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3

CONSERVING LIVING TAONGA: THE CONCEPT OF CONTINUITY

Gamini Wijesuriya

Introduction

A closer look at taonga (treasured things) of the Maori community in New Zealand helps us examine some important current issues in heri-tage conservation, in particular the concept of ‘continuity’. Conservation is essentially a Western concept that has developed a particular ap-proach to defi ne and conserve heritage. An examination of the history of this approach reveals how conservation concepts applied to historic buildings and ruins (monuments and sites) concentrates mostly on their historical and aesthetic values and material authenticity.

Monuments and sites were frozen in space and time, and a sharp line between the past and the present was drawn. As a result, places that were still in use, yet considered as heritage, were viewed in the same way as ruined buildings or were merely valued in terms of their historic and aesthetics aspects. The irony of this was the ignorance of, or at best, less attention paid to ‘continuity’, which has profound infl u-ence on the conservation decision-making process. I have captured the original use, gradual evolution, and link to specifi c communities under the title of ‘continuity’. It is believed that many of the ideas that came from the West immediately after World War II are embedded in the Venice Charter (ICOMOS 1964), Whilst this is praised by some, others are critical and comment that ‘the framework privileges the structure

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over the site and expert over people’ (Stanley-Price 2004, p. 1). Heritage conservation became a discipline in which experts made the decision for the community and, in most cases, in activities controlled by the governments.

I have argued (Wijesuriya 2005) that continuity is an inherent char-acteristic and a key concept to understand heritage and conservation decision-making. Continuity here is used to describe a phenomenon (original use by a community) that remains continuous with or without temporary interruptions in relation to a certain types of cultural heri-tage. It therefore implies continuity of the original use, community con-nections, and evolutions, all of which are inherent to heritage and not attributed by the experts or the community. However, there is no doubt that certain types of heritage have lost one or more of the above aspects but maintain new functions in the relevant society. For the purpose of this discussion, we may recognise two categories of heritage: those with continuity, which we can also label as ‘living heritage’, and heri-tage that is disconnected from its original use and has been maintained with a different function.

The discussion below is limited to the former category. Conservation decision-making for the category of living heritage is more complex, as the implicit characteristics of continuity are strongly linked to the identity and the day-to-day life of people. It is in this context that the former director of International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM) and a philosopher in conservation Paul Philippot stressed the need for new thinking for such heritage: ‘A concern for the conservation of the particular values of a historically transmitted and still living milieu considered as a problem regarding the whole community, indeed requires a new defi nition of the object to be restored; this defi nition will have to be broader and more comprehensive than the traditional one’ (Philippot 1996b, p. 218). In this chapter I discuss continuity as a key concept that needs consideration in the fi eld of conservation, drawing lessons mainly from taonga into the debate.

Continuity

The concept of continuity derives from the view that certain char-acteristics are inherent to heritage and that these characteristics have profound infl uence in defi ning heritage and conservation. Contrary to the suggestions that all the values of heritage are ascribed by special-ists or the people, REF?) ( I think this needs to beI argue that what we currently consider heritage is a manifestation of peoples’ spiritual and physical needs in a given space and time, which continues to infl uence

Conserving Living Taonga: The Concept of Continuity 61

the life of specifi c communities and therefore possesses certain in-herent values. I have based on my arguments in relation to religious heritage, although the concepts can be applied to a variety of other heri-tage types.

To illustrate, this let me use the example of a Buddhist stupa, the massive domical structure originally built for housing the relics of the Buddha, which became one of the key architectural elements of a Buddhist temple. These were created to symbolise the Buddha for worship by Buddhists. The stupas built in Sri Lanka in the 3rd century BCE are undoubtedly masterpieces of architecture. In fact, some of them are the tallest structures of brick (up to 120 m in the 3rd century CE) built in the ancient world (see Figure 3.1). They were conceived as places of worship for Buddhists and continue to perform the same function up to the present. The structures and the surrounding landscapes have evolved over 2,500 years, as have many of the associated rituals and practices.

