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Democratization of Knowledge: Vernacular Education Planning in the Indian Context Rajarshi Singh Pratham Educational Foundation, New Delhi (India) Author Note Rajarshi Singh is a Senior Consultant at the Pratham Educational Foundation, New Delhi (India). He has a Ph.D. In Computational Mechanics from Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh (USA). His research areas include social development with respect to education policy, Mother-Child Nutrition and Institutional Strengthening for decentralized governance Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dr Rajarshi Singh, Consultant, Pratham Education Foundation, B 4/54, Safdarjung Enclave, New Delhi, 110029 (INDIA); E-mail: [email protected] ; Phone: +91-70428 83592
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Democratization of Knowledge:Vernacular Education Planning in the Indian Context

Rajarshi Singh

Pratham Educational Foundation, New Delhi (India)

Author Note

Rajarshi Singh is a Senior Consultant at the Pratham Educational Foundation, New Delhi (India). He has a Ph.D. In Computational Mechanics from Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh (USA). His research areas include social development with respect toeducation policy, Mother-Child Nutrition and Institutional Strengthening for decentralized governance Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Dr Rajarshi Singh, Consultant, Pratham Education Foundation, B 4/54, Safdarjung Enclave, New Delhi, 110029 (INDIA); E-mail: [email protected] ; Phone: +91-70428 83592

Democratization of Knowledge:

Vernacular Education Planning in the Indian Context

Abstract

This article explores the challenges of elementary education in

India in view of her linguistic-cultural heterogeneity. The

historical context leading to Mother-tongue as the ideal medium

of instruction is presented, followed by a discussion on why a

large number of mother-tongues still remain outside the school

system creating problems for the “No Child Left Out” policy. The

paradox faced by a heterogenous country that also needs language

standardization or homogenization is raised to highlight the

mismatch between school and home languages. Sapir-Whorf's Linguistic

Relativity Hypothesis and Paolo Freire's Critical Pedagogy framework are

discussed to outline a model of present and alternate Education

Pathways of Universal Primary Education.

KEYWORDS: Cultural heterogeneity Mother-tongue Linguistic Relativity Problematization Educational pathways

Democratization of Knowledge:

Vernacular Education Planning in the Indian Context

Introduction

It is now becoming increasingly evident that the effective

implementation of the “Education for All” (EFA) goals as

stipulated by UNESCO (2012) in the Indian context requires a

linguistically inclusive education policy that considers the

voices of her diverse cultural and ethnic groups.

Progressive policy changes are particularly desirable with

respect to the following three goals: “Goal 1: Improving and

expansion of early childhood and education; Goal 2: Ensuring

access to free and compulsory good quality primary education

for all children, in particular girls, minorities and those

in difficult condition; Goal 6: Improving education quality

to meet measurable learning outcomes.” However, it is still

the case that even now a substantial proportion of children

are either left out of the school system or lag behind in

schools. If one looked back in time, during the first

quarter of the 19th century, a large portion of the

population was marginalized during the institutionalization

of English education which dislodged the Sanskritic and

Perso-Arabic traditions of knowledge. It also turned a lot

of otherwise traditionally educated Indians illiterate in

the ‘school language’ overnight. This happened partly

because of the initial reluctance in investing on education

for the natives, and lack of a massive expansion plan for

the English School system in 1840s – perhaps more

importantly, because of the great divide between the School

and Home languages. This last point remains valid even

today, and that is what we are concerned with in this

article. We begin with the historical background of the

post-1950s decision in newly independent India on mother-

tongue as the ideal medium of instruction first. This is

followed by a discussion as to why a large number of mother-

tongues still remain outside the school system creating

challenges for the EFA goals. We also focus on the paradox

faced by a culturally plural country that needs to work

towards language standardization or homogeneization in order

to develop her languages, and sharpen them to be used in

formal contexts. The mismatch between school and home

languages is pointed out in terms of Sapir-Whorf's Linguistic

Relativity Hypothesis and Paolo Freire's Critical Pedagogy framework

to outline a model of present and alternate Education

Pathways of Universal Primary Education.

In this context, it is apt to see what Rabindranath Tagore

(1908), a champion of educational innovations, had to say

about the clash of the conventional and the modern systems

of education. While differentiating between true learning or

vidyā (knowledge) and śikşā (education), Tagore argued that the

introduction of English education in India created cleavage

and linguistic hierarchy in society. The goal of learning in

ancient India was to achieve “liberation” as in the

Sanskritic definition of vidyā, namely “saa vidyaa yaa vimuktaye”

(That which liberates is education). Tagore believed that

the problem originated from efforts to establish supremacy

of the English language, thought and philosophy, without an

honest appreciation of the Oriental tradition or any attempt

at cultural and educational integration.

The introduction of the English system of education was not

a smooth affair in India. As Syed Mahmood (1906) reports,

during the period 1792-97, the East India Company were

reluctant to promote education among the natives of India.

