Running head: ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE 1
ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
BY
MICHAEL D. FEGERT
A document submitted to the Faculty of Claremont GraduateUniversity in partial fulfillment of the requirements forthe degree of Master of Arts in Education in the Graduate
Faculty of Teacher Education
Claremont Graduate University
2014
ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
Table of Contents
Preface: 3
Part A: My Story: 4
Part B: City, School, and Classroom: 15City:
16School:
23Classroom:
29Conclusion:
32
Part C: Five Case Study Students: 32Immanuel: Student’s Demographic Information: 34Immanuel: Preliminary Inferences: 34Immanuel: Student’s Story: 37Immanuel: Student’s Academic Standing: 40Immanuel: Student’s Action Plan: 41
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Paul and Mark: Students’ Demographic Information: 42Paul and Mark: Preliminary Inferences: 43Paul and Mark: Students’ Story: 48Paul and Mark: Students’ Academic Standing: 51Paul and Mark: Students’ Action Plan: 52William: Student’s Demographic Information: 53William: Preliminary Inferences: 54William: Student’s Story: 56William: Student’s Academic Standing: 59William: Student’s Action Plan: 60Sheila: Student’s Demographic Information:
61Sheila: Preliminary Inferences: 62Sheila: Student’s Story:
64Sheila: Student’s Academic Standing: 67Sheila: Student’s Action Plan: 68Conclusion:
69
Part D: Reflection: 70
Whole Class Perspective: 70
Individual Student Perspective: Immanuel: 74
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Individual Student Perspective: Paul and Mark: 79
Individual Student Perspective: William: 82
Individual Student Perspective: Sheila: 84Reflection and Next Steps: 86Conclusion:
91
Closure: 92
References: 94Appendices: 99
Preface
This document is my ethnographic narrative. Before I
can expound upon its constitutive elements, I need to define
its nature, which correlates with its purpose. In general,
ethnography is a research methodology that utilizes direct
observation and empirical data to inform plausible
conclusions regarding what is being observed. This document
is my research during the academic year 2013/14. It stems
from my teaching assignment this past year. It consists of
direct and indirect observations and academic and
demographic data on five of my students, and conclusions
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drawn from these various inputs. It is more than just
presentation and analysis, however. My examination is
placed between self-reflection, which contextualizes the
research, and adds a personal element. The purpose of the
reflection and research is to reveal my philosophy of
education, which in turn discloses the reason why I want to
be a teacher in the first place. In addition, this document
was done as part of the requirements for a Master of Arts in
Education and was done while working towards my teaching
credential.
This document consists of four parts. The first part
(i.e., Part A) is an explication and reflection of my story
in relation to my story influencing my decision to become a
teacher for children with special needs. As one will see
from reading this section, there is an easy connection
between being placed in special education as a child, and
wanting to teach children with special needs as an adult.
The second part (i.e., Part B) is a presentation of the
demographic information of the city I work in, the school I
teach at, and the classroom where I engage students. This
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information is vital in that it contextualizes my students
in the sense that it positions them in a social-historical
location. The third part (i.e., Part C) is a series of
descriptions and reflections on five case study students’
academic and social placements. The purpose of these
descriptions and reflections is to inform proposed academic
and behavioral goals I think my students need to achieve.
The fourth part (i.e., Part D) is a reflection on my whole
classroom, my five case study students, and three California
Teaching Performance Expectations I want to improve upon.
In this section, I give an honest evaluation of my first
year of teaching, and propose reasons for success and
failure, and outline an agenda for growth. I now realize
that the practical output of writing this document was to
inform my sense of social justice, and give me the
wherewithal to define such an allusive concept.
Part A: My Story
Many teachers choose their careers on the basis of
positive experiences in the field, and the satisfaction they
glean from these experiences. They have taught Sunday
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school, or been a teacher’s assistant, or any number of
other experiences that instill a sense of happiness. In
some respects, my path follows this template. In other
respects, it does not. Nonetheless, I understand that I am
the sum total of my experiences (good and bad), and my
experiences have greatly influenced my decision to become an
educator.
I was born in 1971, in Caldwell, Idaho, to a single
mother (who did not have a formal education beyond ninth
grade). This social-historical location was impetus for
some interesting experiences and non-experiences (e.g.,
going on vacations). According to my mother, I met my
father once, but I do not remember this meeting, so I assume
it occurred when I was an infant. Thus, I did not have a
close male role model growing up. Having only one parent
made for a childhood that was difficult. My mother worked
two, and sometimes three jobs to make ends meet. Her
primary concern was food and shelter for her child and
herself. This schedule did not allow her to give me
homework help. I did not need her help in kindergarten and
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first grade, but in my first year of second grade, I started
to fall behind with reading. After taking some assessments,
it was determined that I had a learning disability and that
I would benefit by participating in a pull out program for
reading and language acquisition. According to Smith and
Tyler (2010), “reading difficulty is the most common reason
for . . . students’ referral to special education” (p. 161).
I had special education services from my first year of
second grade to fifth grade. In my second year of second
grade, my special education services were increased. I was
pulled out a couple of times a day for reading, writing, and
math instruction. The special education class I attended
housed students with mild to severe disabilities. This
afforded me the opportunity to meet and develop friendships
with interesting people. However, this opportunity came
with negative baggage. When some of my general education
classmates found out that I attended a special needs class,
they categorized me through guilt by association. Since I
attended a class with the “Other” (regardless if I attended
a general education class with them as well), I was the
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“Other” (Said, 1978). This classification followed me
throughout my participation in special education. My
services were decreased from third to fifth grades, but I
still received help for reading and writing.
From sixth through twelfth grades, I did not receive
special education services. I probably would have benefited
from them though. I struggled with all academic subjects in
school, especially core subjects (e.g., English, math, and
science). I started my high school career taking remedial
classes that did not count as required subjects for credit.
For example, during my freshman and sophomore year, I took
basic math and Algebra ½. In order to graduate high school,
I needed two math classes starting from Algebra 1 and
progressing to a higher level. This prerequisite required
me to take two additional math classes, totaling four math
classes for four years of high school. This same scenario
happened with English and science. In Idaho, a student was
required to graduate with a C average in all core classes.
I graduated with a C average, barely. At the end of my
sophomore year, I told my mother I wanted a car—I got my
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driver’s license when I was fourteen years old. Her
response to me was, “Get a job.” That summer I got a job
working at Wendy’s. I worked at Wendy’s from eleventh grade
to my freshman year in college. In addition to allowing me
to get a car, my job also required me to learn time
management skills that inadvertently helped with study
skills, which resulted in better grades. My course work,
during the last two years of high school, brought my grade
point average up and allowed me to graduate high school.
Toward the end of my high school career, my mother got
hurt at one of her jobs. She went on disability, but her
disability pay did not totally replace her income. I had to
increase my hours at Wendy’s and give her my entire check so
that we would not lose our house and we could have enough
food to eat. This was my first real reflective experience
on poverty. I knew growing up that my mother and I were
poor, but I did not think of my family as potentially
destitute. At eighteen years old, I became the primary
provider for my family, with all the responsibility that
follows. If I did not work, I would not get paid, and we
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would not eat. To experience this reality as a teenager was
sobering.
In Idaho, after high school, a person either goes to
college or works at the local gas station (figuratively
speaking). I knew I did not want to do the latter. Since I
increased my grade point average, and scored above average
on the SAT, I was admitted to the local religious liberal
arts college (i.e., Northwest Nazarene College). Since my
only interest was music (I had been taking guitar lessons
since I was fifteen), I majored in music. I did well in
course work, but realized quite quickly that I was not a
musician’s musician, which is something it would take to
become professional at the craft. Around this time, the
church my mother and I were attending hired the pastor’s
nephew as youth pastor. He was only a couple years older
than myself, but showed so much focus. In a sense, I wanted
what he had. Through counsel with him, my pastor, and my
mother, I decided to leave Northwest Nazarene College and
attend a denominational bible school (i.e., Christian Life
College). At Christian Life College, I found the course
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work easy. On the one hand, the course work was easy in
that it was not at the same level of rigor as Northwest
Nazarene College, but on the other, I found the type of
engagement required by religious and philosophical studies
more conducive to my learning type: existential (Tupper,
2002). I did very well academically at Christian Life
College, graduating with highest honors. This did a lot for
my self-esteem and informed my decision to continue my
education with the goal of becoming a theology professor. I
was also introduced to my future wife at Christian Life
College. She is a native of the greater Los Angles area.
That being the case, after I graduated, and got married, I
relocated from Idaho to Southern California.
After Christian Life College, I went on to get another
Bachelor’s at Vanguard University of Southern California
(since Christian Life College was/is unaccredited), a
Master’s at Claremont School of Theology, and a Doctorate in
Religion at Claremont Graduate University. While studying
for my qualifying exams, I started working as a substitute
teacher in a nearby school district. I got the job through
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my wife who had been substitute teaching for a couple of
years while she was working on her teaching credential at
California Polytechnic University, Pomona. My wife’s
connections were primarily in alternative education. Her
connections became my connections, and so I started
substitute teaching a lot at the alternative high schools.
As of today, I have been substitute teaching for over seven
years, with three long-term assignments, all of which were
in alternative education, with the last assignment being in
special education.
When I reflect on my teachers for compulsory education,
it is sad to say, but I do not remember any teachers
standing out in a positive sense. I do, however, remember
three teachers who affected me negatively. First, there was
my third grade teacher, Mrs. “Three.” As previously
mentioned, I had difficulty with reading and writing in the
third grade. This difficulty extended to spelling. As a
side note, I still have difficulty with spelling. On
numerous occasions, Mrs. Three would ask me to go to the
front board, in front of all the students, and spell a word.
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I do not remember ever spelling one of the words correctly.
I can still remember a time when she asked me to spell the
word: come. I tried, but I could not do it. I remember
hearing laughter when she asked me to take my seat. There
was another time when she asked the class to write our
favorite kind of animal on a piece of paper to indicate a
topic for a write-up. I asked the student next to me how to
spell horse. After we wrote our animals on a piece of
paper, Mrs. Three collected and mixed them up for a game.
