a first part of his letter collection titled Epistolarum selectarum,
centuria prima, printed in Leiden "Ex officina Christophori Plantini" and also available with the
colophon: "Antverpiae: Apud Christophorum Plantinum". The centuria secunda followed four years
later in 1590.106 Another hundred letters were published in 1601, followed by five further centuriae
in 1602. Two additional selections, each of 100 letters, were posthumously edited by Johannes
Woverius (1676-1636) for publication in 1607.107 In the first centuria Lipsius stated the purpose of
publishing these letters:
"we offer counsel, warning, precautions, especially to young people, who I have always
attempted to lead not just to pleasantries, [but] to usefulness, and to place them in mind and
vigour above the common people."108
In the introduction "Ad lectorem" to the Epistolarum selectarum centuria prima ad Belgas Lipsius
spoke of the book and of letters in particular as the mirror of the soul, according to an ancient
proverb, in which exposes his affections, thoughts and wishes to the reader.109
101
The copy in Lima shows on the last page and handwritten owner mark, which was not taken into account when finishing the report on the historic book owners. 102
Homepage of CAMENA - CORPUS AUTOMATUM MULTIPLEX ELECTORUM NEOLATINITATIS AUCTORUM - CERA - CORPUS
EPISTOLICUM RECENTIORIS AEVI (online document); ESSIG, Der offene Brief, p. 94. 103
'About', CULTURES OF KNOWLEDGE, NETWORKING THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS, 1550-1750 (online document). 104
In the 16th and 17th centuries the usual language of this literary genre was Latin; in the 18th century Latin was joined by French. 105
ENENEKEL, 'Der neulateinische Brief als Quelle politisch-religiöser Überzeugungen', p. 9. 106
DE LANDTSHEER, 'Pius Lipsius or Lipsius Proteus?', p. 313. 107
DE LANDTSHEER, 'From Ultima Thule to Finisterra', p. 63. 108
LIPSIUS, Epistolarum Selectarum Centuria I (1586), f. 6r, translation and reference to this quote were taken form: MACHIELSEN, 'Friendship and religion in the Republic of Letters', p. 165.
192
The published correspondence of the scholar covered a broad variety of topics and was addressed to
many different persons, a circumstance which makes it impossible to review – let alone to
summarize – these letters in the context of this study. What is remarkable however is the fact that
many of the books preserved in Peru were copiously censored. The Epistolarum selectarum centuria
(...) miscellanea (Antwerp 1602) provides an example. It is possible to compare two editions of the
Epistolarum selectarum centuria prima, secunda and tertia to a later edition titled Epistolarum
selectarum centuria miscellanea.110
Expurgóse este libro por
comisión de los Señores
Inquisidores deste Reyno con
forme al expurgatorio del
Illustrissimo Sen. Don
Bernardo de Rojas en Lima 28
de octubre de 1613 años, Juan
de Lorençana
Illustration 8: Expurgatory note in Epistolarum selectarum III centuriae, Antwerp 1601, Universidad Nacional de
San Antonio
In a manuscript annotation on the back of the frontispiece the censor Fray Juan de Lorenzana who
was located in Lima confirmed in 1613 that he had revised the copy now held in Cusco. In this note
he stated that he followed the index of Bernardo de Rojas (1546-1618), who had been the Grand
Inquisitor of Spain from 1608 until 1618. The copy in question is an edition titled: Epistolarum
selectarum III centuriae and dated Antwerp 1601. The volume combines the two centuriae from 1601
(ongoing pagination) and the Epistolarum selectarum centuria miscellanea published in 1602.
In the copy now at the National Library in Santiago the censor apparently used the same reference in
order to erase particular letters and text passages. Lipsius belonged to the second category of
authors listed in Sandoval y Rojas' index, which was titled: "Second class. Of works of specific
109
"Speculum animi liber, vetus verbum fuit: sed verissime de Epistolis dicetur, in quibus & affectus nostri & paene cogitationes, votiva veluti pateant, depicta tabellam" (LIPSIUS, Epistolarum selectarum centuria prima ad Belgas, p. 3) 110
A third copy of the Epistolarum selectarum centuria (...) miscellanea (prima, secunda et tertia) in the library of the San Jerónimo Seminary in Arequipa could not be reviewed.
