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First Fully English-Hindi Magazine
NEW
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Vol.
VII
N
o.03
MARCH 2015 ×æ¿ü TULSI RAMÌéÜâè ÚUæ× Pg. 55
ISSN 2348-9286
ÁæçÌ ÙãUè´, ß»üClass Act
Pg. 15
Bihar: Caste warriors settle for peace sans justice
çÕãUæÚU Ñ ÁæçÌ Øôhæ¥ô´ ×ð ‹ØæØ-çßãèÙ âéÜã
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âæ×æçÁ·¤ ‹ØæØ ·¤è ÂÚUÂÚUæ âðÁéçÇ° ÙèÌèàæ ·¤é×æÚU
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Bahujan viranganas of 1857
ÎçÜÌô ·Ô¤ ãˆØæÚUð °·¤ÕæÚU çȤÚU Îôá×éQ¤
PAGE 23
PAGE 44
PAGE 43
Mandal Parliament
PAGE 26
¥ôÕèâè ©Â‹Øæâ·¤æÚU·¤ô ™ææÙÂèÆ â�×æÙ
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PAGE 48
PAGE 8
YET AGAIN, MURDERERSOF DALITS ACQUITTED
THE ‘GHARCHHODO’ WAVE
Prestigious Jnanpith conferred on OBCnovelist
Etched in our minds: The Criminal Tribes Act 1871
India wakes up toprisoners’ rights
PAGE 37Atrocities againstDalits rising in UP©žæÚUÂýÎðàæ ×ð ÎçÜÌô´ÂÚU ¥ˆØæ¿æÚU ÕÉð
AAP 2.0 – Class Act¥æ w.®Ñ ÁæçÌ ÙãUè´, ß»ü
ÒƒæÚU ÀôǸôÓ ÜãÚ
PAGE 32NO END TOUNTOUCHABILITY
ÀêUÅU ÙãUè´ ÚUãUæÀéU¥æÀêUÌ
PAGE 45
9
Join the tradition of socialjustice, Nitish Kumar
âæ×æçÁ·¤ âéÏæÚU ·¤è ¥çÙßæØüÌæ
×´ÇÜ â´âÎ
PAGE 29
The imperative of social reforms
Vol. VII
Dr Silvia FernandesChair, Aspire Prakashan Pvt. Ltd.
Prabhu GuptaraPatron and Chief Advisor
Satyaveer ChakrapaniDirector and Advisor
Ivan KostkaEditor-in-Chief
Pramod RanjanConsulting Editor
Amrish HerdeniaAssistant Editor (English)
Amarendra YadavPrincipal Correspondent
CONTRIBUTING EDITORS Abhay Kumar Dubey (New Delhi)Dilip Mandal (New Delhi)Vishal Mangalwadi (India) Gail Omvedt (Maharashtra) Thom Wolf (New Delhi)
Rajan KumarDesigner
Office : FORWARD Press803 Deepali, 92 Nehru Place, New Delhi 110019Tel. (011) 46538687Email: [email protected]
Printed, published and owned by Ivan Anthony Kostka and printed at M.P. Printers, B-220, Phase-II, Noida, UP - 201301 and published from 803 Deepali, 92 Nehru Place, New Delhi 110019
Disclaimer: The views expressed in the articles are those of the writers. The magazine willnot bear any responsibility for them.
MARCH 2015No. 03 Bilingual
The obituary of caste as a (if not the) decid-
ing factor in Indian politics has recently been
written repeatedly. Following the 2009 Lok
Sabha election, political pundits pronounced the
death of caste and the birth of aspiration – that
cut across caste and other identities. However,
in our very first Cover Story titled “Victory of
Aspiration” I had written, “The message in the
ballot is clear: Ideology and/or identity politics
plus nothing else will no longer work. It has to
be Ideology+Performance and/or
Identity+Performance.” Election after election,
both state and national, has confirmed this new formulation: caste is still a
necessary but no longer a sufficient condition to assure electoral victory.
Hence the victory of the young AAP David versus the formidable BJP
Goliath has not surprised FP, just the scale of the rout of the BJP. If he
were not so humble, CSDS Director Sanjay Kumar could well be saying
“I told you so”. His book analyzing the demographics and trends in the first
three Delhi assembly elections was published well before the 2013 year-
end assembly elections in which the freshly minted AAP opened its account
and surprised many. If the 2013 AAP success was based on its attraction
for Delhi’s mostly Bahujan urban poor, the clean sweep of the 2015 elec-
tions has consolidated that class as its vote base and built upon it to eat into
the middle-class and even upper-caste preserves of the BJP and Congress.
The Cover Story has Sanjay Kumar’s exclusive analysis of this trend from
caste to class.
Even while Delhi was going to the polls, Patna was the stage of Nitish
Kumar’s self-inflicted tragicomedy where Caste was predictably in the lead
role. As I have reflected on this drama – of the tantrums of his protégé
Manjhi’s assertion of Mahadalit asmita and apmaan – I cannot help think-
ing of Frankenstein and the “monster” he created and how it consumed the
rest of his life. We do not wish such a fate on even our worst enemy, not on
Nitish Kumar and certainly not on the good people of Bihar. Therefore, we
hope he and the people of Bihar will read the frank open letter from his
former colleague and ideologue, Prem Kumar Mani, and heed its advice.
His is one of the few voices that can speak truth to power.
Many of the worst atrocities against Dalits have been perpetrated in
Bihar. In this issue we welcome the eminent jurist Arvind Kumar Jain
who has contributed his indictment of the casteist judiciary for their “string
of shameful judgments”. These are, he diagnoses, a predictable result of the
conspiracy to block Dalits from the higher judiciary. A veteran Bihar jour-
nalist, under the pen name Atul Kumar, digs through the changing socio-
logical terrain to give us the true reasons behind the repeated acquittals of
upper-caste perpetrators of Dalit massacres. He shows how an unspoken
truce has been arrived at without the cause of social or any justice being
served.
At the intersection of caste and class, one of the most fertile minds was
that of the late Prof Tulsi Ram. An academic and a literary author, best
known for his two-volume Hindi autobiography, the lifelong passion of this
Dalit intellectual was to bring together the three ideological streams of
Buddha, Marx and Ambedkar. Perhaps, he thought, in that fusion lay the
key to defusing caste, which he considered much more destructive than
nuclear bombs.
Until next month … Truthfully,
ORWARDT H I N K I N GF
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No ad for this Swachh Bharat Abhiyan
§â Sß‘À ÖæÚUÌ ¥çÖØæÙ ·¤æ ·¤ô§ü Âý¿æÚU Ùãè´On paper, building “insanitary” (dry) toilets and employing people to
clean them became illegal in 1993. But on the ground, the members –mostly women – of Haila and Valmiki communities wouldn’t dare lookanywhere else for sustenance other than the job into which they hadbeen told they were born. Manual scavenging – which requires thesewomen to carry human excrement – continued. Then, in September2013, the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and theirRehabilitation Act was passed by the Parliament, putting the onus on thegovernment to identify and rehabilitate manual scavengers by providingthem alternative sources of employment. (Unfortunately, the act hasalso let the government wash its hands of so many of them who werefreed from manual scavenging before 6 December 2013, the day the lawcame into force.)
What led to the enactment of the law was the Maila Mukti Yatra 2012-13, organized by Jan Sahas, an NGO based in Dewas, Madhya Pradesh,to wake up the privileged, urban India to the reality of manual scaveng-ing and to liberate the manual scavengers in the areas that fell on theroute of the yatra. The participants liberated 5,000 manual scavengers – adrop in the ocean that consists of those who work the estimated 800,000dry toilets in the country as well the thousands of others employed bythe Indian Railways to clean its faeces-covered tracks. As these photos(courtesy of Jan Sahas) show, manual scavengers are still hard at work,but the battle against the abhorrent tradition has begun in earnest:
ÖæÚUÌ ×ð Ò¥Sß‘ÀÓ àæéc·¤ àæõ¿æÜØô ·¤æ çÙ×æü‡æ ¥õÚU ©Ù·¤è âȤæ§ü ·Ô¤ çÜ°Üô»ô ·¤è çÙØéçQ¤ âÙ÷ v~~x ×ð ãè »ñÚU·¤æÙêÙè ƒæôçáÌ ·¤ÚU Îè »Øè Íè ÂÚUÌé Á×èÙèã·¤è·¤Ì Øã ãñ ç·¤ ãñÜæ ¥õÚU ßæË×èç·¤ â×éÎæØ ·Ô¤ Üô» - ¥çÏ·¤æàæÌÑ ×çãÜæ° ,Øã ·¤æ× ¥æÁ Öè ·¤ÚU ÚUãð ãñÐ ÂýçÌÕÏ ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ Öè àæéc·¤ àæõ¿æÜØ ÕÙÌð ÚUãð ¥õÚU Øð¥çÖàæ# ×çãÜæ° ¥õÚU ÂéM¤á çâÚU ÂÚU ×ñÜæ ÉôÙð ·Ô¤ ƒæëç‡æÌ ·¤æ× ×ð Ü»ð ÚUãðÐ çȤÚU,çâÌÕÚU w®vx ×ð ââÎ Ùð ãæÍ âð ×ñÜæ ©ÆæÙð ßæÜð ·¤ç×üØô ·Ô¤ çÙØôÁÙ ·¤æ çÙáðÏ¥õÚU ©Ù·¤æ ÂéÙßæüâ ¥çÏçÙØ× ÂæçÚUÌ ç·¤Øæ, çÁâ·Ô¤ ÌãÌ âÚU·¤æÚU ·¤è ØãçÁ�×ðÎæÚUè ãñ ç·¤ ßã §Ù ·¤ç×üØô ·¤è Âã¿æÙ ·¤ÚUð ¥õÚU ©Ù·Ô¤ ÂéÙßæüâ ·Ô¤ çÜ° ©‹ãð´Áèçß·¤æ ·¤æ ßñ·¤çË·¤ âæÏÙ ©ÂÜŽÏ ·¤ÚUßæ°Ð ÎéÖæü‚Øßàæ, §â·Ô¤ ¿ÜÌð âÚU·¤æÚU ©ÙÜô»ô ·¤æ ÂéÙßüâÙ ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤è çÁ�×ðÎæÚUè âð ×éQ¤ ãô »Øè ãñ, çÁ‹ãôÙð { çÎâ�ÕÚUw®vx ·¤ô §â ¥çÏçÙØ× ·Ô¤ Üæ»ê ãôÙð ·Ô¤ ÂãÜð §â ·¤æØü âð ×éçQ¤ Âæ Üè ÍèÐ
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MARCH 2015 |
6FORWARD PressFEATURE
P H O T O
Manual scavengers in Agra; (inset) a manualscavenger at work in Mainpuri
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Liberated manual scavengers have started fish farming (top left) and a garment productionhouse (above); Aamir Khan (left) launches the Dignity & Design initiative for rehabilitating and
empowering female manual scavengers; (below) scenes of the Maila Mukti Yatra 2012-13
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MARCH 2015 |8
FORWARD PressPAGE 3D A L I T
BAHUJAN
Prestigious Jnanpith conferred on OBC novelist
¥ôÕèâè ©Â‹Øæâ·¤æÚU ·¤ô™ææÙÂèÆ â�×æÙ
Tribal arts document humanhistory and knowledge
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Marathi writer Bhalchandra Nemade has been chosen for theJnanpith Award for the year 2014. Born in an OBC (LevaPatidar) peasant family in 1938, Nemade first shot to famewith his novel Kosla. The novel was published in 1963, whenhe was only 35. The Sahitya Akademi award was conferredupon him for his novel Tikaswayamvar in 1991. He is the onlyMarathi author to have given a genuine rustic, rural touch tohis writings. His commitment to anti-Brahmanism is total. Noother Marathi writer has written and spoken as much againstRam, Krishna, Peshwai and Brahmanism as Nemade. Hisnovel Hindu is a scathing critique of the Hindu religion.Besides novels, Nemade is also known for his poetry and liter-ary criticism. -Shrawan Deore
A two-day workshop centred on theartistic tradition of tribalcommunities was held on 3-4 Febru-ary in Ranchi. Thirty-four artistes ofnine different tribes, togetherrepresenting all the 12 districts ofJharkhand, attended the event. Theevent was organized by Prayakerket-ta Foundation at Ramdayal MundaKala Bhawan, Hotwar. -FP Desk
×ÚUæÆè Üð¹·¤ ÖæÜ¿´Îý Ùð×æÇð ·¤ô ßáü w®vy ·Ô¤ ™ææÙÂèÆ ÂéÚS·¤æÚU ·Ô¤ çÜ°¿éÙæ »Øæ ãñÐ Ùð×æÇð ·¤æ Á‹× v~x} ×ð ×ãæÚUæCþ ·Ô¤ ¥ôÕèâè (Üðßæ ÂæÅUèÎæÚU)ç·¤âæÙ ÂçÚUßæÚU ×ð ãé¥æ ÍæÐ v~{x ×ð ·Ô¤ßÜ xz ßáü ·¤è ¥æØé ×ð Âý·¤æçàæÌÒ·¤ôâÜæÓ Ùæ×·¤ ©Â‹Øæâ âð ©‹ãð ¥ÂæÚU Âýçâhè ç×ÜèÐ âÙ v~~v ×ð©Ù·¤è ·¤ëçÌ ÒÅUè·¤æSßØ´ßÚUÓ ·Ô¤ çÜ° ©‹ãð âæçãˆØ ¥·¤æÎ×è ÂéÚUS·¤æÚU âðâ�×æçÙÌ ç·¤Øæ »ØæÐ ¥ÂÙð âæçãˆØ ·¤ô âãè ×æØÙô´ ×ð Îðàæè-ÎðãæÌè SßÚUÎðÙð ßæÜð ßð ×æÚUæÆè ·Ô¤ °·¤×æ˜æ Üð¹·¤ ãñÐ Õýæ±×‡æßæÎ ·Ô¤ çßÚUôÏ ·Ô¤ ÂýçÌ©Ù·¤è â´Âê‡æü ÂýçÌÕhÌæ ÚUãè ãñÐ ÚUæ× - ·¤ëc‡æ, Âðàæßæ§ü ¥õÚU Õýæ±×‡æßæÎ ·Ô¤ç¹ÜæȤ çÁÌÙæ ©‹ãô´Ùð ÕôÜæ ¥õÚU çܹæ ãñ, ©ÌÙæ àææØÎ ãè ç·¤âè ¥‹Ø×ÚUæÆè Üð¹·¤ Ùð ç·¤Øæ ãô»æÐ ©Ù·¤æ ©Â‹Øæ©â ÒçÞãÎêÓ §â Ï×ü ·¤è¹æç×Øô´ ·¤è Ìè¹è ¥æÜô¿Ùæ ÂýSÌéÌ ·¤ÚUÌæ ãñÐ ©Â‹Øææâ ·Ô¤ ¥çÌçÚUQ¤·¤çßÌæ ¥õÚU ¥æÜô¿Ùæ ·Ô¤ ÿæð æ ×ð Öè Ùð×æÇð ·Ô¤ Øô»ÎæÙ ·¤ô ÕãéÌ ÂýçÌDæ âðÎð¹æ ÁæÌæ ãñÐ -Ÿæ߇æ ÎðßÚUð
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hile most of the pre-poll surveys and exit polls hadindicated a victory for the Aam Aadmi Party and someeven a big victory for the party, none of them hadpredicted such a massive sweep as the recent DelhiAssembly election turned out to be for AAP. The partywent on to win 67 of the 70 assembly seats while theBJP managed to win only the remaining three (Rohini,Mustafabad and Vishwas Nagar). This is not merely avictory for a party – it reflects massive faith in a person,
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Arvind Kejriwal, who led a party and contested against the most pow-erful party at this moment both in terms of electoral support andresources. With a small number of leaders and a relatively smallamount of money, AAP could register such a convincing victory.
Hardly has there been an occasion in Indian politics when aparty registered a victory as massive as AAP’s. Only Sikkim comesto mind, where the ruling Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF)managed to win all the 32 seats in the assembly, twice, in 1989and 2009, and only one less in the 2004 assembly elections.There are a few other big victories of regional parties in differentstates, but they are nothing compared to the victory of AAP inDelhi where it not only managed to win all but three seats, butpolled 54.3 per cent of the votes. There have been few occasionswhen the winner has polled more than 50 percent votes in atriangular contest. The country has witnessed electoral waves inthe past, like the 1977 Janata Wave, the 1984 Rajiv Gandhi wave,or the 1989 V.P. Singh wave, and this election certainly goes intothe history of Indian elections as another wave, namely the“Kejriwal wave”, or something even more.
After its massive victory in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, BJPcontinued its victory march in all the state assembly electionsheld during the last few months, and to many, the BJP seemed in-vincible – until the victory rath of BJP was not only halted by Kejri-wal, but was actually completely wrecked. For BJP, it is not merelya defeat, but maybe the most humiliating defeat, with only threeseats and 32.7 per cent of the votes. One could hardly believe thatthe party which led in 60 of the 70 assembly segments barely 8months ago would be routed in these elections. It is important tounderstand what really happened during last eight monthswhich completely changed the electoral landscape of Delhi. Howcould a party which led its nearest rival by more than 13 per centvotes fall so far behind in barely a few months’ time?
THE VOTE SHARE OF AAP WAS MUCH HIGHER AMONG THE POOR; ITESTABLISHED A LEAD OF MORE THAN 40 PER CENT OVER BJP AMONGTHIS CLASS OF VOTERS. A LARGE NUMBER OF LOWER- AND MIDDLE-CLASS VOTERS ALSO VOTED FOR AAP
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MARCH 2015 |10
FORWARD PressSTORYC O V E R
Table 1: Delhi’s Party Performance: 2013-15 ÌæçÜ·¤æ v Ñ çÎËÜè ×ð çßçÖóæ ÂæçÅUüØô´ ·¤æ ÂýÎàæüÙ Ñ w®vx-1zParty / ÂæÅUèü
AAP/ ¥æÂBJP+/ ÖæÁÂæ+Congress/ ·¤æ»ýðâ
Seats/ âèÅðU28
33
8
Vote/ßæðÅU %
29.5
34.0
24.6
Seats*/ âèÅðU*10
60
0
Vote/ßæðÅU %
32.9
46.4
15.2
Seats/ âèÅðU67
3
0
Vote/ßæðÅU %
54.3
32.7
9.7
2013 2014 2015
*çßÏæÙâÖæ ÿæð æßæÚU ÜèÇ*Assembly segment leads
11
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ãñ, ÖæÁÂæ Øæ ×ôÎè ·Ô¤ ç¹ÜæÈ Ùãè´Ð ¥»ÚU Øã ·Ô¤ßÜ ÖæÁÂæ ·Ô¤ç¹ÜæÈ Ù·¤æÚUæˆ×·¤ ×Ì ãôÌæ Ìô ¥æ ·¤ô §ÌÙè ÕǸè çßÁØ ãæçâÜÙãè´ ãôÌèÐ Ølç ֻܻ âÖè ÂæçÅUüØô´ Ùð ·¤× ·¤è×Ì ÂÚU çÕÁÜè-ÂæÙè©ÂÜŽÏ ·¤ÚUßæÙð, ×çãÜæ¥ô´ ·¤ô âéÚUÿææ ÎðÙð ¥æçÎ ·¤æ ßæØÎæ ç·¤Øæ Íæ,ÂÚU´Ìé Øã ¿éÙæß ¥æ ·Ô¤ ×é�Ø×´˜æè ÂÎ ·Ô¤ ©�×èÎßæÚU ¥ÚUçߴηԤÁÚUèßæÜ ÂÚU ÁÙ×Ì â´»ýã ×ð´ ÕÎÜ »Øæ ¥õÚU ¥æ ·¤æ §ââð ÕãéÌÜæÖ ãé¥æÐ ·Ô¤ÁÚUèßæÜ ç·¤âè Öè ¥‹Ø ÙðÌæ ·¤è ÌéÜÙæ ×ð´ ·¤ãè´¥çÏ·¤ Üô·¤çÂýØ Íð ¥õÚU ¥æ ·¤ô ç×Üð ×Ìô´ âð Øã âæÈ ãñ ç·¤ ·¤§ü×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ Ùð §â ÂæÅUèü ·¤æ ßÚU‡æ çâÈü §âçÜ° ç·¤Øæ €UØô´ç·¤ ¥ÚUçߴηԤÁÚUèßæÜ ©â·Ô¤ ÙðÌæ ÍðÐ àæéM¤¥æÌ ×ð´ °ðâæ Ü» ÚUãæ Íæ ç·¤×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ ·¤æ °·¤ ÕǸæ çãSâæ ¥Ü»-¥Ü» ÂæçÅUüØô´ ·Ô¤ Âÿæ ×ð´Šæýéßè·¤ëÌ ãñ, ÂÚU´Ìé ¥æç¹ÚUè ÿæ‡æô´ ×ð´ §Ù×ð´ âð ÕãéÌ âð ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ ÙðÂæÜæ ÕÎÜ çÜØæ ¥õÚU ¥æ ·Ô¤ Âÿæ ×ð´ ãô »°Ð
¥ÚUçß´Î ·Ô¤ÁÚUèßæÜ ·¤è Üô·¤çÂýØÌæ ·¤æ ×é·¤æÕÜæ ·¤ÚUÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ°ÖæÁÂæ Ùð ç·¤ÚU‡æ ÕðÎè ·¤ô ¥ÂÙæ ×é�Ø×´˜æè ÂÎ ·¤æ ©�×èÎßæÚU ƒæôçáÌç·¤Øæ, ÂÚU´Ìé Øã Âæ´âæ ©ÜÅUæ ÂǸ »ØæÐ ÂæÅUèü ·Ô¤ çÜ° â×ÍüÙ ÁéÅUæÙæ ÌôÎêÚU ÚUãæ ßð SßØ´ Öè ÒâéÚUçÿæÌÓ ·¤ëc‡ææÙ»ÚU ¿éÙæß ÿæð˜æ âð ãæÚU »§ü´ÐÖæÁÂæ ·¤ô Øã ¥ãâæâ ãô »Øæ Íæ ç·¤ ç·¤ÚU‡æ ÕðÎè ·¤æÇü ·¤æ× Ùãè´·¤ÚUð»æ ¥õÚU §âçÜ° ©âÙð ÕǸè â´�Øæ ×ð´ ¥ÂÙð âæ´âÎô´, ·Ô¤çÕÙðÅU×´ç˜æØô´ ¥õÚU Øãæ´ Ì·¤ ç·¤ ÂǸôâè ÚUæ’Øô´ ·Ô¤ ×é�Ø×´ç˜æØô´ ·¤ô Öè ¿éÙæßÂý¿æÚU ×ð´ Ûæô´·¤ çÎØæÐ ÁÕ ÂæÅUèü ·¤ô Øã Ü»æ ç·¤ §ââð Öè ·¤æ× Ùãè´¿ÜÙð ßæÜæ Ìô ©âÙð ·Ô¤ÁÚUèßæÜ ·Ô¤ çßM¤h ¥¹ÕæÚUô´ ×ð´ çß™ææÂÙ ·Ô¤ÁçÚU° ¥ˆØ´Ì ¥æR¤æ×·¤ Ù·¤æÚUæˆ×·¤ ¥çÖØæÙ ¿ÜæØæÐ çÎËÜè ·Ô¤×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ ÕǸð ÌÕ·Ô¤ ·¤ô Øã Ââ´Î Ùãè´ ¥æØæ ¥õÚU §ââð ÖæÁÂæ·¤ô Ùé·¤âæÙ ãè ãé¥æÐ ÎêâÚUè ¥ôÚU, ¥ÂÙð ÙðÌæ ·Ô¤ ç¹ÜæÈ ¿Üæ° ÁæÚUãð Ù·¤æÚUæˆ×·¤ ¥çÖØæÙ ·¤ô ÙÁÚU¥´ÎæÁ ·¤ÚUÌð ãé°, Ò¥æÂÓ ¥ˆØ´Ìâ·¤æÚUæˆ×·¤ ¥çÖØæÙ ¿ÜæÌè ÚUãèÐ ©â·¤æ È ô·¤â ·Ô¤ßÜ §â ÂÚU ÚUãæç·¤ ¥»ÚU ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ Ùð ©âð âžææ âõ´Âè Ìô ßã çÎËÜè ·Ô¤ Ùæ»çÚU·¤ô´ ·¤ô€UØæ Îð»èÐ Øã âéçÙçpÌ ãñ ç·¤ ¥ÂÙð ·¤éÀ ¿éÙæßè ßæØÎô´ ·¤ô ÂêÚUæ·¤ÚUÙæ ¥æ ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÕãéÌ ×éçà·¤Ü ãô»æ, ÂÚU´Ìé §â×ð´ ·¤ô§ü â´Îðã Ùãè´ç·¤ Üô»ô´ ·¤ô Øã ÖÚUôâæ Íæ ç·¤ ¥æ ÁÙÌæ âð ç·¤° »° ßæØÎô´ ·¤ôÂêÚUæ ·¤ÚUð»è ¥õÚU §âçÜ° ©âð §ÌÙæ ÁÙâ×ÍüÙ ç×ÜæÐ
Positive vote for AAP, not negative vote for BJPThis is more a positive vote for AAP rather than a neg-
ative vote for BJP or Modi. Had this been only a negativevote for BJP, the victory wouldn’t have been so massive.While almost all parties promised to provide electricityand water supply at reduced rates, and every partypromised a more secure environment for women, theentire election turned into a referendum on AAP’s chiefministerial candidate Arvind Kejriwal, and AAPbenefited from this phenomenon. Kejriwal was muchmore popular than any other leader, and even the votespolled by AAP are a clear indication that some sections ofvoters voted for AAP only due to Arvind Kejriwal. Thoughlarge numbers of voters seemed to be sharply polarizedin favour of different parties well in advance, a lot ofthem changed their mind at the last minute and votedfor AAP.