She read the animals aloud, and let the students guess who
wrote them on the pieces of paper. When she read the word
horse, the student who helped me guessed it was mine. She
ask him how he knew it was mine in front of the class, and
he told her that I asked him how to spell the word. Again,
I heard laughter. This was absolutely humiliating.
Second, there was my fourth grade teacher, Mr. “Four.”
Mr. Four was a good teacher in that I did learn from him.
However, there was an incident toward the beginning of the
school year that made all of his students afraid of him.
One Caucasian student called a Latino student a derogatory
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name. Mr. Four picked the Caucasian student off the ground
and threatened to hit him. Although I shared the teacher’s
rage, I thought the action was excessive, and felt the
atmosphere of the classroom change. The students no longer
felt comfortable joking with Mr. Four, and critical
engagement (i.e. a questioning ethos) all but disappeared.
This fear of the teacher lasted for the rest of the school
year.
Third, there was my fifth grade teacher, Mrs. “Five.”
Mrs. Five had all of her students pick one of the states in
the union, and do a written and oral report on it. I picked
Massachusetts. As part of the assignment, I wrote to one of
Massachusetts’ administrative representatives to get
information sent back to me so that I could write the
report. I never received any correspondence back, so I was
relegated to encyclopedia research to get information. My
report was terrible. At this point, it should be remembered
that my reading and writing skills were substantially below
average. Since my report was terrible, and I knew it, I
refused to give an oral presentation on Massachusetts.
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Later the same day of my scheduled presentation, I heard
Mrs. Five and her teacher’s assistant discussing my project
in which the teacher ended the conversation with the
comment, “I expected this from him.” This comment further
solidified my truncated self-esteem.
To counter these negative experiences from my teachers,
I have had certain people in my life that I looked up to,
which influenced me positively. I met “Gloria” when I was
fourteen years old. She was an established member of a
church my mother and I started attending. Her parents
invited my mother and I to dinner one night and Gloria and I
became friends. Although she was in her early twenties, she
acted immature for her age, so we hung out and did church
youth group things together. Gloria did not care how my
social-historical location informed who I presently was; she
was more concerned about who I could become (in terms of a
religious leader). When she looked at me, she saw potential
and thus held me (and my behavior) to a higher ethical
standard. For example, after I had been working at Wendy’s
for a couple of months, I made friends with some older
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coworkers. These coworkers were able to buy things that were
illegal for me to consume. Gloria, through her example and
instruction, was able to walk the fine line between the real
and ideal. She knew I needed my job, but she knew or
believed that I was too good to behave in the manner my
coworkers were influencing me. Gloria was able to inform me
of possible consequences of making bad life choices in such
a way that empowered me to take control of my life. Never,
up to this point, had I connected with an individual that
expected so much from me. I embraced her vision of me,
which became, in a general sense, the telos or goal for my
life.
Through Gloria, I met “Earl.” Earl was, at the time,
in his early thirties. He had a real heart for the church
youth group. He would do a lot of activities with us, like
water skiing, hiking, camping, etc. Earl wanted to become a
professional fisherman. That was one of his main goals. To
accomplish this goal, he set minor goals to influence
behavior and to improve skill. The process of goal setting
eventually became part of Earl’s philosophy of life.
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Whenever he would sit down and talk with the church youth
group, he would discuss goal setting. Every once in awhile,
he would pull me aside and have a conversation with me about
my goals. At the time, I did not really have a goal. I
would say something to him like, “I want to graduate high
school.” My responses to him were paten answers to keep him
from pestering me about my lack of direction. It was not
until I started excelling academically at Christian Life
College, which, as already stated, positively affected my
self-esteem, that I incorporated his advice into my toolkit
for life skills. I credit Earl, and his goals setting
mantra, with me earning a doctorate. If it was not for his
message of establishing a major goal, and minor goals, as
steps along the way, I would not have had the blueprints for
acquiring an education.
“Brent” became my church’s youth pastor during my
freshman year at Northwest Nazarene College. Brent was/is
the type of guy everyone likes. He had/has a quality about
him that makes him irresistible to people. In addition to
having a magnetic personality, he is very smart. After
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youth pastoring, and upon graduating from university, he was
awarded a Rhodes Scholarship for which he chose to study
Church History. As previously mentioned, I talked to him
when I was considering changing my focus from music to
religious studies. A piece of advice he gave me when
studying matters of philosophical purview was to question
everything. Although his advice is impractical from a real
world perspective, it was life changing for me with respect
to me critically engaging my religious worldview. I have
synthesized Brent’s advice into my life, and it has produced
(or I have generated because of it) some scary, some
enlightening, and some transforming effects.
Again, I am the sum total of my experiences, good and
bad. My experiences are a major influence on me deciding to
become an educator, particularly for mild to moderate
special education populations. Ever since I was twenty-two
years old and decided to go to graduate school, I wanted to
teach at a college or university. I have had multiple
experiences lecturing to and leading discussions with
students in higher education. As of late (within the past
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two to five years), I have had a change of heart. I am no
longer interested in teaching theology and philosophy to
college students. Two of my experiences are primary
informants for this decision. In reverse chronological
order, the first experience is substitute teaching. From a
social-economic point of view, I see myself in my students’
eyes. There were multiple times when my students were too
exhausted, too hungry, and/or too scared to do classwork
and/or homework. Several of my students came from single
parent homes or had parents who were too busy to offer
homework help. Some of my students’ parents have given up
on them completely and thus offer no support and/or
direction. Some of my students’ self-esteems were so low
that they did not believe in themselves enough to care about
anything, let alone their academic progress. I may not have
connected with all of my students on every level, but I
could identify with some of them at their points of need.
These experiences with my students have presented me with
the moral imperative: I must do something (about this).
“This” is a vague category; it signifies whatever the
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student is struggling against. More times than not, through
critical analysis, I determine that “this” is systemic
injustice, which is perpetuated by our societal makeup.
This is the primary reason I have chosen to become a public
school teacher.
The second experience (or set of experiences) is my
receiving special education services throughout my
elementary education. As already stated, I was diagnosed
with a learning disability in my first year of second grade.
I was placed in a pull out program until fifth grade. I
believe that this program was instrumental for my future
academic success. In retrospect, it seems like my
disability was a product of social-historical location.
Since I was raised by a single parent who had little time to
offer homework help, because she was too busy working
multiple jobs to earn a living, I did not have some academic
supports other students might have had. By offering me a
reading supplement, this placement was a lifesaver. This
experience(s) has had a major impact on me in so far as I
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now want to afford others a similar experience by becoming
an education specialist.
I am pursuing a teaching vocation because I want to
help work toward the betterment of humanity. The notion of
betterment assumes a justice norm (Kaufman, 1993). This
norm generates effects that naturally follow. The first
effect is a designation of justice as a material reality
manifest in community (Suchocki, 1987). Tangible modes of
justice supply the standard by which actions are judged; the
nonexistence of justice gives reason to question and
critique actions that do not measure up to the prescribed
norm. The initial valuation of this norm is physical well-
being, which constitutes those substances that are most
important for human life (e.g., food, water, shelter, etc.).
These basic needs are a platform to build upon. The second
effect is human dignity (Suchocki, 1987). This involves the
development of a person’s self-worth, which to some extent
is dependent on recognition and appreciation from others.
My philosophy of education highlights the second effect.
Teaching will afford me opportunities to instill self-worth
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in students. I want to help develop students’ awareness of
significance through critical engagement and constructive
proposal. When students analyze and critique forms of
injustice, and offer viable solutions to problems, their
sense of worth is elevated. This reason reflects the
importance I place on personhood; students are people, and
as such are entitled to a particular standard of life (which
includes education).
My philosophy of education is greatly influenced by
critical pedagogy, and its informant critical theory
(Freire, 1970). I believe this approach to education offers
tools to help students critique forms of injustice, and
offer viable solutions. To help in this endeavor, I think
curriculum should be multidisciplinary and project based.
With respect to the former, in terms of classroom
instruction, I want to practice bricolage. Bricolage can be
utilized as a research methodology that employs a
multidisciplinary approach to education (Kincheloe & Berry,
2004). One of the purposes of this approach is to produce
practical and critical insights into social-historical
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problems (Stout, 1988). For example, when I introduce a
piece of literature to students, I incorporate as many
disciplines as possible to establish context. This offers
students another hermeneutic tool, which they can use to
analyze the text. The students can then synthesize the
text’s central theme(s) into their own context, so as to
critique their locations. I will practice bricolage for two
reasons: first, it requires me and my students to engage
disciplines at critical levels, and second it affords
students opportunities to critically engage social
phenomena. If students experience injustice, this method
provides an instrument to analyze and address it, so as to
promote the betterment of humanity. In this sense,
bricolage can be an important technique within a critical
pedagogical agenda. Regarding the latter, a project-based
curriculum can present narratives. Students will be
assigned the task of deducing and addressing social issues
that arise from these narratives. These narratives may
resemble circumstances in students’ lives, and thus allow
them to engage their social-historical locations.
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Although I have spent many years trying to deny this
fact, I am my experiences. Experiences of dysfunction,
special education, general education, poverty, ridicule,
fear, low expectations (from some), high expectations (from
others), direction, spirituality, and rigor have been
synthesized into my being, and I am the product. My
experiences have led me to this point; the point where I not
only know I want to be an educator, but why I want to be an
educator. I have wanted to teach ever since I was in my
early twenties. But now, I want to teach special education
in public schools because of how my experiences have
informed (or are informing) my understanding of social
justice.
Part B: City, School, and Classroom
According to Clifford (1988), “[Ethnography] is simply
diverse ways of thinking and writing about culture from a
standpoint of participant observation” (p. 9). This is the
undertaking before me with respect to my chosen career. To
help me better understand the educational profession in
general and the importance of teaching in particular, it is
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determined that ethnography is the modus operandi. By
critically engaging various pedagogic entities, and
reflectively inscribing on my engagement, I will gain
perspective on the aforementioned points. Perspective is
the telos from my point of view.
I am an education specialist at Dewey Elementary School
in Pomona, California. I teach a scripted math curriculum
to seventh and eighth grade students in one of the school’s
Special Day Classes (SDC) offering support to students in
the special education program. To maximize my ability to do
this, three things must be considered. First, my school’s
community is analyzed so that connections and correlations
can be drawn between the larger community and the school in
general. These connections offer insight into my school’s
population, which in turn offers insight into instruction.