193
authors, which are prohibited, or for which caution or explication are prescribed."111 Arranged
alphabetically according to the first names, the index specified the Lipsius titles which had to be
taken with a pinch of salt according to the Spanish representatives of the Catholic Church: De
Constantia, Politicorum libri, De Vna Religione, the Opera, quae ad Criticam specant, all parts of the
Epistolarum selectarum centuria (...) miscellanea, the Epistolarum Centuria singularis ad Germanos &
Gallos and the Epistolarum as Belgas Centuria tertia were forbidden books as far as they were not
corrected ("nisi corrigantur"). 112 Starting on page 647 in the second part of the book113 phrases and
words to be censored in the above mentioned works of Lipsius, were listed specifying in detail how
the first centuria114 needed to be revised. Further the index clarified what text needed to be removed
from eleven epistolae in the second centuria115 and from two letters in the third one.116 The Sandoval
y Rojas edition of 1612 referred with its instructions explicitly to the Moretus edition of 1605,
providing page numbers for the problematic text.
Comparing the copies in the analyzed libraries the censured parts are, as was to be expected,
identical for the first centuria, however not consistent for the second and third centuria, where some
changes requested by the inquisition were missed.117 A table comparing which letters were erased in
the copies of two different editions, is attached in the appendix to this chapter. In line with the
readers in Spain, the Peruvian readers should not be confronted with letters Lipsius had sent to Janus
Dousa (1545-1604), Joseph Scaliger (1540-1609), William Camden (1551-1623), Gulielem Stvcxius
alias Johannes Wilhelm Stuck (1542-1607), Paulus Melissus (1536-1602) and Hugo Grotius (1583-
1645). Most of the recipients of these letters were persona non grata from a Spanish Catholic point
of view. Janus Dousa alias Jan van der Does had been Lipsius' best friend during his time in Leiden.
Van der Does was a diplomat in the Northern Netherlands and appointed justice in the Hoge Raad
van Holland en Zeeland in 1591. He had distinguished himself as a commander during the Siege of
Leiden (1574) and was one of the founding fathers of the University of Leiden (founded 1575) where
he became the first librarian in 1585. Joseph Justus Scaliger was a scholar of classical Greek and
Roman history. Born in France and having studied in Paris, Scaliger converted to Protestantism in
1562. After the St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre (August 1572) he left France for Geneva, but
returned to France in 1574. In 1593 he accepted a chair at Leiden, where he became Lipsius'
successor.118 Also Hugo Grotius, born in Delft, lived in the Northern part of the Low Countries. He was
one of the leading jurists in the Dutch Republic and from 1601 he was historiographer to the States
of Holland. Furthermore he was a member of the Reformed Church and had published controversial
111
"Secunda Classis. Operum certorum auctorum, quae prohibentur, aut quibus cautio, vel explicatio praescribitur." SANDOVAL Y ROJAS, Index librorum prohibitorum et expurgatorum, p. 3. 112
"*Iusti Lipsij libri De Constantia: item, Politicorum libri: item, De Vna Religione; item, Opera, quae ad Criticam specant; item, Epistolarum Ce[n]turia prima Miscellanea; item, Centuria secunda Miscellanea: item Centuria tertia Miscellanea; item, Epistolarum Centuria singularis ad Germanos, & Gallos: item, Epistolarum as Belgas Centuria tertia, nisi corrigantur." (Punctuation follows the source text), SANDOVAL Y ROJAS, Index librorum prohibitorum, (1620), p. 58. (Regarding Lipsius and Arias Montanus works handled in this chapter, the text of the here quoted 1620 edition is confirm with the version of 1612.) 113
Since the investigation of the censored text was not a priority during the field research, a check will be necessary to determine whether these changes were missed by the censor in the 17th century or by the researcher in the 21st. 118
'Joseph Justus Scaliger', in: ENCYCLOPAEDIA BRITANNICA (Online document).