The projection of Kiran Bedi as BJP’s chief ministerialcandidate to counter the popularity of Arvind Kejriwalseemed to have backfired. She failed to muster addition-al support for the party and even lost her own electionfrom the “safe” Krishna Nagar constituency. Sensing thatthe Kiran Bedi card may not work, BJP parachuted alarge number of its MPs, cabinet ministers and evenneighbouring states’ chief ministers to campaign for theparty. The party could not assess if this might help itscandidates and hence resorted to a very aggressive nega-tive campaign, with personal attacks against ArvindKejriwal through advertisements in newspapers. Thisdidn’t go down well with a large section of Delhi voters,damaging BJP’s prospects in these elections. On the oth-er hand, in spite of the aggressive negative campaignagainst its leader, AAP stuck to a very positive campaign,focusing on what they would like to give to the people ofDelhi if voted to power. While the party may find itdifficult to fulfil some of its promises, at least the peopleshowed faith in those promises, resulting in such amassive mandate.
Delhi’s politics is always discussed in terms of regionslike old Delhi, trans-Yamuna areas, south Delhi or centralDelhi, as the nature of electoral contest slightly differsfrom region to region given the different socialcompositions of voters. But this victory seems to havewiped out all the differences. The AAP swept the electionsin all the regions and the entire Delhi was painted AAPgreen. Usually, there is also the talk of the Jat vote or thePunjabi vote, the Muslim vote or the Dalit vote. Except forthe voters belonging to the Brahmin, Vaishya/Baniya andthe Jat communities, all other communities voted forAAP in big numbers. Even the Punjabi Khatris who hadfavoured the BJP in the past elections voted for AAP insizeable numbers (See Table 2).
ȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü
12 STORYC O V E R
The middle class had been unhappy aboutKejriwal’s quitting the government after just 49days in power. He was labelled as bhagoda,largely by the middle-class voters. But as theresults indicate, a large number of middle classvotes went to AAP. Predictably, the vote share ofAAP was much higher among the poor; itestablished a lead of more than 40 per cent overBJP among this class of voters. A large number oflower- and middle-class voters also voted forAAP. It was only among the upper-class votersthat BJP could pose a challenge for AAP, thoughthe gap between the BJP and AAP narrowed tojust 4 percentage points. The Congress, whosevote share dropped to below ten per cent (9.7percent, to be precise), performed poorly acrossthese groups of voters (See Table 3).
The results of the latest Delhi Assemblyelections further confirm the trends I hadanalyzed in my 2013 book, Changing ElectoralPolitics in Delhi: From Caste to Class. Based on afirst-hand survey data of a cross section of votersand an analysis of the previous four assembly
çÎËÜè ·¤è ÚUæÁÙèçÌ ·¤æ ã×ðàææ âð ÿæð˜æßæÚU çßàÜðá‡æ ç·¤Øæ ÁæÌæ ÚUãæãñÐ °ðâæ ·¤ãæ ÁæÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ÂéÚUæÙè çÎËÜè, Ø×éÙæÂæÚU, Îçÿæ‡æ çÎËÜè ¥õÚU×ŠØ çÎËÜè ·¤è âæ×æçÁ·¤ â´ÚU¿Ùæ ¥Ü»-¥Ü» ãñ ¥õÚU §âçÜ° §Ù§Üæ·¤ô´ ·Ô¤ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ ·¤æ M¤ÛææÙ Öè ¥Ü»-¥Ü» ãôÌæ ãñÐ ÂÚU´Ìé §âÁèÌ Ùð §Ù âÖè ¥´ÌÚUô´ ·¤ô ÂæÅU çÎØæ ãñÐ ¥æ ·¤ô âÖè ÿæð˜æô´ ×ð´ÁÕÚUÎSÌ âÈ ÜÌæ ç×Üè ¥õÚU ÂêÚUè çÎËÜè, ¥æ ·Ô¤ ãÚUð ÚU´» ×ð´ ÚU´» »§üЧâè ÌÚUã, çÎËÜè ·Ô¤ â´ÎÖü ×ð´ ÁæÅU Øæ ´ÁæÕè ×Ì, ×éçSÜ× ×Ì ØæÎçÜÌ ×Ì ·¤è ¿¿æü Öè ·¤è ÁæÌè ãñÐ ÂÚU´Ìé §â ¿éÙæß ×ð´ Õýæ±×‡æô´, ßñàØ-ÕçÙØæ ß ÁæÅU â×éÎæØô´ ·¤ô ÀôǸ·¤ÚU, ¥‹Ø âÖè â×éÎæØô´ Ùð °·¤ÁéÅUãô·¤ÚU ¥æ ·¤ô â×ÍüÙ çÎØæÐ Øãæ´ Ì·¤ ç·¤ ´ÁæÕè ¹˜æè, Áô ¥Õ Ì·¤ÖæÁÂæ ·¤æ âæÍ ÎðÌð ¥æ° Íð, Ùð Öè ÕǸè â´�Øæ ×𴠥样¤ô ßôÅU çÎØæ(Îð¹ð´ ÌæçÜ·¤æ-w)Ð
·Ô¤ÁÚUèßæÜ mæÚUæ y~ çÎÙ âžææ ×ð´ ÚUãÙð ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ §SÌèÈ æ Îð ÎðÙð âð׊Ø× ß»ü ·¤æÈ è Ùæ¹éàæ ÍæР׊Ø× ß»ü ·Ô¤ ×ÌÎæÌæ ©‹ãð´ Ö»ôǸæ ÕÌæÙðÜ»ð ÍðÐ ÂÚU´Ìé ÂçÚU‡ææ×ô´ âð ÁæçãÚU ãñ ç·¤ ׊Ø× ß»ü ·Ô¤ Õãéâ´�Ø·¤×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ Ùð ¥æ ·¤ô â×ÍüÙ çÎØæÐ Áñâæ ç·¤ ¥ÂðçÿæÌ Íæ, ¥æ ·¤ôâÕâð ¥çÏ·¤ â×ÍüÙ »ÚUèÕ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ âð ç×ÜæÐ §â ß»ü ·Ô¤ ×Ìô´ ×ð´©â·¤è çãSâðÎæÚUè, ÖæÁÂæ âð y® ÂýçÌàæÌ ¥çÏ·¤ ÍèÐ çÙ�٠׊Ø× ß׊Ø× ß»ü ·Ô¤ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ Ùð Öè ÕǸè â´�Øæ ×𴠥样¤æ âæÍ çÎØæзԤßÜ ©‘¿ ß»ü ·Ô¤ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ ×æ×Üð ×ð´ ÖæÁÂæ, ¥æ ·¤ô ¿éÙõÌè Îðâ·¤èÐ §â ß»ü ·Ô¤ ·¤éÜ ×Ìô´ ×𴠥样¤è çãSâðÎæÚUè, ÖæÁÂæ âð ·Ô¤ßÜ ¿æÚUÂýçÌàæÌ ¥çÏ·¤ ÍèÐ ·¤æ´»ýðâ, çÁâ·¤æ ×Ì ÂýçÌàæÌ v® ·Ô¤ Öè Ùè¿ð (~.|ÂýçÌàæÌ) ¿Üæ »Øæ, ·¤è âÖè ß»ôü´ ·Ô¤ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ Ùð Îé»üçÌ ·¤èÐ
MARCH 2015 | FORWARD Press
Table 2: Vote by Caste and Community ÌæçÜ·¤æ w Ñ ÁæçÌ ß â×éÎæØßæÚU ×ÌCaste,Community / ÁæçÌ, â×éÎæØBrahmin / Õýæræ‡æPunjabi Khatri/ ´ÁæÕè ¹˜æèRajput/ ÚUæÁÂêÌVaishya, Jain / ßñàØ, ÁñÙOther Upper / ¥‹Ø ©U“æ ÁæçÌØæ´Jat / ÁæÅUGujjar, Yadav / »é”æÚU, ØæÎßOther OBCs / ¥‹Ø ¥æðÕèâèDalit / ÎçÜÌMuslim / ×éçSÜ×Sikh / çâ¹
INC / ·¤æ´»ýðâ8
13
9
7
7
5
7
9
6
20
8
BJP / ÖæÁÂæ49
33
44
60
39
59
35
29
20
2
34
AAP / ¥æÂ41
52
44
31
48
31
53
60
68
77
57
Table 3: Vote by Economic Class ÌæçÜ·¤æ xÑ ¥æçÍü·¤ ß»üßæÚU ×ÌEconomic class / ¥æçÍü·¤ ß»üPoor / çÙŠæüÙLower / çÙ�٠׊Ø×Middle / ׊Ø×Upper Middle, Rich / ©U“æ ׊Ø×, ©U“æ
INC / ·¤æ´»ýðâ9
10
13
6
BJP / ÖæÁÂæ22
29
35
43
AAP / ¥æÂ66
57
51
47
13
¥æßÚU‡æ
·¤Íæ
ãæçÜØæ çÎËÜè çßÏæÙâÖæ ¿éÙæß ·Ô¤ ÙÌèÁô´ âð âÙ w®vx ×ð´Âý·¤æçàæÌ ×ðÚUè ÂéSÌ·¤ Ò¿ñ´çÁ» §Üð€UÅUôÚUÜ ÂæçÜçÅU€Uâ §Ù ÇðËãèÑ Èý æò× ·¤æSÅUÅUê €UÜæâÓ (âðÁ Âý·¤æàæÙ) ·Ô¤ çÙc·¤áôZ ·¤è ÂéçC ãé§ü ãñÐ çßçÖóæ ß»ôZ ·Ô¤×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ âßðüÿæ‡æô´ ¥õÚU çÂÀÜð ¿æÚU çßÏæÙâÖæ ¿éÙæßô´ ·Ô¤ ÙÌèÁô´ ·Ô¤çßàÜðá‡æ âð Øã âæȸ ãñ ç·¤ ÁæçÌ»Ì ß ÿæð˜æèØ Âã¿æÙ ·¤ô ©ÖæÚUÙæ,¿éÙæß ÁèÌÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ¥æßàØ·¤ ÖÜð ãè ãô ÂÚU‹Ìé ÂØæü# Ùãè´ ãñÐ
Šæýéßè·¤ÚU‡æ âð ÜæÖæç‹ßÌ ãé§ü ¥æ ¥æ ·¤è çßÁØ ·¤æ °·¤ ÕÇ¸æ ·¤æÚU‡æ Íæ, ¥ËÂâ´�Ø·¤ô´, ×é�ØÌÑ
×éâÜ×æÙô´, Áô çÎËÜè ·Ô¤ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ ·¤æ vv ÂýçÌàæÌ ãñ´, ·¤æ ©â·Ô¤ Âÿæ ×ð´ÁÕÚUÎSÌ Šæýéßè·¤ÚU‡æÐ çÎËÜè ·Ô¤ ֻܻ ¥æÆ-Ùõ çßÏæÙâÖæ ÿæð˜æô´, Áãæ´ÕǸè â´�Øæ ×ð´ ×éçSÜ× ×ÌÎæÌæ ãñ´, ×𴠥样¤ô ç×Üð â×ÍüÙ Ùð ©â·¤èçßÁØ ×ð´ çÙ‡ææüØ·¤ Öêç×·¤æ ¥Îæ ·¤èÐ âÙ÷ w®vx ·Ô¤ çßÏæÙâÖæ ¿éÙæß ×ð´×éçSÜ× ×Ì, ¥æÂ ß ·¤æ´»ýðâ ·Ô¤ Õè¿ Õ´ÅU »° ÍðÐ ÂÚU´Ìé §â ÕæÚU ×éâÜ×æÙÂêÚUè ÌÚU㠥样Ԥ â×ÍüÙ ×ð´ ¥æ ¹Ç¸ð ãé° ¥õÚU ÌèÙ-¿õÍæ§ü âð Öè ¥çÏ·¤(|| ÂýçÌàæÌ) ×éâÜ×æÙô´ Ùð ¥æ ·¤ô ßôÅU çÎØæÐ §ââð ¥æ ·¤ô çÙ‡ææüØ·¤ÕÉ¸Ì ç×ÜèÐ ¥»ÚU çÂÀÜð ¿éÙæßô´ ×ð´ ãè °ðâæ ãô »Øæ ãôÌæ Ìô §Ù ¿éÙæßô´·¤è ÁM¤ÚUÌ ãè Ùãè´ ÂǸÌèÐ w®vy ·Ô¤ Üô·¤âÖæ ¿éÙæßô´ ×ð´ Öè ×éâÜ×æÙô´Ùð ¥æ ·¤ô ¥ÂÙæ ÂêÚUæ â×ÍüÙ çÎØæ Íæ ÂÚU´Ìé ©â â×Ø ¥‹Ø ß»ôü´, çÁÙ×ð´Â´ÁæÕè ¹˜æè, ÁæÅU ¥õÚU ¥ôÕèâè àææç×Ü ãñ´, ×ð´ ÖæÁÂæ ·¤è ¥ÂæÚUÜô·¤çÂýØÌæ ·Ô¤ ¿ÜÌð, ×éâÜ×æÙô´ ·Ô¤ â×ÍüÙ âð ¥æ ·¤ô ·¤ô§ü ¹æâ ÈæØÎæÙãè´ ç×Ü â·¤æ ÍæÐ ¥‹Ø ·¤§ü ÚUæ’Øô´ ·¤è ÌÚUã, ·¤æ´»ýðâ Ùð çÎËÜè ×ð´ Öè¥ÂÙæ ×éçSÜ× ¥æÏæÚU ¹ô çÎØæ ãñÐ Ølç çâ€U¹ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ ÕǸð çãSâðÙð ¥æ ·¤ô ×Ì çÎØæ ÌÍæç ÖæÁÂæ ·¤ô ×Ì ÎðÙð ßæÜð çâ€U¹ô´ ·¤è â´�ØæÖè ·¤× Ùãè´ ÍèÐ
Áãæ´ Ì·¤ ÎçÜÌô´ ·¤æ âßæÜ ãñ, ãÚU Îâ ×ð´ âð âæÌ ({} ÂýçÌàæÌ)ÎçÜÌ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ Ùð ¥æ ·¤æ â×ÍüÙ ç·¤ØæÐ §âè ·Ô¤ ¿ÜÌð ¥æÂ, ÎçÜÌô´·Ô¤ çÜ° ¥æÚUçÿæÌ âÖè âèÅUô´ ÂÚU çßÁØ Âýæ# ·¤ÚU â·¤èÐ âÙ÷ w®vy ·Ô¤Üô·¤âÖæ ¿éÙæß ×ð´ ¥‹Ø ·¤§ü ÚUæ’Øô´ ·¤è ÌÚUã, ÎçÜÌ ×ÌÎæÌæ ÖæÁÂæ ·Ô¤¹ð×ð ×ð´ ¿Üð »Øð ÍðÐ §â ÕæÚU ´ÁæçÕØô´ Ùð Öè ¥æ ·¤æ âæÍ çÎØæÐ Öêç×¥çÏ»ýã‡æ ¥ŠØæÎðàæ ÁæÚUè ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤è ÖæÁÂæ ·¤ô ÖæÚUè ·¤è×Ì ¥Îæ ·¤ÚUÙèÂǸèÐ ÕæãÚUè çÎËÜè ·Ô¤ ·¤§ü çßÏæÙâÖæ ÿæð˜æô´ ×ð´ ÕǸè â´�Øæ ×ð´ ÁæÅU ¥õÚU
election results, it became obvious that increasinglycaste and regional identity might still be necessary butare no longer sufficient for electoral victory in cosmopol-itan Delhi.
Poll-arization favoured AAPWhat seemed to have contributed to the AAP victory
is a very sharp polarization of the minorities, mainly theMuslims, who constitute 11 per cent of Delhi’s voters.Their concentration in 8-9 assembly constituenciesswung the elections in these seats in AAP’s favour. TheMuslim vote, which remained divided between the Con-gress and AAP in the 2013 assembly election, shifted infavour of AAP in a big way; more than three fourths of theMuslim voters (77 per cent) voted for AAP in theseelections, giving the party a decisive lead. Had 2013assembly elections witnessed a similar shift, this electionmay not have been necessary for AAP. The shift of theMuslim vote towards AAP had happened during the2014 Lok Sabha elections, but the enormous popularityof BJP among various other sections, including PunjabiKhatris, Jats and OBCs, negated the effect of the Muslimvote for AAP. As in many other states, the Congress lost itsMuslim support in Delhi. Though a sizeable proportionof Sikh voters voted for AAP, their vote remained largelydivided between the two main parties.
Among the various Dalit castes close to 7 out of ten(68 percent) voters voted for AAP. This, to a great extentexplains AAP’s victory in all the seats reserved for Dalits.The 2014 Lok Sabha election, however, had witnessed asignificant shift of Dalit votes in favour of BJP in Delhi asin many other states.
ȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü
ãæçÜØæ çÎËÜè çßÏæÙâÖæ ¿éÙæß ·Ô¤ ÙÌèÁô´ âð âÙ w®vx ×ð Âý·¤æçàæÌ ×ðÚUè ÂéSÌ·¤ Ò¿ñçÁ»§Üð€UÅUôÚUÜ ÂæçÜçÅU€Uâ §Ù ÇðËãèÑ Èý æò× ·¤æSÅU ÅUê €UÜæâÓ (âðÁ Âý·¤æàæÙ) ·Ô¤ çÙc·¤áôZ ·¤è ÂéçC ãé§üãñÐ çßçÖóæ ß»ôZ ·Ô¤ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô´ ·Ô¤ âßðüÿæ‡æô´ ¥õÚU çÂÀÜð ¿æÚU çßÏæÙâÖæ ¿éÙæßô´ ·Ô¤ ÙÌèÁô´ ·Ô¤çßàÜðá‡æ âð Øã âæȸ ãñ ç·¤ ÁæçÌ»Ì ß ÿæð æèØ Âã¿æÙ ·¤ô ©ÖæÚUÙæ, ¿éÙæß ÁèÌÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ°¥æßàØ·¤ ÖÜð ãè ãô ÂÚU‹Ìé ÂØæü# Ùãè´ ãñ
The results of the latest Delhi Assembly elections further confirm the trends I hadanalyzed in my 2013 book, Changing Electoral Politics in Delhi: From Caste toClass. Based on a first-hand survey data of a cross section of voters and ananalysis of the previous four assembly election results, it became obvious thatincreasingly caste and regional identity might still be necessary but are no longersufficient for electoral victory in cosmopolitan Delhi
14 STORYC O V E R
MARCH 2015 | FORWARD Press
Sanjay Kumar is the director of Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS).Views expressed are personal and not of the institution. His most recent book was
Changing Electoral Politics in Delhi: From Caste to Class (Sage 2013)
âÁØ ·¤é×æÚU âðÅUÚU È æòÚU Î SÅUÇè ¥æòÈ ÇÃãÜç» âôâæØÅUèÁ (âè°âÇè°â) ·Ô¤ çÙÎðàæ·¤ ãñÐ ØãÜð¹ ©Ù·Ô¤ ÃØçQ¤»Ì çß¿æÚUô ÂÚU ¥æÏæçÚUÌ ãñ ¥õÚU §â·¤æ âSÍæÙ âð ·¤ô§ü âÕÏ Ùãè ãñÐ ©Ù·¤è âÕâðÌæÁæ ÂéSÌ·¤ ãñ Ò¿ñçÁ» §Üð€UÅUôÚUÜ ÂæçÜçÅU€Uâ §Ù ÇðËãèÑ Èý æò× ·¤æSÅU ÅUü €UÜæâ Ó âðÁ (w®vx)
Table 4: Vote by Age Group ÌæçÜ·¤æ y Ñ ¥æØé ß»üßæÚU ×ÌAge group / ¥æØé ß»ü18-22 years/ ßáü23-25 years/ ßáü26-35 years/ ßáü36- 45 years/ ßáü46- 55 years/ ßáü56 and above/ ß ¥çŠæ·¤
INC / ·¤æ´»ýðâ10
11
6
7
11
16
BJP / ÖæÁÂæ26
36
31
34
34
36
AAP / ¥æÂ63
50
60
54
50
45
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Do we see this defeat as a personal defeat of Narendra Modi or of BJP?I would not treat this as a referendum on the performance of the Modi-led central government, and the voters who have voted for AAP seemedsatisfied with the work of the central government. This is neither a reflec-tion of the declining popularity of the central government or of NarendraModi nor a rejection of the work done by the central government so far.But because BJP had made this election a prestige issue – with the primeminister putting in all his energy in the campaign, more than 200 MPsand many chief ministers and central government ministers campaign-ing for BJP – this defeat should mean more than a routine defeat. This in-dicates a complete rejection of the kind of politics that BJP has been pur-suing during the last few months, especially during the electioncampaign – the politics of arrogance, negativity, etc.