Second, my school is examined so that immediate context is
addressed in relation to social-historical location and
student assessment (as it pertains to the state’s
consideration). As the examination shows, there is a
dynamic relationship between location and assessment. Third,
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my classroom is surveyed, which shows barriers to
instruction, but also displays a willingness on my part to
teach despite the barriers. The consideration of these
entities demonstrates the complexity of the task before me.
City
Given my emphasis on social justice and the social-
historical location of my students, Pomona is an excellent
city for me to start my teaching career. In particular,
since Dewey is a microcosm of Pomona, with the community’s
strengths and weaknesses (including matters of advantage and
disadvantage), this school is an optimal place for me, in
terms of social outreach. The first step in connecting with
my students, and their families, is learning about and
analyzing my school’s community.
Pomona is about 27 miles east of the second largest
city in the United States—in terms of population.
Therefore, it is a suburb of Los Angeles, technically
speaking. Although Pomona is considered a suburb, it has an
urban ambiance. Whereas suburbs are (or have) newer
expansions with track home developments, Pomona is an older
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city, with its establishment predating California’s
statehood, when the territory was still part of Mexico
(Halsey, 1976). It does contain a newer community within
it, that is Phillips Ranch, which began development in the
early 1980s. Phillips Ranch does look like other suburbs
within the greater Los Angeles area. Many of Pomona’s
neighborhoods, however, are older and depressed in
appearance, and thus give the impression of being in poor
condition. Older houses and business structures line
pothole-ridden streets, showing continuity between various
types of urban landscape.
Pomona’s urban feel is accentuated by its location in
relation to neighboring towns. San Dimas is situated to the
northwest. La Verne and Claremont are located to the north.
Montclair and Chino are to Pomona’s east, and Chino Hills
and Diamond Bar are to the south. These neighboring towns
are smaller and wealthier than Pomona, and thus able to
construct a presence that is more desirable for people with
expendable moneys to visit and live. The contrast between
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Pomona’s harsh exterior and its bordering cities’ superior
façade emphasizes Pomona’s areas of need.
The demographics of Pomona, in large part, parallel my
students and their families. The 2010 census reports that
Pomona has a population of 149,058 (United States Census
Bureau [USCB], 2010). This number is slightly down from
2000 census, which reports a population of 149,473 (United
States Census Bureau [USCB], 2000). The projected number
for 2012, which has not been released by the census bureau,
is 150,812, indicating a 1,754-person increase from 2010
(USCB, 2010). The ethnic breakdown of Pomona (as of 2010)
is: 71,564 (or 48.0%) White, 12,688 (or 8.5%) Asian, 10,924
(or 7.3%) African American, 1,763 (or 1.2%) Native American,
282 (or 0.2%) Pacific Islander, 45,171 (or 30.3%) from other
ethnicities, and 6,666 (or 4.5%) from two or more
ethnicities (USCB, 2010). The census reports that 105,135
(or 70.5%) people are of Hispanic or Latino of any race
(USCB, 2010). This means that, although there is ethnic
diversity in Pomona, the vast majority of people in the city
are of Latin descent. This phenomenon is mirrored in my
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classroom insofar as 100% of my students are Hispanic and/or
Latino.
Pomona’s inhabitants underscore its urban character.
As previously mentioned, the majority of people living in
Pomona are of Hispanic and/or Latino decent. They are also
of lower, to lower middle, class with respect to annual
income (USCB, 2010). This is not to say, however, that
there is a one-to-one correlation between these two factors,
but it is to say that these two factors are both present in
Pomona and play a major role in the city’s characterization.
The city’s urban landscape reflects the economic standing
and cultural heritage of its population. Pomona’s grocery
store industry supports this claim. For example, the city
has four Cardenas markets within its boundaries. Cardenas
markets are a chain of grocery stores that focus on a
particular cliental by having a cheaper inventory that is
specifically Latin in orientation. There are other chain
grocery stores in Pomona, but they also concentrate their
stock on a similar cliental. An Albertsons used to be
located in north Pomona but closed its doors due to lack of
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revenue. Residents who want to buy food items that are not
consumed by the ethnic majority must go outside of Pomona to
shop.
An example of Pomona’s social-historical shift is the
Indian Hill Mall. In the early 1980s, a commercial mall
existed where Indian Hill Avenue ends along Holt Boulevard.
The mall housed typical mall-type businesses for customers
to peruse. This mall no longer exists. My employer owns
the building. The school district utilizes this building to
house various offices (e.g., food services, childhood
development, etc.) and the adult education program. On the
eastern most side of the building, an indoor swap meet is
located. The swap meet, through its prices and commodities,
caters particular patrons who do not have a lot of
expendable moneys and are of a specific ethnic heritage.
There is no other commercial mall within Pomona’s city
limits. Residents must go to Montclair Plaza—in Montclair—
to shop at a mall.
Pomona’s ethnic diversity is representative of its
religious disposition(s). The majority of people in Pomona
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are Catholic. This is not surprising given the fact that
people of Latin ancestry are traditionally Catholic. This
is attested to by the existence of three parochial schools
in the city with sizeable student bodies, all of which are
Catholic. There are, however, Protestant churches as well
throughout Pomona. The Protestant community is primarily
made up of Caucasian and African American residents. The
former maintain economic and political power in the city.
There is also a vibrant Muslim community in north Pomona.
On the corners of Garey Avenue and Foothill Boulevard, one
can see a Sunni mosque and a Shi’ite Islamic center, with
respective elementary schools.
The economy of Pomona is predominantly driven by
education. The city’s 2009 Comprehensive Annual Financial
Report indicates that the principal employers are: the
school district (with 3,424 employees), the hospital (with
3,230 employees), the local state university (with 2,316
employees), a private developmental service center (with
1,283 employees), the city of Pomona (with 810 employees), a
private rehabilitation center (with 688 employees), a
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
private communications company (with 596 employees), the
County of Los Angeles (with 383 employees), and public
transit (with 320 employees) (Comprehensive Annual Financial
Report [CAFR], 2009). Two of the top three employers are
institutions of education. I think this distinction, in
part, speaks to this community’s commitment to their
immediate offspring and future generations.
As the aforementioned statistics indicate, education is
an abundant resource available to this community. All
students who live in Pomona are slated to attend local
public schools. A new high school was recently built to
service students who live in Phillips Ranch. Students who
live in north Pomona have the option of attending Claremont
public schools (Claremont Unified School District [CUSD],
2013). There are numerous parochial schools open to Pomona
students, ranging from kindergarten to high school. There
is a charter high school, near downtown, open to students
with a proclivity toward the arts. A major state university
is located within the city limits. This university is known
for its technical majors (e.g., agriculture, engineering,
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
and architecture). There is a private university that
focuses on health sciences in Pomona. This university
offers graduate degrees. In a neighboring city, there is a
consortium of liberal arts colleges (with a graduate
university included) that is highly regarded for its world-
class education. Another neighboring city has a community
college, which offers general education courses for transfer
students, associate degrees, and vocational certificates.
Pomona also has a private, for-profit, university, which
focuses on bachelor degrees for vocational subjects. For a
city its size, there are a lot of educational opportunities
in Pomona.
There are also services available to this community.
The school district has teamed up with the abovementioned
health sciences’ university to offer free health screenings
to students—and parents of students. Throughout the school
year, at various school sites, this university sponsors
health fairs to screen vitals for preventative health care.
There are also free medical clinics located throughout the
city for people who cannot afford health care. They offer a
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needed service to lower income families. Women, Infants,
and Children (WIC) offers free food and nutrition services
to new and/or expectant parents who are unable to give the
necessary nourishment to their families. Lastly, an arts
colony has recently been created, which affords artists a
creative outlet. This works as both therapy (for artists)
and preventative social control, in that troubled students
who participate are less likely to break the law (as is the
rationale).
Pomona’s citizens participate in many community events
and traditions. Because of this city’s location, in
relation to the fair grounds, Pomona’s residents are major
participants in the annual county fair, which consists of
concerts, contests, carnival rides and vendors selling
various things (L. A. County Fair, 2013). The moneys made
form the fair are primarily funneled into the county’s
revenue account, but Pomona’s businesses benefit greatly
from the visitors (from all over southern California). Many
of Pomona’s high school students work the vendor booths,
offering much needed income to families. This event is also
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
a point of pride for the city, in that for the month of
September, Pomona is a point of interest for the greater Los
Angeles area. The fair grounds also have drag races
periodically. A couple of times a year, professional
racers, from all over the world, come to Pomona to compete
in a nationally recognized racing competition (NHRA, 2013).
These are significant events for the community.
As with most social-historical phenomena, Pomona is not
static, but experiences change through development. There
is currently a group of business owners who have aspirations
for Second Street. Downtown Pomona Owners Association
(DPOA) is presently in the process of refurbishing downtown
Pomona to beautify antique row and reinstitute the arts
colony (Downtown Pomona, 2013). With respect to the former,
customers can shop for antiques in a convenient cluster of
renovated stores. Regarding the latter, once a month, DPOA
sponsors an art walk where patrons can peruse through over
three dozen art galleries. A charter high school that
focuses on the arts, in close proximity to downtown, admits
several of its students’ work in the walk. These are two
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examples of this community’s present/future plans for
Pomona’s betterment.
One cannot analyze Pomona without examining its gangs.
There are approximately 15 gangs throughout the city (this
number is in a constant state of flux) (California Gang
Territories [CGT], 2013). For my purposes, I will focus on
four. The oldest and biggest gang in Pomona is the 12th
Street Sharkies—or 12th Street. 12th Street is principally a
Latin gang. 12th Street’s territory starts at Mission
Boulevard, between Reservoir Street and the 71 Freeway, and
goes south to Philadelphia Street (CGT, 2013). They usually
feud with Cherrieville, Sur Olive, and any African American
gangs in Pomona (CGT, 2013). Cherrieville and Sur Olive are
smaller gangs that started out as outgrowths of 12th Street.
