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Far Eastern University GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS OF SOUTHEAST ASIA Marjon P. Alcisto Prof. Fe Atanacio-Blas IS1042 October 1, 2013 “The Continuing Struggle of Aung San Suu Kyi for the Democratization of Burma” Myanmar, a country of estimated fifty million people, has abundant natural resources such as oil, natural gas, timber, and minerals. Once known as the rice bowl of the world, it was the richest country in the region at the time it gained independence from colonial rule in 1948. But decades of military rule have ravaged the country. Following a military coup in 1988, Myanmar was gripped by a repressive, authoritarian military junta. Sanctions from numerous countries and civil unrest gave way to crucial steps toward democracy, including elections in 2010 and 2012. They also led to the release of the country's most visible figure, pro-democracy leader and Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, from house arrest in 2011 and her election to parliament in 2012. Many are hopeful that the new reforms have marked a new era of 1 | Page
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Far Eastern UniversityGOVERNMENT AND POLITICS OF SOUTHEAST ASIA

Marjon P. Alcisto

Prof. Fe Atanacio-Blas

IS1042

October 1, 2013

“The Continuing Struggle of Aung San Suu Kyi for the

Democratization of Burma”

Myanmar, a country of estimated fifty million people, has

abundant natural resources such as oil, natural gas, timber, and

minerals. Once known as the rice bowl of the world, it was the

richest country in the region at the time it gained independence

from colonial rule in 1948. But decades of military rule have

ravaged the country. Following a military coup in 1988, Myanmar

was gripped by a repressive, authoritarian military junta.

Sanctions from numerous countries and civil unrest gave way to

crucial steps toward democracy, including elections in 2010 and

2012. They also led to the release of the country's most visible

figure, pro-democracy leader and Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi,

from house arrest in 2011 and her election to parliament in 2012.

Many are hopeful that the new reforms have marked a new era of

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democracy and possibilities for the beleaguered state. Experts

say that increased foreign investment and the lifting of

international sanctions will allow Myanmar to progress even

further, but a combination of increasing ethnic violence and

disproportionate economic growth could still handicap the

country.

This paper aims to intensively discuss the steps of

democratization in Burma through Aung San Suu Kyi’s efforts. The

paper paves its way into determining what difficulties Burma

underwent as the main basis of Suu Kyi on promoting democracy to

sprout in Burma’s soil. The paper presents historical backgrounds

years when Burma had actually democratized after liberalizing

themselves with occupation from Britain and Japan and its path

towards military junta regime under the infamous General Ne Win.

It further discussed Aung San Suu Kyi from no one into someone

and as the hailed sole symbol of democracy in Burma. The paper

laid down the roles of Suu Kyi’s role and impact in democratizing

Burma under disastrous path, focusing on her struggles as a

political prisoner and initiated movements for 23 years inside

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and outside prison and Burma. Finally, the paper analyzes what

were the repercussions of Suu Kyi’s efforts in her democratic

advocacy for Burma, leading the readers to the question; has Aung

San Suu Kyi’s efforts democratized Burma?

Burma’s democratic history

Myanmar (former Burma) has been a nation that went whirlpool

for a long-standing struggle dating back from 1947. Prior to the

Second World War, Burma has been under a colonial rule by the

British government in 1886 because of its political instability

as monarchs then were trying to build independent states to have

an absolute rule. Not long enough, in 1920s, Burmese and Buddhist

monks initiated a protest for Burma’s independence. It was

further strengthened when in 1935, a Students Union at the

Rangoon University engaged in an active and powerful movement for

national independence. This movement was famously led by a young

law student named Aung San, successfully organizing series of

protests and student strikes that gained the support of the

nation. It was a grueling struggle for a young man to be involved

in such misfortune of his nation. Nevertheless, his sentiments

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grew common to all Burma’s people and his conviction to attain

the longing peace and independence was hard and at the outbreak

of the Second World War, Aung San and his other comrades decided

to undergo a military training in Japan for their initial plan

that they would fight with the Japanese to defeat British

invaders in Burma. They fought with the Japanese and they had

negotiations to Aung San that if they successfully defeat the

British, they would grant independence to Burma. Apparently, Aung

San saw that the Japanese would not follow their promise; he

quickly outwitted them and negotiated with the British this time,

to fight with them against the Japanese in return of Burma’s

democracy. The British successfully fought with Burma as their

ally against the Japanese and defeated them. The British, being

true to their words, gave independence to Burma.