Symbolically, this defeat of BJP in the capital will boost the morale ofthe leaders of opposition parties – Trinamool Congress workers celebratedBJP’s defeat and AAP’s victory on the streets of Calcutta – but I doubt if thiswill help in consolidating the existing electoral base of regional parties inthe states which are going to the polls in the next year or so. I don’t see howthis will help mobilize additional electoral support for RJD or JD-U inBihar, for the Samajwadi Party or BSP in UP. The parties need to strategize,keeping in mind the emerging issues in their respective states. If they thinkthis victory will have a strong spillover effect and if they think there is anational wave against Modi or the BJP, they are mistaken. LikeAAP and Kejriwal, they will need to connect with the people ifthey are hoping to put up a strong contest against the BJP.
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¥æ ·¤è ÁèÌ ×ð çÁâ °·¤ ¥‹Ø ·¤æÚU·¤ Ùð ×ãˆßÂê‡æüÖêç×·¤æ ¥Îæ ·¤è ßã Íæ àæãÚU ·Ô¤ Øéßæ ß»ü ·¤æ ©âð ç×Üæâ×ÍüÙÐ ÂæÅUèü ·¤ô Øéßæ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô (v}.ww ßáü) ß w{.xz¥æØé ß»ü ·Ô¤ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô âð ç×Üæ â×ÍüÙ, ¥‹Ø ¥æØé ß»ôü ·Ô¤×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô ·Ô¤ ×é·¤æÕÜð ·¤ãè ¥çÏ·¤ ÍæÐ Øéßæ (v}.ww ßáü)×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô ·Ô¤ ×Ìô ×ð ¥æ ·¤è çãSâðÎæÚUè ÖæÁÂæ âð x| ÂýçÌàæÌ¥çÏ·¤ Íè, Áô ç·¤ ¥çÏ·¤ ¥æØé ß»ü ·Ô¤ ×ÌÎæÌæ¥ô ·Ô¤ ×æ×Üð×ð ƒæÅU·¤ÚU Îâ ÂýçÌàæÌ ÚUã »§ü (Îðç¹° ÌæçÜ·¤æ y)Ð
The Punjabis also seemed to have switched allegiance to AAP. Theland acquisition ordinance may have cost BJP as Jats and Gujjars withland in UP or Haryana, who have a sizeable presence in manyconstituencies in outer Delhi, seemed to have voted for AAP. This gaveAAP the edge over BJP in many Jat- and Gujjar-dominatedconstituencies.
Another major factor contributing to AAP’s victory was the support itenjoyed among the youth of the city. The party’s vote share among theyoungest age group (up to 22 years) and those aged 26-35 years has beenmuch higher than its overall vote share. The gap between BJP and AAPfalls from more than 37 percentage points among the young voters (18-22 years) to less than 10 points among the older voters (See Table 4).
ATUL KUMAR
n 16 January, when slogans were beingchanted and speeches were being made inArwal decrying the judiciary’s attitudetowards the poor of Bihar, Bhairon Rajvanshi,sitting in his village Shankar Bigha, wasexplaining his “compulsions” born of the fearof the musclemen and social pressure. Hecouldn’t gather the courage to speak the truthin the Jehanabad Sessions Court. BhaironRajvanshi was one of the 49 witnesses of theShankar Bigha massacre, all of whomclaimed they couldn’t recognize the accused
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Caste warriors settle forpeace without justice
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standing before them in the dock. As the witnesses turnedhostile, all the 24 accused were acquitted. Most of the accusedare residents of the Dhobhi Bigha village, which neighboursShankar Bigha. Over the last three years, this is the fifth acquit-tal in massacres carried out by the Ranvir Sena. What wascommon in all the five massacres was that the victims wereDalits, OBCs or EBCs while the accused were members of theupper castes.
The case of Shankar Bigha massacre is a bit different fromthe others. In the other massacres, the accused were convictedby lower courts and subsequently let off by the Patna HighCourt. However, in this case, the trial court itself acquitted allthe 24 accused citing lack of evidence. The lower-court judg-ment came on 13 January, almost 16 years after the incident.
On the night of 25 January 1999, goons of the Ranvir Senaattacked Shankar Bigha and mercilessly killed 23 people,including seven children and five women. The victimsbelonged to the Paswan, Chamar, Dusadh and Rajwar castes.Bhairon Rajvanshi told the media that he had gone back onhis statement as “the administration did not provide any secu-rity to us and we were fearful of a repeat of the massacre”.Seven members of Bhairon’s family were killed in the mas-sacre. The villagers say that during the trial, he had to travel tothe court alone. Sometimes, the accused arranged for histransport.
Compromise is at the rootThose committed to democracy, human rights and equality
have reacted strongly to the acquittals, which are being seen asan outcome of the anti-poor attitude of the police, the adminis-tration and the judiciary. There may be some truth in this claim,but it is not the complete truth. The acquittals tell the tragic taleof a failed revolution, degrading into unscrupulous compromise.
No one will officially confirm it, but it is a fact that manypeople associated with the Ranvir Sena and the CPI-ML haveworked out compromises at the local level in many disputesand court cases in Bhojpur and Jehanabad districts. An indica-tion to this effect was given in the pamphlet issued by the cen-tral committee of CPI-ML (Liberation) after the Bathani Tolamassacre. The pamphlet said, “We stand for peace. Keeping inmind the wishes of the peace-loving people, we have initiatedthe process of establishment of peace. We had started peacetalks during the function organized by the ‘Kisan Sabha’ atBihta to celebrate the birth anniversary of Swami Sahjanand
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MARCH 2015 |16
FORWARD PressBIHAR
A SERIES OF RECENT ACQUITTALS IN BIHAR MASSACRES TELL THE TRAGIC TALEOF A FAILED REVOLUTION, DEGRADING INTO UNSCRUPULOUS COMPROMISE
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Saraswati. The talks were positive. We expected a positive responsefrom the Ranvir Sena. Thereafter, through a common friend whowas mediating, we sent a message to the Ranvir Sena to do whatwe were doing. Their reaction was quite disappointing. Thus ourefforts to establish peace failed. In June 1996, we relaunched thepeace campaign by holding dozens of people’s meetings. Soon, thedisputes between our men and those of the Ranvir Sena in five vil-lages were settled.”
For a deeper understanding of this phenomenon, we will have totake a slight detour through the present sociopolitical landscape of
ÍèÐ §â·Ô¤ ÕæÎ ã×Ùð °·¤ ç×˜æ ·Ô¤ ÁçÚU°, Áô ׊ØSÍÌæ ·¤ÚU ÚUãæÍæ, ÚU‡æßèÚU âðÙæ ·¤ô â´Îðàæ ÖðÁæ ç·¤ ßã Öè °ðâæ ãè ·¤ÚUðÐ ÚU‡æßèÚUâðÙæ ·¤è ÂýçÌç·¤Øæ ·¤æÈ è çÙÚUæàææÁÙ·¤ ÍèÐ §â ÌÚUã àææ´çÌ ·¤èã×æÚUè ·¤ôçàæàæð´ çßÈ Ü ãô »Øè Íè´Ð ÁêÙ, v~~{ ×ð´ ÎÁüÙô´ ÁÙÕñÆ·¤ô´ ·Ô¤ ÁçÚU° ã×Ùð àææ´çÌ ¥çÖØæÙ ·¤è çÈ ÚU âð àæéL¤¥æÌ ·¤èÐÁËÎè ãè Âæ´¿ »æ´ßô´ ×ð´ ÚU‡æßèÚU âðÙæ ¥õÚU ã×æÚUð â´»ÆÙô´ ·Ô¤ Üô»ô´·Ô¤ Õè¿ ¥´ÌçßüÚUôÏô´ ·¤ô âéÜÛææ çÜØæ »ØæÐÓ
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Let’s recapitulate how the events unfolded on the night of 25January 1999. This village in Arwal (earlier Jehanabad) district is about8km from the Laxmanpur Bathe village (where, on the night of 1December 1997, the Ranvir Sena had slain 62 people). Most of the res-idents of Shankar Bigha are Dalits or OBCs. The village is surroundedby Bhumihar-dominated villages. The residents of the village had nomajor dispute over wages or land with the landholders and hence hadnot much to fear. Yes, the activists of Party Unity (a naxalite organiza-tion, which later merged with MCC, and is now active in the name ofCPI-ML) were frequent visitors to the village. CPI-ML (Liberation)activists also came here off and on. That was the era of a bitter strug-gle in central Bihar, centered on the issues of land, wages and honour.On one side were the rural poor, the majority of whom were Dalits,OBCs and EBCs, and on the other were the rich Savarna landholders.
The Bhumihars had their own private army called the Ranvir Sena.The Sena was selectively targetting the villages where the possibility ofresistance was either nil or minimal. The only objective of the Senawas to terrorize the poor and lower castes so that no one would darechallenge the status quo.
On the night of 25 January 1999, when the village was in deep slum-ber, armed men entered the village in small groups. They bolted thedoors of the huts from the outside and set them on fire. When, onhearing the noise, people came out, they were fired upon. Then, thearmed men broke open the doors to kill the children and womencowering inside. A total of 23 people were killed. The bloodbath con-tinued for over an hour, after which the assailants withdrew, raisingpro-Ranvir Sena slogans. An FIR was lodged in the Mehendia policestation on the basis of a complaint filed by Prakash Rajvanshi.Ignoring the protocol, the then president of India, K.R. Narayanan,issued a press statement, calling upon the then Bihar government toact quickly and firmly against the perpetrators of the crime. At thattime, Sunder Singh Bhandari (associated with the RSS) was the gover-nor of Bihar and he had recommended dismissal of the Rabri govern-ment and imposition of president’s rule.
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What happened in Shankar Bigha€UØæ ãé¥æ Íæ àæ´·¤ÚU çÕ»ãæ ×ð
MARCH 2015 |18
FORWARD PressBIHAR
what were once the “disturbed areas” (in the language of the police) ofBihar. That will help us grasp the compulsions of the victims of ShankarBigha and the real import of the judgment in the case. Today, in theseareas, investment in agriculture has gone up, changing the productionrelations in the farm sector. Big money has found its way into the villagesunder various government schemes through corrupt middlemen and hasbecome the source of income for many. They are making money withoutdoing anything. The money floating around is affecting life in the villages.Aggression over issues relating to land and labour has become a thing ofthe past. Even the “revolutionary forces”, which used parliamentary andnon-parliamentary means to wage a struggle on these issues, now have adifferent agenda. Today, their emphasis is on corruption in MNREGA,irregularities in PDS and improper distribution of houses under the IndiraAawas Yojana. The reactionary Ranvir Sena is nowhere to be seen. It wasthe product of a particular era and it was destined for the dustbin of histo-ry – where it now lies. Brahmeshwar ‘Mukhiya’ Singh, the chief of theRanvir Sena, was killed due to rivalries between different Bhumihar groupsand the internecine battle.
But at the same time, atrocities on Dalits have risen even in those areasof Bihar where some degree of social balance had been struck owing to theactivities of the CPI-ML (Liberation), CPI-ML (Unity) and MCC (now CPI-Maoist). What is the situation in Bhojpur today? There were riots in Sahaarrecently. In October 2014, a criminal, who was associated with RanvirSena, gang-raped six Mahadalit girls at Kurmuri in Sikarhata. According toofficial figures, 11,000 cases of atrocities on Dalits were registered in Biharin 2014. This means that atrocities on Dalits are rising. Those who oncefought for change are now fighting for victory in elections and the courtsdo not seem to be on the side of the poor. These three factors form avicious circle, being the cause and effect of one another. Look at them as awhole and you will realize why the witnesses of Shankar Bigha massacreturned hostile, why the administration could not gain their confidenceand also what the acquittal of the accused means.
Criminals and politicsMore than the police and the administration, those who left the victims
of Shankar Bigha to their fate are responsible for what ultimately hap-pened. They cannot run away from their responsibility. Immediately after
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Over the last three years, this is the fifth acquittal
in massacres carried out by the Ranvir Sena.
What was common in all the five massacres was
that the victims were Dalits, OBCs or EBCs while
the accused were members of the upper castes
çÂÀÜð ÌèÙ ßáôü ×ð´ Øã Âæ´¿ßè´ ÕæÚU ãñ ÁÕ ÚU‡æßèÚU âðÙæ
mæÚUæ ç·¤Øð »° ÁÙâ´ãæÚU ×ð´ °·¤ Öè ¥çÖØéQ¤ ·¤ô âÁæ
Ùãè´ ãé§üÐ Âæ´¿ô´ ÁÙâ´ãæÚUô´ ×ð´ Îô Ì‰Ø â×æÙ ÍðÐ ÂãÜæ,
×æÚUð »Øð Üô» ÎçÜÌ, çÂÀǸð Øæ ¥çÌ çÂÀǸð Íð ¥õÚU ÎêâÚUæ,
¥çÖØéQ¤ ª¤´¿è ÁæçÌØô´ âð ÍðBhrahmeshwar Mukhiya ÕýræðEÚU ×éç¹Øæ
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the incident, everyone tried to gain political mileage out of the incident butsoon, everyone had forgotten about it. Rabri Devi was the chief minister atthe time of the massacre. Lalu and Rabri had promised a speedy trial in thecase. The trial lasted 16 years. At that time, Nitish Kumar, who was in theSamata party, had demanded imposition of President’s rule. His governmentwas in power when the case was being tried. All 49 prosecution witnessesturned hostile. By welcoming the acquittals of the accused of Bathani Tolamassacre, BJP had already exposed its own caste/class character.
Before pointing fingers at courts and the police administration, shouldn’tthe bearers of the red flag be asked, “Comrade, where were you when thepoor, Dalits and Backwards of Shankar Bigha claimed they couldn’t recog-nize the murderers of their kin, their sons and daughters? Was it not yourresponsibility to assure them security? What happened to the slogans youchanted after the incident? When the victims were left to fend for them-selves, what option did they have except to forget what happened and moveon?” The sealed lips of the victims of Shankar Bigha massacre show whathappens when a fight for justice or liberation loses its way or is abandoned.Given the complex social, caste equations of Bihar, why and how did theypresume that the government and the local administration would providesecurity to the witnesses? Was it not the responsibility of the organizationsthat were at the forefront of the battle for change to provide security to thewitnesses? Maybe, sometime, someone will ask these questions.
However, the questions that need to be asked today are: Who murderedthe 23 people on the night of 25 January 1999? Where did they come fromand where did they go? Were they from this Earth or had landed from someother planet? If they were from this Earth, why could the police and the judi-cial system not bring them to book? If the residents of Dhobhi Bigha wereinnocent and were framed due to political reasons (as they said in theirstatements before the court), then where are the real murderers? Will theirnames ever be known? It is necessary to mount pressure for answers tothese questions because the latest court verdict can lead to two equally dan-gerous results. On the one hand, it can instil terror in the hearts of thosefighting for justice and liberation and on the other, it can encourage the feu-dal elements of Bhojpur and Jehanabad – both infamous for casteist atroci-ties – to go back to their old ways.
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Bhairo Rajvanshi ÖñÚUæð ÚUæÁßàæè
MARCH 2015 |20
FORWARD PressBIHAR
Whose side is the judiciary on? ç·¤â·Ô¤ Âÿæ ×ð ãñ ‹ØæØ ÃØßSÍæ
Massacre No of persons killed Court Verdict Date
ÁÙâãæÚ ×ëÌ·¤ô ·¤è â�Øæ ¥ÎæÜÌ ·¤æ Èñ¤âÜæ çÌçÍBathani Tola Acquitted by high court April 2012
ÕÍæÙè ÅUôÜæ ãæ§ü·¤ôÅUü âð çÚUãæ ¥ÂýñÜ, w®vw20
32
10
58
23
Miyapur Acquitted by high court January 2013
ç×ØæÂéÚU ãæ§ü·¤ôÅUü âð çÚUãæ ÁÙßÚUè, w®vxNagri Bazar Acquitted by high court March 2013
Ù»ÚUè ÕæÁæÚU ãæ§ü·¤ôÅUü âð çÚUãæ ×æ¿ü, w®vxLamanpur Bathe Acquitted by high court October 2013
ÜÿׇæÂéÚU ÕæÍð ãæ§ü·¤ôÅUü âð çÚUãæ ¥Q¤êÕÚU, w®vxShankar Bigha Acquitted by trial court January 2015
àæ·¤ÚU çÕ»ãæ ÅþØÜ ·¤ôÅUü âð çÚUãæ ÁÙßÚUè, w®vz
àæ·¤ÚU çÕ»ãæ »æßShankar Bigha Village
21çÕãæÚȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü
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According to official figures, 11,000 cases of Dalit atrocities were registered inBihar in 2014. This means that atrocities against Dalits are rising. Those whoonce fought for change are now fighting for victory in elections and the courtsdo not seem to be on the side of the poor
RAJNEESH UPADHYAY
Shankar Bigha was located on the other side of a smallcanal near Balidad, on the road leading from Patna toAurangabad. We had to walk a short distance from theroad to reach it. The village was a portrait of the feudalcruelty of the Ranvir Sena. Four bodies were lying in ahut. Between them, a little girl (around 4 years of age),was gulping rice from an aluminium plate. Probably, onthe night she was killed, the mother of the little one hadserved rice to her. Now, this girl was orphaned. The sceneshook us. Tears welled in our eyes. We could not utter aword. The little child was looking alternately at the cam-era and at her plate.
Among the 23 who were killed in this incident, five werewomen and seven were children. This was extreme bar-barity. Even a 10-month-old boy and his 3-year-old broth-er were not spared. We walked on. At one place, four orfive bodies were lying on a cot – wrapped in a red flag.Ramjatan Sharma, Rameshwar Prasad, Santosh,Mahanand and many other leaders of CPI-ML hadreached there early in the morning. When the (then) chiefminister Rabri Devi and Lalu Prasad Yadav arrived, peoplestanding near the bodies started shouting “Ranvir SenaMurdabad” and “Muawaza nahi, hathiyar do” (Don’t givecompensation, give us weapons). Lalu tried to reasonwith them but they would have none of it. Rabri Devicalled a woman and tried to ask her something. The
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‘Give us weapons, not compensation’
Òã×ð ãçÍØæÚU Îô, ×é¥æßÁæ Ùãè´Ó
MARCH 2015 |22
FORWARD PressBIHAR
woman was seething with anger. I remember her words eventoday. “We don’t need your money. Give us weapons. We willdeal with them ourselves”, she told the chief minister.Suddenly, there was an uproar. The police had caught a per-son called Baban Singh. The villagers started demanding thathe be handed over to them and that they be allowed to pun-ish him. The DM and SP pacified them with great difficulty.Rabri Devi announced that a special court would be set upto try the case and that the guilty would be punished withinsix months.
Ramnath, a resident of the village, told us that the numberof dead would have been much higher had the people of theneighbouring Dhewai and Roopsagar Bigha villages notshouted for help. The Dhobhi Bigha village lies to the east ofShankar Bigha. Twenty-one people of Dhobhi Bigha werenamed in the list of the accused. In Shankar Bigha, all butone house were temporary shelters or had thatched roof.That was proof that all those killed were poor and landless.The assailants could not break into the house of Lallan Saavas his was the only house made of bricks and with a strongdoor. “I heard someone whistle thrice and then they shouted‘Ranvir Baba ki Jai’,” he told journalists.
It was being speculated that the village had been targetedby Ranvir Sena as it was a base of the Naxalite organizationParty Unity. It was also said that the massacre was carriedout to avenge the murder of Nawal Singh, one of the accusedin Mein Barsimha murder case. That was a dark and sadchapter in the history of central Bihar, which witnessed aseries of massacres before and after Shankar Bigha.
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Rajneesh Upadhyay is the news editor of the Hindi daily, Prabhat Khabar. Sixteenyears ago, he covered the Shankar Bigha massacre. He recalled his visit to the village in
an article carried on 14 January 2015 in Prabhat Khabar. This is an excerpt from the article (courtesy of Prabhat Khabar):
23çßàÜðá‡æȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü
ÎçÜÌô´ ·Ô¤ âæ×êçã·¤ ãˆØæÚUð°·¤ ÕæÚU çȤÚU Îôá×éQ¤
Yet again, mass murderersof Dalits acquitted
ARVIND JAIN
n the eve of the Republic Day in 1999, 23 Dalits,including women and children, were merci-lessly done to death in what came to beknown as the Shankar Bigha massacre.Almost 16 years later, in January 2015, a ses-sions court of Jehanabad (Bihar) “honourablyacquitted” the 24 accused, all of whom weremembers of the Ranvir Sena, “for want of evi-dence”. Besides the lack of evidence, thejudge cited witnesses turninghostile as one of the reasons foracquittal. It seems that once again, thecriminals used the old tactic of terrorizingwitnesses, who do not get any securityfrom the state, to walk free. Justiceagain lost the battle.