Dewey Elementary School is in 12th Street’s territory, but
it is only one block north of Sur Olive’s territory, and two
blocks south of the Southside Village Crips (an African
American gang) (CGT, 2013). This is the indigenous
community of my school. This phenomenon—because of its
destructive nature— necessarily affects my students, and
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
thus an ethical mandate is placed upon me to address its
effects, in terms of social justice.
I am thoroughly excited to be teaching in Pomona. This
city has such a rich history and so much potential, which
its citizens rightly recognize. Its location in relation to
Los Angeles, its weathered appearance, its demographic
construction, the resources and services it affords its
residents, and the plans and aspirations its people have for
their community motivate me to be the best teacher I can be.
Given the social-historical position of my students, I am
located within a normative paradigm that necessities actions
for social justice.
School
When analyzing a school, there are two ways to approach
the task. One way is by looking at quantitative data. This
data could inform judgments about the school. Another way
is by making observations and drawing inferences from them.
These inferences are qualitative by nature. For this
section, I will start with the former and conclude with the
latter, and show a disconnect between the two.
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
As previously mentioned, Dewey Elementary School
reflects its larger community. Dewey has a student body of
708 students (California Department of Education [CDE],
2013). The demographic breakdown of this school is as
follows: 660 students (Hispanic or Latino of any race), 21
students (African American), 11 students (Asian), 9 students
(Filipino), 3 students (Two or More Races), 2 students
(White), and 1 student (not reported) (CDE, 2013).
According to these figures, 93% of the students at Dewey are
Hispanic or Latino. This demographic breakdown provides
context for my community analysis, particularly my
description of Pomona’s ethnic landscape.
It is not fair to assume that schools with minority
students are laden with English language learners. However,
this parallel does exist at Dewey. There are 292 English
Language Learners identified at this school, thus 41% of the
total population are classified as such (CDE, 2013). Given
that the majority of students at Dewey are Hispanic or
Latino, it is not surprising that the primary language of
the ELLs is Spanish. The language percentage breakdown is
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
as follows: 283 (or 96.92%) ELLs have a primary language of
Spanish, 5 (or 1.71%) ELLs have a primary language
classification of other non-English languages, 2 (or 0.68%)
ELLs have a primary language of Vietnamese, and 2 (or 0.68%)
ELLs have a primary language of Khmer (or Cambodian) (CDE,
2013). These percentages further solidify my comparison and
correlation between Dewey Elementary School and Pomona.
Because of the nature of California public schools, and
the emphasis on English as the primary language of American
citizens (given political agendas), there is a connection
between English Language Learners and the California English
Language Development Test (CELDT). The purpose of this test
is to gauge performance and progression levels of students
who are classified as English Language Learners. The CELDT
assessment team at Dewey tested 361 students (California
Department of Education [CDE], 2012). Out of these
students, 27 (7.0%) were Advanced, 100 (28.0%) were Early
Advanced, 123 (34.0%) were Intermediate, 67 (19.0%) were
Early Intermediate, and 44 (12.0%) were Beginning (CDE,
2012). These students will be reassessed every year until
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
they either RFEP (i.e., Reclassified Fluent English
Proficient) or graduate high school. The ideal (or goal) is
to have students RFEP, which shows that students have
learned the English language. For motivation purposes,
California Department of Education links students’ CELDT
scores to their respective schools’ Academic Performance
Index (API), which in turn is connected to allocation of
public funds.
Dewey did not meet their API growth goal. API is
scored from 200 to 1000—200 being bad and 1000 being good
(CDE, 2013). California Department of Education has set the
score of 800 as the minimum target score for all schools in
the state (CDE, 2013). There are multiple factors that play
into the determination of a school’s score. A consideration
of these factors is beyond the scope of this ethnography.
However, because of these factors, a lot of schools do not
meet the target score. Dewey’s base score for 2012 was 731,
and their growth score for 2013 is 733, indicating a growth
of 2 points (CDE, 2013). Dewey’s target growth was 5
points, so they did not meet their growth goal (CDE, 2013).
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The fact that they did not meet their API growth goal
affects their Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP) Report.
Dewey did not make their AYP (CDE, 2013). There are
four statewide performance level requirements a school must
meet to make their AYP (California Department of Education
[CDE], 2013). A school must have a 95% student
participation rate on statewide tests, an 89.2% passage of
proficient on English Language Arts statewide tests, an
89.2% passage of proficient on mathematics statewide tests,
and an API score of 770 or 1-point growth (CDE, 2013).
Dewey did meet the 95% participation rate and the increase
of 1-point growth on API (CDE, 2013). They did not,
however, meet the passage of proficient on the English
Language Arts and mathematics statewide tests (CDE, 2013).
In addition to not making their AYP, the failure to meet
these two requirements has put Dewey in a precarious
position.
Dewey Elementary School is in their fourth year of
program improvement (PI) (CDE, 2013). If a Title 1-funded
school (i.e., a school that receives state funds, of which
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
Dewey is one) does not make their AYP for two consecutive
years, they are placed on PI (CDE, 2013). A school has five
years to get off of PI before California Department of
Education steps in and takes over the school (CDE, 2013). A
school can get off of PI by making their AYP for two
consecutive years (CDE, 2013). Every year a school is on
PI, there are certain requirements that must be followed in
order to show the state that progress toward improvement is
being made in (and by) the school (CDE, 2013). In the
fourth and fifth years of PI, major restructuring should
take place (CDE, 2013). The specifics of this restructuring
are determined by the school site and district. If the
state does not see substantial growth, then they may elect
to implement alternative governance options (CDE, 2013). I
do not know the particulars of Dewey’s situation (in terms
of its faculty’s course of action to meet this challenge),
but I think the next two years are going to be of the upmost
importance for asking critical questions and making
constructive transformation to save this school.
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From this data, one can conclude that Dewey Elementary
School is not a good school. This conclusion may be
supported by an initial truncated observation. Before I can
give an explication of Dewey’s appearance, however, I must
first introduce its school wide norms, which are
instrumental in establishing its ambiance. Dewey’s faculty
has developed a “Classroom Discipline Plan” (Macmillan,
2013). This document is sent home to all its students’
parents. Both students and parents must sign and date it to
acknowledge their awareness of the norms. The plan has
three parts. First, there are three Golden Rules to guide
general behavior: “respect yourself, respect others, and
respect your environment” (Macmillan, 2013). Second, there
are six norms that are applicable to all classrooms: “1.
Follow directions the first time they are given. 2. Do not
get out of your seat without permission. 3. Raise your hand
and be recognized before you speak. 4. Keep your hands,
feet, and objects to yourself. 5. No candy or gum chewing.
6. No swearing, teasing, or name-calling. [and] 7. No cell
phones, MP3 players, or other electronics allowed”
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
(Macmillan, 2013). Third, there are consequences for
breaking rules: “first time gets a verbal warning, second
time loses privileges and gets a conference with teacher,
third time loses privileges and gets detention with a parent
contact (Macmillan, 2013). If a student is severely
disruptive, then he or she gets sent to the principal’s
office (Macmillan, 2013). This plan is strictly adhered to,
which has a twofold effect on students. On the one hand,
students are worried because there is no room for compromise
with respect to the consequences, but on the other, they
feel empowered, in a sense, because they are in charge of
the own actions and corresponding results. This effect
yields an atmosphere of respect, control, and
responsibility.
As already stated, the physical appearance of Dewey
parallels its larger community. In my examination of
Pomona, I portrayed it as relatively worn. Dewey’s
appearance echoes this depiction. The school’s brick
structures look aged. Its playground is tattered, and its
portables, although newer than the rest of the school, look
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
neglected. However, given this depiction, it would be a
colossal mistake to draw a necessary correlation between
Dewey Elementary School (the exterior manifestation) and
Dewey Elementary School (the vibrant community of
administrators, teachers, and students).
Dewey is in a unique position. It serves kindergarten
through eighth grade. Originally, it was just an elementary
school, in that it only served kindergarten through sixth
grade. Three years ago, when the local junior high
converted into a technical academy to suspend a state
annexation due to it reaching its fifth year in PI, the
school district added seventh and eighth grades to Dewey out
of obligation to accommodate displaced students. This
addition creates some organizational problems; not only does
Dewey need to house a sizeable student body (for its
physical dimensions), but also its faculty has to keep lower
and upper grades relativity separate—for the formers’
safety. Moreover, Dewey is kitty-corner to one of the
largest high schools in Pomona. A couple thousand students,
from kindergarten to twelfth grade, are contained within a
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
short distance from each other. This generates a logistical
challenge in terms of population control.
These factors do not seem to affect the morale of
Dewey’s faculty and students. When I walk through campus
during lunchtime, I see kids running and playing on the
playground. When I walk by classrooms, I hear teachers
teaching and students learning—as evidenced by hearing
critical questions and thoughtful answers. When I observe
teacher-student interactions, I see connections between
people. These connections, which in my opinion are one of
the most important things produced by the teacher-student
relationship, lead to student empowerment, in that the
interactions between the parties instill power into the
relation dynamic. Jim Cummins (2001) contends, “that human
relationships are at the heart of schooling” (p. 1).
Elsewhere, he states, “[E]mpowerment can be defined as the
collaborative creation of power” (p. 16). If Dewey’s
teachers and students are working together (i.e.,
collaborating) to construct a power relation that imparts
empowerment to its students, then much-needed change can
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
occur. As my description of Pomona and Dewey indicates, its
students are positioned in a social-historical location that
is replete with hardship, which I think is a product of an
unjust power structure. If this is the case, and Cummins is
correct, then Dewey’s teachers are doing precisely what they
are supposed to be doing, in terms of inspiring their
students.
The quantitative data and physical appearance of Dewey
Elementary School do not paint a pleasant picture. However,
my observations and the qualitative conclusions I draw from
them lead me to believe that Dewey is a much better school
than what is being represented. If Dewey is producing
empowered students who will become critical and productive
citizens, then this school is doing a fantastic job.
Classroom
In this section, I will explore my classroom, with
respect to appearance, policy, configuration, and resource.
When exploring a classroom, there are two things to take
into account. First, one should look at the physical
environment of the classroom itself. Second, one should
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
consider the population inhabiting the physical environment.
There is a necessary relationship between these two entities
that ultimately affects my students’ learning. The purpose
of the exploration is to help extrapolate these effects.