The proposal for a widespread English educational setup met

with severe resistance as gathered from the deposition

before a Select Committee of the House of Lords by John

Clarke Marshman, the historian. In 1792, Mr. Wilberforce’s

proposal to add two clauses to the Charter Act of that year,

for sending out school masters to India, ignited the

greatest debate and opposition in the Court of Proprietors,

so much so that the clauses had to be withdrawn. The

argument given was that America was lost only because of

establishment of schools and colleges – a mistake that

should not be repeated in India. Therefore, the idea

remained dormant for the next twenty years until 1813, when

the British Parliament allocated Rs 10,000 for the education

of the natives in all three Presidencies, and both Calcutta

School-book Society and the Hindu College were immediately

founded by 1817, as Lord Hastings announced that he did not

consider it necessary to keep the natives in a state of

ignorance. By then Charles Grant had already argued in his

tract “Observations on the State of Society among the

Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain” (1792) that Indians needed

to be advanced socio-culturally and morally through

education, and that this task could be achieved by bringing

in Missionary education to establish truth and justice. It

appears to have remained buried in the Parliamentary Blue-

books as an appendix to the “Parliamentary Papers of 1832”.

However, as the Chairman of the British East India Company,

and as a member of British Parliament, Grant did have a

major say in the introduction of British law and English

education. He argued that it was prudent to use soft-powers

of English influence, reason and argument (rather than the

brute force) to eradicate the immoral and barbaric cultural

native practices, shunt the evil of the caste system and

numerous other “errors” of the Indian society. What is

crucial is that he believed that unlike other people, the

natives of India could be enlightened through English. He

observed (Grant, 1792) that the missionary teachers in other

colonies

“...used the Vernacular tongue of that people, for a naturaland necessary reason that they could not hope to make anyother means of communication intelligible to them. This isnot our case in respect of our Eastern dependencies. Theyare our own, we have possessed them long; many Englishmenreside among the Natives, our language is not unknown there,and it is practicable to diffuse it more widely.”

From here to the famous minutes of T.B. Macauley dated 2nd

February 1835, we see the arguments against the vernacular

medium coming back with a lot of strength, because Macauley

(1835) writes:

…It seems to be admitted on all sides, that the intellectualimprovement of those classes of the people who have the meansof pursuing higher studies can at present be affected only bymeans of some language not vernacular amongst them….We haveto educate a people who cannot at present be educated by

means of their mother tongue. We must teach them some foreignlanguage. The claims of our own language it is hardlynecessary to recapitulate. It stands pre-eminent even amongthe languages of the west.

The developments that followed created an atmosphere of

learning that was detached from the natural environ of the

students. It was as if the nation lay outside the curriculum

textbooks, thereby creating disconnect between pedagogy,

critical thought and reality. The incoherence of English

schooling and Indian thought that gave birth to an

inefficient and insufficient “modern” educational philosophy

was explored by Bhattacharya (1931) in his lecture titled,

“Swaraj in Ideas”, where he argued that:

The most prominent contribution of ancient India to theculture of the world is in the field of philosophy and...itis in philosophy, if anywhere, that the task of discoveringthe soul of India is imperative for the modern India… Oureducation has not so far helped us to understand ourselves,to understand the significance of our past, the realities ofour present and our mission of the future.

Khubchandani (1981) observed that “Contrary to ‘modern’

values attributed to Humanism, the country was rather

confronted with a deliberate policy of selective higher

education to train an elite class to mediate between the

technologically superior ‘caste’ or class…The British system

of education in India thus perpetuated the dichotomy of the

privileged language (English) versus vernaculars.”

Post independence when the Indian political administration

tried to build a roadmap for the development of Indian

languages by first debating the issue of mother-tongue as

medium of primary education on 8th December 1948 in the

Constituent Assembly, and then by including fourteen major

languages in the 8th Schedule in the Constitution of India,

the balance appeared to have been restored in favor of the

multicultural ethnic groups for a brief moment. But six

decades later, it was still a fact that many were still left

out of the formal system. Although the twenty-two recognized

languages cover more than 96.55 percent (Census of India,

2001) of our student population, the remaining 3.45 percent

of Indians speak 96 per cent of other-tongues in India,

which remain largely uncared for. This has resulted in a

‘learning paradox’. Administrators and policy makers have

mostly been looking for educational solutions in factors

other than the medium of instruction. While it makes

economic sense to focus on large languages of the market,

and promote them in all spheres, sociologically and

philosophically, teaching and learning demand inclusion of

many more mother tongues in the primary school system in a

country struggling to expand its educational base.

As this paradox has neither been debated openly nor

attempted to be resolved, it has remained a “Wicked” problem

(Rittel & Webber, 1973) of education planning in India. As a

result, India has failed to implement Article 45 of the

Directive Principles of the State Policy viz. “State shall

endeavor to provide, within a period of ten years from the

commencement of this Constitution, for free and compulsory

education for all children until they complete the age of

fourteen”. Despite being ratified by the National Policy on

Education (NPE, 1968), its revision in 1992 and the Right of

Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act (RTE, 2009)

while putting them into practice (Soni, 2013), the situation

remains challenging, threatening India’s dream of

democratization of knowledge.