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Not the first timeEarlier too, in many cases involving the mass killing of
Dalits, the accused were “honourably acquitted” due to “lackof evidence” or by giving them “the benefit of the doubt”. Inthe judgment in Nandu Singh versus State of Bihar, deliveredby the Patna High Court on 9 October 2013, Justices V.N. Sinhaand Amresh Kumar Lal acquitted all the 26 convicts ofLaxmanpur Bathe massacre. Their lordships decreed that theprosecution witnesses were “unreliable” and hence the appel-lants deserved “the benefit of the doubt”. In 1997, 58 people,including 27 women and 16 children, were found murdered inthe village of Laxmanpur Bathe. Of the 27 women, eight werepregnant. The unborn babies were murdered in the wombs oftheir mothers. Like in the Bathani Tola and Nagri Bazar mas-sacres, the Patna High Court’s judgment in the LaxmanpurBathe case too evokes horror rather than surprise.
Similarly, in June 2000, 34 Dalits were murdered in Miyapurvillage. The lower court convicted 10 of the accused. However,in July 2013, the honourable judges of the Patna High Court“honourably acquitted” nine of the 10 convicts. The Patna HChad acquitted all the ten accused of the November 1998 NagriBazar (district Bhojpur) massacre who were convicted by thelower court. All these massacres were the handiwork of theRanvir Sena.
In July 1996, 21 Dalits were murdered at Bathani Tola inSahar block of Bhojpur district. Ajay Kumar Shrivastava, ses-sions judge of Arrah, had sentenced three of the accused todeath and 20 to life imprisonment. However, Justices NavnitiPrasad Singh and Ashwini Kumar Singh of Patna High Courtoverturned the convictions, acquitting all the accused, givingthem the benefit of doubt. The judgment was delivered in thecase of Hare Ram Singh versus State of Bihar on 16 April 2012.A bench of the Supreme Court, comprising Justices AltamasKabir and Chelameshwar, in July 2012, issued notices on anappeal filed by the state government and the families of thevictims, challenging the HC acquittal. Needless to say, theaccused are out on bail.
Why the acquittals?In cases pertaining to atrocities against Dalits, the police
often terrorize the victims and force them to compromise.Then, lacunae abound in investigations. Charge sheets are notfiled for years. The trial drags on for ten to fifteen years.Hearings are adjourned ad nauseum. Even if the lower courtconvicts the accused, appeals are filed in the high court andthen in the apex court. Even if all the judgments go against theaccused, they have the option of filing mercy petitions beforethe governors and the president. In the meantime, many ofthe accused die, some witnesses too pass away or are bumpedoff and the investigating officers retire. The fast-track courtsget converted into slow-track and then no-track ones. The lawdoes not provide for the security of the witnesses. There are
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MARCH 2015 |24
FORWARD PressANALYSIS
The Shankar Bigha massacre is the
latest in a string of cases in which the
police and the judiciary have helped
the killers get off scot-free
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many instances of prime witnesses being murdered. Besides thepolice and the courts, the entire socio-economic-political struc-ture is anti-Dalit.
From “Belchi” to “Shankar Bigha”, the judgments in almost allthe cases pertaining to Dalit massacres and murders have anuncanny similarity. From “Mathura” to “Bhanwari Bai”, theseform a string of shameful judgments.
A serious analysis of these court judgments would reveal theconscious/subconscious caste, class and religious prejudicesinforming the judiciary. Needless to say, even in the 65th year ofthe Indian republic, representation of Dalits in the judiciary isclose to zero and any talk of reservations in the higher judiciaryraises the hackles of the social and political czars. The elevation ofbrilliant, deserving Dalit judicial officers to high courts is blockedby deliberately spoiling their service records. On looking at the sta-tistics pertaining to elevation of district judges to the high courtsin the last 60 years, researchers will realize how the Dalits havebeen prevented from entering the hallowed precincts of the higherjudiciary. Those who do manage to reach there, overcoming allodds, face a suffocating atmosphere and feel alienated. It is con-veyed to them in no uncertain terms that they are unwelcome.
Many a learned justice of the Supreme Court have put theonus on the female complainant of proving that it was becauseof her caste that she was raped, before invoking the provisions ofthe stringent Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes (Preventionof Atrocities) Act, 1989 against the accused. In other cases underthe Act, the courts have said that the casteist slur must havebeen made at a public place and the complainant should havebeen present there to constitute a crime. If even judicial pro-nouncements are not free from castiest biases, how can onehope that justice will be done? Given this situation, there is littlehope for the Dalit victims of atrocities.
Hundreds of horrific, shameful incidents of upper-caste feudallords burning alive and murdering lakhs of Dalits litter the historyof Indian democracy. Hurt and humiliated by the growing num-ber of Dalits in the power structure, the feudal-aristocratic classhas intensified its attacks against the community. Assaults,including sexual assaults, on Dalit women are also growing.Society and bureaucracy is still dominated by the feudal/aristo-cratic class. They are avenging their reverses in the political fieldthrough atrocities on Dalits. Dalit women face a double whammy.
The Dalits are helpless because their power-hungry leadershave got entangled in the web of corruption and opportunism. Inthis scenario, who will hear the “achoot kee shikayat” (complaintof the untouchable)? How will justice be done? The culture of vio-lence is flourishing, the politics of bloodletting is gaining ground.If this anarchy continues to prevail and the rudderless leadershipof the country fails to do a course-correction, there is a veryreal danger of the common man losing faith in the system.And that would be a catastrophe of momentous proportions.
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Arvind Kumar Jain practises in the Supreme Court. He is known for his research intotheoretical aspects of feminist justice and as the author of the book Aurat hone ki saza
25ȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü çßàÜðá‡æ
ell-known literary and political personality PREM KUMARMANI had written this letter last month, when the then Biharchief minister Jitan Ram Manjhi, a Dalit, and Nitish Kumar, anOBC, were locked in a fierce political battle. Ultimately, on 20February, Manjhi put in his papers. What Mani wanted was thata rift should not develop between the Dalits and the OBCs inBihar, as has happened in Uttar Pradesh over the last couple ofyears. Reports suggest that efforts are being made to bring theDalits and the OBCs on one platform in UP. It is a socio-econom-ic imperative that such a united political front is forged all overthe country. What happened in Bihar in the recent past raises theapprehension that Dalits and OBCs may go their separate politi-cal ways. There is little doubt that the forces we call feudal / right-ist will be the biggest beneficiary of this. In this letter, Mani has ex-pressed the desire that the politics of Bihar should send out anew message to the country. That is why he had suggested toNitish Kumar that he should talk with Manjhi. While Manjhi isno longer the chief minister, the questions born of the chain ofevents that led to his resignation are still there. We think that thisletter is still relevant in the sense that it can be an aid tounderstanding the politics of Bihar. - Editor
Patna, Bihar16 Feb 2015
Respected Bhai Nitishji,In view of the political situation in Bihar, I have been
constrained to write to you again, especially since you are
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Join the tradition of socialjustice, Nitish Kumar
Open letter
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MARCH 2015 |26
FORWARD PressJAN VIKALP
27ÁÙ çß·¤ËÂȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2012×æ¿ü
the creator of this situation. Maybe, what I am going to say willnot be to your liking. But since the issue is of Bihar’s future – notmine – I am going ahead, even at the risk of antagonizing you.
Frustrated and disappointed with the results of the Lok Sabhaelections held last year or perhaps to overcome your humiliation,you gave up your chief ministerial position on 18 May 2014. Thatled me to believe that you had again turned into a respecter ofdemocratic values. But if that was really so, you should have alsorecommended to the governor to dissolve the Vidhan Sabha,paving the way for fresh elections. The current Vidhan Sabha(State Assembly) lost its moral mandate way back on 16 June 2013,when your party withdrew from the BJP-led NDA coalition. Sincethen, it has been an opportunistic government ruling the state,courtesy of unscrupulous permutations and combinations.
It is my firm opinion that in the 2010 assembly polls, the mandatewas for the NDA and not for the JD-U or BJP alone. By giving you asound drubbing in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the people clearlymandated what you should do. That should have been, for you, atime for introspection. You had lost because of your arrogance. Youneeded to shed it. You had the will power to do it. But, instead, youplayed a shrewd game. While posing as someone making a greatsacrifice, through your sycophants, you made the JD-U legislatureparty authorize you to nominate its new leader . ( just as in ourscriptures, Ravana had usurped all powers and rights) Then, sudden-ly, you donned the garb of a saviour of the Dalits and surprised every-one by announcing that Mahadalit Jitan Ram Manjhi would be thenew chief minister of the state. You were, in fact, parodying SoniaGandhi, who had similarly anointed Manmohan Singh as PrimeMinister. At that time, you had said to me that what Sonia Gandhi haddone smacked of Manuvadi Brahaminism in which alms are given tobeggars. This is not at all democratic, you had remarked.
You parodied 2004 in 2014, spiced it up with the slogan ofsocial justice and donned the mantle of the saviour of the Dalits.Your picture was put up in Manjhi’s house. And as Manjhi told aninterviewer, you had become a god for his family. You created aHanuman and became Ram yourself. You became the giver andhe, the taker. This Ram-Hanuman pair was a hit for a couple ofmonths. This, to a large extent, was responsible for your successesin the Vidhan Sabha by-elections. Your stock was up again.
But what happened in the last six to eight months that yourHanuman became an eyesore for you? I have also been in touch withManjhi and was surprised to know that he still has great respect for you.He holds you in high esteem. But your supporters are harassing him. Icould understand his problem, as I know your supporters intimately.
Nitishji, about 15 years ago, out of exasperation, I had told youthat before reforming Bihar you should reform the people in yourinner circle. I would once again like to request you that youshould reflect on what sort of people are surrounding you. As faras I can see, you are surrounded by the corrupt and sycophants.You have drifted away from your plain-speaking friends. Today, Ican only pity you for the situation you have landed yourself in.
The first thing you should have done is to use your influence to
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ask all your ministers and party office-bearers to resign a la theKamraj scheme and revamp both the party and the cabinet. Youthrust your entire council of ministers on Manjhi. This ministry wasconstituted by you. Manjhi did not even get the freedom to selecthis own ministers. Once upon a time, the slave dynasty ruled thiscountry. You have achieved the rare feat of having a slave chief min-ister in a democratic set-up. What a great fall!
Nitishji, probably you are not aware how those close to youhave plundered and destroyed Bihar using your name. I wouldhave been happy if, abandoning your lust for power, you wouldhave been alert to this loot. There was a time when we had decidedto give a new shape to the political culture of Bihar. But yousteadily allowed your party to become a sanctuary for criminalsand distorted the politics of the state. You have become so myopicthat you can’t see this distortion nor understand it. I can only wishthat your sight becomes normal as soon as possible.
I would again request you to do a rethink on your politics and, if pos-sible, re-establish cordial relations with Manjhi. Your ego should notcome in the way of this. If you consider yourself superior due to yourcaste, I have nothing to say, but consider that Manjhi is senior to you inage and experience. He comes from a community which has alwaysbeen on the last rung of the social ladder. Whatever he is today, it isbecause of you. You are his creator. Why are you bent upon destroyingyour own creation? There was a time when we had together dreamt ofushering in social justice. We all have been criticizing Ram, the hero ofthe epic Ramayana, for killing Shambuk. That was a stigma on his char-acter. Lohia used to say that Ram had killed Shambuk at the instigationof people believing in the tradition of Vashistha. The lobby of Vashisthasaround you is getting stronger by the day and at their instance, you havepicked up the sword to slay not Shambuk, but your own Hanuman.This would be a sin – a great sin. Your advisers want to make you a slayerof Dalits. Some say that behind your anti-Dalit mindset is thepsychological background of the Belchi Dalit immolations. As a dearand elder friend, I would request you not to fall prey to the machinationof the shrewd casteist elements and, instead of associating yourselfwith the tradition of the Bhoomi Sena and the Ranvir Sena, join thegreat humanist stream of social justice and socialism. It was with greateffort that Karpoori Thakur and other socialists had built the politicalunity of the Dalit-Backwards. You are out to ruin it. This does not augurwell for the future of Bihar. Every village would become a battleground.There would be a civil war, with upper OBCs on one side and Dalits onthe other. I need not tell you who would gain politically by this.
I am an atheist but you have faith in god. It is said that nodevotee can ever reach god; it is god who comes to his devotees.You should show magnanimity in these difficult times. You shouldtalk to Shri Manjhi yourself. I am saying all this for your sake – foryour liberation, salvation. Turn into a rebel. Break free from thestranglehold of the Vashisthas surrounding you. Go back to yourtradition. This is most important.
Yours,
Prem Kumar Mani
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MARCH 2015 |28
FORWARD PressJAN VIKALP
The imperative ofsocial reforms
29ÁØ´ÌèȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü
ABHAY KUMAR
n the 81st birth anniversary of the BSP founderManyawar Kanshi Ram what better way to payhim tribute than remind ourselves about whathe stood for – social reform of a caste-riddenIndian society.
Much before Kanshi Ram emerged on thelarger political scene, Phule, Ambedkar and Peri-yar had reflected on social reforms. For example,Ambedkar asserted that political reformswithout social reforms were meaningless. In hisbrilliant essay, “Ranade, Gandhi and Jinnah”(1943), Babasaheb persuasively argued thatsocial reforms were more important thanpolitical reforms. “Most people do not realizethat society can practise tyranny and oppressionagainst an individual in a far greater degree thana Government can,” he explained.
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·¤æ´àæèÚUæ× Ñ 15 ×æ¿ü, 1934 - 9 ¥€ÅêUÕÚU, 2006Kanshi Ram: 15 March, 1934 - 9 October, 2006
Deeply influenced by Ambedkar’s thoughts, Kanshi Ram, too,underscored this issue. Just as Ambedkar criticised Gandhi and Jin-nah for not being concerned about “eradicating social ills”, KanshiRam slammed nationalist leaders for ignoring social reforms. Hewent on to say that while upper castes were the “slaves of theBritish”, the depressed classes were the “slaves’ slaves”. While theupper-caste-led nationalist struggles were coaxing the Britishrulers for an early transfer of power into their hands (“swarajya”),the lower-caste leaders were waging a struggle for “self-respect”and against “the age-old bondage, serfdom and humiliationsunknown to the rest of the world”. He elaborated this point in hisinsightful pamphlet (The ChamchaAge, 1982), written on the 50thanniversary of the Poona Pact.
Later in 1997, the year marking the 50th anniversary ofIndependence, when the brahmanical and capitalist ruling classeswere celebrating the “achievements” of post-Independence statein a chauvinistic tone, Kanshi Ram did not forget to show them thecesspool of Indian society. Delivering a speech on “BahujanDependency in Free India” on the occasion, he underlined theconcern of Ambedkar that political freedom without socialemancipation would not bring people relief. “Externally thecountry had overthrown imperialism,” he said. “But, internally,some classes were tied to other chains: the affluent moneylenders,disparity in [social] conditions, caste system, religiousdiscrimination, etc.” (cited in Anuj Kumar, ed, Bahujan Nayak Kan-shi Ram ke Avismarniya Bhashan, 2000, p 23, translation mine)
In his five decades as a social activist and a politician, from thedays of the RPI to the BSP, Kanshi Ram was committed to reformingsociety by removing all that stood in the way of justice –untouchability, inequality, casteism, and obsolete ideas andthoughts. To achieve his goal, he felt the need to unite all those6,000 castes that are the “victims of the Manuvadi system”. He wasperceptive enough to note that caste is like a “two-edge sword”,which could “benefit” Bahujans if they mobilized themselvesagainst the oppressors. He realized that Bahujans could take politi-cal power into their hands if they were made conscious of theirexploitation and discrimination. Therefore, he initiated socialreform movements, preparing the ground for the BSP to capturethe “the master key” of “political power”.
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MARCH 2015 |30
FORWARD PressANNIVERSARYBIRTH
KANSHI RAM NEVER STOPPED TALKING ABOUT CASTEISM BECAUSE HEWASN’T CONVINCED THAT THOSE WHO BELONGED TO THE UPPERCASTES – INCLUDING MARXISTS, SOCIALISTS AND COMMUNISTS –ACCEPTED THE REALITY OF CASTE IN INDIA
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As he spoke up against casteist discrimination and mobilized lowercastes – which he did throughout his life – his critics lashed out at him forspreading “casteism”. Some liberal and left scholars, too, charged himwith deviating from the ideology of Ambedkar. For them, Ambedkarstood for annihilation of caste but Kanshi Ram widened the caste divide.Contrary to the allegations, Kanshi Ram was in favour of building acasteless society, and he disagreed with the notion that talking about thepractice of casteist oppression bred casteism. In fact, he argued that rec-ognizing the caste oppression was a prerequisite for its destruction: “Wetalk of the destruction of ‘caste’, but for this to happen we have to first rec-ognize the existence of ‘caste’. We cannot destroy caste throughignorance about caste or neglecting it.” (Kumar, 2000, p. 68)
Sometime ago, there was a similar debate on the issue of a caste cen-sus. Responding to the upper-caste argument that a caste census wouldencourage casteism, Dalitbahujan thinkers echoed Kanshi Ram’sviews: A caste census would reveal the actual social, educational andeconomic conditions of the lower castes, helping the government andpolicymakers take appropriate measures to fight casteism.
As the late professor of Dravidian history, caste and popularculture, M.S.S. Pandian rightly argued, the upper-caste liberal and pro-gressive scholars often express their reservations to any talk of caste inpublic domain, yet they themselves indulge in “transcoding caste andcaste relations into something else”. (“One Step outside Modernity”,EPW, 4 May 2002) While the upper castes vehemently oppose caste-based political mobilization and reservations, they are not averse toexploiting the caste networks to serve their own interests. Associologist Vivek Kumar contends, the majority of public institutionsin areas such as business and commerce, media, academia and judici-ary still remain monopolized by the upper castes.
Yet, the upper castes, who benefit the most from the caste system,often blame the lower castes for perpetuating it. Kanshi Ram exposedthis double standard of the upper castes: “The creation of caste hasonly benefited a fistful of upper castes, and 85 per cent Bahujans havebeen facing losses and been the victim of insult and exploitation forthousands of years. If the creation of caste has been benefiting the up-per castes, then why do they take the initiative for its annihilation?”(Kumar, 2002, p 68)
Not to speak of the conservative sections of society, the mainstreamcommunists and socialists avoid discussions on caste because they fearthat caste mobilization will “divide class solidarity”. Taking a dig at thecommunists and socialists, he said: “Our intellectuals often think thatthe solution to all our problems lies in Marxism, socialism, communism.I think, in the country where Manuvad is practised, no other ism can besuccessful. Because no ism is ready to accept the reality of ‘caste’. Thus itis the duty of intellectuals and it is also my duty to evolve an ism keepingin mind the existence of Manuvad and caste.” (Kumar, 2000, p 78)
At a time when there is an intensified assault of Brahmanism andcrony capitalism, it is high time we pledged ourselves tothe revolutionary ideas of Kanshi Ram and work towardsbuilding the largest possible alliance of democratic forces.
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Abhay Kumar is a PhD scholar at the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi ¥ÖØ ·¤é×æÚU ÁßæãÚUÜæÜ ÙðãL¤ çßEçßlæÜØ ·Ô¤ §çÌãæâ ¥ŠØØÙ ·Ô¤´Îý ×ð Âè¿Çè àæôÏæÍèü ãñ
MARCH 2015 |32
FORWARD PressRESEARCH
ATIF RABBANI
ocial exclusion, discrimination and untouchabilityare so common in our country that we hardly payany attention to them. We have become blind to theinhuman practices and behaviour informing oursociety.
I studied in a Jawahar Navodaya School. It was aresidential school. Teachers and students had theirmeals together in the mess. I still remember that afterwe had finished eating, two sanitary workers of theschool would come to the mess carrying their uten-sils and the mess staffers would drop food into theirutensils, taking care not to even touch them. Theynever had food with us and though they appearedcleaner than the mess staffers, they never servedtheir food themselves. Either the mess staffers or oneof the students used to serve them food. If this wasthe state of affairs in an educational institution, withits so-called “meritorious” students and teachers, thesituation in society at large can only be imagined.
The findings of a recent survey throw light on thedismal situation in our society vis-à-vis caste-basedsocial exclusion. They hold a mirror up to the nation.We may boast of being the “vishwa guru” but we haveyet to get rid of barbaric social evils like untouchabili-ty. This survey was conducted jointly by National
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ãæÜ ãè ×ð´ °·¤ âßðüÿæ‡æ ·Ô¤ ÙÌèÁð Âý·¤æçàæÌ ãé° ãñ´,Áô â×æÁ ·Ô¤ âêÚUÌðãæÜ ·¤æ ¹¸éÜæâæ ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´Ð Øð ã×ð´¥æ§üÙæ çιæÌð ãñ´, ÕÌÜæÌð ãñ´ ç·¤ ÖÜð ã× ÒçßE»éL¤ÓãôÙð ·¤æ 뫅 ÖÚUÌð ãô´, Üðç·¤Ù ã× ¥Õ Öè Àé¥æÀêÌÁñâè ÕÕüÚU âæ×æçÁ·¤ ÕéÚUæ§ü ·Ô¤ ßæã·¤ ÕÙð ãé° ãñ´Ð Øãâßðüÿæ‡æ ÙðàæÙÜ ·¤æ©´çâÜ ¥æòȤ °ŒÜæ§Ç §·¤ôÙæòç×·¤çÚUâ¿ü ¥õÚU ¥×ðçÚU·¤æ ·¤è ×ðÚUèÜñ´Ç ØêçÙßçâüÅUè Ùð ç×Ü·¤ÚU
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No end to untouchability
ÀêUÅU ÙãUè´ ÚUãUæ ÀéU¥æÀêUÌ
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TWENTY-SEVEN PER CENT INDIANS STILL PRACTISE UNTOUCHABILITY.MOST OF THEM MAY BE HINDUS AND FROM THE HINDI-SPEAKING STATES,BUT A SIZEABLE PROPORTION OF SIKHS, MUSLIMS AND CHRISTIANS ALSOCONFESS TO KEEPING THE “LOW” CASTES AWAY FROM THEIR KITCHENS
âžææ§üâ ÂýçÌàæÌ ÖæÚUÌèØ Àé¥æÀêÌ ×ð çßEæâ ÚU¹Ìð ãñÐ ÖÜð ãè ©Ù×ð âð¥çÏ·¤æ´àæ çã‹Îê ß çã´ÎèÖæáè ÚUæ’Øô´ ·Ô¤ ãñ ÂÚU‹Ìé çâ€U¹ô´, ×éâÜ×æÙô´ ¥õÚU§üâæ§üØô´ ·¤æ °·¤ ÕǸæ ÌÕ·¤æ Öè Øã Sßè·¤æÚU ·¤ÚUÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ßã ÒÙè¿è ÁæçÌØô´Ó·¤ô ¥ÂÙð ÚUâô§üƒæÚU âð ÎêÚU ãè ÚU¹Ùæ Ââ´Î ·¤ÚUÌæ ãñ
33àæôÏȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü
Council of Applied Economic Research and the University ofMaryland, USA. Around 42,000 households across the country weresurveyed. The preliminary report of India Human DevelopmentSurvey (IHDS)-2 shows how deeply entrenched practices like socialexclusion and untouchability are in our society.