My classroom looks and feels like a science lab. It
looks and feels this way because it is a science lab. I
share my classroom with two other teachers, one of which is
the eighth grade math/science teacher. Instead of desks, or
normal sized tables, my classroom has tall laboratory
centers with stools around them. This setup functions well
enough, but is not optimal given the nature of my
instruction (i.e., a scripted math curriculum). In the back
right hand corner of my classroom, there are boxes of
laboratory supplies. I periodically have to remind my
students to leave these supplies alone. In the back left
hand corner, I set up a bulletin board to display student
work. I had to get permission from the other two teachers
to set up my bulletin board. Fortunately, they more than
understood the need for such a thing. In the front left
hand corner, there is a bulletin board for the after school
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
program teacher. These bulletin boards sandwich the
whiteboard, where most of my modeling of math problems takes
place. Thus, the students face the whiteboard and two
bulletin boards during instruction. There is a sink with a
water fountain in the front left hand counter as well. This
arrangement is not deliberate, and should be changed, but
cannot given the nature of my assignment (i.e. a half day
support for another special education teacher).
Dewey Elementary School has a school wide discipline
plan for all classroom teachers to follow. I introduced the
plan in the previous section of this ethnography. This plan
is deliberate and I am mandated, as an employee of Dewey, to
follow it. None of the norms on the plan were student
generated. As the document shows, six teachers collaborated
together to formulate it. I follow a behavior policy for my
classroom in conjunction with the discipline plan. Students
have three opportunities to correct their behaviors—aligned
with the plan—before I institute the sequence of
consequences given on the plan. These “opportunities” are
displayed on the whiteboard (under the agenda) next to
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
students’ names. Three demerits on a given day will result
in actions delineated on the school wide discipline plan.
My classroom protocols were given to me by my lead teacher
so as to be consistent with her protocols, and not confuse
our shared students.
The composition of my two classes is quite similar.
Both classes have four students in them. All of my students
are of Hispanic or Latino decent. Each class has three boys
and one girl. The two girls are quite talkative, and
instigate disobedient behavior from the boys. I have had to
isolate the girls, in terms of seating location, from the
boys in order to curb bad behavior. In other respects,
however, my classes are different. One of my classes is
seventh grade and the other is eighth. There is a big
difference, in terms of maturity, between the classes. The
seventh grade girl is the most disruptive, and has
progressed through the classroom discipline plan to an
office referral. One of my seventh grade boys is an English
Language Learner with a classification of Beginning (Y.
Macmillan, personal communication, October 7, 2013). Two of
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
my eighth graders (one boy and the girl) are English
Language Learners with classifications of Early Advanced (Y.
Macmillan, personal communication, October 7, 2013). The
seventh grade girl is the only student who is not bilingual,
with a classification of English Only (Y. Macmillan,
personal communication, October 7, 2013).
With respect to resources, my assignment has afforded
me two important assets, but has some major limitations as
well. Regarding the former, I am given the curriculum from
the special education department. Because my curriculum is
a scripted math program, my lesson planning is minimal.
This frees up time to focus on other things (e.g., teaching
strategies). Also, my teacher-to-student ratio is 1:4,
which allows for a lot of differentiation and prime
learning. However, because my assignment is a partial day,
I am given a classroom that I must share, and thus cannot
modify for optimal instruction. Also, due of the nature of
my assignment, I cannot connect with my students at the
level I would like to, because I am essentially a helper to
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
their case carrier (my position has been made clear to
them).
The examination of my classroom, regarding
appearance, policy, configuration, and resource, has offered
insight into what my students need to maximize their
learning. Although there are positives with respect to
policy and resource, the negative aspects overshadow the
positive, concerning the range of factors considered. For
reasons listed above, I do not think that my students are
experiencing an optimal learning environment. I am
pessimistic, furthermore, that the situation will change
given the transient nature of my assignment.
Conclusion
One point of this ethnography is to help illuminate
realities facing me in my place of employment. I have
referred to them elsewhere as “perspective.” To accomplish
this task, three things were considered: 1. The city of
Pomona, which is the geographic location of my school,
informs the social-historical position(s) of my students.
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2. Dewey Elementary School is my place of employment, thus
it is the immediate environment where education and
assessment occurs. Therefore, its profile influences the
success or failure of my students. 3. My classroom is where
instruction transpires. Its survey was informative to me in
that it revealed my location with respect to the greater
system in which I belong. The examination of these entities
has demonstrated the difficulty of the task before me.
Part C: Five Case Study Students
According to Delpit (2012), “If the curriculum we use
to teach our children does not connect in positive ways to
the culture young people bring to school, it is doomed to
failure” (p. 21). This statement alludes to the intention
of this study. That is to say, the purpose of my
ethnographic research is to make me a better teacher. To be
a better teacher, I need to be able to connect my curriculum
to my students. In order to connect my curriculum to my
students, I need to learn the culture of my students. This
study is an opportunity for me to learn the culture of my
students through direct observations and personal
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
conversations. If I fail to make the connection between
curriculum and students, then, as Delpit points out, I fail
as a teacher. However, if I am able to make the connection,
which is predicated on learning about, and getting to know,
my students, in essence making a connection with my
students, then I take the first steps toward being a better
teacher (Cummins, 2001). This is my goal for this project.
This part of the ethnographic narrative is an analysis
of five students. Their pseudonyms are: Immanuel, Paul,
Mark, William, and Sheila. The first three students are
seventh graders, and the last two students are eighth
graders. All of the students are boys, except Sheila. All
of the students receive special education services. All of
the students attend one of my math classes. All of the
students are of Latino decent. All of the students live
within walking distance of Dewey Elementary School (their
school of residence). All of the students are low to lower
middle class. As one can see, there are many similarities
among these students—with a few differences. Despite the
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
similarities, these students are individuals, and thus must
be considered as such.
For each student, I discuss five pertinent areas that
lead to needed information to help me accomplish my desired
goal. The first area is “Student’s Demographic
Information,” which presents school related quantitative
data for preliminary analysis. The second area is
“Preliminary Inferences,” where I discuss my observations of
respective students (without the insight of talking to close
family members), and draw inferences from these
examinations. The third area is “Student’s Story” where I
consider my interview with student’s family, in order to
glean context and understanding of their academic
performance and social connection. The fourth area is
“Student’s Academic Standing,” where I relay strengths and
weaknesses, in relation to course objectives and pertinent
standardized tests. The fifth area is “Student’s Action
Plan.” In this area, I establish academic and nonacademic
goals, which are the product of my analysis of the previous
sections. My research shows that, given the individuality
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of my students and the social dysfunction they exude, they
are in need of personalized academic instruction and
positive social modification.
Immanuel: Student’s Demographic Information
I will begin my ethnographic analysis of Immanuel by
presenting school related data. Immanuel is a male student
of Hispanic ethnicity (for all the data in this paragraph,
see Appendix A1). He is in the seventh grade. His language
proficiency is identified as, “Limited English Proficient,”
and his CELDT level is “Early Intermediate.” He is placed
in an “English Plus” EL program at school. Immanuel’s
special education qualification is “Specific learning
Disability.” He receives special education services with an
allotment of 49% or less. He is enrolled in three general
education classes: Pre-Algebra, Introduction to Life
Science, and Physical Education. He is enrolled in two
special education classes: Language Arts (double block) and
Pre-Algebra 1.1. My special education lead at Dewey is
Immanuel’s teacher for Language Arts, and I am his teacher
for Pre-Algebra 1.1 (Dettmer, Knackendoffel, & Thurston,
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
2013). The purpose of this data is to establish context for
forthcoming conclusions.
Immanuel: Preliminary Inferences
I had a general sense of who Immanuel was prior to
visiting with his family. My sense was informed by my many
interactions, observations, and conversations with him. I
will start with neutral information I obtained from the
subject and his case carrier (my special education lead at
Dewey). Immanuel lives in Pomona, California about three
blocks away from school (due north on Park Avenue). He
walks to and from school. He resides in a two-bedroom
apartment with his mother, her boyfriend, and his twin
brother. Immanuel was retained in second grade prior to
being assessed and qualifying for special education services
(Y. Macmillan, personal communication, November 11, 2013).
His twin brother is in eighth grade, and does not receive
special education services (Y. Macmillan, personal
communication, November 11, 2013). Immanuel’s twin does not
attend Dewey Elementary School because he was expelled
earlier this year for smoking marijuana on school grounds
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(Y. Macmillan, personal communication, November 11, 2013).
His brother attends a nearby middle school in the same
school district (Y. Macmillan, personal communication,
November 11, 2013). Immanuel’s biological father is
incarcerated (Y. Macmillan, personal communication, November
11, 2013).
Immanuel is a nice boy. He has a happy-go-lucky
attitude, which makes him endearing to his teachers. He
likes to joke around. For example, he often pretends that
he did not do his homework for class, which corresponds to a
consequence I instituted because he was not doing his
homework. When corrected for negative behavior, Immanuel
apologizes and modifies his actions. He is friendly when he
sees me out of class, which I think is a big deal for a
seventh grade student trying to fit in. I believe Immanuel
has a good heart and wants to be a good boy, but is
surrounded by negativity, which informs his undertakings.
Immanuel is a troubled student. His attendance at
school is less than desirable; he misses one day every week.
This affects his academic standing given that it limits his
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access to information. When he does come to school, he is
late to class. He receives referrals to the office on a
regular basis. Personally, I have referred him three times
for picking on other students (bullying is not tolerated at
Dewey). I am continually refocusing him on my lecture
and/or his schoolwork during class time. He is talkative
during class and has conflicts with other students.
Immanuel and two other students, in particular, bicker
during class, which disrupts instruction and vies for other
students’ attention. I have had to isolate Immanuel from
the rest of the class by having him sit at a table by
himself, which serves to modify behavior.
Immanuel does not do his homework. He is able to do
it, as determined by observation and assessment, but chooses
not to. I have called his mother and given him detention
for this on many occasions. It has finally come to the
point where I have set up an agreement with him about this
issue. Per our agreement, I do not give him daily homework.
Rather, he stays in my class for one hour after school on
Wednesdays—Wednesdays are early release—and I give him all
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the week’s homework, and he completes it then. This
agreement has been in effect for about a month, and thus far
it works; he completes the work in the time allotted and
gets one-on-one tutoring from me if needed.