194
works on theology. Johannes Wilhelm Stuck was another Protestant theologian and had taught at the
university in Zurich. William Camden was an English historian (and propagandist) to Queen Elizabeth I
(1533-1603) who had had a dispute with the Spanish in the years from 1580 until 1588, ended by the
sinking of the Spanish Armada. Finally a letter to the German humanist and poet Paulus Melissus fell
prey to the censor. Melissus was writer, translator and composer whose publications included a
German Psalm translation in the version of Clément Marot (1496-1544) and Théodore de Bèze (1519-
1605), the latter a notorious Calvinist. Melissus ended his carrier as director of the Electoral Library in
Heidelberg, a city regarded as the stronghold of German Calvinism. However, not all letters
addressed to these people were erased. It would lead this investigation too far to analyze which
Lipsius letters Sandoval y Rojas censured and why. Taking as a sample the letters sent to Jan van der
Does that were published in the first centuria of the Epistolarum selectarum III centuriae of 1601
provides no deeper insight. Epistulae III, XV and LXXI were subjected to censorship, while the letters
XXIII and XCVI were not objectionable to the inquisitors.119
Table: Censored copies of Lipsius' letters to Dousa in the 'Epistolarum selectarum'
Biblioteca de la Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cuzco / Be Lip 1
Epistolarum selectarum III centuriae (1601): Centuria I
completely erased text between "Hercules" and "matrum"
last phrase, following "meae Musae"
Biblioteca Nacional de Chile / Sección Fondo General. Bóveda 8;(774-23)
Epistolarum selectarum centuria prima miscellanea (1605)
completely crossed out, but still readable
text between "Hercules" and "matrum"
last phrase, following "meae Musae
Letter III is dated 5 April 1577 ("Nonis, Aprilibus"). In this letter Lipsius expressed his sympathy for
Dousa and praised him as a great poet. He mentioned that Daniel Rogers was to be the messenger
for this letter. Further he referred to Victor Giselinus (1543-1591), alias Victor Ghyselinck, and the
poet Janus Lernutius (1545-1619), alias Jan Lernout, both from Bruges. Talking about the fact that
those two had each got married, Lipsius included in this account a possibly more serious question.
Lipsius wrote:
"Regarding our dear Giselinus and Lernutius everything is all right. Except, however, that they
have both recently been cast in bonds (am I shocking you? Don't be afraid.) of marriage. I am in
this prison myself. If you are a man, come and face our Junos."120
119
Epistolarum selectarum III centuriae of 1601: epistula III: ILE I, 77 04 03; epistula XV: ILE I, 81 12 09 D, epistula LXXI: ILE II, 85 09 00. 120
"De Giselino nostro & Lernutio, omnia recta. Nisi hoc tamen, quod uterque nuper in vincla coniectus (percutio te? Pone metum.) nuptiarum. Etiam ego in hoc carcere. Si vir es, veni & Iunones nostras vide." (LIPIUS, Epistolarum selectarum III centuriae, antwerp 1601, p. 3. See also: ILE I 1, 77 04 03. - Here the letter is - differently to the text printed in the Epistulae centuriae - dated on 03 April, 1570.