Untouchability – the worst form of social exclusionThe Indian Constitution came into force 65 years ago. It out-
laws the practice of untouchability in any form. But untouchabili-ty persists. The results of the survey are a clear proof of this fact. Itis really shocking that one of every four Indians practisesuntouchability. Graph 1, based on IHDS-2 survey, reveals this bit-ter truth.
ç·¤Øæ ãñUÐ Îðàæ ÖÚU ·Ô¤ yw,®®® ƒæÚUô´ ·¤ô §â×ð´ àææç×Ü ç·¤Øæ»Øæ ÍæÐ âßðüÿæ‡æ ·¤æ àæèáü·¤ ãñ, ÒÖæÚUÌèØ ×æÙß çß·¤æâçÚUÂôÅUüÓ (¥æ§ü°¿Çè°â)Ð §â çÚUÂôÅUü ·Ô¤ ÂýæÚU´çÖ·¤ ¥æ´·¤Ç¸ðÕÌæÌð ãñ´ ç·¤ ÖæÚUÌèØ â×æÁ ×ð´ Õçãc·¤ÚU‡æ ¥õÚU Àé¥æÀêÌç·¤â ãÎ Ì·¤ ÃØæ# ãñÐ
Àé¥æÀêÌ âæ×æçÁ·¤ Õçãc·¤ÚU‡æ ·¤æ Áƒæ‹ØÌ× M¤Â ãñ ÖæÚUÌèØ â´çßÏæÙ ·¤ô Üæ»ê ãé° {y âæÜ ãô »° ãñ´Ð
â´çßÏæÙ ×ð´ ÖÜð ãè Àé¥æÀêÌ ·¤æ çÙáðÏ ç·¤Øæ »Øæ ãô,Üðç·¤Ù â×æÁ ×ð´ Øã Õè×æÚUè ¥Õ Öè ×õÁêÎ ãñÐ Øã âßðüÿæ‡æ§â ·¤ÅUé â‘¿æ§ü ·¤ô ©fæçÅUÌ ·¤ÚUÌæ ãñÐ Øã â¿×é¿ ¿õ´·¤æÙðßæÜè ÕæÌ ãñ ç·¤ ãÚU ¿æÚU ÖæÚUÌèØ ×ð´ âð °·¤ Àé¥æÀêÌ ·¤ô×æÙÌæ ãñÐ
In the survey, the respondents were asked to reply in yesor no. Many questions relating to daily life were asked. Forinstance, “Do you believe in untouchability?” If the answerwas no, then the next question was “Will you allow a mem-ber of an SC or ST to enter your kitchen?” And so on.
The survey revealed that untouchability is not practisedby Hindus alone; the evil has spread to Sikhism, Christianityand Islam. On an average, every third Hindu and everyfourth Sikh believes in untouchability. While it is commonlybelieved that Muslims are free from this scourge, the surveyshows that every fifth Muslim practises untouchability. (SeeGraph 2)
§â âßðüÿæ‡æ ×ð´ Üô»ô´ âð âßæÜô´ ·Ô¤ ÁßæÕ ãæ´ Øæ Ùæ ×ð´ ÎðÙð ·¤ô·¤ãæ »Øæ ÍæÐ ÎñçÙ·¤ ÁèßÙ âð â´Õç‹ÏÌ ·¤§ü ÂýàÙ ÂêÀð »°Ð ×âÜÙ€UØæ ¥æ·Ԥ ƒæÚU ×ð´ Àé¥æÀêÌ ·¤ô ×æÙæ ÁæÌæ ãñ, ¥»ÚU §â âßæÜ ·¤æÁßæÕ Ùæ ×ð´ ¥æØæ Ìô çȤÚU ¥»Üæ âßæÜ ÂêÀæ »Øæ ç·¤ €UØæ ¥æÂç·¤âè ¥Ùéâêç¿Ì ÁæçÌ-ÁÙÁæçÌ ·Ô¤ ÃØçQ¤ ·¤ô ¥ÂÙð ç·¤¿Ù ×ð´Âýßðàæ ·¤è ¥Ùé×çÌ Îð´»ðÐ
§â âßðü âð Øã Öè ÂÌæ ¿Üæ ç·¤ Àé¥æÀêÌ Ùæ çâȸ¤ü çã‹Îê ÕçË·¤çâ€U¹, §üâæ§ü ¥õÚU §SÜæ× Ï×æüßÜç�ÕØô´ ×ð´ Öè ¥æ× ãñРֻܻãÚU ÌèâÚUæ çã‹Îê ¥õÚU ãÚU ¿õÍæ çâ€U¹ Àé¥æÀêÌ ×æÙÌæ ãñÐ ¥æ× ÌõÚUÂÚU ×æÙæ ÁæÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ×éçSÜ× â×éÎæØ ×ð´ Àé¥æÀêÌ Ùãè´ ãñÐ Øã âßðü×éçSÜ× â×æÁ ·¤ô Öè ¥æ§üÙæ çιæÌæ ãñÐ Ì·¤ÚUèÕÙ ãÚU Âæ¡¿ ×ð´ °·¤×éâÜ×æÙ Àé¥æÀêÌ ×ð´ çßEæâ ·¤ÚUÌæ ãñÐ (ÌæçÜ·¤æ-2 Îð¹ð´)
Graph 1: Prevalence of untouchability (%)
ÌæçÜ·¤æ 1 Ñ ÀéU¥æÀêUÌ ·¤æ SÌÚU (')
Rural/»ýæ×è‡æ (30)
Urban/àæãUÚUè (20)
Average/·é¤Ü (27)Rural»ýæ×è‡æ
UrbanàæãUÚUè
Average·é¤Ü
MARCH 2015 |34
FORWARD PressRESEARCH
A caste-based analysis of the survey results confirms the widelyheld perception that Brahmins are the staunchest believers inuntouchability. Among the Brahmins, 52 per cent practise untouch-ability. (See Graph 3)
§â âßðüÿæ‡æ âð Øã ÕæÌ Öè Âé�Ìæ ãé§ü ç·¤ âÕâð ’ØæÎæÀé¥æÀêÌ Õýæ±×‡æ â×æÁ ×æÙÌæ ãñРֻܻ zw ȤèâÎè Õýæ±×‡æÀé¥æÀêÌ ×ð´ çßEæâ ·¤ÚUÌð ãñÐ (ÌæçÜ·¤æ-3)
As for the geographical distribution of those practising untouch-ability, it was found that Madhya Pradesh tops the list, with 53 percent of the respondents from the state saying they believe inuntouchability. What is surprising is that states like Uttar Pradeshand Bihar – which are considered bastions of casteism – were muchlower down the list. Himachal Pradesh was second, with every sec-ond person practising untouchability. It was followed byChhattisgarh (48 per cent), Rajasthan and Bihar (47 per cent), UttarPradesh (43 per cent) and Uttarakhand (40 per cent). In West
Àé¥æÀêÌ ·Ô¤ ÃØßãæÚU ·¤ô ÿæð˜æèØ ¥æØæ× âð Îð¹Ùð ÂÚU ã× ÂæÌðãñ ç·¤ ׊ØÂýÎðàæ ×ð´ zx ȤèâÎ Üô»ô´ Ùð ·¤ãæ ç·¤ ßð Àé¥æÀêÌ ·¤ô×æÙÌð ãñ´Ð ¿õ´·¤æÙð ßæÜè ÕæÌ Øã Íè ç·¤ ©žæÚUÂýÎðàæ ¥õÚU çÕãæÚUÁñâð ÚUæ’Ø, Áô ç·¤ ÁæçÌßæÎ ·Ô¤ »É¸ ×æÙð ÁæÌð ãñ´, §â ×æ×Üð ×ð´×ŠØÂýÎðàæ âð ÂèÀð ãñ´Ð çã×æ¿Ü ÂýÎðàæ ÎêâÚUð SÍæÙ ÂÚU ÚUãæ, Áãæ´ãÚU ÎêâÚUæ ÃØçQ¤ Àé¥æÀêÌ ·¤ô ×æÙÌæ ãñÐ §â·Ô¤ ÕæÎ ãñ´ Àžæèâ»É¸,(y} ÂýçÌàæÌ) ÚUæÁSÍæÙ ¥õÚU çÕãæÚU (y| ÂýçÌàæÌ) ©žæÚUÂýÎðàæ(yx ÂýçÌàæÌ) ¥õÚU ©žæÚUæ¹´Ç (y® ÂýçÌàæÌ)Ð çÁÙ ÚUæ’Øô´ ×ð´ÕðãÌÚU çSÍçÌ Îð¹è »§ü, ©Ù×ð´ Âçp× Õ´»æÜ ÂãÜð SÍæÙ ÂÚU ÚUãæÐ
ÌæçÜ·¤æ 3 Ñ çßçÖóæ ÁæçÌ-â×êãUæð ×ð ÀéU¥æÀêUÌ
Brahmins /Õýæræ‡æ(52)
OBCs/¥æðÕèâè(33)
SCs/°ââè (15)
STs/°âÅUè (22)
Others/¥‹Ø (13)
Graph 3: Prevalence of untouchability among various caste groups
Brahmins Õýæræ‡æ
OBCs¥æðÕèâè
SCs°ââè
STs°âÅUè
Others¥‹Ø
ÌæçÜ·¤æ 2 Ñ çßçÖóæ Šææç×ü·¤ â×éÎæØæð ×ð ÀéU¥æÀêUÌ
Hindus/çãUÎê (30)
Sikhs/çâ¹ (23)
Muslims/×éçSÜ× (18)
Christians/§üUâæ§üU (5)
Graph 2: Prevalence of untouchability among different religious communities
HindusçãUÎê
Sikhsçâ¹
Muslims×éçSÜ×
Christians§üUâæ§üU
35àæôÏȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü
Bengal, the least percentage of people believe in untouchability.Only 1 per cent of the respondents in West Bengal said that theypractised untouchability. Next was Kerala (2 per cent), Maharashtra(4 per cent) and Arunachal Pradesh (10 per cent). (See Graph 4)
Øãæ´ ·Ô¤ßÜ °·¤ ȤèâÎ Üô»ô´ Ùð ·¤ãæ ç·¤ ßð Àé¥æÀêÌ ×æÙÌð ãñ´Ð§â·Ô¤ ÕæÎ ·Ô¤ÚUÜ (w ȤèâÎ) ×ãæÚUæCþ (y ȤèâÎ) ¥õÚU¥L¤‡ææ¿Ü ÂýÎðàæ (v® ȤèâÎ) ÚUãðÐ
The survey underlines the fact that caste is still impor-tant for Indian society. Society may have become modernbut it has not shed the feudal values. Modernity and a feu-dal mindset co-exist.
Needless to say, this kind of social exclusion limits theaccess of Dalits-OBCs to resources. In the words of Nobellaureate and well-known economist Amartya Sen, socialexclusion limits “real freedom”. Development is a functionof “real freedom”. In a way, the former is an extension of thelatter. Personal or human freedom cannot be measuredthrough development indices. If our gross domestic prod-uct (GDP) or per-capita income is rising, it does not auto-matically mean that we are developing. A higher GDP ormore money in hand may enhance personal freedom bymaking the people prosperous but other factors count, too.These include access to social and economic services andinstitutions, including health and education, besides politi-cal empowerment and civic rights. Caste-based discrimina-tion limits social, economic and civic freedoms. That is whythe Dalitbahujans are weak and vulnerable. To improvetheir socio-economic condition, they need to get more “realfreedom”. And this cannot happen till the stranglehold ofcaste on our society does not weaken. Unless socialexclusion is done away with, it is meaningless to talk ofdevelopment.
ÌæçÜ·¤æ y ·Ô¤ ÂçÚU‡ææ× SÂC §àææÚUæ ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ ç·¤ ÖæÚUÌèØ â×æÁ ×ð´¥Öè Öè ÁæçÌ ×ãˆßÂê‡æü ÕÙè ãé§ü ãñÐ â×æÁ ÖÜð ãè ¥æÏéçÙ·¤Ìæ ·¤è¥ôÚU ¥»ýâÚU ãô Üðç·¤Ù ßã âæ×´Ìè ×êËØô´ âð Öè ç¿Â·¤æ ãé¥æ ãñÐÎôÙô´ ·¤æ âã¥çSÌˆß Öè ÕÙæ ãé¥æ ãñÐ
·¤ãÙæ Ù ãô»æ ç·¤ Øã âæ×æçÁ·¤ Õçãc·¤ÚU‡æ, ÎçÜÌô´-çÂÀǸô´-ÕãéÁÙ ·¤è â´âæÏÙô´ Ì·¤ ·¤è Âãé¡¿ ·¤ô âèç×Ì ·¤ÚUÌæ ãñÐ ¥»ÚUÙôÕÜ ÂéÚUS·¤æÚU âð â�×æçÙÌ Âý�ØæÌ ¥ÍüàææS˜æè ¥×ˆØü âðÙ ·Ô¤ àæŽÎô´×ð´ ·¤ãð´ Ìô âæ×æçÁ·¤ Õçãc·¤ÚU‡æ ÒßæSÌçß·¤ SßÌ´˜æÌæÓ ·¤ô ƒæÅUæÌæ ãñÐÌ‰Ø Øã ãñ ç·¤ çß·¤æâ ¥õÚU ßæSÌçß·¤ SßÌ´˜æÌæ ·Ô¤ Õè¿ âèÏæâ´Õ´Ï ãñÐ ÕçË·¤ çß·¤æâ ·¤ô ßæSÌçß·¤ SßÌ´˜æÌæ ·Ô¤ çßSÌæÚU ·Ô¤ M¤Â×ð´ Îð¹æ Áæ â·¤Ìæ ãñÐ ßñØçQ¤·¤ Øæ ×æÙßèØ SßÌ´˜æÌæ ·¤ô çß·¤æâ ·Ô¤ÂÚU´ÂÚUæ»Ì ×æÙ·¤ô´ âð Ùãè´ ¥æ´·¤æ ÁæÙæ ¿æçã°, ×âÜÙ â·¤Ü ÚUæCþèØ©ˆÂæÎ ØæÙè ÁèÇèÂè Øæ ÂýçÌ ÃØçQ¤ ¥æØ âðÐ ÁèÇèÂè ×ð´ ßëçh ØæÃØçQ¤»Ì ¥æØ ×ð´ §Á¸æȸ¤æ SßÌ´˜æÌæ ·Ô¤ çßSÌæÚU ×𴠧⠥Íü ×ð´×ãˆßÂê‡æü ãô â·¤Ìð ãñ´ ç·¤ §Ùâð â×æÁ ·Ô¤ Üô» ¹éàæãæÜ ãôÌð ãñ´Üðç·¤Ù ÒßæSÌçß·¤ SßÌ´˜æÌæÓ ¥‹Ø ×ãˆßÂê‡æü ̈ßô´ ÂÚU Öè çÙÖüÚU·¤ÚUÌè ãñ, Áñâð âæ×æçÁ·¤-¥æçÍü·¤ Éæ´¿ð çßàæðá·¤ÚU çàæÿææ °ß´ SßæS‰Øâðßæ¥ô´ Ì·¤ Âãé¡¿, ÚUæÁÙèçÌ·¤ ¥õÚU Ùæ»çÚU·¤ ¥çÏ·¤æÚUô´ ·¤è©ÂÜŽÏÌÌæ ¥æçÎÐ ÁæçÌ»Ì ÖðÎÖæß, âæ×æçÁ·¤, ¥æçÍü·¤ ¥õÚUÙæ»çÚU·¤ ¥çÏ·¤æÚUô´ ·¤ô â´·¤éç¿Ì ·¤ÚUÌæ ãñÐ §âèçÜ° ß´ç¿Ì â×êãô´,ÎçÜÌ-ÕãéÁÙ ·¤è çSÍçÌ ·¤×Á¸ôÚU ãñÐ §Ù â×êãô´ ·¤è Îàææ ×ð´ âéÏæÚU ·Ô¤çÜ° ¥æßàØ·¤ ãñ ç·¤ §Ù·¤è ßæSÌçß·¤ SßÌ‹˜æÌæ ·¤ô ÕɸæØæ Áæ°Ð
¥õÚU ßæSÌçß·¤ SßÌ‹˜æÌæ ÌÖè çßSÌæçÚUÌ ãô»è ÁÕ ÁæçÌ·¤è Á·¤Ç¸Ù ·¤×Á¸ôÚU ãô»èÐ âæ×æçÁ·¤ Õçãc·¤ÚU‡æ âð çÙÁæÌÂæ° çÕÙæ çß·¤æâ ·¤è ÕæÌð´ Õð×æÙè ãñÐ
Atif Rabbani is a research scholar at the Centre for the Study of Regional Development,School of Social Sciences, JNU
¥Ìèȸ¤ ÚUŽÕæÙè âðÅUÚU ȤæòÚU Î SÅUÇè ¥æòȤ ÚUèÁÙÜ ÇðÃÜÂ×ðÅU,S·¤êÜ ¥æòȤ âôàæÜ â構âðÁ¸,ÁßæãÚUÜæÜ ÙðãM¤ çßEçßlæÜØ ×ð àæôÏ ·¤ÚU ÚUãð ãñ
ÌæçÜ·¤æ 4 Ñ çßçÖóæ ÚUæ’Øæð ×ð ÀéU¥æÀêUÌ
Madhya Pradesh /×ŠØ ÂýÎðàæ (53)
Chhattisgarh/ÀUžæèâ»ÉU (48)
Rajasthan/ÚUæÁSÍæÙ (47)
Bihar/çÕãUæÚU (47)
Uttar Pradesh/©UžæÚU ÂýÎðàæ (43)
Graph 4: Prevalence of untouchability in various states
Madhya Pradesh×ŠØ ÂýÎðàæ
ChhattisgarhÀUžæèâ»ÉU
RajasthanÚUæÁSÍæÙ
BiharçÕãUæÚU
Uttar Pradesh©UžæÚU ÂýÎðàæ
MARCH 2015 |36
FORWARD PressNEWSBRIEF
¿Çè»ÉUÐ ¥Ùéâêç¿Ì ÁæçÌØô ×ð çÂÀÇðÂÙ ·Ô¤ ¥ŠØØÙ ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÕÙæ§ü »§ü°·¤ âç×çÌ ·¤è ÚUÂÅU Sßè·¤æÚU ·¤ÚUÙð ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ, ãçÚUØæ‡ææ ×ç˜æ×ÇÜ Ùð¥Ùéâêç¿Ì ÁæçÌØô ·¤ô ÂÎôóæçÌ ×ð ¥æÚUÿæ‡æ ÎðÙð ·¤æ çÙ‡æüØ ç·¤Øæ ãñÐãçÚUØæ‡ææ ·Ô¤ çßžæטæè ·ñ¤ŒÅUÙ ¥çÖ׋Øé Ùð ÕÌæØæ ç·¤ ¥çÌçÚUQ¤ ×é�Øâç¿ß Âè. ÚUæƒæßðÎý ÚUæß ·¤è ¥ŠØÿæÌæ ßæÜè âç×çÌ ·¤è ÚUÂÅU, âÚU·¤æÚUèçßÖæ»ô ß âæßüÁçÙ·¤ ÿæð æ ·Ô¤ ÂýçÌDæÙô mæÚUæ ©ÂÜŽÏ ·¤ÚUßæØð »Øð¥æ·¤Çô ÂÚU ¥æÏæçÚUÌ ãñÐ âç×çÌ Ùð »ýé °, Õè, âè ß Çè ·Ô¤ âÖèx,}v,}y| ·¤×ü¿æçÚUØô âð âÕçÏÌ ¥æ·¤Çô ·¤æ çßSÌëÌ çßàÜðá‡æ ç·¤Øæ¥õÚU §â ÙÌèÁð ÂÚU Âãé¿è ç·¤ âÚU·¤æÚUè âðßæ¥ô ×ð ¥Ùéâêç¿Ì ÁæçÌØô ·¤æÂýçÌçÙçψß, ¥æÕæÎè ×ð ©Ù·Ô¤ çãSâð ·¤è ÌéÜÙæ ×ð ·¤× ãñÐ-°È¤Âè ÇðS·¤
Chandigarh: Having accepted a report submitted by a committee con-stituted to assess the backwardness of the Scheduled Castes, theHaryana Cabinet has decided to grant reservation in promotions tothe Scheduled Castes. Haryana Finance Minister Captain Abhimanyusaid the committee headed by Additional Chief Secretary P. Raghaven-dra Rao based its report on data received from governmentdepartments and public sector undertakings. The committee hadanalysed details of 3,81,847 employees of all categories in group A, B, Cand D, concluding that the representation of the Scheduled Castes wasinadequate given their share in the population of the state. –FP Desk
SC quota in promotions in HaryanaãçÚUØæ‡ææ ×ð´ ¥Ùéâêç¿Ì ÁæçÌØô´ ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÂÎôóæçÌ ×ð ¥æÚUÿæ‡æ
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Bhubaneswar: In Jagatsinghpur, Odisha, the police have filed acase against Chief Judicial Magistrate (CJM) Satya Priya Biswal forallegedly making anti-Dalit remarks against a lady police Sub-Inspector (SI). The incident took place when Sub-Inspector SabitaMajhi was at the CJM’s office to present a juvenile offender beforehim. Majhi reported the incident to SP Sudha Singh, who askedher to file an FIR. Majhi filed an FIR against the CJM under Section354 of IPC and Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes(Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. DSP Manoj Kumar Mahantsaid the case had been handed over to Human Rights ProtectionCell (HRPC), Cuttack. Further investigation is on, he added.Meanwhile, members of district bar association have launched anagitation demanding action against the police officers. –FP Desk
Case against CJM for anti-Dalit remarkÎçÜÌ-çßÚUôÏè çÅUŒÂ‡æè ·Ô¤ çÜ° âèÁð°× ÂÚU ×é·¤Î×æ
ÎçÜÌ âð ÎéÃØüßãæÚU ·¤ÚUÙð ßæÜð Øéß·¤ô´ ÂÚU Âý·¤ÚU‡æ ÎÁüYouths booked for abusing a Dalit
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Madurai: The Tamil Nadu police have registered a complaint inSaptur, Madurai, against three youths who allegedly abused a Dalitusing his caste name, booking them under the Scheduled Castes andScheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. T. Rajapandi(21), a Dalit from Mangalrev village, and his team won the final of avolleyball tournament organized by the Kudiseri panchayat at theParasakthi Government Higher Secondary School. The losing team,though, refused to accept the result and got into an argument withthe winners. Rajapandi claimed that three players – S. Anandhan, S.Palpandi and P. Mathan – abused him using his caste name. Based onRajapandi’s complaint, Sindhupatti police registered a case againstthe three and began investigating the incident. –FP Desk
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New Delhi: Novelist Perumal Murugan is not alone in facingthe wrath of Tamil Nadu society. A few days after Ma. Mu.Kannan’s second novel, Kaana-inaavin Kanini, was released,residents of Kothamangalam in Pudukottai district, TamilNadu went on a rampage. Theytorched his hut and damaged hisstudio. Based on real-lifeexperiences, the book talksabout the decadence of societyand deep-seated sexualperversion. “I have written onlyfive per cent of what I have seenand experienced. The villagersmight have feared that I wouldwrite about other things in thefuture,” Kannan said. He has notbeen allowed to rebuild hishouse.