It is argued in this paper that although India has remained

committed to all United Nations decisions on primary

education, and taken certain positive legal-administrative

steps towards bringing in Indian languages in the school

education curriculum, the situation needs further amendments

and re-adjustments in view of the linguistic and culturally

heterogeneous pre-primary and primary student population in

India, and also to be more inclusive with respect to our

heterogeneous language situation.

History of Education in India

With the formation of the United Nations and establishment

of the International Institute of Child Study in 1955, the

early 1950s witnessed a piecemeal cooperation with 18 member

states, including Afghanistan, Australia, Burma (now

Myanmar), China, Democratic Kampuchea (now Cambodia), India,

Indonesia, Iran, Japan, Korea, Laos, Malaysia, Nepal, New

Zealand, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Vietnam – all of

which agreed to work with UN goals, an example being the

experimentation in China (UNESCO, 1952) to form a group

against the barrier of the multiplicity of languages and

cultures. By 1962, the Ministers of Education in Asian

States reviewed the Karachi decisions in a meeting in Tokyo

(UNESCO, 1961) to set up an Inter-governmental Meeting for

initiating regional cooperation. Finally, the exchange of

ideas during 1990 to 2000 encouraged world leaders to adopt

the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) with all 189 UN states

(now 193). This provided a platform for the convergence of

world agencies to work towards a unified goal of making a

better world through eight MDGs, with Universal Primary

Education (2nd MDG) being one of them. Much of these events

owe a great deal to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in

1948 where the Article 26 - Right to free education. David

Cassells Johnson (2013, p.103) explained how language

policies became the instrument of empowerment, and the

credit goes to the 1954 UNESCO declaration of its

unflinching support in favor of mother tongue education

(Menken & Garcia, 2010.

Post MDG adoption, most developing and underdeveloped

nations have adopted this “No child left out” policy. As a

result, enrollment rates are up, dropout rates are down, and

teacher attendance is ever increasing by the year. Despite

this geo-political confluence, the Annual Status of

Education Report (ASER), a large-scale citizen led education

survey, facilitated by Pratham, and similar studies on

student performance have raised questions about the quality

of education across urban, semi-urban and rural India.

Taking a cue from these questions, it may be ideal to

consider what Tagore (1941/1948) had observed in the last

lecture of his life titled ‘Sabhyatār sankat’ (‘Crisis in

Civilization’) where he said that education in India as well

as in Persia – and even in eastern civilizational spaces

such as Japan, had inculcated Sadācār (literally, ‘Cultured

behavior’) that mitigated the severity of competition and

brought in a rare tranquility (Singh, 2014b). He pointed out

that no attempt was made to bridge the “foreign” education

system with the existing indigenous knowledge dissemination

network.

At this point, it should be noted that when the colonial

rulers introduced “Western Education”, the British

themselves did not have a universal education philosophy. In

comparison, the traditional education setup in India,

despite its selective studentship, had divided the sphere of

knowledge into two hemispheres - Sanskrit and Persian

traditions, where classical texts were taught in gurukuls and

madarsas, while pathshalas and mukhtars functioned as centers

for vocational training such as book-keeping, accountancy

and such other skills that aimed at students from merchant

class and such other people. While the traditional set up

was meant for preservation, more modern Indian thinkers such

as Rabindranath Tagore believed education to be a means of

seeding individual intellectual freedom. As observed by

Singh (2014a): Tagore had a “deep dissatisfaction he had for

the hodge-podge that emerged in the name of introduction of

English education in India led him to think of ‘De-

Schooling’ seriously,” which was reflected in his design of

higher education as well in planning for his institution -

‘Visva-Bharati’. Tagore’s long-time associate, L.K Elmhirst had

also observed: “Tagore’s objective was to break with the

traditional model of the university where the elite pursued

knowledge for its own sake” (Mukherjee-Reed, 2011).

To sum up this discussion, encouragement to diversity,

heterogeneity, ingenuity and liberty was expected to

democratize education. However, a century after these

thoughts were floated, the policies adopted by the

Government of India, still used the line of thinking handed

down by the British, and championed uniformity assuming that

large language spaces such as Hindi or Bangla or Marathi

remain invariant throughout its speech area. In reality, the

so-called dialects or mother-tongues tucked under broad

language labels are as varied as the smaller languages

outside the 8th Schedule of the Constitution of India. The

elementary education plan in India did not go down under the

sub-language level to cover both smaller languages and

mother-tongues. The trouble is that large scale quantitative

studies of language vitality as well as language variation

index are both missing even after six decades of

independence. The Government is still dependent on a hundred

year old obsolete language survey document – Linguistic Survey of

India done by G.A. Grierson (1904-28).