195
Lipsius had already married in 1573, a year before returning to Leuven from Jena. The Giselinus
mentioned was a philologist, proof-reader for Plantin and later a physician. He assisted Dousa in
getting his writings published by putting him in touch with Antwerp printers.121 Lernutius had met
Dousa in Paris. He travelled together with Giselinus and encountered Lipsius the first time in 1570,
when the scholar had returned to the Southern Netherlands for a short stay.122
In letter XV only some words were rejected by the Holy Office. Lipsius ended his letter to Dousa with
the phrase that he was going to finish this letter and greeted Dousa as the "new Hercules of the
Muses, son of nine mothers".123 Earlier in the letter Lipisus had asked about Dousa's wife, and
congratulated them on the birth of a child. Further he had talked about news of the Frankfurt book
fair and discussed passages of Plautus. 124
The seventy-first letter is very short and was sent to London. It was not dated. Recent research took
it to have been written in 1585.125 The scholar asked Dousa to give a sign of life by replying. Here the
following phrase displeased the censor: "My Muses are not well, since they wither while their sun is
absent. Change this either by your warming presence or at least by sending some rays and beams of
light by way of a letter."126
Letter XXIII was also addressed to Dousa, but was not subjected to censure. This letter was sent from
Leiden on 3 July 1581. In this text Lipsius reported to his friend that he had been criticized by German
colleagues for passages in the Satyra.127
Letter XCVI was in line with the guidelines of the Inquisition, too. Written in Leiden in September
1585 Lipsius informed Dousa about the mission of the ambassadors in London. Further he told his
correspondent that he was suffering from bad health. He referred to the publication of Dousa's
Petronius edition, which had come out in Paris, and mentioned that Marc-Antoine Muret (1526-
1585) was said to have died, but that his comments on Seneca had been published.128
This random example suggests that the criterion for censorship was in this case the praising of a
notorious heretic rather than either the time or the place where a letter had been written. Lipsius'
stay in Leiden as such was obviously of no interest to the censor.
The texts accessible to the Peruvian readers were restricted in the same way as books legally
available in the motherland Spain, avoiding any positive assessments of Protestant authors. The
Inquisition in Lima worked along the same lines as the Holy Office in Madrid.129 After a book had
reached Peru, it had to pass the instances of the Peruvian inquisition as described in chapter two.
This included, where necessary, the alteration of the text in accordance with the index of prohibited
121
PAPY, JAN, 'Lipsius and his dogs', p. 172. 122
Van Crombruggen, Janus Lernutius (1545-1619): een biografische studie. 123
"quam finio, & te salvere iubeo noue 'Hercules Musarum, nove matrum'." (LIPIUS, Epistolarum selectarum III centuriae, p. 18). 124
ILE, I, 81 12 09 D. 125
ILE, vol. 2, No. 850900, p. 227, No. 435. 126
"Non meae Musae, quae frigent absento suo sole. Exorere. & aut vultu tuo coram calface; aut illinc saltem radios & stricturas aliquot per epistolam mitte." (LIPIUS, Epistolarum selectarum III centuriae, p. 85). 127
ILE I, 81 06 29. 128
ILE II, 85 09 01. 129
"Todo libro debía incluir en sus preliminares la licencia, la tasa o precio de venta, el privilegio real, los nombres del autor y impresor y el lugar de impresión. (...) Aquellos textos relativos a la Inquisición ser autorizados por el inquisidor general; los relacionados con la Santa Cruzada por su comisario general, y los textos legales no requerirán licencia alguna." (Guibovich, Censura, libros e Inquisición, p. 41).
196
books in force at the time. The oldest trace of expurgation from Peru (as far as known today) was
found in Cusco and occurred on 15 July 1586 with Erasmus' edition of the works of St. Hilarius.
Another early evidence of this form of censorship is provided by an edition of Augustinus' Ciudad de
Dios by Juan Luis Vives. This book was "revised according to the rules of the expurgation"130 in Lima
in April 1587. In the 17th century this form of censorship became more frequent in the viceroyalty.
Pedro Guibovich Pérez identified several examples of this practice in Cusco, Lima and Potosí.131 This
increase is most likely connected to the publication of three indices by the Spanish inquisition in
1612, 1632 and 1640. The index of 1612, compiled by Sandoval y Rojas (quoted by Guibovich as
"Sandoval y Rozas"), doubled the number of condemned titles and tripled the number of texts which
needed corrections. Supplements listing even more titles were published in 1614 and 1628.
While the part of the text that had to be revised was identical, following the specifications of the
index, the way that the text was altered differed according to the inquisition officer in charge.
However, the readers in Cusco had a thoroughly reviewed copy of Lipsius' Epistolarum selectarum
centuria prima miscellanea in which the censor had rendered dubious text unreadable (illustration 9),
and the censor of the copy held in the Convent of San Francisco in Lima did the same.132 The copy of
the Jesuits in Santiago on the other hand had a more liberal censor, who revised the text in such a
way that the censured passages were still legible (illustration 10). It might be noticed that the censor
in Santiago did not add any remark allowing his identification.133
Other titles by Lipsius show the same marks of the ideological intolerance of the time. The
Politicorum sive civilis doctrinae libri VI in Arequipa provided another example for a rigid censorship.