Another writer in the districthas received similar treatment. Durai Guna’s family was forced toleave Kulanthiranpattu village since caste Hindus did not likewhat he had written in his 40-page novella Oorar VarainthaOviyam. His novel is about the predicament of a Dalit coupleafter their son and his friends beat up the priest of a temple ofcaste Hindus. – FP Desk
Two writers in Tamil Nadu face social boycottÌç×ÜÙæÇê ×ð Îô Üð¹·¤ô´ ·¤æ âæ×æçÁ·¤ Õçãc·¤æÚU
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©žæÚUÂýÎðàæ ×ð´ ÎçÜÌô´ ÂÚU ¥ˆØæ¿æÚU ÕÉðAtrocities against Dalits rising in UP
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Lucknow: According to the National Commission forScheduled Caste (NCSC), atrocities against Dalits have beenon the rise in Uttar Pradesh ever since the present SamajwadiParty government took over. NCSC Chairman P.L. Punia saidthere were several pending cases of Dalits from long ago butthey did not seem to be a priority for the state government. Pu-nia said he had instructed all district magistrates and SSPs toappoint an officer of SDM rank for speedy resolution of casesof Dalit atrocities. He has also asked them to prioritize suchcases and take them seriously. Punia said all SSPs had beenasked to direct the SHOs to immediately register FIRs in suchcases and take action against any errant officers. He added that38 out of 66 cases in Kanpur city, 15 out of 20 in Kanpur Dehat,13 out of 20 cases in Auraiya, 2 out of 4 cases in Farrukhabadand 6 out of 8 cases in Kannauj had been resolved. –FP Desk
Durai Guna and the cover of Oorar Varaintha Oviyam ÎéÚU§üU »éÙæ ¥æñÚU ©Uٷ𤠩U‹Øæâ ·¤æ ·¤ßÚU Ò¥ôÚUæÚU ßÚUðØ‹Íæ ¥ôçßØ×Ó
MARCH 2015 |38
FORWARD PressNEWSBRIEF
Mumbai: The Maharashtra has announced that it wouldpurchase the 2,050-square foot London house where DrBabasaheb Ambedkar stayed from 1921-22 while he was enrolledat the London School of Economics for his PhD. MaharashtraEducation Minister Vinod Tawde announced the decision afterconsulting with Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis. The house –10, King Henry Road, NW3 – will costRs 35 crores. “The residence will beopen to public from April 14,Ambedkar’s birth anniversary,” Tawdesaid. The government would havemissed the opportunity to buy thehouse had Mumbai-based millionaireKalpana Saroj not spotted the “ForSale” sign at its door. Saroj had met Na-tional Security Advisor Ajit Doval in Delhi and lobbied with boththe earlier Congress government and the present BJPgovernment in Maharashtra. Needless to say, she is thrilled aboutthe decision. “The house is like a temple of knowledge. After all,this is the place where Babasaheb Ambedkar lived while complet-ing a six-year course in two years flat,” she said. –FP Desk
Fadnavis govt to buy Ambedkar’s London homeȤǸÙßèâ âÚU·¤æÚU ¥æ´ÕðÇ·¤ÚU ·¤æ Ü´ÎÙ çSÍÌ ×·¤æÙ ¹ÚUèÎð»è
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Hyderabad: The Dalit Indian Chamber of Commerce andIndustry (DICCI) has been engaging with the governments ofAndhra Pradesh and Telengana as well as the local Dalitcommunities to facilitate setting up of Dalit-owned businesses.Ravi Kumar Narra, the south India co-ordinator of DICCI, says, “DICCIorganizes activities that encourageentrepreneurship. We have beenmentoring the youth of the backwardcommunities for the past 2-3 years.We form the link between those whowant to set up businesses and the gov-ernment, and tell them where the opportunities lie.” Now arespected businessman, Narra himself grew up in the slums andis a living example of how entrepreneurship can turn livesaround. “We have mentored about 130 people in the past 2-3years, out of which 40 have already set up their businesses,” hesays, adding that about two to three had a Naxal past. –FP Desk
DICCI woos former Naxals into businessçÇP¤è Ùð Âêßü Ù€UâçÜØô´ ·¤ô ÕÙæØæ ÃØßâæØè
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ÁæçÌ Âý×æ‡æÂ˜æ ·¤æ SÍæÙ Üð»ð S×æÅUü ·¤æÇü Smart cards instead of caste certificates
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Mumbai: The government of Maharashtra will be introducing user-friendly smart cards in lieu of caste certificates. “We are going tointroduce this revolutionary scheme from March. The smart cardwill be issued in the name of the head of the family and the name ofdependents will be mentioned on them,”said Dilip Kamble, the minister of state ofsocial justice, adding, “Citizens will beasked to submit their existing castecertificates, following which the smartcards will be issued to them.” The processof issuing the smart cards – to members ofSC, ST, OBC and VJNT (Vimukta Jati andNomadic Tribes) sections – will be complet-ed in a year’s time. The government’s plan hasn’t convinced BapuBhosale, leader of Dalit Panther, though: “If the government fails toissue smart cards on time after asking citizens to submit their castecertificates, it will lead to chaos. In the existing system, there is notime limit for issuance of such certificates.” –FP Desk
»éÁÚUæÌ çßEçßlæÜØ ×ð ¥æÚUÿæ‡æ â´Õ´Ïè çÙØ×ô´ ·¤æ ©„´ƒæÙ Gujarat University caught flouting quota rules
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Ahmedabad: With orders from the state government tofollow the roster system for filling up teaching and non-teaching posts, the Gujarat University has been forced to re-ject all applications it received through a previousadvertisement for 30 teachingposts in 18 departments. Theuniversity will now go for freshapplications. The university hadearlier advertised for the posts inNovember 2013, with all vacanciesmeant for the open category.Gujarat University’s SC/ST cellstrongly objected to this move andthreatened to take the matter tocourt if the roster system – meantfor filling up posts after inviting ap-plications from categories including SCs and STs – was notfollowed. Bhupendrasinh Chudasama, the state educationminister, intervened in the matter and, having met both theparties, directed the university administration to follow theroster system. –FP Desk
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KURTHA (Bihar), LUDHIANA (Punjab):The birth anniversary ofmartyr Jagdev Prasad, known as the Lenin of Bihar, was celebrat-ed on the premises of Kurtha sub-divisional office from 2 to 4February. Rashtriya Shahid Jagdev Prasad Mela was organizedunder the leadership of Prof Jairam Prasad Kushwaha, nationalpresident of Shoshit Samaj Dal. Addressing the inauguralfunction, S.R. Singh, national president of Arjak Sangh, and otherspeakers recalled the life and works of Jagdev Prasad. They saidthat by founding the Shoshit Samaj Dal in Patna on 25 August1967, Jagdev Babu sent out the message that the OBCs, Dalits,Tribals and minorities could become the rulers of the country ifthey forged a common front. Cultural programmes formed partof the mela.
In Ludhiana, a function was organized by the Samrat AshokClub. A procession was taken out from Pippal Chowk, whichreached the Hargovind School via Ambedkar Nagar, Ajit Nagar,Sarpanch Colony, Gyaraspur Park and Surjit Nagar. Socialactivists recalled the contribution of martyr Jagdev Prasad.Among those present were Sudarshan Bauddha, Raj Kushwaha,Mahesh Chauhan, Raj Kumar Vakil, Dr Ram Chander, RavindraKumar, Ram Kripal Verma, M.P. Maurya, Badri Verma, ShailendraPremi and Rahul Kumar. -Upendra Pathik / Rajesh Manchal
Martyr Jagdev rememberedØæÎ ç·¤Øð »Øð àæãèÎ Á»Îðß
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NEW DELHI: Adivasi Sahitya– a quarterly journalof tribal philosophy and contemporary triballiterature – was released at a function by WahruSonwane, the renowned litterateur fromMaharashtra; Vandana Tete, general secretary ofJharkhandi Bhasha Sanskriti Akhda from Ranchi;tribal human rights activist Gladson Dundung;Prof Vaishna Narang, the dean of the School of Lan-guages; Prof Anwar Aalam, the chairman of theIndian Languages Centre; and tribal activist AbhayKhakha. Addressing the function, Ganga SahaiMeena, editor of the magazine, said that there wasmuch confusion in the academic circles abouttribal literature and that the voice of many tribalwriters from the back of the beyond was not reach-ing Delhi. “To fill this vacuum, we have started thepublication of this national magazine, based ontribal philosophy”, he said. -FP Desk
Adivasi Sahitya released at JNUÁð°ÙØê ×ð´ Ò¥æçÎßæâè âæçãˆØÓ ·¤æ Üô·¤æÂü‡æ
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NEW DELHI: The All India SC/STorganization held a felicitation function atConnaught Place. While Union PetroleumMinister Dharmendra Pradhan was thechief guest, chiefs of all prominent Dalit or-ganizations attended the function, whichaimed at drawing the attention of thegovernment towards Dalit issues. Amongthe Dalit leaders present were B.S. Bharati,A.P. Singh, Manoj Gorkela, MahendraSingh Badgujar, C.B. Rawar, and heads ofthe unions of Delhi Electricity Board,Income Tax department, Indian Railways,LIC and different banks. Ways to solve theproblems of the lower class and their politi-cal and economic empowerment werediscussed at the function. The speakersstressed that unless Baba Saheb Ambedkar’sthoughts were put into practice, the socialstatus of the depressed classes would notimprove. -Sheetal Saroha
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Ò¥çÏ·¤æ´àæ S߇æü·¤æÚU ·¤æÚUè»ÚU-×ÁÎêÚU ãñÓMost of the Swarnakars are artisans or labourers
¥õÚU´»æÕæÎ (çÕãæÚU)Ñ â´Ì ÙÚUãÚUè âôÙæÚU ·¤è ÁØ´Ìè, Ò¥çÏ·¤æÚU×ãæÚUñÜèÓ ·Ô¤ L¤Â ×ð´ »ÎüÙèÕæ» ÂÅUÙæ ×ð´ x È ÚUßÚUè ·¤ô ×Ùæ§ü »ØèÐ×ãæÚUñÜè ×ð´ çßçÖóæ çÁÜô´ âð ·¤ÚUèÕ Îâ ãÁæÚU Üô» Âãé´¿ðÐ §â¥ßâÚU ÂÚU çÕãæÚU ·Ô¤ Âêßü ©Â ×é�Ø×´˜æè âéàæèÜ ×ôÎè Ùð ·¤ãæ ç·¤S߇æü·¤æÚUô´ ·¤æ ÃØßâæØ ·¤æÈ è â´ƒæáüÂê‡æü ãñÐ ©‹ãô´Ùð ·¤ãæ ç·¤S߇æü·¤æÚUô´ ·¤ô ÏÙè ×æÙæ ÁæÌæ ãñ ×»ÚU ÏÙßæÙô´ âð Îâ »éÙæ¥çÏ·¤ ·¤æÚUè»ÚU ãñ´, Áô ×ÁÎêÚU ãñ´Ð ÁÎØê ÙðÌæ ÜÜÙ âÚUæüÈ Ùð ·¤ãæç·¤ SßU‡æü·¤æÚUô´ ·¤è ¥çÌ çÂÀÇè ÁæçÌØô´ ×ð´ àææç×Ü ç·¤Øð ÁæÙð ·¤è×æ´» ÁæØÁ ãñÐ §‹ãð´ çÂÀÇæ ß»ü ·¤è âê¿è ·Ô¤ ãÅUæ·¤ÚU ¥çÌ çÂÀÇæß»ü ×ð´ ÚU¹æ ÁæÙæ ¿æçã°Ð §â ¥ßâÚU ÂÚU °·¤ S×æçÚU·¤æ ·¤æ Öèçß×ô¿Ù ç·¤Øæ »ØæÐ â×æÚUôã ×ð´ ÒS߇æü·¤æÚU â×æÁ çß·¤æâ °ß´àæôÏ â´SÍæÙÓ ·Ô¤ ÚUæCþèØ ¥ŠØÿæ ç·¤ÚU‡æ ß×æü, ÂýÎðàæ ¥ŠØÿæ ¥L¤‡æß×æü °ß´ ×ãæâç¿ß ¥àæô·¤ ß×æü Öè ©ÂçSÍÌ ÍðÐ -©Âð‹Îý ·¤àØÂ
AURANGABAD (Bihar): The birth anniversary of Narhari Sonar was cele-brated with a 'Adhikar Maha Rally' at Gardinibagh in Patna on 3February. Almost 10,000 people from different districts joined the rally.Addressing the rally, former Bihar deputy chief minister Sushil Modi saidthat the profession of Swarnakars was full of struggles and risks. He saidthat it was generally believed that the Swarnakars are rich but that the ar-tisans and labourers among them are ten times the number of those whoare prosperous. JD-U leader Lallan Sarraf said that the demand of theSwarnakars for their inclusion among the EBCs was entirely justified. In-stead of OBC, he said, they should be classified as EBC. A souvenir wasalso released on the occasion. Among others, National President KiranVerma, State President Arun Verma, and General Secretary Ashok Vermawere present at the function. -Upendra Kashyap
All India SC/ST organization holds felicitation programme¥ç¹Ü ÖæÚUÌèØ ¥Ùéâêç¿Ì ÁæçÌ, ÁÙÁæçÌ â´ƒæmæÚUæ â�×æÙ â×æÚUôã ·¤æ ¥æØôÁÙ
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GADWA (Jharkhand): Mohammed Shakir, the district president ofJharkhand Vikas Morcha; Rameshchandra Kesri, former minister andmorcha leader; and Virendra Saha said in a press release that the state gov-ernment was promoting industrialists at the cost of the people and thatwas something which the morcha would never tolerate. They said that inthe appointments of teachers, the present government, like the previousgovernment, was ignoring the educated youngsters of the state and thusgenerating resentment among them. They said that instead of being allot-ted to the highest bidder, sand mines should be handed over to the villagepanchayats. Sand mines had become a source for the government to mintmoney, they noted. They also mentioned the plight of the farmers, whowere upset, they said, at being forced to sell their produce for a pittancebecause not a single paddy procurement centre had been opened in thedistrict. - Sarwat Fatmi
Irregularities in appointment of teachersçàæÿæ·¤ô´ ·¤è çÙØéçQ¤ ×ð´ ¥çÙØç×ÌÌæ°´
»É¸ßæ (ÛææÚU¹´Ç)Ñ Ûææçß×ô çÁÜæŠØÿæ ×ô. àææç·¤ÚU, Âêßü×´˜æè ÚUæ׿´Îý ·Ô¤âÚUè ÌÍæ ßèÚUð´Îý âæã Ùð °·¤ Âýðâ ÕØæÙ ×ð´·¤ãæ ç·¤ ÚUæ’Ø ×ð´ ÁÙÌæ ·¤è ¥ÙÎð¹è ·¤è Áæ ÚUãè ãñ ¥õÚU©lô»ÂçÌØô´ ·¤ô Õɸæßæ çÎØæ Áæ ÚUãæ ãñ, çÁâð Ûææçß×ô·¤Öè ÕÎæüàÌ Ùãè´ ·¤ÚUð»æÐ ©‹ãô´Ùð ·¤ãæ ç·¤ §â âÚU·¤æÚUmæÚUæ, Âêßü âÚU·¤æÚU ·¤è ÌÚUã, ÛææÚU¹´Ç ·Ô¤ Âɸð-çܹðÙßÁßæÙô´ ·¤è ¥ÙÎð¹è ·¤ÚUÌð ãé° çàæÿæ·¤ô´ ·¤è çÙØéçQ¤ ·¤èƒæôá‡ææ âð ÙßÁßæÙô´ ×ð´ ¥æR¤ôàæ ãñÐ ÕæÜê ƒææÅUô´ ·¤èÙèÜæ×è ·¤ô çÙÚUSÌ ·¤ÚU ©‹ãð´ »ýæ× Â´¿æØÌô´ ·¤ô âõ´Âæ ÁæÙæ¿æçã°Ð ÕæÜê, âÚU·¤æÚUè ×ã·¤×ô´ ·¤è ¥ßñÏ ·¤×æ§ü ·¤æÁçÚUØæ ÕÙ »Øè ãñÐ çÁÜð ×ð´ ÏæÙ ¹ÚUèÎè ·¤æ °·¤ Öè ·Ô¤´Îý¥Öè Ì·¤ Ùãè ¹éÜÙð âð ç·¤âæÙô´ ×ð´ ¥æR¤ôàæ ãñÐ ç·¤âæÙ¥ÂÙð ÏæÙ ·¤ô ÕæÁæÚU ×ð´ ¥õÙð-ÂõÙð Îæ× ÂÚU Õð¿Ùð ·¤ô×ÁÕêÚU ãñ´Ð -âæÚUßÌ È¤æÌ×è
JAMUI (Bihar): Savitribai Phule’s birthanniversary celebrations replaced SaraswatiPuja at Ranganiya Primary School on 25January. Present on this occasion were the stu-dents, teachers, parents and activists from theneighbouring villages working for social trans-formation. Dharmendra Kumar, a teacher ofthe school, said that the articles he read inFORWARD Press had inspired him to organizethe function. On this occasion, the audiencewas introduced to Bahujan journals. -FP Desk
Savitribai Jayanti instead of Saraswati PujaâÚUSßèÌè ÂêÁæ ·¤è Á»ã ×ÙæØè »Øè âæçߘæè Õæ§ü ÁØ´Ìè
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MADHEPURA (Bihar): A Mandal Parliament was held here on1 February, the birth anniversary of great socialist leaderBhupendra Narayan Mandal. This was the second meeting ofthe Mandal Parliament series, organized by Baghdor, anddealt with the “Crisis of thought and Personality in the CurrentScenario”. In his inaugural address, Finance Minister BijendraPrasad Yadav said that fatalism, carnal pleasure and ‘god’ werethe three ills plaguing this country. He said that our societywas suffering from three kinds of problems: the upper castesmight be struggling to fill their stomachs but they enjoyed dig-nity and respect; filling their tummies might not be a difficultproposition for the OBCs but they were not getting duerespect; and the Dalits neither got two square meals a day nordignity. Unless these problems were solved, the minister said,the country couldn’t progress,
In his keynote address, Santosh Yadav, an engineer, said thatthe history and the residents of Madhepura had failed toassess the true significance of the work of B.N. Mandal.Recalling many incidents of Mandal’s life, Revenue MinisterNarendra Narayan Yadav said that he practised what hepreached and put before the people the ideal of moving fromcaste towards community.
Senior journalist Urmilesh, referring to Kanshi Ram’s Dalit awak-ening campaign in Uttar Pradesh, said that Kanshi Ram managedto restore Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar’s legacy in many villages of thestate but his disciple Mayawati could not take his work forward. Hesaid that the Mandalvadi politics needed a revamp, while stressingon unity among the Shudras, who should be modern in theirapproach and thinking. Jagnarayan Singh Yadav said that thecountry was facing a crisis of knowledge and integrity.
The programme began with songs presented by RoshanKumar and his troupe. Vinod Kumar presided over the func-tion. The function was addressed by MLC UdaykantChaudhary, Vijay Kumar Verma, Ramesh Risidev, former MLARadhakant Yadav, MLA Arun Kumar, Arvind Nishad,Bhupendra Kumar Madhepuri, Suresh Prasad Yadav, KumarHimanshu and Kumar Bhaskar. -Arun Narayan
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Mandal Parliamentin Mandal land
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MARCH 2015 |44
FORWARD PressNEWS
HUSSAIN TABISH
ver since the BJP took over the reins of the central govern-ment, the RSS, VHP and about three dozen affiliates haveintensified their Hindutva campaign, the ultimate aim ofwhich is to realize their dream of making India a “Hindurashtra”. There is staunch opposition to this campaign not
only at the political level but also among civil society.After the much-publicized Agra “ghar wapsi”, Dalits and Tribals in many
areas of the country have embraced Islam, Christianity or Buddhism. On11 January, about 150 Hindu families of the Narnaud area of Haryana’sHissar district adopted Christianity. Earlier, on 5 January, about 2,000 Dalitfamilies of Gaya and Saran districts of Bihar switched to Buddhism. Lastyear, on 27 December, 40 Dalit (Mushar) families embraced Christianity inAtiya village of Gaya district. There have also been reports of mass conver-sions from Meenakshipuram in Tamil Nadu’s Tirunelveli district, where 600people of the Thevar caste converted to Islam.
About 60 Dalit families of Jamalpur in Uttar Pradesh’s Meerut districthave issued an ultimatum to the local VHP leader saying that unlessthey are allowed to worship at the Valmiki Ashram in Baghpat, theywould take to Islam. These families had not been allowed to enter theashram when they had gone there on Valmiki Jayanti to perform a puja.The Dalits had the charge of the ashram for years until a group ofupper-caste people forcefully took over a couple of months ago.
In the meantime, the RSS is facing a big challenge in its citadel,Nagpur. If Hanumant Upre, president of the Satyashodhak OBCParishad, is to be believed, about five lakh OBCs will embrace Buddhismen masse in the city soon. Needless to say, all those who have desertedHinduism and others who may follow in their footsteps hail from thelower castes. Their socio-economic condition is miserable andHinduism seems to have very little to offer them except hatred,humiliation and atrocities at the hands of the upper castes.