General Aung San as the new leader

After years of struggle, Aung San together with Burma united

for a common aspiration for their nation to be independent in

1948. After that, Aung San emerged as the leader of an

independent Burma. For some reason, democratization process paved

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way for the country with difficulties. It was challenged by

communist and ethnic groups who felt under-represented in the

1948 constitution. With this as Burma’s situation, the nation was

plagued by a civil war destabilizing a newly-independent country.

Just only six months as Burma’s newest leader, General Aung San

was assassinated, together with his colleagues while in a

constitutional council, which shocked the nation. The

assassination was led by his political rival U Saw, but others

believe that it was backed up and plotted by British men. U Nu, a

member of General Aung San’s cabinet, suddenly filled up the

position the General left. But not long after, he was removed

from office, by a caretaker government led by General Ne Win,

because Burma’s economy floundered. To Burma’s depression of

restoring law and order, Ne win grasped this opportunity and took

control of the whole country. Within his power, he advantageously

staged a coup to solidify his position as Burma’s military

dictator.

Burma under Military Junta

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Shortly lived, democracy in Burma seemed distant in the eyes

of most Burmans. Ne win turned the hopes of democratization of

Burma into ashes. He was the leader and founder of the Burma

Socialist Programme Party and it made him propel to become the

dictator of Burma in 1962. After seizing power, he saw a number

of reforms. One of the major implications of him as the military

dictator of Burma was his power to suspend the constitution and

he then instituted an authoritarian rule and declared Burma

having a single political party. He drafted a new constitution

called the “Burmese way to Socialism” as he closed Burma from the

outside world in his isolation ideology. With this, no contact to

foreign world was allowed and all means of media was shut down.

This military regime caused the nation on a disastrous path of

cultural, environmental and economic ruin. Insurgency remained

endemic and in many areas of Burma armed struggle became a way of

life. Most Burmans would express their disappointment and

depression to the military regime as it caused them hardships,

like, prices continuously going up and there were little fuel and

electricity. They felt unsafe and uncomfortable because it seemed

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like each of their action were being watched and one wrong move

would result to death. There were so many restrictions and also

corruption. Primarily, they were denied of their natural human

rights and health problems were burdens to their everyday lives.

In addition, currency devaluation wiped out many people’s

savings and triggered anti-government riots. Ne Win’s answer to

these riots was the State Law and Order Restoration Council

(SLORC) that declared martial law in 1988, allowing the military

to arrest thousands of people including advocates of democracy

and human rights. One prominent person arrested was the daughter

of General Aung San, Aung San Suu Kyi who came back straight from

Great Britain. With this in mind, did Aung San Suu Kyi came back

home to her motherland with a purpose? If so, what could be her

purpose and intentions on coming back? Is she up for something?

Does she has something to do with Burma’s democratization?

The name Aung San Suu Kyi has been a pronounced being

roaming in different soils and banging with high regards. To

start with, Aung San Suu Kyi is the daughter of the legendary

liberation movement leader General Aung San and she was just two

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years old then when his father was assissinated in 1947. Her

mother was a nurse and became an Ambassador of Burma to India.

She spent most of her childhood in Burma with her mother and

here, she developed ideologies, thinking, political views and

religions. When they moved to India as part of the diplomat

privilege of her mother, it was here when she unfolded her wings

and verged on the realms of reality where she took note of

Mohandes Gandhi’s path on non-violence. She finished all of her

studies in India including college, masters and doctoral degree.

It was also here when she met her husband Dr. Michael Aris, a

professor at Oxford University and had two sons. They settled in

United Kingdom on 1972 until up to 1988, in which an initial

nursing duty to his dying mother evolved into a bolder decision

not only for her but for her motherland, the entire Burma. A

decision which her father had, engaging in the country’s

nationwide democracy uprising.

Suu Kyi: a witness of Burma’s turmoil

Back when she was still at United Kingdom, news broke out

and spread like wildfire about the military regime that Burma was

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under the leadership of an iron fist, General Ne Win. It caught

not only the attention of the international community, but also

of Suu Kyi.

The reason why Suu Kyi came to Burma was because their

family caretaker phoned and informed about the situation of her

mother Khin Kyi. She was informed that her mother is dying and

because of concern on her mother’s health condition, it seemed

that she was unaware on what really was happening in Burma that

time since they have to leave for India, but not ignoring

sympathy for her fellowmen. It was 1988 - arriving in Burma was

never alien to her as it is her native land, her beloved country.