Here the censor expunged chapters III and IV in the fourth book (illustration 11). The way the books
were treated in Cusco and Arequipa was more common than the easygoing censorship in Santiago.
Until now historians and philologists have shown very little interest in research into inquisitorial
practice in Europe focusing on Lipsius' writings, so no fruitful comparison can be done in the context
of the present investigation.
Reviewing a random sample from the roughly 2,000 texts printed in Lima during the early modern
period now held by the National Library of Chile and made available online in the Peru Collection
provided by the John Carter Brown Library,134 turns up no indication of any direct influence Lipsius'
letters might have had on the letter-writing habits of Peruvian scholars or students. With regard to
the Epistolica institutio this is first of all due to the fact that nearly 95% of all the preserved texts that
were printed in Lima were in Spanish and not in Latin. Therefore it is hard (if at all possible) to detect
philological and stylistic connections between Lipsius' manual on Latin letter writing and preserved
cartas printed in Lima in the 17th or 18th century. Collections of neither private nor public letters
130
"enmendado conforme al expurgatorio", Guibovich, Censura, libros e Inquisición, p. 246. The location of this copy was not specified by Guibovich. 131
Guibovich, Censura, libros e Inquisición, p. 244-248. 132
The copy in the convent of San Francisco in Lima (Antwerp 1605) was according to the manuscript note on the title page (verso) revised on 14th of March, 1614 by "Juan de Lorençana". Lipsius' Opera omnia quae criticam proprie spectant (1600) also held by the Franciscans in Lima were commented by the inquisition in Lima on 1st of March, 1614 also by Lorençana. 133
An example of censure in Lipsius text in the Europe is documented in: MATHES, 'Humanism in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Libraries of New Spain'. 134
John Carter Brown Library - Peru Collection. Based on a second data collection on books printed in Lima started in the context of this project, the John Carter Brown Library was searched for those titles, specific authors and the print location Lima. About 40 digital copies (partly identical with titles analysed in the chapter about Cornelius a Lapide) were searched for marginalia and quotes referring to Lipsius.
197
printed in Lima have been found. The most frequent types of preserved text published in Lima were
funeral orations and sermons, besides reports about political events (relaciones),135 decrees
(ordenanzas) and other official documents. Another reason might be that in Peru, unlike Europe,
there were not many centers of academic life. In the first half of the 17th century there were the
University of San Marcos in Lima, two universities in Quito and one in Cusco. Handwritten letters in
Spanish or Latin were most probably exchanged among the scholars at these universities as well as
between the professors of the Viceroyalty of Peru and their European colleagues (in many cases
fellow Jesuits);136 however, there is no evidence of such correspondence among documents printed
in Lima, Santiago or Quito. On the other hand there is a lack of research into the transatlantic
networks and perhaps even transnational networks that Peruvian scholars might have had in the
16th and 17th centuries beyond the connectivity in the Jesuit Order.
Last but not least, the method to prove a connection between two authors by looking into the
footnotes (or at that time into the marginalia) is not applicable to the Epistolarum centuriae, because
these seldom contain the sort of text that another author would refer to in order to elaborate his
own argument. Nevertheless, one can assume that Lipsius was not only well represented on the
Peruvian book market, but that his books were read for academic and philosophical as well as for
informative or other purposes, and some of his texts might have been used to train Peruvian readers
in Latin. Specific research into teaching in the viceroyalty and the analysis of texts by Peruvian
authors from the 17th century would be needed to prove this hypothesis.