Tagore was not alone in voicing his dissatisfaction vis-a-

vis the education system during the British Indian

administration. Other prominent thinkers such as Mahatma

Gandhi, Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan and others were also

opposed to it. Of these the most precise argument explaining

the failure of the adopted English system of education can

be found in Bhattacharya's (1931/1954) “Swaraj in ideas”,

where the emphasis was on cultural domination and not

political rule as found in M.K.Gandhi’s (1909) seminal work

titled “Hind-Swaraj”. Bhattacharya (1954, p. 103) began with

the following argument:

Man’s domination over man is felt in the most tangible formin the political sphere. There is however a subtlerdomination exercised in the sphere of ideas by one culture onanother, a domination all the more serious in theconsequence, because it is not ordinarily felt. Politicalsubjection primarily means restraint on the outer life of apeople and although it tends gradually to sink into the innerlife of the soul, the fact that one is conscious of itoperates against the tendency. So long as one is conscious ofa restraint, it is possible to resist it or to bear it as anecessary evil and to keep free in spirit. Slavery beginswhen one ceases to feel the evil and it deepens when the evilis accepted as a good.

What happens when there is cultural domination is that it

imposes a borrowed structure on the language as well as

thinking pattern of the subjugated race. This domination

would not only color one’s perception, but would affect

linguistic expression as well (Cf. Sapir, 1983 and Whorf,

1956). On the other hand, we are aware that each language

universe is unique in many ways, providing fresh ways of

thinking, contemplating and seeking knowledge. Here again,

we get a paradoxical situation if we were to take a

position that the British rule was worth rejecting but the

culture that its language had imposed on us was so much

superior that we could easily abandon ours and adopt the

English ‘culturation’ patterns. But the slavery it implied

would mean downgrading one’s own social and cultural

character vis-a-vis the alien practices behind which there

was a huge market force. It is not assimilation of western

civility that is being questioned here but it is the

obsession for it at the cost of one’s own civilizational

practices is what Bhattacharya (1931) was arguing against.

Interestingly, traditionally “Bhasha” (or, 'Language') was

considered in India to be a repository of knowledge, wisdom

and values, and not just a tool for communication or social

identifier. Not getting into the question of “language

equality” in terms of their capacity to address the cultural

needs of a community, rapid social and technological change

in modern times call for a cognizant effort to expand the

expressive means to cater to emerging needs. Since, a

majority of children in India are “other-tongue” speakers (a

term used in Census documents), it is only logical to

question the existing educational framework that encourages

education through a constitutional of what was called the

“mother-tongue” education.

The argument in favour of English education is that English

was a great leveling force that would obliterate the evils

of heterogeneous existence. More enterprising ones would

even try and bring in a divide among different cultural

groups within a country. One needs to be wary of those

forces that think like a subjugated colonized race thinks,

and seeks to make issues out of language variation as if all

diversity leads to division. Their stridency is so much that

the polity becomes a conflict ridden space where many lives

are sacrificed in the name of language-related movements or

because of language riots. Contemporary Indian history of

protest movements would bear this out.

In the Indian context, Hindi is often placed against as well

as on par with English, stating that this too was a “Killer

language” (Phillipson 1992, p. 45 and Mufwene 2005).

However, no policy on language promotion can be tabled that

does not say something about Hindi which – through various

discussions and debates, has finally become the official

language of the nation (English still being the Associate

Official Language), and which has a unique role to play in

our national integration (besides being spoken by 41.03

per). It must be underscored here that the other 21

languages in the 8th Schedule of the Indian Constitution

were all designated as India’s “National Languages”. This

formula of separating out national from the official was an

interesting move, because all said and done, Hindi was a

language of tour, travel, market-place, entertainment and

many other conveniences anyway besides being slowly employed

as languages in the law and administration. Unlike English,

Hindi was truly a language of the masses rather than of

classes, and the popular media had already played a role in

its promotion. However, there are also many varieties of

Hindi that are functioning under this large umbrella and it

would be good if our promotional activities are not seen as

merely the pursuit of standard Hindi but are directed at

nurturing all those varieties. The 1948 Constituent Assembly

debate had highlighted their plight as well. Therefore, when

we are talking about including the Other-tongues in

elementary education, all such situations are covered,

because Singh & Manoharan (1997) report in the People of India,

Vol. IX that out of 325 languages, only 199 are confined to

one state – the other 126 being spread over two to eleven

states.

The importance of vernacular language education in the

history of the Indian education set up is evident – also,

for example, from the A.D.Campbell’s 1823 Report of the

Collector of Bellary District, which stated that out of a

total of 533 schools in Bellary, there were 235 Kannada, 226

Telugu, 23 Marathi, 21 Persian, 4 Tamil and one English

medium schools (as quoted in Jalan, 1976, p.59). The

plurality in the education set up mirrored the usage

patterns of the students who used multiple tongues to

navigate through their daily lives, as is still the case in

modern times. In contrast to the traditional system, the

British schooling system promoted English based on the

philosophy that education was meant to prepare students for

“actual life.” In other words the system was created to

churn out individuals who could act as efficient workers for

the organs of the British governance. No thought was spared

for the development of students, or their mental faculty or

creativity. The emphasis was on their utility and usability,

and not on the three pillars of education policy, namely,

the content, spread, and medium. The purposeful limitation

of British schooling is evident from the Harding

proclamation (Kaushik, 2005: 23) in 1844 that promoted

preferential recruitment of those “who were educated in

English schools.” This selective education policy is

familiar even today as many still want their children to be

educated in an “English medium schools” as though, the arts,

sciences, mathematics and other subjects cannot be learned

through a child’s mother tongue. A British educationist,

Howell’s (1872) critique that Indian education “was first

ignored, then violently and successfully opposed, then

conducted on a system now universally admitted to be

erroneous,” (as quoted in Khubchandani, 1981, p. 31) is

still applicable in modern times.