But the conflict didn’t quite got into her nerves in her first

few days in Burma until she actually witnessed how troubled her

country was. After the military leader Ne Win stepped down of his

position on August 8, 1988, riots and mass demonstrations for

democracy followed because Burmese and even Suu Kyi had the

greatest suspicion that although General Ne Win stepped down in

his position, he was still in control and the highest political

authority. General Aung San’s huge portraits were with the

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movement as it symbolized what Burma had attained before,

democracy. This was an indicator that Burma wants to be freed

legitimately from the military cuffs. During these times, Suu Kyi

literally saw killings, maltreatment, violence, injustice, etc.

and this was known as the 8888 uprising. Her political awakening

intensified as the movement continued, civilians fought heartily

for freedom and as days passed, piling up of dead people

motivated scholars and colleagues of then late General Aung San

to ask help from the daughter of a great Burmese leader, Aung San

Suu Kyi. She did not hesitate as it was for her country.

First steps for Burma’s democratization

Suu Kyi didn’t quite expect these kinds of event in her life

but nevertheless, gave her full passion in ending this turmoil.

Her first step towards democracy was appeals to the government

through letters asking to address the problems that protestors

had exposed. But it seemed the Burmese military government had

deaf ears and ignored these appeal. To their mind, they thought

it was it, but Suu Kyi had her appearance and gave her very first

public speech in front of a crowd of several hundreds of

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thousands at the historical Shwedagon Pagoda on August 28, 1988.

An excerpt from her public speech is stated below:

“I could not as my father’s daughter remain indifferent to all that was going on.

This national crisis could in fact be called the second struggle for national

independence.”

Another statement that she used was by her father’s before his

assassination:

“We must make democracy the popular creed. We must try to build up a free

Burma in accordance with such a creed. If we should fail to do this, our people

are bound to suffer … Democracy is the only ideology which is consistent with

freedom. It is also the only ideology that promotes and strengthens peace. It is

therefore the only ideology we should aim for.”

These divine words from Suu Kyi’s monumental speech did not only

gained thrust on her reputation and credibility, but also the

thrust of her nation’s struggle for human rights and democracy.

She clearly asked the cooperation of each Burmese to be united

and disciplined, in which she aimed at informing the whole world

of the will of the people. She also gave importance to the

institution of her very own father built, the armed forces. She

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asked for respect from the armed forces so that people could

place their trust and reliance. From this significant public

speech, she slowly built the foundations of democracy in Burma,

again.

Prior to her public speech, she had traveled throughout

Burma and its jungles. It seemed an unending speech about freedom

and democracy to provinces to reach ethnic minorities, but Suu

Kyi was really determined and all for this fight. During this

time of her travel, State and Law Order Restoration Council

(SLORC) was implemented. The regime’s objective was to “restore

order while the country prepared for ‘democratic’ multiparty

elections.” With this being implemented, political parties were

encouraged to register and it tarnished the policy of one-party

system of then dictator Ne Win. Majority of registered parties

were in the opposition side and one of them was National League

for Democracy (NLD), which was founded by Suu Kyi and her

members. The party’s main goal was to establish a well-rounded

and fair democracy in Burma. Continuing NLD’s advocacy of

democracy, Suu Kyi defied SLORC as it was obviously a disguised

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name for another repressive regime. Despite of the impending

danger, she continued to become active in giving speeches and

organizing demonstrations which led her to become a political

prisoner and was put into house arrest in her mother’s house in

1989.

Suu Kyi detached from Burma and the world

As a political prisoner, Suu Kyi was never allowed to go

beyond her mother’s house gates. Even the address of the house

was removed so recognition from media would be hard. But again,

this house arrest never stopped her from carrying her democratic

fight. Since she was detached from the entire Burma and the

world, she made sure she has an outlet for her distress and her

burning passion for democracy would not fade. She wrote letters

and essays and through these, she developed her ideas more of

democracy and freedom in Burma. She even wrote books which was

unfortunately smuggled outside Burma, and published abroad. The

smuggling somehow helped Suu Kyi be recognized as a political

prisoner denied with her civilian rights under a repressive

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regime. In 1990, a national election was held and even though she