Origin, use, community connections, and the associated evolutions are inherent values that are characterised by the continuity of these places. Most importantly, those values have transmitted from generation to

Figure 3.1 Buddhist stupa (photo: Gamini Wijesuriya).

62 Gamini Wijesuriya

generation and still infl uence the life of the Buddhist community. How-ever, the existence of these inherent values does not rule out ascribing other values by experts or the community at large. For instance, these stupas are of great importance in terms of their scientifi c, historic, and aesthetic values and, in fact, some of them are on the World Heritage List for their ‘outstanding universal value’ ascribed by the experts. Nevertheless, the current conservation discourse prioritises the latter view, which dominates over the former.

The ignorance of continuity as an important concept in conservation principles is rooted with the perception of the ‘past’ that existed at the time when the conservation discipline was beginning to be formalised (Philippot 1996a, p. 268). For the West, the concept of time was linear and the division between the past and present was very sharp. As Philippot noted, ‘the past has been considered by Western man as a com-plete development, which he now looks at from a distance, much as one looks at a panorama. The past has been lost but continue(s) to live through nostalgia’ (Philippot 1996a, pp. 268–269). He believes that this nostalgia of the past has replaced the traditional continuity between the past and the present.

Indeed, traditional continuity between the past and the present does exist elsewhere. Taonga provides living evidence of this. Accordingly, ‘taonga are vital threads from the past, acting as here (guides) to inter-preting the past’ (Auckland Museum 2007). They are passed down from the generation to generation and indeed have even an added value. ‘As Taonga are passed down through the generations they become more valuable as the number of descendants increases’ (Auckland Museum 2007). This is refl ected in similar concepts elsewhere, such as the Indonesian pusaka heirloom objects that are used to defi ne relation-ships within a society (Kreps 2003, p. 50).

The fact that there is no sharp division between the past and the pre-sent for Maori has been debated by many scholars. Matunga, referring to Maori traditions, argues that the past is viewed as part of the ‘living present’. This is at odds with the view that there is a fi rm line between the past and the present, which often results in the relinquishing of obligation to the past in favour of the present (Matunga 1994, p. 219).

This is also supported by the perception of the time in some parts of the world (Wijesuriya 2005, and see Anyon [1991] for an account of the past living on in the everyday actions of the Zuni people). For instance, the reversibility of time in an Asian context also supports the idea of continuity. This can be illustrated through the concept of samsara believed by Buddhists and Hindus. The concept of samsara or the ‘wheel of life’, consists of birth, life, and death, which are believed to occur in cycles and motivated by a factor known as ‘karma’. The literal

Conserving Living Taonga: The Concept of Continuity 63

meaning of karma is action. The word is used to refer to volitional acts as well as the forces that arise from these actions. In other words, one’s own actions of the past have the ability to infl uence his or her present as well as the future, including the birth and death of that individual. So the effects (benefi ts or punishments that result from each action or decision) may not be felt immediately; it may take several incarnations or lifetimes. Thus, the past is an inseparable reality and becomes an integral part of life. Furthermore, this perception of the past is a highly infl uential factor that drives people to continuously engage in religious practices, rituals, festivals, and pilgrimages and is associated with material manifestations such as temples, sculptures, and paintings and their continuous renewal.

Thus, continuity between the past and the present is an important phenomenon in many cultural traditions and should be a key concept in heritage conservation. Continuity, therefore, can be considered as an important characteristic of heritage and worthy of more attention in conservation decision-making.