Homogenization, Plurality and Linguistic Relativism

In the earlier sections, we found three paradoxes so far in

respect of medium of instruction for the beginning school

children in India. First, our pluralistic ethos recognized

only a limited number of languages in the Constitution.

Secondly, rejection of the English rule but acceptance (and

even super-imposition) of the English Culture as well as

English language created another kind of problem. Thirdly,

all our energies went in only planning for Mother-tongue

education whereas the other end of the dyad, i.e. the Other-

tongues remained neglected in our consideration because we

have never looked at the sub-language levels. With all

these, our planners for official languages of both the Union

as well as that of the States moved towards efforts in

Language standardization - aimed at deciding on the

“correct” spellings, style, pronunciations, choice of words

and terms, and grammar. Behind all these was again this

belief that homogenization of language created an even

playing field in terms of communication. The fallacy of this

belief lies in the nature of communication within a

heterogeneous linguistic society such as India. That each

member of such plural societies wear many hats and have

multiple identities speaking different languages and mother-

tongues for different purposes is a common feature of our

communication matrix.

Communication (Hewett et al., 2012) - both verbal and non-

verbal, is an indispensable human condition continuing its

activities. From birth, until one’s death, human

participation in communication is constant, except that

one’s taste for a particular sensory modality (or choice of

multiple modes) does change. In effect human communication

is dependent on three prominent sensations - kinaesthetic,

visual and auditory clues. The assumption that our sensory

organs gather all available environmental stimuli is

incorrect, as they are designed to gather, or at least

consciously record sensory stimuli selectively. Given the

uniqueness of a person’s sensory perception, homogenized

communication would be a myth. The paradox here has to do

with the fact that while language homogenization or

standardization ideally facilitates communication, it is in

the nature of human communication to make room for

variations and fluctuations. This non-standardized nature

of communication could be seen from the fact that humans

perceive and express the same “event” in multiple ways.

Given the non-uniformity of communication and language use,

so common in a multi-cultural and multi-lingual society, it

could be argued that schooling contributes to greater

standardization as it encourages a wider interaction among

people through a set lingua. Supposing that formal education

was indeed successful in suppressing speech varieties

thereby creating one form of language that people used, it

would be necessary to investigate the implications of such

an outcome. It would be interesting to ask if we do truly

desire standardization of language, and if so, what is lost

through an exercise in standardization.

The Cultural/Linguistic Relativity hypothesis provides us

the means of tackling this question as well as the question

on what happens in a teaching-learning scenario. Based on

this position, one would have to say that language imposes a

grid on our cultural view as much as the latter also creates

a window of perception, and allows our languages to flow in

certain directions. That should, ideally, make it possible

to distinguish between what elements were frozen and what

were not in a language spoken on an ice-covered mountain.

Similarly, a market-place pidgin will have its own

characteristics that draws heavily from the bazaar.

Following from this concept of language dependent perception

of reality in combination with the choices our senses make

in a multi-lingual and pluri-cultural society, we would

suggest that the range of sensory stimuli in a multi-lingual

setting requires comprehensive ability in both other- and

mother-tongues. Furthermore, the use of multiple languages

in a day to day setting would suggest that such plurality is

the natural direction of linguistic evolution. A weaker form

of Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, which views languages to be

influencing and not dictating thoughts, has gained

acceptance, especially among the psycho-linguists.

Levinson’s (2000) research has reasserted the understanding

that different language users observe the world through a

language filter. According to Lucy (1997), language

influences thought on three levels - semiotic (as symbolic

content influences thinking), structural (as mutilingual

persons think differently) and functional (because of which

particular kind of language usage influences thought). In

summary, since much of human learning happens through verbal

communication as well as written language, limiting the

scope of languages in a culturally plural and multilingual

domain limits the potential of education as well. The above

discussion obviously takes teaching-learning as an extension

of communicative situation, rather than considering it as a

top-to-down approach where all knowledge rests with the

teacher.

Language and Pedagogy

What Freire (1993) criticised as “Banking Model of

Education,” as against a communication approach, is a close

parallel to the existing educational set up in India where

students are considered empty vessels, and teachers act as

fountains of knowledge, pouring all that they deem fit into

the minds of students, who are not encouraged to question

newfound information, but rather memorize and repeat until

they’ve gathered the contents of the teacher’s lesson

verbatim. There exists no exercise in relating knowledge to

their socio-economic and cultural surroundings. What is

more, like the content, they must also somehow comprehend

and memorize the ways of speaking and writing in the

language of instruction here. In this sender-receiver model,

students are not active members of the knowledge

transference process.