Immanuel bullies other students in special education.
This has occurred in my class as witnessed by personal
observation and through testimonial from other students.
This has occurred in other general and special education
classes as well. Because of this behavior, after holiday
break, my special education lead, Immanuel’s mother, Dewey’s
administration, and myself are going to sit down and develop
a behavior plan for him (Y. Macmillan, personal
communication, November 11, 2013). The primary reason for
developing this plan is to modify negative behavior with
clear consequences, and thus allowing other students in
special education to feel safe. However, if this plan does
not have its desired effect, a secondary reason is to have a
validation for administration’s decision to expel Immanuel
from school (Y. Macmillan, personal communication, November
11, 2013).
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Immanuel: Student’s Story
The abovementioned description of Immanuel does not
paint a pretty picture. Although I shared some positive
aspects about him, the majority of my comments were
negative. It would be a mistake, however, to take my
comments at face value without some contextualization. At
this point, it is important for me to convey information I
received from my visit with Immanuel’s mother, and draw
inferences from that information. To get a clear indication
of who, what, and why Immanuel is the way he is, it is
essential to look at the phenomena that influence him.
According to his mother, the single most important event in
Immanuel’s life, which shaped his personality and his
general view of the world, was the incarceration of his
father (see Appendix A4). Given the delicate nature of this
subject, I did not ask probing questions about it, but from
overall conversation, I concluded that the confinement
occurred a couple of years ago. Immanuel was old enough to
realize what was happening, and still remembers the ordeal.
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His mother blames this occurrence for his current problems
in school (see Appendix A4).
Due to the contributory nature of this event in shaping
Immanuel into the person he is, I tend to think his father,
although absent, is the most influential figure in his life.
When I asked his mother if Immanuel still sees his father,
the answer was a quick and definitive “no!” His father, at
this point, is completely out of the picture (see Appendix
A4). Although I still stand by my conclusion regarding
Immanuel and his father, this answer from his mother led me
in a different direction. During my visit, I started
looking for other familial influences that might affect my
student. I think I found one while observing the
interactions between Immanuel and his brother in that his
brother tends to determine agendas for the two boys (see
Appendix A4). It seems to me that his twin brother has
taken the position of patriarch (even though the mother has
a boyfriend living in the house). I do not know who is
technically older, Immanuel or his brother, but I get the
sense that, since the former is in special education, the
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latter is the leader of the two. This might explain why
Immanuel’s behavior has become more extreme (in a negative
sense) since his brother was expelled from school. From my
visit with Immanuel’s mother, I conclude that she loves her
son, and wants the best for him. However, given my
observations of Immanuel at school and my conversation with
his mother at home, I think home life is having a negative
influence on him.
Generally speaking, given the correlation between my
preliminary observations and my conversation with Immanuel’s
mother, I think the atmosphere at home is having an effect
on his perception of school. When I asked Immanuel about
his feelings of school (in front of his mother), he
responded by identifying the talking points about the
importance of doing well and staying in school (see Appendix
A4). I recognize, however, a disconnect between what he
says about school and what he does in school. I have
already identified problem areas with Immanuel and school in
my preliminary observations; his behavior toward other
students in special education is a case in point. I think
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this disconnect is informed by his social-historical
location, which in turn influences his perception of what
school should be. That is to say, his familial context,
with its multiple components, informs his definition of
school (and the future for that matter). Immanuel treats
education as a means to an end. If the end—whatever that
may be—does not align with what he wants for his life, then
there is no point to education. It seems to me that, for
now, the end Immanuel is seeking is a good time. Given this
end, education is determined not fundamentally necessary.
As a follow-up question, I asked his mother about
Immanuel’s successes and setbacks in school. She replied
that his successes are social in nature and his problems
take an academic purview (see Appendix A4). I find this
response interesting given that, from my point of view,
Immanuel’s successes and problems are reversed from this
format. He is very social, but the type of social exchanges
he partakes in, in my class, brings about negative results.
From this discussion with his mother, I do not think we
agree in our interpretation of Immanuel’s situation at
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school. I propose that his home life is influencing (i.e.
is more influential than his mother realizes) his
performance at school in such a manner that performance at
school needs immediate correction.
As the aforementioned comments attest to, Immanuel is
socially connected to his family and friends. His mother
rightly identifies conviviality as his strength (from her
perspective) (see Appendix A4). There are moments of
amiability in my class, which are established by his
pleasant personality. He can be both supportive and
emboldening if he chooses. During these times of
encouragement, his classmates are truly appreciative as
demonstrated by their responses to him. Immanuel’s behavior
outside with his friends is more difficult to decipher.
There are times when he knows he is being observed;
therefore, he behaves in a manner that he thinks teachers
expect. This behavior is reminiscent of what I just
described in my class. However, there are other times when
he takes on the role of the aggressor and starts, from my
point of view, oppressing people around him. I have
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witnessed this in my class as well. It is difficult to draw
a conclusion regarding his friends’ placement in the web of
relationships. I do not know if Immanuel’s friends are
supporting or hindering him because of the inconsistency of
his behavior. Also, given his dominant personality, I am
led to believe that he is in the position to offer support
(or hinder) his friends. Immanuel is socially connected to
his family as well, but as with school, his behavior can be
good or bad depending on multiple factors (e.g., the role of
hegemony in the relationship).
Immanuel: Student’s Academic Standing
As previously mentioned, Immanuel attends my class:
Pre-Algebra 1.1. This class is a special day class, where I
instruct students using a scripted math program (at third
grade level). His strengths are in basic arithmetic, where
he performs single digit addition, subtraction,
multiplication, and division (see Appendix A2). He is
accustomed to scoring one hundred percent on timed
worksheets that exhibit the abovementioned skills (see
Appendix A2). The program reinforces these skills
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throughout because the authors assume that more difficult
problems will build upon them. Immanuel’s weakness, on the
other hand, is number families (see Appendix A2). Number
families are particular ways of setting up word problems to
help students decide whether they should use addition or
subtraction to determine given answers. He tends to reverse
mathematical functions, which results in wrong answers. The
math program is not governed by standards as such, whether
they are state or common core, but internal objectives that
coincide with its intended skills. Immanuel meets (and
struggles with) the objectives that correlate with the
aforesaid abilities. He performs well on formative
assessments. When I check for understanding, he is often
times correct. On the last summative assessment, Immanuel
scored eighty-seven percent (see Appendix A4). This is a
good score. However, it was the lowest score in the class.
He got this score because he scored poorly on the number
family section in the manner I have described (see Appendix
A4). If he had done well on this section, he would have
scored one hundred percent. For standardized tests,
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Immanuel scored 298 on the California Modified Assessment:
Mathematics, which is below basic (see Appendix A1). The
disconnect between my assessments and the standardized test
can be explained due to the program’s lack of academic
rigor.
Immanuel: Student’s Action Plan
I have one academic goal for Immanuel. My goal is to
have him master the concept of number families; mastery
denotes correct usage in eight out of ten problems. In the
last section test (i.e., Test 5), Immanuel scored three out
of ten points for number families, which indicates a failing
grade for this section (see Appendix A4). This poor
performance, as already stated, caused him to get an eighty-
seven percent on the test. Although this is a good grade,
Immanuel would have scored substantially higher if he had
done better in this section. Daily work shows consistency
with regards to his understanding of number families. My
plan for achieving this goal is fourfold: 1. frontloading
instruction by highlighting mathematical vocabulary, 2.
modeling correct usage to review appropriate arrangements,
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3. using manipulatives to make theoretical instruction more
practical, and 4. playing number family games, which are
imbedded in the program to help students go over proper
procedures (Vaughn & Bos, 2012). Throughout this plan, I
will check for understanding to determine areas of need and
points to reteach. I think this plan will work because it
utilizes different strategies to teach the same concept,
thus addressing different learning modalities. Progress
toward this goal will be determined by formative and
summative assessments as given by the scripted program.
I also have a non-academic goal for Immanuel, which is
correct socialization. As previously mentioned, this
student is a social person, but he tends to pick on other
students whom he considers are more aligned to his
perception of special education. My goal is to have this
behavior stop. Per Dewey’s behavior policy, this behavior
necessitates negative consequences—I introduced this policy
in Part B of this ethnography. However, I will also
implement a positive consequence in the form of a marble jar
in that good behavior (i.e. treating other students with
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respect) adds marbles to a jar, which allows Immanuel to
work with the class toward a pizza party as determined by a
full marble jar. According to my lead, these two types of
consequences (i.e. negative and positive) tend to work with
this student to modify behavior.
Paul and Mark: Students’ Demographic Information
Since Paul and Mark are twin brothers, I will treat my
analysis of them as a unit. I will begin with Paul by
presenting school related data. He is a male student of
Hispanic ethnicity (for all the data in this paragraph, see
Appendix B1). He is in the seventh grade. His language
proficiency is identified as, “Other/Unknown,” and his CELDT
level is “Unknown or Not Applicable.” He is not in an EL
program at school. Paul’s special education qualification
is “Visual Impairment.” He receives special education
services with an allotment of 49% or less. He is enrolled
in three general education classes: Pre-Algebra,
Introduction to Life Science, and Physical Education. He is
enrolled in two special education classes: Language Arts
(double block) and Pre-Algebra 1.1. My special education
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lead is Paul’s teacher for Language Arts, and I am his
teacher for Pre-Algebra 1.1.
Mark’s data is similar to Paul’s with a few
differences. Mark is a male student of Hispanic ethnicity
(for all the data in this paragraph, see Appendix C1). He
is in the seventh grade. His language proficiency is
identified as, “Non Assessed Fluent English Prof,” and his
CELDT level is “Unknown or Not Applicable.” He is also not
in an EL program at school. Mark’s special education
qualifications are “Visual Impairment” and “Other Health
Impairment.” He has a nonfunctioning feeding tube in his
stomach. He receives special education services with an
allotment of 49% or less. As with his brother, he is
enrolled in three general education classes: Pre-Algebra,
Introduction to Life Science, and Physical Education. He is
also enrolled in two special education classes: Language
Arts (double block) and Pre-Algebra 1.1. My special
education lead is Mark’s teacher for Language Arts, and I am
his teacher for Pre-Algebra 1.1. The purpose of this data
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(for both students) is to establish context for forthcoming
conclusions.