Continuity of the Original Use (Function)

One aspect of continuity in heritage refl ects original use. In assessing heritage, professionals recognise ‘user value’ as one set of values amongst many they ascribe to heritage. This results in a signifi cant under-representation of the original use of the heritage under discussion. To address this, living heritage requires a different approach in an assess-ment of heritage values and, indeed, inherent values such as the original use should be considered on a different hierarchical level than those values ascribed by the others. In this context, a consideration of taonga helps us understand the concept of continuity of the original use:

They are seen as the spiritual personifi cations of particular ancestors, either as direct images or through association. Descendants experience this wairua (ancestral spirit) as ihi (presence), wehi (awe), and wana (authority). Thus taonga are time travellers, bridging the generations, allowing descendants to meet their ancestors ritually, face to face’. (Auckland Museum 2007)

Thousands of spiritual and religious places and objects fall into this category. For example, four places advocated by the Buddha for pilgrimages (birthplace: Lumbini, Nepal; place of enlightenment, Bodhgaya, India; place of fi rst sermon: Saranath, India; place of demise: Kusinara, India) have been and continue to be places of pilgrimages and worship for the last 2,500 years.

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Continuity of Community Connections

Continuity implies the presence of specifi c community connections. This is somewhat similar to the ‘the cultural community that has generated’ heritage referred to in the Nara Document on Authenticity (1994). A consideration of taonga also helps us understand the continuity of community connections. Taonga is the Maori word for a treasured thing, whether tangible or intangible. Maori do not draw distinctions between the natural and man made. ‘A taonga can be any item, object or thing that represents the ‘ancestral identity of a Mäori kin group (whanau, hapu or iwi) with their particular land and resources’(Tapsell 2006, p. 17, Auckland Museum 2007). Taonga are primarily important and relevant [only]to the Maori community. They bring identity to the community and relevance to contemporary life. ‘All taonga possess, in varying degrees, the elements of mana (ancestral prestige), tapu (spiritual protection) and korero (genealogically ordered narratives). The greater the ancestors, the greater the mana of associated taonga’ (Tapsell 2006, p. 17, Auckland Museum 2007).

At present, we tend to connect community to heritage mostly in the form of local communities geographically located around heritage sites. Although it is important to link the local community with heri-tage because of their immediate infl uence, there is also community that is inherent to many heritage sites. I have called them ‘associated’ or ‘connected’ communities (Wijesuriya 2004, 2005), and its meaning is very simple. It is the community for whom heritage under discussion was originally created or intended. Our fi rst task is to identify this com-munity in defi ning heritage. However, it is recognised that it is not always easy to identify the community for whom heritage was cre-ated. Community connection to heritage can also be a contentious issue. Some of the obstacles in identifying connected communities are the search for cultural identity pursued through nationalism, various forms of confl icts surrounding heritage, and suppression of the cul-tural rights of minorities; discussion of these is beyond the scope of this chapter. Nevertheless, it should be mentioned that the absence of the recognition of the connected community can have severe adverse consequences that refl ect confl icting claims over heritage and contested issues of identity, ownership, authority, and control.

The message from our understanding of taonga is that defi ning treasured things is entirely based on family or tribal associations that are the most fundamental elements of Maori society. ‘The indigenous heritage of Mäori and Moriori relates to family, local and tribal groups and associations. It is inseparable from identity and well-being and has particular cultural meanings’ (ICOMOS NZ 1992). Implicit in this also is the infl uence that taonga has on the contemporary life of the Maori

Conserving Living Taonga: The Concept of Continuity 65

community. It is in this context that we have argued that the com-munity connection should be the starting point for understanding and defi ning heritage (Wijesuriya 2004). This is what the World Heritage Convention of 1972 (UNESCO 1972) has failed to address, whereas the UNESCO 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (UNESCO 2003) has advanced an understanding of the community connection at the outset of defi ning cultural values. This convention recognises the deep-seated interdependence be-tween intangible heritage and the community, which is equally valid for tangible heritage. This is an opportunity to enrich cultural diversity and create conditions for renewed dialogue between communities. This enshrines the need to have community participation in defi ning intangible heritage and to support and protect the communities in-volved (UNESCO 2003).