A majority of children educated in the subcontinent are

unwilling participants in this model of rote learning and

forced memorization of alien tongues. This educational setup

mirrors the colonial real politik of the privileged

separated from those without, a device for the subjugation

of large portions of society. Freire's Critical Pedagogical

(CP) approach promotes emancipation of students, and is

geared towards the development of students’ independent

thought and self-image by creating an environment for

critical assessment of knowledge. It should also create a

situation where learning the language of knowledge seems

great fun. He would argue that critical pedagogy aims at

educating students so that they “come to see the world not

as a static reality, but as reality in process, in

transformation.” CP aims at guiding students to become

responsible members of a democracy where the voices and

opinions of the marginalized are also heard.

Traditionally, teachers are labeled as power-holders in the

“banking model.” People in power usually enjoy authority

that has been granted to them. If this were true, then

teacher absenteeism, and the general lack of professionalism

or enjoyment wouldn’t be an issue, which instigates us to

question whether teachers in the traditional set up

themselves are powerless or not. Their role-acceptance could

also be an outcome of succumbing to their “situation.”

Standardization (of pedagogy, language, or techniques) then

serves neither students nor the teachers, and instead exists

to ideally create a uniform student-body that has been

taught similar lessons, that they regurgitate and reproduce

through rote, thereby making an efficient worker population

that does not question any task at hand. They would

obviously have very little scope to comment on the design or

methodology of the task assigned, even though they could –

based on their traditional wisdom. Performance of a task, or

learning is thus dissociated with the cultural and

sociological value of what is learned. This creates a

situation where the material being taught is completely

alien to the student to be merely gulped unquestioningly.

Education Pathways and Problematization

Coming back to the basics again, the purpose of mass

education is to create a democratic society through

knowledge empowerment. Supporting the importance of

education in governance, Aristotle once said, “All who have

meditated on the art of governing mankind have been

convinced that the fate of empires depends on the education

of youth” (as quoted in Adjibolosoo, 2005, pp 1). Education

affects an individual as well as the space in which she

operates, namely her society. Classically, education is

considered to benefit society through the betterment of

individuals. Recent empirical research shows correlation

between positive social outcomes, such as the containment of

violence, health hazards etcetera and universal education,

and this reaffirming the impact of education. The accepted

view in the development world (as proposed by the The

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, or

OECD) and literature is that, “Education has the potential

to bring significant benefits to individuals and society,

which go well beyond its contribution to individuals’

employability or income. Skills are important channels

through which the power of education is manifested in a

variety of social settings. Policy makers should take into

account the wider social benefits of education when

allocating resources across public policies.” The

legitimation theory suggests institutionalized education

directly effects society. It creates and build ups as well

as affects of socialization (also ‘culturation’ as we argued

earlier) and allocates people to certain roles with a select

skill set (Meyer 1977). Primary education is the first

stepping stone for sieving candidates. Since a majority of

the universal education programs are government funded -

considering the vast spread of universal education, the

standards of education are set by the government. In effect

what a child is formally taught is dependent on the politics

of the existing government. Therefore, if the government or

the ideology of governance morphed, it could lead to an

altering of the “lesson plan,” thereby creating universal

education with questionable “universality.” Furthermore,

“democracy” is not a universal concept, but “freedom” is.

Given the self-preserving nature of governments, it could be

argued that, government regulated education policy and

structure promotes “democracy” within the philosophical

ambit of the ruling segment. Then mass universal education,

although meant to promote empowerment, could for all

practical purposes, teach persons from a very young age to

tow the line.

China has successfully reduced illiteracy when compared to

India. Her citizens have better access to universal primary

education. Being non-democratic her government does not

encourage radicalism or political liberty in the Western

sense of the word, yet her education policy has emancipated

millions of suppressed citizens, while also functioning to

suppress the beliefs of many others. The Chinese case helps

assert the point that despite the fact that freedom of

thought, voice, and choice is not guaranteed under a state

sanctioned universal education policy, it can alleviate

large sections of people economically, thereby reducing

poverty and improving health conditions.

This brings us back to the original question - What is the

purpose of universal education? We have seen an example

where education alleviates poverty, leads to development

while also reducing dissenting voices through uniformity of

thought, or standardization of reaction – so to speak. Since

education works on a child’s mind from a very young age, it

can be used to streamline the thought of an entire nation.

Gandhi Ji, was vehemently opposed to the Colonial education

set up which modern India has acquired. He proposed a system

of education “aimed at educating the whole person, rather

than concentrating on one aspect” (Burke, 2000). His

proposal was woven around the concept of Swaraj to avoid

“dependence on the state.” The Mahatma’s educational

philosophy (See http://infed.org/mobi/mahatma-gandhi-on-

education/) was not designed for a 68 year old democracy,

and it may need to be suitably modified to fit into today’s

changed scenario, yet it is aligned with the principles of

Foucaultian Cultural Relativism, and the educational

critical pedagogy of Freire, which encouraged education

immersed in the local culture and identity of students. Much

like Tagore purposing education to be a means of promoting

‘ananda’ in individuals, Gandhian education is

“individualistic” as well because he envisioned education

inculcating self-respect and knowhow pertinent to rural

development useful at the village level, in comparison to

the country level objectives of the present policy. Making

education policy at the state level risks mass scale

homogenization leading to the non-discovery of talents of

individuals, as suggested by Plato.