was invisible in the eyes of the Burmese people, it didn’t impede

her party to take the majority seats in the parliamentary. NLD

took 80% of the seats in Burma’s parliament, but the government

nullified the results because of Suu Kyi incapability to take the

role as the Prime Minister due to her being under house arrest,

thus refused to hand over power. This caused an outcry in the

international community. Also, in 1991, this was the time when

she was awarded as a Nobel Peace Prize Laureate for promoting

democracy in Burma (her son Alex Aris received her award as she

can’t attend the prestigious gathering), of course with her

husband’s effort and it also served to acknowledge her condition

as a political prisoner. It took her six years before she was

given release under house arrest in 1995. A year after her

release, she was immediate target for an attack in 1996 during a

motorcade of NLD in Rangoon (now Yangon). With what happened, NLD

quickly filed for complaints with the police, but there were

never actions taken even an investigation. Throughout her

release, she insisted on leaving the capital of Rangoon to hold

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political meetings outside the country. This made her to put into

house arrest again in 2000, but it was also in this course of

time when she began talks with the military junta where

information were not leaked and conversations remained

confidential. After two years (2002), she was again freed by a

negotiated talk between Burma’s military junta and the United

Nations. The following year (2003), a similar incident happened

back in 1996 where the same regime’s militia attacked Suu Kyi’s

caravan, resulting to death of 70 Burmese people. She fled with

the scene with the help of her driver but caught immediately upon

entering the border of Myanmar-Thailand. She was then put for a

secret detention before putting her again into house arrest. She

was supposed to be granted freedom on 2006 but another extension

came about. After all of these house arrests, she was not seen

until 2007, climbed up to her gates and make public appearance so

as to make sure that she was still alive and the struggle for

democracy is not yet over. It was also her 12th year in house

arrest that year so Buddhist monks blessed her. She also met with

her political allies, the National League for Democracy (NLD) for

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talks. She also had meetings with a very important person of UN,

Ibrahim Gambari, UN Undersecretary-General for Political Affairs

in 2007-2009. Ban Ki-Moon also tried to have an encounter with

Suu Kyi but the military junta didn’t allow him and he was very

disappointed for that. From 2009-2010, continuous meetings with

NLD and Suu Kyi occurred talking about future plans after her

release and surprisingly, NLD was banned as a political party

because of constitutional amendments. Another incident that

extended Suu Kyi’s house arrest from 2009 to 2010 was a trespass

incident of an American named, John Yettaw, who swam across the

river near Suu Kyi’s house. She allowed the intruder to spend two

nights at her home and she was tried for that and found guilty.

Just as a national election was expected by March 2010, the

government made constitutional amendments again particularly

pertaining to a law prohibiting convicted criminals from

participating in elections, and another barring anyone married to

a foreign national from running for office. This prohibited Suu

Kyi to run on any position in the Burmese government and her

party (NLD) decided not to re-register. As expected, there were

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no oppositions so vast majority votes went to the government. A

year after, on November 13, 2010, Suu Kyi was officially released

from house arrest. Just as another election was expected by April

2011, Suu Kyi wasted no time and registered to run for a seat in

parliament and NLD also re-registered as a political party.

Again, the democratic movement is once alive. She made sure that

her advocacies were aligned with pro-democracy ideologies and for

that, she asked reformations on the 2008 Constitution, removal of

restrictive laws, more adequate protections for people's

democratic rights, and establishment of an independent judiciary.

On May 2012, she was announced winner and took her oath and took

office. In her seventeen years as a political prisoner, she never

lost her hope for Burma’s establishment of democracy. Once and

for all, a lady dedicated to a hard work such as hers truly comes

once in a while in the soil of a suppressed land. Whatever

reasons the government had on extensions of house arrest, Suu

Kyi’s blazing fire for democracy will never be taken as long as

the torch is not yet lightened up. The struggle of Daw Aung San

Suu Kyi was remembered as a very calm approach as she is a

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Buddhist. She promoted non-violence as a possible means of

achieving democracy in a despot environment.