Paul and Mark: Preliminary Inferences
I will start with neutral information I obtained from
Paul and Mark and their case carrier. They live in Pomona,
California across the street from Dewey Elementary School on
Park Avenue. Their grandmother walks them to and from
school every day. They reside in a two-bedroom apartment
with their grandmother and mother. Their grandmother uses
one bedroom and they share the other bedroom with their
mother. Their grandmother works as a babysitter during the
day and their mother works at a candy manufacturer during
the night. Paul and Mark’s grandmother is their legal
guardian. She signs all school related paperwork, including
their Individual Education Program invitation and signature
page (Y. Macmillan, personal communication, September 23,
2013). They were born two months premature, which affected
their health—particularly their eyesight—and stature (Y.
Macmillan, personal communication, September 23, 2013).
They have an older half-brother who lives in Texas with his
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father (who is not theirs). They sometimes refer to their
brother as their father. Paul and Mark have never met their
biological father.
I will start with my observations of Paul. He is a
nice boy. He is respectful to fellow students and me.
Fellow students reciprocate this respect back to him. To
illustrate this point, I have a problem in my seventh grade
class with students interjecting their opinions in other
students’ conversations, or just interjecting their opinions
and wills onto others generally. This usually escalates
into heated verbal exchanges. Paul does not usually
participate in these developments. When he does interpose
his judgment, it is academically related, and he is
typically correct in his analysis. The other students, with
the exception of one, recognize his social position in the
class, and concede their points. I also respond to Paul in
like manner, because his thoughtfulness is evident in his
behavior. Throughout the fall semester, he saw me drinking
coffee during scripted instruction. For Christmas, he gave
me a mug so that I would have a new cup with which to drink
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my coffee. I know that Paul’s family is struggling
financially. I have had many conversations with his case
carrier about his lack of resources, and how this affects
his academic productivity. Yet, I felt compelled to accept
his gift to maintain student-teacher connection. I
recognize his family’s sacrifice, and his motivation behind
the gift. The general spirit of his actions engenders a
particular outlook of who he is, and in turn an equivalent
response.
Paul is my highest academic achiever in seventh grade.
When I check for understanding during instruction and
independent work, he is correct ninety-five percent of the
time. He scores between ninety and one hundred percent on
all homework and timed worksheets (see Appendix B2). Since
I have taken the class, I have given three section tests.
He scored a ninety-five percent on the first test, and one
hundred percent on the second and third tests (see Appendix
B3). Because of these grades, I think the level of
instruction is too easy for him, but according to his case
carrier his grade in general education math and his
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percentage of special education placement justify his
residency in my class (Y. Macmillan, personal communication,
December 24, 2013).
Paul’s level of academic achievement comes with a
negative side effect. I have another student who is a high
achiever as well, but not as high as Paul. She is jealous
of him. Because of his grades (and small stature), she
bullies him, and tries to get him to miss problems on
purpose, so that she can score higher. My special education
lead (who is case carrier for both students) has added a
behavior plan to the girl’s Individual Education Program to
curtail this phenomenon (Y. Macmillan, personal
communication, December 24, 2013).
Paul is a couple of minutes older than Mark. Paul’s
stature is bigger than Mark’s. Paul’s academic acumen is
higher than Mark’s. There is a trend here. This trend
informs a dynamic in the relationship between these two
brothers. As both Paul and Mark recognize, Paul is the
leader of the two in that he determines the agenda for given
activities. It is also his job to look after his brother.
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I have seen Paul organize his brother’s homework, clarify
questions his brother does not understand, and even get
aggressive with those who treat his brother less than what
Paul thinks his brother deserves. For example, Paul will
not stand up for himself when the girl who is jealous of him
is bullying him, but he will be aggressive with her when she
is picking on Mark. From this, I conclude that his internal
drive to protect his brother is stronger than self-
preservation. Although I do not condone student-to-student
confrontation, I respect Paul for his sense of family, as
represented by how he treats his brother.
I will now turn my attention to Mark. He is also a
nice boy. As compared to his brother, he does not have the
same classroom presence, and thus he tends to get lost
and/or left behind—in terms of social and/or academic
progress. To compensate for his inconspicuousness, Mark
complements me every day to draw my attention toward him.
He says things like: “you are amazing,” “you are handsome,”
and “you are the best teacher.” I believe these complements
are sincere. However, as his classmates point out, he says
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these same things to all of his teachers. The other
students do not think of these comments as brown-nosing, but
as a display of Mark’s peculiarity. To further inform and
solidify this perception of him, he touches and scratches
areas of his body that are private in nature. This disturbs
fellow students (other than his brother). I have talked to
his case carrier about this, and her reply was that he has
Eczema (Y. Macmillan, personal communication, December 24,
2013). Although this justifies his behavior, it does not
repair his reputation; his classmates still think he is
weird. Because of his reputation, and the treatment from
other students it insights, I have taken it upon myself to
protect him from their acts. This course of action,
however, has backfired in that the other students now think
I favor Mark, which has influenced more austere treatment
toward him.
As previously mentioned, Paul is my most advanced
seventh-grader. Mark, on the other hand, is my lowest
performing seventh-grader—in terms of academic
accomplishment. When I ask Mark questions, as part of
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formative assessment, he does well in that he is most often
times correct. He also scores well on his homework. He is
custom to attaining between ninety and one hundred percent
(see Appendix C2). However, he does not do well on section
tests, and since section tests essentially comprise the
final grade for the course, he is not doing well in my
class. Out of three section tests, he has scored a fifty-
two percent, a sixty-four percent, and an eighty-nine
percent (see Appendix C3). The first two scores are
considered failing for the scripted program, but the third
score is four percentage points above mastery. In addition
to major reviewing, to get Mark to do this well on the last
section test, I had to scaffold and use many different
strategies in frontloading instruction. Whereas this
course’s level of instruction is not rigorous to most of my
students, it is for Mark.
Mark displays peculiar behaviors when he struggles with
academic content that impede successful completion of tasks.
For example, when my other students struggle with math
problems, they either deconstruct the problems in that they
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break the problems into their constitutive parts, and work
them through as such, or if the problems are still too
difficult, they skip the problems altogether. This is a
valid strategy for timed worksheets and section tests.
Mark does not do this. Rather, he fixates on problems he
does not know, and therefore does not progress through given
assignments. This causes him to fail these assignments.
This is precisely what happened on the first two section
tests. In addition, when Mark misses a problem, he gets
upset, questions my answer, and then when I adequately argue
my case, he gets more frustrated with my explanation. I
conclude from this that he does not take correction well,
which does not bode well for students in general, because it
shows a lack of teachablility.
Paul and Mark: Students’ Story
The above descriptions of Paul and Mark highlight both
positive and negative aspects. As with my examination of
Immanuel, it would be a mistake to accept my comments
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without some sort of contextualization. At this point, it
is important for me to convey information I received from my
visit with Paul and Mark’s grandmother, and draw inferences
from that information. As a side note, I think it is
important to point out that the boys’ mother was asleep in
an adjacent bedroom while this interview took place. This
is fitting given that the grandmother is their primary
guardian and contact for school related matters. To get a
clear indication of who Paul and Mark are, it is essential
to look at the phenomena that influence them. When I asked
their grandmother about the most important event that shaped
or influenced them, her reply identified the event of their
birth (see Appendix B4). As already stated, Paul and Mark
were born premature. Their bodies were not fully developed
at the time of their birth. The primary effects this had on
them were impaired eyesight (they are legally blind, but can
see a little with corrective lenses) and truncated bodies
(they are substantially shorter than other children their
age). The former effect establishes their placement in
special education, and their reception of such services.
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Upon preliminary observation, I tended to think that
the most important individual in Paul and Mark’s life is
their grandmother, but when I asked her who was most
influential to the boys, she identified their mother (see
Appendix B4). The grandmother’s rational for this answer
highlighted some key points. First, their mother gave them
life. Second, she sacrificed her life for them in terms of
changing her lifestyle for their betterment. Third, she
sacrificed her life again in terms of swallowing her pride
to seek help when she realized she could not raise them on
her own. When she realized this, she and the boys moved in
with the grandmother (see Appendix B4). The latter point
has given the boys an opportunity to attend Dewey, and
receive academic support from their case carrier, which
according to the grandmother has transformed their lives
(see Appendix B4). Upon further reflection, given my
initial assumption and the grandmother’s response, I think I
confused the categories of “importance” and “influence.”
These categories are not necessarily the same. I can see
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how sacrifice correlates to influence, particularly with
residual developments that positively affect family.
After talking about influences, I segued the
conversation toward Paul and Mark’s views about school. I
asked the grandmother, “How do they feel about Dewey
Elementary?” Her reply did not surprise me. According to
her, Paul loves school and Mark does not (see Appendix B4).
I asked her why she thinks this is the case. She alluded to
Paul’s success in school, and Mark’s tendency to stress out
when he struggles with method and content (see Appendix B4).
The language she used made me suspect of reiteration. I
asked her if she had this conversation with Paul and Mark’s
case carrier, and she responded in the affirmative (about
two weeks prior to my interview) (see Appendix B4). Even
though this correspondence predetermines the data, I found
it necessary to continue my line of questioning. I asked
the grandmother when the boys feel most and lease successful
in school. She replied that the boys feel most successful
while in special education classes and least successful
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while in general education classes (see Appendix B4). I
think this response was predetermined as well.
Given the nature of the grandmother’s answers to the
aforesaid questions, I decided to try and glean information
through observation. Even with two incomes in the family, I
would consider Paul and Mark poor. There are many factors
to indicate this (e.g., apartment location and appearance).
Yet, given economic hardship, there seems to be a
substantial desire within the family for material things in
that there is a flat screen television in their living room
with multiple game consoles. There is a big stereo next to
the television. I asked the grandmother if the boys had
access to a computer to do research, and she countered by
saying that their only access is at school (see Appendix
B4). As a side note, I have heard general education
teachers complain about accommodations they make for Paul
and Mark, due to their lack of resources. I classify this
information under cultural and economic influences, but in
my mind that seems to justify the disconnect in priority for
material goods and needed resources. I really do not know
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how to synthesize and internalize this information to make
me a better teacher for Paul and Mark.