In the process of defi ning heritage values, experts (whether national or international) may emphasise different values than those of the connected community. Where these community connections are evi-dent, they should take priority in conservation decision-making. For ex-ample, the Bamina Buddha may have different values to the Buddhist community for whom it was created as an icon of worship, compared to its values to the present-day local community and the world’s com-munity at large.

The direct involvement of the connected community may result in better care of the heritage. For example, historical sources reveal that the sacred Tooth Relic of the Buddha now in Sri Lanka was sent there by Buddhist leaders in Orissa, India, for protection in the 4th century CE on the assumption that the Buddhist community of Sri Lanka was stronger than the one India at that time. Since then, it has been protected directly under the leadership of the rulers and has become one of the most sacred objects of worship by Buddhists. In turn, such heritage has had a greater infl uence on the Buddhist community in their contemporary life.

Evolution

Heritage is not static; evolution of heritage through time is recognised in the Nara Document on Authenticity (1994). Taonga are not only objects used by the ancestors but have themselves become the ancestors. The evolutionary changes produce both tangible and intangible expres-sions over a long period of time. Interpretation and reinterpretation of the past or the creation of various products of the past is a continuous process. This can be illustrated by a simple example. The fi rst stupa built in Sri Lanka is called Thuparama and is believed to have been started

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in the 3rd century BCE. Following are some of the recorded events in the history of the stupa in what is seen today largely as a restored structure of the 19th century CE.

From its origins in the 3rd century BCE, the stupa was restored, enlarged, developed, and added to in the 2nd century BCE, the 1st century CE, the 3rd century, the 4th century, the 5th century, three times in the 7th century, twice in the 8th century, three times in the 9th century, and in the 10th, 12th, and 18th centuries (see Figure 3.2).

The Sacred Tooth Relic of the Buddha mentioned above was brought to Sri Lanka in the 4th century CE; since then, the rulers built special buildings to house the relic at least in six different places until it fi nally came to rest in the building built in the 17th century (now a World Heri-tage Site) in the last capital of the country. This also has now become a massive building complex, with various additions to the original 17th-century building. Together with built elements, traditions and customs have also evolved considerably.

The implication of this for conservation is that consideration should not only be given to the structures built in a particular period but to all the contemporary and evolved expressions, both tangible and in-tangible, including the maintenance of associated arts and crafts.

Figure 3.2 Thuparama Stupa (photo: Gamini Wijesuriya).

Conserving Living Taonga: The Concept of Continuity 67

Conservation

Conservation is about the care of what has been transmitted through the generations and the guarantee to transmit this to future gener-ations. This is a concept embedded in taonga: ‘Concern about the future well-being of these taonga was never an issue because the recipients understood their obligations as hunga tiaki (custodians). Furthermore, Taonga are protected through karakia (rituals and incantation), which invoke the element of tapu (spiritually potent) and ensure they are treated with due reverence’ (Auckland Museum 2007).

Elsewhere, for instance, in Buddhist traditions, there are several rea-sons for protecting heritage that are deeply rooted in the relationship communities maintain with heritage. Symbolism, spiritual experience, and merit making make Buddhists engage with heritage both tangible and intangible. It is in this context that the conservation or care for what people treasure has played an important role in the society and has, in response, led to various principles and processes. An Indian treatise on architecture known as Mayamatha, written in the 6th century CE devotes a chapter to the restoration of sacred objects, buildings, and villages. This is an excerpt from the text:

A temple (may be) ruined, broken down, fallen down, aged as to its materials or decrepit. Those (temples) whose characteristics are still perceptible in their principal and secondary elements (are to be renovated) with their own materials. If they are lacking in anything or have some similar type of fl aw, the sage wishing to restore them, (must proceed in such a way that) they regain their integrity and that they are pleasantly arranged (anew); this (is to be done) with the dimensions—height and width—which were theirs, with decorations consisting of corner, elongated and other aedicule, without anything being added (to what originally existed) and always in conformity with the advice of the knowledgeable. (Dagens 1985)

Below is an extract from a 9th-century inscription from Sri Lanka (Wickramasinghe 1935):

• [There shall be] clever stone-cutters and skilful carpenters in the village devoted to the work of [temple] renewal.