During the 17th and early 18th century Lipsius was very popular in Europe. He was "among the
leading thinkers in the wider theoretical set of trajectories labelled Tacitism, Neostoicism or political
humanism". In this context he was highly influential with regard to the establishing of ideologies
about government and power structures in "the early moderate absolutist states."137 Reviewing the
political ideas of Tacitus and connecting those to the philosophy of Seneca led to an approach in
which a society should value its ancient wisdom "as the means to understand the demands of the
contemporary world".138 Lipsius tried to combine these thoughts originating from classical thinkers
with the ethic of Christianity. Lipsius' main political treatises were De constantia (1585) and
Politicorum, sive civilis doctrinae libri sex (1589). While the first book focused on the Stoic virtues of
the individual citizens, the later explained how to rule principalities.139 De Constantia was published
44 times in Latin and 15 times in French. Translated into Castilian, Geman, Dutch, English, Italian and
Polish, more than 80 editions in total appeared between the 16th and 18th century. The the
individual citizens, the later explained how to rule principalities.140 De Constantia was published 44
times in Latin and 15 times in French. Translated into Castilian, Geman, Dutch, English, Italian and
Polish, more than 80 editions in total appeared between the 16th and 18th century. The
PoliticorumLibri sex – also titled Politica – went through 96 editions up to 1751 and was translated
135
One of these reports, printed in Lima in 1636, concerned events which had also taken place in Flanders: Copia y avisos embiados de Flandes al excelentissimo senor marques de Valparayso, virrey, y capitan general del Reyno de Nauarra, y sus fronteras, : de los encuentros que an tenido los exercitos del Emperador de Alemania, è Infante Cardenal, con franceses, y olandeses en aquellos estados, en Alemania, y en la mar (...) hasta dos de setiembre deste año de 1635, Lima 1636 136
See: PRIETO, Missionary Scientists. 137
LEIRA, 'Justus Lipsius, political humanism' p. 670. 138
LEIRA, 'Justus Lipsius, political humanism', p. 674. 139
LEIRA, 'Justus Lipsius, political humanism', p. 672. 140
LEIRA, 'Justus Lipsius, political humanism', p. 672.
198
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199
Illustration 11: LIPSIUS, JUSTUS, Politicorum sive Civilis doctrinae libri VI, Antwerpen w/o year (title page missing), book IV,
chapter II, p. 80-81, Seminario de San Jerónimo, Arequipa (SJe 14. 5. 2. 11 bis).
from Latin into Dutch, French, English, Polish, Hungarian, Italian and Castilian.141 Lipsius editions
printed in Lyon or Seville were available in historic Peruvian collections alongside the copies from
Antwerp already mentioned.142 That the Politica was not only known but that ideas found in it were
applied in Chile can be seen in a document from 1783 concerning water rights for Valle de Copiapó.
In this document Thomas Aquinus, Aristotle, Giles of Rome (1247-1316) and Justus Lipsius's Politica
were referenced to add authority to the arguments.143 Lipsius' ideas even found their way into
141
LEIRA, 'Justus Lipsius, political humanism', p. 685. 142
E.g. Operum, Lyon 1613 (found in Lima in the library of the Convento de los Descalzos and in the Biblioteca Nacional de Chile), Libro De La Constancia, Seville 1616 (Biblioteca Nacional de Chile), Politicorum sive civilis doctrinae libri sex. Qui ad principatus maxime spectant. Editio ultima, Lyon 1594 and Ad libros politicorum breves notae, Lyon 1594 (both in the Biblioteca de la Recoleta, Arequipa). 143
"En 1783, en un expediente de reparto de aguas para el Valle de Copiapó se invoca la autoridad de Santo Tomás de Aquino en su Summa y De regimine proncipum; Aristóteles en el capítulo I de su Metaphisica; Egidio Romano (1247-13 16) en su De poresrate ecciesiastica, libro 3; y Justus Lipsius en Los seis libros de las políticas o doctrina civil que sirven para el gobierno del reino o principado, libro 4, cap.8." (BARRIENTOS GRANDON, Derecho común y derecho Indiano en el reino de Chile, p. 157-158. Barrientos related to the file: ANRACH , vol. 183, fol. 319).