Contextual Problematization

In 2013 primary school enrollment for children in the age-

group 6-14 in India went up to 96.7 per cent. The average

attendance in primary and upper primary schools was 70.7 per

cent and 71.8 per cent, respectively in the same year. 73.8

per cent of schools had functional drinking water and 53.3

per cent schools had usable girls’ toilet. The gender gap in

amongst school children in most states was minimal. But this

heartening upward trend towards universal access and

facilitation in our schools resulted from the government’s

aggressive elementary education policy, which under the 2009

Right to Education Act mandated education to be the right of

every child in the nation. Yet, policies are created based

on survey results measuring indicators such as enrollment,

checks on the facilities and other input-level monitoring

parameters that are disconnected from indicators that

reflect the purpose of schools - educational maturity and

confidence. Approximately 50 per cent of children in the 2nd

grade failed to read simple everyday words and constructs in

their regional language. Also, 25 per cent children in grade

3 could identify individual letters but could not read

simple words (ASER 2013). To understand the problem of

universal elementary education we require a clear picture of

the ground reality.

The practice of the RTE Act is haunted by teacher

absenteeism, teacher incompetence, non-availability of

related and relatable reading material, non-practice of

activity-based or active learning, and the absence of an

engaging lesson plan, to list a few. The two language policy

assumes that since most business occurs in Hindi and the

Regional language, the school system requires children to be

taught knowledge building and personality development

material only in these languages. No consideration is given

to the local environment that may not require Hindi or the

regional language for everyday life. The innate ability of

children to learn languages is misused to educate them in a

“desirable” tongue. Although, children do have the capacity

to acquire any language equally, the richness of the

language-acquiring experience is very much dependent on the

language stimuli surrounding them. Mother-tongue education

cashes onto this fact and works towards helping students

acquire knowledge in the language with which they are most

familiar. Case in point, a tribal child in Bihar has

probably grown up listening to her grandmother’s songs in

Magahi, which makes her mother-tongue the language of

choice, if the goal of the nation’s education policy is

geared towards creating an atmosphere of learning leading to

development and growth of her curiosity. “Engaging the

children and encouraging them to express themselves

interactively while building on their prior knowledge in

real-life situations is an effective way to build language

experience.” (Clark 2000). Since the cognitive development,

information exposure, child-adult socialization and cultural

transmission occurs in local languages within a multi-

lingual society, vernacular schooling is the only logical

step. Furthermore, this strategy also provides a possibility

of seamlessly integrating early childhood learning (primary

readiness) with primary education. One should be aware that

interaction in a language which has a low-level proficiency

amidst the local environment of the child can cause limited

growth. The nation’s education policy leans on languages

with political backing, and not which is suitable for the

child. Portes and Rumbaut (2001) suggest that

multilingualism in youth is associated with high academic

achievement and developed personality adjustment. Although

other-tongue education in the primary grades is advantageous

for initial development during childhood, adhering to only

that language is limiting, as the available literature may

not be vast, and the language itself may not have had the

exposure like that of Hindi, state languages or English. A

multi-pronged approach towards language education is a

feasible solution within the heterogeneous and multicultural

environment such as India.

In what follows, we would like to present two Education

Pathways - the Structured and Systemized pathway that is in

practice throughout the nation, which aims at engineering a

standardized platform for skill enhancement and capacity

testing, and Heterogeneous and Localized pathway that is a

possible educational setup to promote primary education

through vernacular languages, mother-tongues and other-

tongues (meaning “other mother-tongues” also, in the Census

of India jargon). In the following subsections each

component of the pathways will be discussed. Under no

circumstance is this present analysis exhaustive, but could

be a basis for the amalgamation of education and language

planning aimed at milking the heterogeneity of the populace.

Figure 1. Present or Traditional and Alternate EducationPathways of Universal Primary Education

This position needs some elaboration where one must critique

the assumptions of educational policy options. We would

only like to raise four issues here:

The first among these is about 'Standardized Curriculum and

Assessment'. Standardization and the creation or adherence

to standards (Carroll, 2006) are different approaches to

bring in uniformity. The former, is a means to artificially

implement a set methodology in the practice of education.

Given the size of the education sector, the number of

stakeholders, and geographic spread over the domain in which

education operates, standardization (Bjerede, 2013) is a

lucrative solution for a uniform code of learning and

teaching. Not only is it simple to implement as educators

have to follow an “edict” ratified by a “governing body,” it

is cost effective as well, as it limits variability of

content and content delivery, which necessitates the

production and reproduction of similar kinds of resources.

It is often promoted on the account of equity creation. But

standardization leads to a situation that limits the

creativity of the instructor while acting as a de-motivating

agent as well by taking away the responsibility of content

creation and delivery from an instructor who is probable the

best judge of her students’ abilities and inclinations.