• They all … shall be experts in their [respective] work. • … shall be granted to the offi cer who superintends work. • … his respective duties shall be recorded in the register.• … they alone shall be answerable for its correctness. • The limit [of time] for the completion of work is two months and

fi ve days.

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• Blame [shall be attributed to] … who do not perform it according to arrangement.

Conservation, or the care for what people valued as treasured things, was built into the social processes around the use of these buildings, along with the concepts of the reversibility of time. The international approach to conservation can be seen to be in confl ict with Buddhist ideas of impermanence that require an acceptance of change and natural decay in all things. In a similar vein, Dean Whiting argues that ‘the con-servation of marae structures illustrates the importance of broadening the concept of conservation to accommodate cultural values that exist between Mäori people and their structures’ (Whiting 2005, pp. 18ff).

One of the most important considerations for taonga is that the New Zealand government has provided them with constitutional pro-tection. The Historic Places Act (1993) has defi ned taonga as heritage to be protected, and the Conservation Act of 1997, by the provision of giving effect to Treaty of Waitangi, has assured the protection of Maori taonga. In addition to legal provisions, the institutional arrangements have made all possible provisions to care for taonga (see chapter 2 in this volume).

Countries like Sri Lanka have established law to protect the trad-itional usage of heritage:

Any person who: does in, upon, to near, or in any respect of any ancient monument which is held sacred or in veneration by any class of persons, any act which wounds or offends of is likely to wound or offended the religious susceptibilities of the class of persons by whom such ancient monument is held sacred or in veneration shall be guilty. (Antiquities Ordinance 1940)

Where original use is a continued characteristic, approaches to con-servation differs considerably from established Western conservation principles and ‘proves that the practice of local culture may override internationally set conservation guidelines’ (Wijesuriya 2000).

Conclusion

In this chapter, I have discussed the issue of continuity by using taonga, the heritage of the Maori community that has gained state recognition. The modern conservation movement has its own way of defi ning heri-tage and the approaches to conservation. The need to defi ne heritage differently and develop different approaches to conservation has now been recognised. It is based on the fact that different communities have

Conserving Living Taonga: The Concept of Continuity 69

different relationships with their past. It is on this basis that some advocate the ‘celebration of the diversity of the human past(s), and the increasing empowerment of communities to investigate and elaborate their own pasts’ (Layton et al 2001, p. 12). This is more pertinent when we deal with living heritage, where continuity is the key characteristic.

Taonga, in particular, help us understand key concepts like con-tinuity, which should have profound infl uence on the practice of con-servation. The concept of taonga well illustrates the nature of living heritage; it clearly expresses the importance of continuity as a key char-acteristic and refl ects the specifi c practices associated with the care for such heritage. Living heritage has been defi ned as

the sum of all expressions resulting from the interaction between people and nature. People are connected to their myths, belief, society and en-vironment in a variety of ways that have resulted in the creation of numerous tangible and intangible expressions. They constantly draw benefi t from these expressions, which have gone through a dynamic pro-cess of evolution, reinterpretation and modifi cation, refl ecting changes occurring in society’. (Wijesuriya et al 2006)

It is in this context that we proposed to pay attention to this class of heritage under the discussion of this chapter. Conservation in the decision-making process should start from the community; for taonga, this is the Maori community, which we contrast with the Western ap-proach to conservation of heritage. Instead of a top-down, linear, expert-driven process of decision-making we advocate a bottom-up interactive process where community voice, pride, self-esteem, and sense of owner-ship play vital roles that requires support from state legislation, as in the case of taonga. There are many implications for this approach to con-servation of heritage that requires further attention of the professional community.

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