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Peruvian homilies like the sermon about the "Escalando del orbe, y el azote del Hebreo", delivered in
Callao in 1676.144 Based on today's research it is not possible to assess with any degree of certainty
how far the intellectual elite of the colonial society in Peru was attracted by these philosophical
approaches. Following Halvard Leira in his analysis of the two abovementioned texts, it is likely that
besides others, Lipsius' ideas about a fair government based on persuasion instead of force, and his
"plea for equality, arguing that the amount of tribute to be paid should correspond to the ability to
pay"145 fell on good ground and triggered political consequences in Peru. Lipsius' popularity in the
viceroyalty is certainly connected to his success in Spain, where his ideas were imbedded in political
theories trying to harmonize the militarism and the piety that dominated Spanish statecraft at that
time.146 Or as Jeremy Robbins put it: "Lipsius' works were instrumental in making Neostoicism the
most influential political and moral philosophy in Baroque Spain" and therefore (very likely) in the
Spanish colonies, too.147 Lipsius' influence on Neostoicism in Peru could not be sufficiently
demonstrated on the basis of books printed in Lima or other sources reviewed in the context of the
current research. The proof of such a connection would first require a separate study of Peruvian
Neostoicism in the early 17th century. The influence of Greek and Roman culture on the intellectual
elites in Spanish America during the early modern period has long been a topic of discussion about
which relatively little is known. According to Pilar Ponce Leiva, the research into this subject remains
insufficient, since it does not outline a proper general picture covering the process of how the
reception of classical thoughts influenced intellectual live in the Spanish colonies.148 Ponce Leiva
criticized that, even if the authors working in (neo)-classical traditions were identified, the analysis
was not continued to "understand when, how and – above all – why a certain classical writer was
quoted."149 Already in an earlier study Peer Schmidt had noted that despite many references to
Tacitus, Seneca and Lipsius in the treatises of the 17th century, historical research had not yet taken
stock of Stoic tendencies in Latin American political thinking.150 In particular the ideas of Seneca were
quoted and used as arguments when Creole intellectuals started to challenge Eurocentrism or the
dominance of Spain. Ponce Leiva named the Peruvian Franciscan Jerónimo de Valera (1568-1628),151
the Peruvian cleric Juan de Espinosa Medrano (1629-1688) and the preacher Francisco Rodríguez
Fernández, all of whom lived in the audiencia of Quito, as authors who explicitly referred to Seneca in
their philosophical works.152 While it is licit to assume that Lipsius' writings mediated between the
original texts and the early modern reader, final proof has not yet been found.
144
MOSQUERA, Melchior de (ed.), Sermones varios, predicados en la ciudad de Lima, Zaragoza 1778, p. 352. "Lipsius in monitis & exemplis politicis, pag. 56" - Lipisus is here quoted according to a compilation of 1666: GOETZE, Georg, Ex Iusti Lipsii Aureolis Exemplis & Monitis Politicis, Jena (Bauhöfer) 1666-1667. 145
LEIRA, 'Justus Lipsius, political humanism', p. 681. 146
LEIRA, 'Justus Lipsius, political humanism', p. 688. 147
ROBBINS, Arts of Perception, p. 41. 148
"La influencia de la cultura grecolatina en la literatura y el pensamiento hispanoamericanos es un tema de larga tradición, pero poco conocido. Si bien existen ya algunas obras al respecto, siguen siendo insuficientes para obtener un panorama general y coherente tanto del proceso de receptio como de la influencia directa y precisa del pensamiento clásico,en la historia intelectual americana." (PONCE LEIVA, 'Séneca en los Andes', p. 45) 149
PONCE LEIVA, 'Séneca en los Andes', p. 45. 150
PONCE LEIVA, 'Séneca en los Andes', p. 47. Ponce Leiva referred to SCHMIDT, 'Neoestoicismo y disciplinamiento social', p. 186. 151
The most important work of VALERA, JERÓNIMO DE were the Commentarii ac quaestiones in universam Aristotelis ac Subtilis Doctoris J. Duns Scoti logicam (Lima 1610). 152
PONCE LEIVA, 'Séneca en los Andes', p. 49; PONCE LEIVA, Visiones del Paraíso, p. 275-290.