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A LOT OF LOW-CASTE HINDUS SAY THEY HAVE HAD ENOUGH OF THEHUMILIATION AND ATROCITIES, AND ARE SEEKING SOLACE ELSEWHERE
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The ‘Ghar chhodo’ wave
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Hussain Tabish is an FP correspondent. He is also a human rights activist and has researchedthe ‘language of the media’
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PROGGYA GHATAK
he categorization of Indian tribal peoplesthat was carried out during the 19th centurycontinues to shape the social and politicalpolicies relevant to them today. The Britishcolonial state in India, as part of establish-ing key sites of law and order, labelled cer-tain tribes, groups, castes and individuals as“criminals” through the conflation of law,crime and then new racial sciences.
In 1947, the year of Independence, therewere close to 128 tribes, 1 per cent of India’stotal population, that had been branded as“criminal”. In 1952, these Criminal Tribeswere given the status of Denotified Tribes
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Etched in our minds: TheCriminal Tribes Act 1871¥æÂÚUæçÏ·¤ ÁÙÁæçÌ ¥çÏçÙØ× v}|v¥Õ Öè ÀæØæ ãñ ã×æÚUð çÎ×æ»ô´ ÂÚU
(DNT) or Vimukta Jati. The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871has been tinkered with many a time but the basicessence of the act remains intact. Though the “legal sta-tus” was changed, the “social status” refused to go away.
Colonial Orientalism Race, caste and tribe in India are intricately linked to
Orientalism, colonialism and the accompanying racist ide-ology. The British quest to establish the notions of law andorder, and a definable and reliable relationship between thecolonizers and the colonized entailed the formulation ofknowledge through various ethnological studies of nativesociety. Scientific discourses about the colonial state werecentral to the maintenance of law and order in BritishIndia. The central aspect of controlling the people of Indiaat this time was thought to be establishing continuity withthe ancient regime, and the British – as J. Duncan M.Derrett said – took the orthodox brahmanical version as thestandard of Hindu law. The Orientalists identified the codeof Manusmriti, the concept of a caste hierarchy and therelated notion of dharma, as the legal key to unlocking pre-colonial judicial India. High castes occupied key positionswithin the criminal justice system. Outside the fourfoldhierarchy were the untouchables and the criminal castesand tribes. The pre-colonial Indian notions of policing andjustice derived from defining and penalizing offencesaccording to caste, respectability and social norms.
Construction of the criminalBy internalizing the knowledge of the high castes, the
early colonial officials established key sites of “law andorder”. Caste definitions assumed a more concrete form,not only in a social and political capacity, but also in theconstruction of criminality. The use of “scientific” notionsof “criminality” culminated in the arrest, removal andforcible transportation of the indigenous peoples. Anarray of colonial scholars have worked on the making ofcriminal communities and groups in north India throughthe discourse of race, caste and tribe, especially Thuggeesand Sansis, who were known for their perceived criminalpropensities. Such a construction of alterity or othernessand nomenclatures were used for the hegemonic consol-idation of colonial rule and as an important tool in dele-gitimizing local uprisings. From the late 18th centuryonwards, several efforts were also made by the British
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MARCH 2015 |46
FORWARD PressANALYSISSOCIAL
THE BRITISH TOOK MANU’S LAWS FURTHER, DECLARING CERTAIN PEOPLES TOBE HEREDITARILY CRIMINAL, AND INDIANS HAVE YET TO UNLEARN THE IDEA
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colonial officials to classify “criminals” into groups and types. To Britishminds, one of the distinguishing features of crime in India was its com-munal character. Not only was robbery attended by violence – referredto as dacoity – widespread but was also undertaken almost wholly bymen operating in bands whose pursuit of crime was tied both to kinshipnetworks and to structures of patronage and authority. By categorizingand labelling certain sections of the indigenous population in India ascriminals and bandits, the colonial state attempted to sustain Westernidentity and racial superiority. The designation also allowed the highercastes to identify with their colonial masters, thus placing the “criminal”tribes and castes outside the notion of modernity and progress.
The postcolonial state has inexplicably retained the term tribe withsimilar connotations and is using it for the purpose of creating alterity. Inthe Indian context, these have strongly infiltrated both administrativeand academic arenas. The CTA of 1871, along with a few other “modali-ties of identification or information” like the census and fingerprint tech-nology or dactyloscopy as it was known then, was designed to be effec-tive for political surveillance, colonial subjugation and sedentarization.The ostensible purpose of the 1871 Act had been to suppress hereditarilycriminal sections of the society (Radhakrishna: 2001). Certain “investiga-tive modalities” like the census, gazetteers and surveys, and colonial dis-ciplines like anthropology and anthropometry divided the country into“marital races” and “criminal castes”. By the end of the 19th century, thetriad of the three Cs, that is, crime, caste and census, became the defin-ing feature of British India. The CTA, under the influence of eugenics andsocial Darwinism, supposed that criminality was hereditary and passedon from one generation to another.
After Independence Tribes in the official discourse of post-Independence India are those
communities included in the list of Scheduled Tribes (ST) in theConstitution. Though there are no criteria specified in the Constitution, theScheduled Tribes were commonly accepted as being geographically isolat-ed and having primitive traits, distinctive culture, little contact with othercommunities, low level of technological advancement, lack of specializa-tion, a high prevalence of communal possession of land and other means ofproduction, non-acquisitive value system, and an absence of economichierarchy. Tribal sociopolitical economy is represented as a much lowerstage of economic development. Furthermore, tribes are considered to bealways located in spaces identified as rural. That is why the policy frame-work that is oriented towards supporting tribal communities in India, in theform of laws such as the Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) (PESA)Act 1996 or the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers(Recognition of Forest Rights) Act 2006, is largely restricted to rural areas.
The state’s attitude towards tribes today is largely a product of 19th-century India, punctuated as it was with “moments of rupture” andmarked by great political and administrative upheavals. There is anurgent need to work among these communities to organize themso that they can liberate themselves from their present-day socialand economic miseries.
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ÚUæ’Ø ·¤æ ÁÙÁæçÌØô´ ·Ô¤ ÂýçÌ ÎëçC·¤ô‡æ ¥æÁ Öè v~ßè´âÎè ·Ô¤ ÖæÚUÌ âð ÂýÖæçßÌ ãñÐ Øã ¥æßàØ·¤ ãñ ç·¤ §Ù
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Çæò. Âýô‚Øæ ƒæÅU·¤ ÖéßÙðEÚU ×ð âãæØ·¤ ÂýæŠØæ·¤ ãñDr Proggya Ghatak is an assistant professor at NISWASS, Bhubaneswar
47ȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü çßàÜðá‡æ
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MARCH 2015 |48
FORWARD PressCOMMENT
ZAHID KHAN
he issue of prisons overflowing with undertrials has beenraised from time to time but no effective step has so farbeen taken to resolve it. According to an estimate, of thetotal 3.81 lakh inmates in Indian prisons, 2.54 lakh areundertrials. This means that almost two thirds of the jailinmates are those against whom no offence has beenproved. The law says that the undertrials who have servedhalf of the maximum sentence that may be awarded tothem in case of conviction should be released. But this lawis seldom observed. The lower courts are not very alive tothis problem. The result is that the number of undertrialsis increasing day by day.
A division bench of the Supreme Court, headed by theprevious Chief Justice of India R.M. Lodha, observed thatthis law should be implemented seriously and effectively.The court ordered judicial officers of the lower courts to
ÁæçãUÎ ¹æÙ
àæ ·¤è ÁðÜô´ ×ð´ çß¿æÚUæÏèÙ ·ñ¤çÎØô´ ·¤è ÕɸÌè â´�Øæ·¤æ ×âÜæ â×Ø-â×Ø ÂÚU ©ÆÌæ ÚUãæ ãñ, Üðç·¤Ù §ââ×SØæ ·Ô¤ âéÜÛææß ·¤è çÎàææ ×ð´ ·¤ô§ü ·¤Î× Ùãè´©ÆæØæ »ØæÐ °·¤ ¥Ùé×æÙ ·Ô¤ ×éÌæçÕ·¤, Îðàæ ·¤è ÁðÜô´×ð´ çȤÜãUæÜ ·¤ÚUèÕ x0}v Üæ¹ ·ñ¤Îè ãñ´, çÁÙ×ð´ âðw0|v Üæ¹ çß¿æÚUæÏèÙ ãñ´Ð ØæÙè ֻܻ Îô-çÌãæ§ü·ñ¤Îè °ðâð ãñ´, çÁÙ·Ô¤ çßL¤h ·¤ô§ü ¥ÂÚUæÏ çâh Ùãè´ãé¥æ ãñÐ §â â´Õ´Ï ×ð´ ·¤æÙêÙ ·¤ãÌæ ãñ ç·¤ ¥çÏ·¤Ì×â´ÖæçßÌ âÁæ ·¤è ¥æÏè ¥ßçÏ ·¤æÅU ¿é·Ô¤ ·ñ¤çÎØô´·¤ô çÚUãæ ç·¤Øæ Áæ°Ð Üðç·¤Ù §â ·¤æÙêÙ ·¤æ ÂæÜÙ·¤Öè-·¤ÖæÚU ãè ãôÌæ ãñÐ çÙ¿Üè ¥ÎæÜÌð´ §â ×æ×Üð×ð´ â´ßðÎÙàæèÜ Ùãè´ ãôÌè´Ð §âè·¤æ ÙÌèÁæ ãñ ç·¤ ÁðÜô´×ð´ çß¿æÚUæÏèÙ ·ñ¤çÎØô´ ·¤è â´�Øæ ×ð´ çÎÙ-ÂýçÌçÎÙ§ÁæȤæ ãôÌæ Áæ ÚUãæ ãñÐ
âéÂýè× ·¤ôÅUü ·Ô¤ Âêßü ÂýÏæÙ ‹ØæØæÏèàæ ¥æÚU°× ÜôÉæ·¤è ¥ŠØÿæÌæ ßæÜè ¹ÇÂèÆ Ùð ·¤ãæ ç·¤ §â ·¤æÙêÙ ·¤æ
THE FATE OF 2.54 LAKH UNDERTRIALS HANGS IN THEBALANCE AFTER THE SUPREME COURT DIRECTS LOWERCOURTS TO IMPLEMENT A LONG-IGNORED LAW
Ü�Õð â×Ø âð ÙÁ¸ÚU¥´ÎæÁ¸ ç·¤Øð Áæ ÚUãð °·¤ ·¤æÙêÙ·¤ô Üæ»ê ·¤ÚUÙð ·Ô¤ ©‘¿Ì× ‹ØæØæÜØ ·Ô¤ çÙ¿Üè¥ÎæÜÌô´ ·¤ô ¥æÎðàæ âð w0|v Üæ¹ çß¿æÚUæÏèÙ·ñ¤çÎØô´ ·Ô¤ ¥‘Àð çÎÙ ¥æ â·¤Ìð ãñ
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India wakes up toprisoners’ rights
Õ´çÎØô´ ·Ô¤ ¥çÏ·¤æÚUô´ ·Ô¤ÂýçÌ Áæ»æ ÖæÚUÌ
49çÅUŒÂ‡æèȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü
visit every jail under their jurisdiction and identifyundertrials who have spent at least half of the maximumpossible term in prison and to ensure their release.
The SC had given two months to the judges to com-plete this exercise. The undertrials facing charges thatmay fetch them life imprisonment or death penalty, will,however, not benefit from this order.
The bench comprising Justice R.M. Lodha, JusticeKurian Joseph and Justice Rohinton F. Nariman hadmade it clear that no lawyer needs to be present whenthe judicial officers issue orders releasing such prisoners.After completing the exercise, the judicial officers are tosubmit a report to the Registrar General of the HighCourt concerned. They, in turn, are to forward thereports to the Registrar General of the Supreme Court.This step of the apex court promises to revolutionize thecriminal justice system of the country and reduce theburden on the lower courts and jails.
A law on paperThere is nothing new in the SC order on undertrials.
The Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) already providesfor the release of such prisoners. However, the govern-ments so far have simply ignored this provision. Section436-A of the CrPC fixes the upper limit of the incarcera-tion of undertrials. The section says, “Where a personhas, during the period of investigation, inquiry or trialunder this Code of an offence under any law (not beingan offence for which the punishment of death has beenspecified as one of the punishments under that law)undergone detention for a period extending up to one-half of the maximum period of imprisonment specifiedfor that offence under that law, he shall be released bythe Court on his personal bond with or without sureties.”Despite such a clear legal provision, the law has neverimplemented with the seriousness it deserves.
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A division bench of the Supreme Court headed by the previous CJI R. M. Lodhaordered judicial officers of the lower courts to visit every jail under theirjurisdiction and identify undertrials who have spent at least half of themaximum possible term in prison and ensure their release
Successive law commissions and civil libertiesorganizations have been pleading with the govern-ments that undertrials who have spent a specifiedperiod in jail should be released. But pleas havebeen ignored.
Before the SC issued this order, the central gov-ernment had said that it would be writing to allstate chief ministers to implement this law. HomeMinister Rajnath Singh had met Law MinisterRavishankar Prasad in this regard. That is significantbecause, on occasions, a difference of opinion orapproach between the judiciary and the executivecomes in the way of implementation of laws andsometimes even leads to a confrontation betweenthe two.
Leaving those arrested for petty offences to rot injail for years is a clear violation of the rights grantedto them by the Constitution. It is also a violation oftheir human rights. In our country, the criminal jus-tice system is so inefficient and slow that cases dragon for years and the accused are neither convictednor declared innocent and released. They remain ina legal limbo. A large number of prisoners have tostay in jail because there is no one to bail them out.In many instances, the police tends to frame mem-bers of SC, ST and other deprived communities.Once they are put behind bars, it becomes impossi-ble for them to work their way through the legallabyrinth and come out. This is one of the gravestviolations of human rights. It is clear that only judi-cial reforms cannot solve this problem. The govern-ment also has to introduce wide-ranging policereforms.
A case of short-staffed courtsAgainst this backdrop, the Supreme Court’s direc-
tion to the lower courts evokes hope. The SupremeCourt, in its order on undertrials, has also raised theissue of the huge case backlog in courts. The SC hasreminded the government that more than 3 crorecases are pending in courts at various levels. Thecourts are woefully short of judges, with each hav-ing to deal with a huge number of cases. The SC alsoinstructed the government to draw up a roadmapon speeding up the disposal of pending cases. If theSC is angry, it is not without reason. The courts aregrappling with a shortage of not only judges butalso other staffers. It is distressing that ensuringspeedy delivery of justice to the people is not onthe priority list of the government.
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MARCH 2015 |46
FORWARD PressCOMMENT
Zahid Khan is an independent journalist. He is the author of AzadHindustan mein Musalman and Sangh ka Hindustan
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CHARU GUPTA
chief feature of the popular Bahujan historiesof 1857 is the way Bahujan women are repre-sented in them. Here, myths about Bahujanviranganas (heroic women) are being reinvent-ed as a potent symbol for identity formationand as a critical part of a movement to definepolitical and social positioning of Bahujans.Narratives of Bahujan viranganas abound.These women are ascribed particularly heroicroles. In fact, Bahujan female icons, engaged inradical armed struggles in 1857, far outnumbertheir male counterparts. These writings invokepolitical and public Bahujan memories, wherewomen like Jhalkaribai of the Kori caste; UdaDevi, a Pasi; Avanti Bai, a Lodhi; Mahabiri Devi,a Bhangi; and Asha Devi, a Gurjar, all stated tobe involved in the 1857 revolt, have become thesymbols of bravery of particular Bahujan castesand ultimately of all Bahujans.
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Brave Bahujan women of 1857
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MARCH 2015 |52
FORWARD PressHISTORY
In India, there have been a number of studies concerned with therepresentations of high-caste, middle-class women, particularly ofthe colonial period. While significant in their own right, there is animplicit implication in these works that since Bahujan women fallwithin the category of “women”, their representation need not besingled out for a separate study. Thus, feminist scholarly examina-tion of the portrayal of Bahujan women of the colonial period hasremained negligible and on the fringes. Bahujan literature on 1857provides us a significant moment to examine alternative representa-tions of Bahujan women. It can be an important source of insightinto gender politics from a Bahujan perspective and a site of struggleover meanings. While highlighting the centrality of these Bahujanviranganas in the symbolic constitution of Bahujan identity, this lit-erature simultaneously reveals a world turned upside down, chal-lenging textual, academic and historical narratives of 1857. It furthershows how resistance to dominant discourses about Bahujanwomen has been coded and lived by various groups within Bahujancommunities at different historical moments. Bahujan viranganashere are not only visible, but conspicuous and central characters,and objects of attention and adulation.
Thus, for example, to take the case of Jhalkaribai, there has beena proliferation of popular Hindi tracts and cultural invocations onher, including comics, poems, plays, novels, biographies, nautankis,and even magazines and organizations in her name. VariousBahujan magazines have published articles on her. Similarly, onUda Devi, there are poems, plays and stories and these have beenrecited, performed and read on different occasions.
The various narratives go something like this. Jhalkaribai is depict-ed as an amar shaheed (immortal martyr) of 1857, belonging to theKori caste. She hailed from Jhansi. Her husband Puran Kori was anordinary soldier in the kingdom of Raja Gangadhar Rao. Jhalkaribai isdepicted as an ideal woman, occasionally helping her husband in histraditional occupation of cloth weaving, and also sometimes accom-panying him to the royal palace. As a child, it is said, she was brave,and then she got training from her husband in archery, wrestling,horse-riding and shooting. Her face and body structure is said to haveresembled Lakshmibai exactly. Slowly, Jhalkaribai and Lakshmibaibecame friends. Jhalkari was entrusted with the charge of leading thewomen’s wing of the army, known as the Durga Dal. When the 1857revolt began, the rulers were mostly interested in just saving theirthrones; it was not a freedom struggle for them. It was Bahujans whomade it a freedom struggle. When the British besieged the fort ofJhansi, Jhalkaribai fought fiercely. She urged Rani Lakshmibai to
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THE BAHUJAN LITERATURE ON 1857 SHOWS HOW RESISTANCE TODOMINANT DISCOURSES ABOUT BAHUJAN WOMEN HAS BEEN CODEDAND LIVED BY VARIOUS GROUPS WITHIN BAHUJAN COMMUNITIES
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escape from the palace and herself took on the guise of the Rani andled the army from Dantiya gate and Bhandari gate to Unnao gate. Herhusband died while fighting the British and when Jhalkaribai learnt ofthis, she became a “wounded tigress”. She killed many British soldiersand managed to hoodwink them for a long time, before they discov-ered her true identity. According to some versions, suddenly manybullets hit her, and she died. Some say that she was set free, lived till1890 and became a legend in her time.
Official accounts mention women fightersUda Devi is said to have been born in the village Ujriaon of
Lucknow. She was also known as Jagrani and was married to MakkaPasi. She became an associate of Begum Hazrat Mahal, and formeda women’s army, with herself as the commander. When her husbandwas martyred in the battle at Chinhat, Uda decided to take revenge.The British, under Colin Campbell, attacked Sikandar Bagh, inLucknow, and found themselves facing an army of Bahujan women:
koi unko habsin kehta, koi kehta neech achchut. abla koi unhein batlaye, koi kahe unhe majboot.(Some called them African women, others untouchables. Some called them weak, others strong.) It is significant here that even W. Gordon-Alexander’s account of
the storming of Sikandar Bagh by British troops states: “In addition… there were… even a few amazon negresses,
amongst the slain. These amazons having no religious prejudicesagainst the use of greased cartridges, whether of pigs or other ani-mal fat, although doubtless professed Muhammadans, were armedwith rifles, while the Hindu and Muhammadan East Indian rebelswere all armed with musket; they fought like wild cats, and it wasnot till after they were killed that their sex was even suspected.”
Uda Devi was one of them; she is said to have climbed a pipaltree and shot dead, according to some accounts 32 and some 36,British soldiers.
Asha Devi Gurjari is portrayed as someone who led a large num-ber of young girls and women against the British army on 8 May1857 and died while fighting.
Narratives on Avantibai span both history and literature. She wasthe queen of Ramgarh, and belonged to the Lodhi community ofMandla district in Madhya Pradesh. In 1857, she too faced theoppression of the British. She retaliated and fought fiercely. Whenshe was surrounded by British soldiers, she decided to kill herselfrather than surrender to them. Her last wish was that the Britishshould leave India and return to their country.
Mahabiri Devi belonged to the Bhangi caste and lived in the vil-lage Mundbhar in the district of Muzaffarnagar. Though she wasuneducated, she was very intelligent and opposed exploitation ofany kind from an early age. Mahaviri Devi set up an organization ofwomen whose aim was to stop women and children from beinginvolved in grihnit karya (dirty work) and to enable them to livewith dignity. In 1857, she brought together a group of 22 womenand attacked the British. She fought bravely and killed many Britishsoldiers until she herself and everyone in her group were killed.
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MARCH 2015 |54
FORWARD PressHISTORY
Fighting stereotypesCertain features stand out in these various narratives. Many of
them claim to be centred on neglected Bahujan women warriors. In allof them, these Bahujan women are depicted as being brave from theirvery childhood, and the 1857 revolt drives them to accomplish greatdeeds against all the odds. However, the voices of Bahujan viranganasthemselves are usually faint discursive threads, as their stories ofadventure and bravery are narrated through a variety of sources – oraland official accounts, and Bahujan male authors. It is these authorswho provide narrative coherence, filling in the gaps, and slipping intothe present tense to add dramatic flourish and detail to the stories. Thepast and the present blur and mingle to provide a cohesive narrative ofthe oppression of Bahujans and the bravery of these women.
These Bahujan viranganas become symbols of pride for certainBahujan castes. Thus Uda Devi is revered by the Pasis particularly,and has emerged as a symbol of Pasi honour, dignity, pride, mobi-lization and rights. On the other hand, Jhalkaribai has beenappropriated, eulogized and celebrated by all Bahujan groups,irrespective of divisions between them, and has become a symbolof the unity of Bahujans.
Most of these Bahujan viranganas have devi or bai suffixed totheir names. They are also projected as highly moral, very “noble”and super-nationalist Bahujan women. They are emblems of shakti.The written and visual imagery of these viranganas in the texts itselfand on the cover of pamphlets is of women usually clad in “mascu-line” attires, with their bodies all covered up. They are shown to beexpert horsewomen, swimmers, and archers and sword fighters.
Through such portrayals, Bahujans hope to garner greaterrespect for these viranganas, and, through them, for all Bahujans.Simultaneously, this feeds off conceptions of masculinity. It alsocovertly challenges notions of Bahujan female sexuality, and canbe seen as a reaction to images of sexually immoral Bahujanwomen. By shunning outward expressions of sexuality, Bahujanwomen can also hope to build a space where they can wield morecontrol over their bodies and gain dignity and respect within thedominant culture.