Apart from demeaning a teacher’s role, standardization does

not cater to a student’s individual capacity, but asks

him/her to alter their level, learning methodology and pace

to fit the prescriptions. One of the biggest threats of

standardizations is observed when teachers are focused on

running through the curriculum, and not on what the students

are supposed to learn.

The second issue is that of “Language Barrier”. The aim of

communication is the transfer of thought from one person to

another, or its reinterpretation. Cognitively and

linguistically it is impossible to generate uniformity of

communication, yet the present education policy in India

demands knowledge dissemination and acquisition through an

enforced standard code, without paying heed to the child’s

mother tongue, speech variation, and inherent richness of

other languages. Furthermore, standardization of the medium

of instruction, demands a child first learn an alien tongue

before diving into the content. Language can also play a

decisive role in segregating students - the few who grow up

in an atmosphere that is shuddh (grammatically pure)

distance themselves from children who grow up and tend to

use local variants or different languages, or a set of mixed

codes.

Then we come to what I would like to call the “Structured

Merit Filter”. Quite often testing results follow a bell

curve. If they don’t, scores are normalized, which makes it

easier to sort the wheat from the chaff. In a world where

performance is the end objective, the bell curve is a

powerful tool. In a test with normalized results 68 per cent

of scorers fall between ±1 standard deviation, indicative of

the fact that structured testing is suited for students who

are more or less average. For those beyond +1 sigma, the

test is not challenging enough, and those below -1 sigma,

find it too difficult. Furthermore, as high quality testing

is expensive, quite often it is done with an objective

viewpoint. Subjective responses are too often evaluated

based on “key terms” and “important points”. Structured

testing is not designed to evaluate knowledge assimilation,

gap in knowledge, practical use of acquired subject

information, and cumulative development of individual

students. It is generally believed that standardization

enables an equitable means of comparing students across

grades, schools, and locations. This would be the case if

and only if the training provided to each student was also

comparable and they came from similar backgrounds. As we

have seen in the previous sections, language has a dominant

role in cognition, world view, and information extraction

and interpretation, which would mean that the lessons

obtained by students are dependent on their cultural and

social circumstances. Furthermore, structured tests have

aided the culture of testing, wherein, student mug answers

to questions without paying heed to a deeper level of

comprehension.

Lastly, “Mastery of Curriculum” is also an equally important

concern. The fact that RTE Act emphasizes on the “completion

of syllabus” and “attendance” during the school year, seems

to indicate that government is primarily concerned whether a

handsome number of students are “coming to school” and

“passing the grade”. Although these “noble” indicators do

improve schooling conditions within the nation, but they too

are not student-centric but institutional in nature (Chavan,

2014). The learning lag between the expected performance of

a student in a particular grade and students is not

considered as many students are placed in grades depending

on their age. This is further complicated by an edict

instructing teachers to finish the syllabus. Very little

thought is given for students who are academically behind

the standards of their grades, who therefore, have to face

an insurmountable task of mastering a syllabus that is

beyond their scope of comprehension as they lack the basic

tools to do so. Although lack of quality teaching is one of

the root causes for this gap in education, it is impertinent

that we ask why else are students unable to learn languages

and mathematics (as ASER survey shows), when the former is

an innate linguistic ability of every human. Rereading the

question above will show the flaw in what is being asked -

the students do know a language, they do communicate, and

they do weave stories amongst friends (all these

demonstrating their linguistic creativity), albeit in a

language or speech that is their own which may not be a part

of the authorized curriculum.

Concluding Remarks: Education Pathways

Universal primary education is aimed at enabling freedom and

opportunity in every citizen from a young age. It is meant

to foster love for knowledge, curiosity, and knowledge

acquisition amongst children. The quintessential substance

of education is development of a young individual by

enabling an environment promoting the joy of learning. And

because socio-cultural cognition is triggered by one’s

speech and is language-dependent, fostering locally

influenced curriculum imparted in the mother-tongue is a

reasonable means of harnessing the individuality of every

child. Policies promoting the uniqueness of a child will

create a more efficient and useful child development

platform. Instead of aligning education with business or

industrial opportunities, it is appropriate to alter

business perspectives based on development of children, and

availability of varied talents. Furthermore, a homogenized

state is not and cannot be a reality for a multi-lingual and

pluri-cultural nation such as India. Hypothetically, even if

everybody had one common language (through an enforced

language policy) it would still not lead to “one people” as

persons would form heterogeneous groups based on other

social and cultural parameters that define their identity

such as their state of origin, caste and creed among other

things. There is therefore no reason why we cannot promote

language and educational heterogeneity without sacrificing

the spirit of the nationalism. Implementing a many language

formula is bound to be carefully drafted, and fraught with

implementation issues, but that is a matter for political

dispensation to sort out. The development of children should

not be held back because the government finds it “hard” to

implement a plan, for that is the spirit of democracy, where

the country sweats for her children today so they may serve

their nation to their best capacity in the future.

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