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It is noticeable that in Limenian sermons and funeral orations Tacitus and Seneca were most
frequently quoted alongside references to the Bible. In the Oracion panegyrica funebre en las
exequias del rey n. senor d. Felipe Quarto el grande (published in Lima in 1667) Lipsius himself is
mentioned as a commentator on Seneca, to emphasize a specific word used by the author of the
Oracion.153 Since Lipsius had produced "the, at the time definitive, editions of Tacitus and Seneca," it
is tempting to see him as one of the main cultural mediators between the Ancient Classics and the
New World. Nevertheless, it cannot be ignored that in Spain and in the Viceroyalty of Peru editions
by other translators and authors were also available. Philological research (rather than book history)
might reveal relations between texts by Peruvian authors and the European books they might have
quoted.
Considering the state of the physical copies described above and taking account of the collections in
which these texts were historically held, it is certain that the Lipsius books investigated came to
South America in the period of the viceroys. In the 17th and 18th century quotations and references
were found in books and texts published in Lima which refer to specific works authored by Lipsius.
On the other hand it is known that Lipsius was the leading authority of the philosophical school of
Neostoicism which influenced political thought in Spain and therefore in Spain's colonies – despite
several of his texts being subjected to the censure of the Holy Office. Seeing that the reviewed Lipsius
copies showed traces of use and handwritten remarks one can conclude that his philosophical ideas
and concepts were perceived by the intellectual elite of the New Word. That Lipisus was aware of the
accounts of the New World and that he occasionally referred to those reports has been shown by Jan
Papy.154 Lipsius' remarks concerning Peru showed the analogies between the ancient European world
and the habits of the indigenous people: the Incas used a system of couriers as did the Roman
emperor Augustus; and the Araucans in Chile, according to Lipsius, confirmed the rule that monarchy
was th preferred form of government in the New World too.155 Furthermore the inhabitants of the
Indies, Incas and Aztecs, for Lipsius simply personified barbarism. Even where Lipsius acknowledged
that the Spanish exceeded the realm and the splendour of the Roman Empire, he did not look on the
developing academic scholarship in the Viceroyalties and any exchange of knowledge between
scholars, but focussed on the newly discovered tribes and the advantages those had from the fact
that the Spanish conquers connected them to the civilised world. Regarding any gain of knowledge
he stated: "As it is the case with almost all barbarian people and those unacquainted with letters.
The Spaniards did not learn anything else in the New World."156 From Lipsius' point of view the
philosophical exchange was, at begin of the 17th century, a one-way relationship. As Piñelo rightly
153
Oracion panegyrica funebre en las exequias del rey n. senor d. Felipe Quarto el grande, que Dios aya. Celebrolas la ciudad de Arequipa en la santa iglesia catedral della el año de 1666. Dixola el ilust.mo y reu.mo señor d.f. Juan de Almoguera obispo de la dicha ciudad, del consejo de Su Magestad, y predicador de su real capilla. Diola a la estampa el doct. d. Bernardino de Ceruantes y Lugo, Lima 1667. Lipsius is mentioned in the following phrase: "Y glossando su comentador Lipsio la palabra, "effundere", aduertio en essa epistola lo que he notado en este sermon, 'Non effundere: cum impetu videlicet, & turbide, sed fundere leniter, & cum ordine'." 154
PAPY, 'Lipsius' prophecy on the New World, p. 272-283. 155
Papy referred to LIPSUS, Monita ex exempla politica, Moretus, Antwerp 1605, "De principatu" and "De elections". (PAPY, 'Lipsius' prophecy on the New World, p.280, endnotes 9 and 10. 156
This referres to C.Cornelli Tacitii Opera quae extant Iustus Lipsius postremum recensit. Additi Commentarii meliores plenioresque, cum Curis Secundis; (Antwerp, 1600, p. LVIII) as quoted by Papy: "Celebrant carminibus antiquis, quod unum apud illos memoriae et annalium genus est) Uiti apud Barbaros fere omnes et rudes litterarum. Nec Hispani aliter comperere apud novos Indos." (PAPY, 'Lipsius' prophecy on the New World', p.281, endnote 15).
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complained, Lipsius himself was not even aware of the existence of the University of Lima, let alone
the academic qualities of Peruvian scholars or the topics of their research.