All these hurdles that Suu Kyi underwent were just clear

examples of her perseverance not only as a person but also an

exhibition on what humans want – freedom and equality. These two

concepts are of importance to us, humans as it roots down to our

very own existence. Just as Suu Kyi is a human, she also wants

freedom and equality for herself and for her countrymen. That’s

what this paper is all about, the continuing struggle of Daw Aung

San Suu Kyi for her country’s liberation from inhumane leaders

and conscienceless beings who want power and grab it, at the

expense of others. This is the very main reason of Suu Kyi on why

she had to decide to take part in these significant movements by

people of Burma. It may seem endless to the people of Burma, but

Suu Kyi is a living example that nothing will end until it’s

decided to be. Exhibiting heroic acts with so much fragility and

gathering collective effort in a clever yet intelligent way, Suu

Kyi really knew what she had done and has been doing. Her apt

resistance to an unjust government never faded, her clear

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disagreement son the work of government were out of question, her

discontent in the leadership the government portrays raged her

and Burma’s people nationalism, her opposition to all of its

policies and wrongdoings – all of these defined Aung San Suu Kyi

like any other promoters of peace and order. One thing may be

distinct; it was her character and personality that stood out. As

“The Lady”, she never thought of her gender as an impediment on

her skills. She disregarded the patriarchal society she lived in

to light up movements. She ignored the inequality her country had

been known for. She was just aware of her goal – to free Burma

from undeniably rude and brutish military leaders wherein her

fellowmen suffered much years before her arrival.

As of recent dates, Burma’s work towards democracy seemed on

its way, having national elections, loosening restrictive

policies, representation from ethnic minorities are alive,

decision-making are made sure to be fair, people can actually

live without much fear, trade markets are slowly propelling (in

fact Burma is expected to have its economic boom by 2015),

government functions well, everything that was not Burma before

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happens right as of this moment. As for Aung San Suu Kyi, she is

currently at the National Assembly as a representative of her

province and is rumored to run as Burma’s president on 2015.

What this paper’s trying to say is that, Burma’s democracy

never came handy to its people. It seemed that democracy was

being selfish from them and don’t want them to have a taste of

it. It just so happened that one day, there came a lady, a

daughter of a liberation leader, and a mother, who saw how

democracy work to her impoverished nation caused by a long-

standing regime promulgating harsh and unreasonable policies. It

started from here where a woman decided to be in the front row to

head this possible fight against oppression and violence. She

just wanted a democratic Burma because she believes everything in

it - equality, liberty, freedom, co-existence, etc. Everything

she and with her people had done and will be doing is for Burma,

their homeland.

Evaluating democratic fight in Burma in the context of Aung San

Suu Kyi

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Changing a country, state or nation’s form of government

never became easy, in any region in the world, as it is a tedious

movement where people want freedom and equality. In any given

country which exists democratically, they didn’t achieve it by

means of nothing; each of them has their own ways and stories to

tell on how they really got it. In the case of Burma, it

underwent different phases in the years of their democracy

struggle; experiencing military junta, human rights violation and

imprisonment of political figures were some of them. At the end

of the day, there has to be one prominent strong figure that

needs to initiate, motivate and lead people in the right road;

which in Burma, it was Aung San Suu Kyi’s duty and responsibility

to initiate, motivate and lead people in the democratic road.

Evaluating her eternal efforts and passion, democracy has a long

road to pass by in Burma. It doesn’t necessarily mean that Suu

Kyi’s efforts will be set aside; instead, it will serve as the

foundation of a brighter and more positive vibrance of democracy

in Burma. It may sound cliché, but the need of more Aung San Suu

Kyi in the continuing struggle of democracy in Burma is a must.

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Internet Sources“Life under Burma's military regime.” BBC News. Retrieved from

http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Burma/Burma_Military_Regime.htm

l. June 2006.

Myanmar profile. BBC News. Retrieved from

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-12992883. July 2013.

History of Burma. Canadian Friends of Burma. Retrieved from

http://www.cfob.org/HistoryofBurma/historyOfBurma.shtml.

A biography of Aung San Suu Kyi. Burma Campaign UK. Retrieved from http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/index.php/burma/about-burma/about-burma/a-biography-of-aung-san-suu-kyi.

Works Cited Plummer, Simon Scott. 2010. Everything is Broken: The Untold Story of

Disaster Under Burma's Military Regime: review. Retrieved from

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/books/bookreviews/7977850/Ever

ything-is-Broken-The-Untold-Story-of-Disaster-Under-Burmas-

Military-Regime-review.html.

Koistinen, Alison. 2003. Peace profile: Aung San Suu Kyi. Taylor and

Francis. EBSCO Publishing.

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Bajoria, Jayshree. 2013. Understanding Myanmar. Retreived from

http://www.cfr.org/human-rights/understanding-myanmar/p14385#p5.

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