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Charu Gupta is an associate professor of history in Delhi University. She has written books both inHindi and English
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Uda Devi is revered by the Pasis particularly, and has emerged as a symbol of Pasihonour, dignity, pride, mobilization and rights. On the other hand, Jhalkaribai hasbeen appropriated, eulogized and celebrated by all Bahujan groups, irrespective ofdivisions between them, and has become a symbol of the unity of Bahujans
A repository of threeintellectual traditions
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55Ÿæhæ´ÁçÜȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü
KRISHNA PRATAP SINGH
he sudden demise of popular Dalit writerProfessor Tulsi Ram is a great loss, not onlyfor Hindi and Dalit literature but also forour times and our society. Many of hisbooks, including the two volumes of hisautobiography, Murdhiya andManikarnika, were well received. The voidcreated by his passing away will be difficultto fill. Born on 1 July 1949 at Dharampurvillage, near Chirraiyakot in Uttar Pradesh’sAzamgarh district, his was a difficult butcreative life, that took him first to BanarasHindu University and then to JNU’s Centrefor Russian and Central Asian Studies . Inthis journey, he won a lot of accolades buthad to face humiliation, too. His life andworks will always be remembered.
Tulsi Ram, who breathed his last at theAsian Institute of Medical Sciences,Faridabad, on 13 February, was a scholar ofthe world communist movement and hisunderstanding of Russian affairs wasunparalleled. He worked for theintegration of the ideologies of GautamBuddha, Karl Marx and Dr Bhimrao
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Prof. Tulsi Ram : 1 July 1949 - 13 February 2015
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Ambedkar. He had an uncanny understanding of theinternational Buddhist movement as well as of India’s Dalitmovement. He did not get frustrated by the scorn poured onhim. He chose to walk on.
Long ago, during his Ayodhya Yatra, he said, in an interviewwith this writer, that Dalit literature has its origins in Buddhistliterature and that its foundations were laid by Ashwaghosh atAyodhya two thousand years ago. He saw Ashwaghosh’s writingsas the initial examples of Dalit literature and believed that itsgenesis lay in the murder of Maudgalayan, one of the opponentsof Vedic literature. He did not hesitate in voicing dissent, andgave his frank views on every issue. He had a grouse about Marx-ists – that they read brahmanical literature but are allergic toBuddhist literature, so much so that they never even refer to thelatter. He strongly believed that literature should have anideological underpinning and that literature was the intellectualexpression of ideology and politics, its practical application.This is a natural process. But when Dalit literature impactspolitics, it raises many people’s hackles.
It was his desire that the internal contradictions of Marxismand Dr Ambedkar’s ideology be seen only in a historical context.He said Ambedkar did not disagree with Marxism per se but onlywith some formulations and events associated with it: “It wouldhave been better had the Indian Marxists been a bit Dalit-orient-ed and not confined themselves to pro-worker and anti-govern-ment activities. That could have led to the possibility of Dalit andMarxist movements coming closer.” Tulsi Ram said that all seek-ers of liberty had the responsibility of exploring ways and meansof developing common ground between Marxism and the Dalitmovement, as the growing rift between the two was benefitingthe forces which did not want the deprived and the Dalits to beliberated.
He turned into a Kabir of his times while giving a mouthful tothose Dalit forces which were coming in the way of Dalit-Left co-ordination. A couple of years ago, a Dalit organization hadannounced that it would burn copies of Munsi Premchand’snovel Rangbhoomi because the word “Chamar” was used in it.Tulsi Ram said that those who were burning Rangbhoomi onlybecause of the word Chamar used in it were extremists who, oneday, might have to burn the entire corpus of the Buddhistliterature because the words “Chamar” and “Chandal” had beenused in it numerous times. “Are they ready for it?” he asked.
He considered the caste system more dangerous than anatom bomb. In his own words, “Social change cannot be brought
È ÚUèÎæÕæÎ çSÍÌ °çàæØÙ §´‹SÅUè‘ØêÅU ¥æòÈ ×ðçÇ·¤Ü â構âðÁ¸×ð´ »Ì vx È ÚUßÚUè ·¤ô ©Ù·¤æ ¥´çÌ× âæ´â ÜðÙæ, »õÌ× Õéh, ·¤æÜü×æ€Uâü ¥õÚU Çæò¸. Öè×ÚUæß ¥�ÕðÇ·¤ÚU ·¤è çß¿æÚUÏæÚUæ¥ô´ ×ð´ â׋ßØ·¤è ¿æã âð ÖÚUð, çßE ·¤�ØéçÙSÅU ¥æ´ÎôÜÙ ß M¤âè ×æ×Üô´ ·Ô¤¥ÂÙè ÌÚUã ·Ô¤ ¥ÙêÆð çßàæðá™æ ·¤æ ¥ßâæÙ Ìô Íæ ãè, ¥´ÌÚUÚUæCþèØÕõh ¥æ‹ÎôÜÙ ß ÖæÚUÌ ·Ô¤ ÎçÜÌ ¥æ‹ÎôÜÙ ×ð´ »ãÚUè ÂñÆ ÚU¹ÙðßæÜð °·¤ °ðâð ×Ùèáè ·¤æ ¥´çÌ× âæ´â ÜðÙæ Öè Íæ, çÁâÙð ·¤Î×ÎÚU ·¤Î× ç×Üð ¥Â×æÙô´ âð ·¤´éçÆÌ ãôÙð ·¤è ÕÁæØ ¿ÜÌð ¿Üð ÁæÙð·¤æ Á’Õæ ÂýÎçàæüÌ ç·¤ØæÐ
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MARCH 2015 |56
FORWARD PressOBITUARY
TULSI RAM WORKED TOWARDS AN IDEOLOGY THAT DREW ON GAUTAMBUDDHA, KARL MARX AND DR BHIMRAO AMBEDKAR
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57ȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2015×æ¿ü
about in this country unless the caste system is annihilated. Drop an atom bomb on acity and maybe a generation or two would suffer. But the caste system, which wasthrust upon our society, has ruined one generation after another.”
He did not agree with those who insisted that the change in lifestyle, owing to thegrowing use of the products of science and technology, would, ultimately, usher insocial transformation or that development was the panacea for all the ills plaguing theDalits and the deprived. According to him, scientific inventions or material growth arenot the tools for initiating social change. What is needed is mass consciousness and wehave to depend only on that. The problem is that, he said, instead of generating massconsciousness, these days, attempts are being made to pollute it.
Now that Tulsi Ram has gone far away from us, we can only say that thoughhe is not with us, he is in our memories.
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Senior journalist Krishna Pratap Singh writes on current affairs for various magazines and newspapers. He is the author offour booklets Poojiye to is Ayodhya ko pujiye, Ayodhya aur 1857, Faizabad mein jayen aur payen and Saryu se Gomti tak
ßçÚUcÆ Â˜æ·¤æÚU ·¤ëc‡æÂýÌæ çâ´ã çßç֋٠˜æ Âç˜æ·¤æ¥ô´ ×ðâæ×æçØ·¤ çßáØô´ ÂÚU Üð¹Ù ·¤ÚUÌð ãñÐ ©Ù·¤è ¿æÚUÂéçSÌ·¤æ°´ ÒÂêçÁ° Ìô §â ¥ØôŠØæ ·¤ô ÂêçÁ°Ó,Ò¥æØôŠØæ ¥õÚU v}z|Ó, ÒÈñ¤ÁæÕæÎ Ùð ÁæØð ¥õÚU ÂæØðÓ¥õÚU ÒâÚUØê âð »ô×ÌèÓ àæèáü·¤¤ âð Âý·¤æçàæÌ ãñ
He considered the caste system more dangerous than an atom
bomb. In his own words, “Social change cannot be brought
about in this country unless the caste system is annihilated.
Drop an atom bomb on a city and maybe a generation or two
would suffer. But the caste system, which was thrust upon our
society, has ruined one generation after another”
ÁæçÌ ÃØßSÍæ ·¤ô ßð ÂÚU×æ‡æé Õ× âð Öè ·¤ãè´ ’ØæÎæ ƒææÌ·¤ ×æÙÌð ÍðÐ ©Ù·Ô¤
àæŽÎô´ ×ð Ò¥æ 緤âè àæãÚU ÂÚU ÂÚU×æ‡æé Õ× ç»ÚUæ ÎèçÁ° Ìô ßã ©â·¤è
°·¤.Îô ÂèçɸØô´ ·¤ô ãè ÙC ·¤ÚU ÂæØð»æÐ Üðç·¤Ù ã×æÚUð â×æÁ ÂÚU ÍôÂè »§ü
ÁæçÌ ÃØßSÍæ ÂèÉè ÎÚU Âèɸè â´ÖæßÙæ¥ô´ ·¤æ â´ãæÚU ·¤ÚUÌè ¥æ ÚUãè ãñÓ
ear Dadu,My job changed from temporary to perma-
nent, and I was congratulated by my boss andeveryone else in the office. That evening, while Iwas at a birthday party, I received a telephonecall saying a close friend had died of cancer.
How can one keep an emotional balance inthe middle of such extremes?
Love,Shanti
Dear Shanti,I did not have many such experiences when I
was your age or younger. But as I have grownolder, I find more and more experiences like this.
There was a situation almost exactly like yourswhen, after 17 years of struggle, with things grad-ually becoming better, I had just been promotedin a relatively new job. That evening, when I was
Ø ÎæÎê,·¤éÀ çÎÙ ÂãÜð, ×éÛæð ×ðÚUè Ùõ·¤ÚUè ×ð´ SÍæ§ü ç·¤Øæ
»ØæÐ ×éÛæð ×ðÚUð Õæòâ ß âÖè âã·¤ç×üØô´ Ùð ÕÏæ§üÎèÐ ©âè àææ×, ÁÕ ×ñ´ °·¤ ÕÍüÇð ÂæÅUèü ×ð´ Íè, ×éÛæðȤôÙ ÂÚU âê¿Ùæ ç×Üè ç·¤ ×ðÚUð °·¤ ¥ÁèÁ ç×˜æ·¤è ·ñ¤´âÚU âð ×õÌ ãô »§ü ãñÐ
§â ÌÚUã ·¤è ÂçÚUçSÍçÌ ×ð´ ã× ¥ÂÙæÖæßÙæˆ×·¤ â´ÌéÜÙ ·ñ¤âð ÕÙæ°´ ÚU¹ð´?
âÂýð×,àææ´çÌ
çÂýØ àææ´çÌ,×ñ´ ÁÕ Ìé�ãæÚUè ©×ý ·¤æ Øæ Ìé×âð ÀôÅUæ Íæ, ÌÕ ×ñ´
°ðâð ¥ÙéÖßô´ âð Ùãè´ »éÁÚUæÐ ÂÚU´Ìé Áñâð-Áñâð ×ðÚUè ¥æØéÕɸÌè »§ü, §â ÌÚUã ·Ô¤ ¥ÙéÖßô´ âð ×ðÚUæ âæÕ·¤æ ÂǸÙðÜ»æÐ
ÕæÌ ·¤§ü âæÜ ÂãÜð ·¤è ãñРֻܻ â˜æã âæÜ ·Ô¤Ü´Õð â´ƒæáü ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ, ×ðÚUè çÁ´Î»è ÉÚUðü ÂÚU ¥æÌè çι ÚUãèÍèÐ ×ðÚUè Ù§ü Ùõ·¤ÚUè ×ð´ ×éÛæð ÂÎôóæçÌ ç×Üè ÍèÐ ©âè
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Have we become unfeeling robots?
€UØæ ã×â´ßðÎÙæàæê‹Ø
ÚUôÕôÅU ÕÙ»° ãñ?
MARCH 2015 |58
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59¼æ¼ê âð ÂêÀð´UȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | 2012×æ¿ü
at a very kind new neighbour’s birthday party, I received atelephone call that someone very dear to me (a close rela-tive) had been killed.
I fought hard to keep a straight face, went to my hosts atthe party, and excused myself on the grounds that I was notfeeling very well (which was, of course, true by then),though I did not share the real reason for my not feelingwell, because that would have put a damper on the party.
Only when I got home did I cry and cry and cry.I find that negative emotions easily overwhelm positive
emotions. Even between the weight of one great thing thatis good, and the far lighter weight of another thing that isbad, I find that the smaller thing that is bad too easilycomes to occupy a far greater share of my consciousness.
On the other hand, I know there are people who don’t letnegative emotions touch them at all.
Actually, even for people who are not so unfeeling (thatis, “normal” people), our culture has developed a wholehost of “meditational” and other techniques to prevent usfrom feeling anything. And these techniques are given ahigh place in our country. But the result is hardly human.Because not feeling anything is like a living death.
Keeping your heart softHow do I know that it is more human to allow oneself to
fully feel emotions than it is to use meditational or othertechniques to “gain a distance” from feeling emotions?
Let me share with you one rational reason, and onesupernatural reason.
The supernatural reason is that we must have some sortof guideline or standard by which to choose between com-peting and opposing ways of dealing with sorrow or pain –or anything else. If one guru tells us that the best way ofdealing with it is to stop feeling, and another guru tells usthat the best way of dealing with it is to feel it fully, they
àææ×, ÁÕ ×ñ´ ¥ÂÙð °·¤ ç×ÜÙâæÚU ÂǸôâè ·Ô¤ ƒæÚU Á‹×çÎÙ·¤è ÂæÅUèü ×ð´ Íæ, ×éÛæð ÅUðÜèȤôÙ ÂÚU ¹ÕÚU ç×Üè ç·¤ ×ðÚUð °·¤¥ˆØ´Ì çÂýØ çÚUàÌðÎæÚU ·¤è ãˆØæ ãô »§ü ãñÐ
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×ñ´Ùð ÂæØæ ãñ ç·¤ Ù·¤æÚUæˆ×·¤ Öæß, ֻܻ ã×ðàææâ·¤æÚUæˆ×·¤ Öæßô´ ÂÚU ÖæÚUè ÂǸÌð ãñ´Ð ¿æã𠥑Àè ¿èÁ ç·¤ÌÙèãè ×ãˆßÂê‡æü ¥õÚU ¹ÚUæÕ ¿èÁ ç·¤ÌÙè ãè ×ãˆßãèÙ ãô, ÕéÚUè¿èÁ ×ðÚUð ×Ùô-×çSÌc·¤ ÂÚU Àæ ÁæÌè ãñ´Ð
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·Ô¤ ÁçÚU° SßØ´ ·¤ô çSÍÌÂý™æ ÕÙæÙð âð Öæßé·¤ ãôÙæ ¥çÏ·¤×æÙßèØ ãñ? ×ñ´ Ìé�ãð´ §â·Ô¤ Îô ·¤æÚU‡æ ÕÌæÌæ ãê´Ð ÂãÜæ Ìæç·¤ü·¤¥õÚU ÎêâÚUæ ÂÚUæÜõç·¤·¤Ð
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It is precisely the meditational and other techniques which we have developed thatare the reason for our being willing to tolerate the extent of injustice andunnecessary suffering that we have in our country. Meditation is good for personalpeace and prosperity, but it is bad for the chances of lessening injustice and suffering
cannot both be right. Jesus wept at the death of his friendLazarus. But He did not merely weep, He also then acted toset things right.
That takes us straight to the rational reason: if we stop feel-ing sorrow or happiness, it is much more difficult for us tosympathize with others who are experiencing sorrow or hap-piness. And if we do not sympathize, we will not be willing todo anything to either genuinely participate in the happinessof others, or to change the sorrow of others.
The result of allowing ourselves to weep is that our heartsare kept soft. If we do not have soft hearts, and we do not actto set things right around us, then all that is wrong around uscontinues to be wrong. But if our hearts are soft, then we willwant to act, and we will act, to set things right around us, towhatever extent we can.
In other words, it is precisely the meditational and othertechniques which we have developed that are the reason forour being willing to tolerate the extent of injustice and unnec-essary suffering that we have in our country. Meditation isgood for personal peace and prosperity, but it is bad for thechances of lessening injustice and suffering. Is that one rea-son why certain political parties want to encourage nation-wide meditation?
To come back to my own case that day, I did not refuse tofeel happy that I had been promoted: of course I rejoiced! Idid not refuse to feel happy that my new neighbour had com-pleted another year of his life: to do so would have beenmean-spirited and churlish. Conversely, when I heard the badnews, I could not stop crying.
Why did I do that? Because I knew that “to be human is tofeel emotions”. Of course it requires much greater strength tobe able to fully experience joy and to fully experience sorrow,than it does to harden your heart against them. In our coun-try, to allow ourselves to take on the joys and sufferings of ourfellow citizens is overwhelming. That is why we need God’spresence and strength, to be able to grow strong enough to beable to bear them.
So here is my answer to your question: The way to handlethe storm is to enter fully into the happinesses of life as wellas into the tragedies of life, and to become a better person bybehaving on the basis of the greater joy and sympathy youdevelop as a result.
Dear Shanti, do fight against the temptation of having acold heart. Keep your heart soft.
LoveDadu
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MARCH 2015 |60
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“¼æ¼ê ” °·¤¤ÖæÚUÌèØ ¿æ¿æ ãñU, çÁ‹ãUô´Ùð ÖæÚUÌ ¥õÚU çß¼ðàæ ×ð àæñÿæç‡æ·¤,ÃØæßâæçØ·¤ ¥õÚU âæ¢S·¤ëçÌ·¤ ÿæð æô´ ×ð çÙßæâ ¥õÚU ·¤æØü ç·¤Øæ ãñUÐ ßðçßSÌëÌ âæ×æçÁ·¤, ¥æçÍü·¤ ¥õÚU âæ¢S·¤ëçÌ·¤¤×égô´ ÂÚU ¥æ·¤ð¤ ÂýàÙô´ ·¤æSßæ»Ì ·¤ÚUÌð ãñU
“Dadu” is an avuncular Indian gentleman who has lived and worked both inIndia and overseas in the academic, business and cultural fields. He welcomes
your questions on broad social, economic and cultural issues
W
Nurture your marriage¥ÂÙð çßßæã ·¤ô ÂôçáÌ ·¤èçÁ°
There was a newfound romance and a
better understanding in our marriage
once we were able to talk to each other in
each other’s love language
ÁÕ ã×Ùð °·¤-ÎêâÚUð ·¤è Ââ´ÎèÎæ Âýð× Öæáæ ×ð
â´ßæÎ àæéM¤ ç·¤Øæ Ìô ã×æÚUð çßßæã ×ð Âýð× ·¤æ °·¤
ÙØæ ÚU´» ƒæéÜ »Øæ ¥õÚU ã× °·¤-ÎêâÚUð ·¤ô ÕðãÌÚU
â×ÛæÙð Ü»ð
SHARON & PHILIP DENNIS
e are no marriage experts, we cannot boastof many years of “experience” as a marriedcouple, but in these three years of marriage,one of the things we have learnt is that mar-riage brings out the best in you, as well as,you like it or not, the worst in you! A fewmonths before we got married, we attendeda marriage seminar where we were shown afilm called A tale of two brains by MarkGungor. It is a very precise, descriptive mind-opener to the workings of the female and themale brains. It is very clear! Men and womenare wired differently. We have different inter-ests, we act differently, we communicate dif-ferently, we think differently. However, welove the same. Very many times we face con-flicts in our marriage not because it’s a“heart” thing but because it’s a “head” thing– an intellectual clash.
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We were so fortunate we learnt these truths early on, so when wegot married we understood each other better. Why does he alwaysanswer “I’m not thinking about anything” when quite clearly he’s ina pensive mood? (man’s brain) Or, “How are these two things evenconnected?” (woman’s brain) We had answers to these questions.But here’s the thing – as different as we are, we cannot imagine lifewithout each other. God is amazing and His plan for marriage can befun – an enjoyable reality in our lives, contrary to what we see on TVand movies ever so often. Marriage is like a plant. The more we nur-ture the plant, the more it grows into something beautiful and isadmired. If we don’t nurture it, it looks lifeless and before we know it,it’s dead.
Here are some ways that we nurture our marriage: • Knowing our love language: We all have specific ways of
responding to situations. Being aware of it helped both of us. Wetook a simple test to know our “love language”. In the book Fivelove languages, the author, Gary Chapman, talks about words ofappreciation, acts of service, physical touch, gifts and quality timeas being love languages that each individual responds best to. Oncewe knew each other’s preferred love language we could communi-cate to each other better by using more of that language. Needlessto say, there was a newfound romance and a better understandingin our marriage once we were able to talk to each other in eachother’s love language. You can take a simple test online to find outwhat your love language is at http://www.5lovelanguages.com/
• Listening: From the time we were born, we’ve been learning.Our parents have taught us to talk, to spell, to write, but, no one hasever taught us to LISTEN. People are more generous with theirtongue than with their ears. In the busyness of the day we tend tooverlook the need to be a sounding box to our colleagues, friendsand, most importantly, our spouse. We are so tuned to talking andmaking sure our voice is heard that we hardly give time to listen –truly listen with 100 per cent focus on our spouse and 0 per cent dis-traction (even though Khana Khazana or that exciting India-Australia cricket match is on). Lending a listening ear is somethingthat both of us have espoused. Every night before going to bed wetake time out to listen to each other over a hot drink. Sometimesrandom talk prevails, but that’s OK – that’s our time to just listen toeach other and enjoy each other’s company.
• Forgiveness: God knows exactly what a man struggles withand what a woman struggles with, so husbands have been toldto love their wives and wives to submit to their husbands. Ifound myself struggling to forgive my husband whenever hewronged me. Many things would come in the way of my forgiv-ing him – my pride, my attitude, my mindset. However, when Iunderstood the extent of the forgiveness I myself had receivedfrom God, I found it easier. God loved us without anyconditions – errant as I was, yet I was forgiven. I wassuddenly able to forgive more easily and I would utter“sorry” spontaneously!
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Sharon Dennis is a student counsellor and teacher based in Assam. Philip Dennis isa hospital administrator in Emmanuel Rural Hospital, Assam
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BAHUJAN LITERATURE ANNUAL
The issue will carry critiques on literary works of Bahujan writers, comparative studies ofthe writings of Bahujan and Abhijan authors, and reappraisals of the established formulations from a Bahujan perspective. In addition, there will be stories, poems,excerpts from autobiographies, and interviews with leading Hindi and Marathi writers.
Kanti Kumar Jain, Dr. Dharmveer, Veerendra Yadav, Ramanika Gupta, Rajendra Prasad Singh, Prempal Sharma, Sanjay Navale, Atif Rabbani,Anuj Lugun, Ajay Kumar, Raveendra Kumar Pathak, Dinesh Kushawah, Karmanand Arya, Gladson Dungdung, Sanjeev Chandan and others
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