The boys are socially connected (and disconnected) in
so far as they are only connected to each other. I have
never seen them play with other students during nutrition
break and/or lunch recess. They are always standing next to
the boy’s restroom, waiting for the bell to ring to indicate
the end of recess. They interact with other students during
class, but never as friends. When I asked their grandmother
a question regarding their social connectedness, her reply
added context to my observations. According to her
testimony, the boys do not need “friends” as such; they have
family (see Appendix B4). On the one hand, I can see that a
strong family unit is an asset, especially during times of
struggle, but on the other, I think emphasizing family to
the exclusion of friends is myopic and socially problematic
for reasons of future sustainability. I think her reply is
informed by a history of mistreatment of Paul and Mark by
other children, and thus is an attempt to protect them.
Paul and Mark: Students’ Academic Standing
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As previously mentioned, Paul and Mark attend my class:
Pre-Algebra 1.1. This class is a special day class, where I
instruct students using a scripted math program (at third
grade level). In relation to this class, in terms of
academics, I cannot analyze Paul as I do other students,
looking at their strengths and weaknesses, because he is
above this program’s level of competency. He does not have
a weakness as far as I can see, and therefore does not
struggle with a corresponding standard. I have already
addressed his performance on formative and summative
assessments. I would like to either pass him out of my
class, but for reasons previously mentioned I cannot, or
give him more rigorous work, which would be a logistical
nightmare and against the special education department’s
protocol. Paul scored 402 on the California Modified
Assessment: Mathematics, which is proficient (see Appendix
B1). There is uniformity between my analysis of his ability
and the score he got on this standardized test
Mark is a different story. His strengths are in basic
arithmetic, where he performs single digit addition,
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subtraction, multiplication, and division. He is accustomed
to scoring ninety-five to one hundred percent on timed
worksheets that exhibit the abovementioned skills (see
Appendix B2). Conversely, Mark’s weakness is number
families. I have given a thorough description of number
families in my analysis of Immanuel. Mark’s problem with
number families parallels Immanuel’s. As already stated,
the math program is not governed by standards, but by
internal objectives that coincide with its intended skills.
Mark meets (and struggles with) the objectives that
correlate with the aforesaid abilities. He performs well on
formative assessments; when I check for understanding, he is
most often times correct. On the last summative assessment,
Mark scored eighty-nine percent (see Appendix C3). This is
a good score. I have already given reasons for this grade.
For standardized tests, Mark scored 308 on the California
Modified Assessment: Mathematics, which is basic (see
Appendix C1). There seems to be consistency between my
summative assessments and the standardized test
Paul and Mark: Students’ Action Plan
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I do not have an academic goal for Paul, given his
level of competency and the level of rigor for the math
program, but I do for Mark. Since Mark is struggling with
the same thing as Immanuel, my goal for the former is the
same as the latter. My goal is to have Mark master the
concept of number families; mastery denotes correct usage in
eight out of ten problems. My plan for achieving this goal
is fourfold: 1. frontloading instruction by highlighting
mathematical vocabulary, 2. modeling correct usage to review
appropriate arrangements 3. using manipulatives to make
theoretical instruction more practical, and 4. playing
number family games, which are imbedded in the program, to
help the student go over proper procedures. Throughout this
plan, I will continually check for understanding to
determine areas of need and points to reteach. I think this
plan will work because it utilizes different strategies to
teach the same concept, thus addressing different learning
modalities. Progress toward this goal will be determined by
formative and summative assessments as given by the scripted
program.
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Since Paul and Mark struggle with the same social
problem, I have the same non-academic goal for both
students, which is correct socialization. As previously
mentioned, these boys are socially connected, but only to
each other. They have no friends as such. I want to change
this (with the permission of their grandmother). I want to
introduce them to other students who they can possibly
develop friendships with. I plan on accomplishing this goal
by teaming up with a general education teacher—a teacher who
knows the boys well—so that he or she can suggest people who
can partner up with Paul and Mark for extra curricular
activities. I understand that I cannot determine
friendships per se, but I can help these boys develop
friendships by facilitating opportunities for interaction.
William: Student’s Demographic Information
As with the other students in this ethnography, I will
begin my analysis of William by presenting school related
data. William is a male student of Hispanic ethnicity (for
all the data in this paragraph, see Appendix D1). He is in
the eighth grade. His language proficiency is identified
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as, “Limited English Proficient,” and his CELDT level is
“Intermediate.” He is placed in an “English Plus” EL
program at school. William’s special education
qualification is “Specific Learning Disability.” He
receives special education services with an allotment of 49%
or less. He is enrolled in three general education classes:
Algebra, United States History, and Physical Education. He
is enrolled in two special education classes: Language Arts
(double block) and Pre-Algebra 1.2. My special education
lead at Dewey is William’s teacher for Language Arts, and I
am his teacher for Pre-Algebra 1.2. The purpose of this
data is to establish context for forthcoming conclusions I
draw from observations and conversations.
William: Preliminary Inferences
Through interactions, observations, and conversations
with William, I have developed a general sense of who he is
prior to visiting with his family. I will start with
impartial information I obtained from the subject and his
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case carrier. William lives in Pomona, California about
four blocks away from school (due West on Lexington Avenue).
He walks to and from school. He resides in a three-bedroom
rented house with his father, mother, and three older
siblings—all of which are girls. William is substantially
young than his siblings (about eight years their junior).
He has an older sister—the eldest—who no longer lives at
home. She is twenty-nine years old, and lives in Los
Angeles with her boyfriend and their child. William’s
parents are immigrants from Mexico. His father speaks
broken English while his mother is not bilingual—speaks only
Spanish (Y. Macmillan, personal communication, September 23,
2013). William and all his siblings grew up (are growing up)
and went (are going) to school in Pomona. They have an
established history in their community.
William is personable. This results in him being
extremely popular among his teachers and fellow students.
He often sets tones for my classroom. When he is upset, the
other students exhibit tension; when he is depressed, the
other students communicate a melancholy air; when he is
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happy, the other students extend a cheerful ambiance. He is
also intelligent. He is well informed about American pop
culture, and is able to make connections among musical,
theatrical, and literary themes. We often philosophize
about such themes in relation to ethical mores. When my
lead teacher informed him about the nature of my academic
research, he started asking me questions of a philo-
religious motif. He inquired about the arguments for and
against the existence of God, the nature of heaven and hell,
and in particular about different views regarding the
religious “Other.” Although I wanted to talk to him about
these things, I quickly diverted the subject, so as to not
be guilty of discussing “religion” in a public arena, which
is legally questionable. This description of his
inquisitiveness, nonetheless, shows the type of student I am
attending to with William.
In addition to being personable and intelligent,
William is extremely talkative. This phenomenon often times
transforms into something problematic. Although there are
only three other students in my class, William is able to
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escalate, at will, inattention and disruption. For example,
he often asks questions that are unrelated to the subject
matter, and this easily ignites into full-blown
conversations among the students. This requires me to
constantly refocus the students to the task at hand. That
being said, the opposite is also the case; when William is
focused on the lecture and/or classwork, the rest of the
class follows his model.
In terms of formative assessment questions and
summative assessment percentages, William is the highest
performer in my eighth grade math class. The course work
for the Pre-Algebra 1.2 scripted program is at a fourth
grade level. As previously mentioned, he is also taking
Algebra in general education. There is a four-year
difference between what I am teaching William, with respect
to content, and what his eighth grade Algebra teacher is
teaching him. The scripted program interlaces basic
arithmetic into pre-algebraic formulas. According to
William’s own admission, this work is too easy for him.
However, according to his case carrier, his overall
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performance is keeping him in special education, and thus in
my math class (Y. Macmillan, personal communication,
November 5, 2013). The result of this placement and his
approach to the subject matter creates two potential
problems: 1. he rushes through all the assignments,
including section tests, and 2. he works ahead on daily
work. These actions affect his academic standing and
classroom behavior.
With respect to the former, William rushes through
assignments and tests, which causes him to make careless
mistakes. These mistakes are lowering his grade. For
example, on one of his section tests, he missed numerous
basic arithmetic questions, which brought his grade down to
a C (see Appendix D3). When I reviewed the test, and asked
him if he knew the math problems, his frustration with his
performance showed me that he knew the material, but made
foolish errors. However, even with his frustration over
under performance, the abovementioned behavior does not
change; he still consistently rushes through assignments and
tests. Regarding the latter point, William works ahead on
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daily work, which affords him free time toward the end of
class. He uses this free time to distract other students
from my instruction and their coursework. This causes other
students to fall behind on their work. From a teacher’s
point of view, William’s behavior is unacceptable due to the
product it produces. I must address his conduct, which
divides my attention by causing me to stop instruction and
refocus the class to the task at hand. In an attempt to
possibly help William and curtail poor behavior, which would
have the residual effect of helping other students stay
focused in class, I have chosen him for this project.
William: Student’s Story
The above description of William highlights both
positive and negative aspects. There seems to be a
correlation among them as determined by observation. As
with the other students I analyzed, it would be a mistake to
accept my comments without contextualization. At this
point, it is important for me to convey information I
received from my visit with William’s parents, and draw
inferences from that information. To get a clear indication
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
of whom William is, and why he is that way, it is essential
to look at the phenomena that influence him. When I asked
his parents about the most important event that shaped or
influenced him, their reply signified an occurrence that
transpired before he was born (see Appendix D4). His
parents, who are around sixty years old, immigrated to the
United States from Mexico in the mid-to-late nineteen-
seventies (see Appendix D4). With foresight, they moved to
the United States after they got married to help provide for
a better future for their forthcoming offspring (see
Appendix D4). According to William’s parents, this effort
worked; his life, in their opinion, is much better than it
would have been if they had stayed in Mexico (see Appendix
D4). His parents are particularly happy with the education
he is receiving in school. They are thankful for his
qualification in special education (see Appendix D4). I am
not familiar with public education in Mexico, but his
parents are convinced that he would not get his educational
needs met there given his special circumstances.
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
As a natural follow-up question, I asked William’s
parents, “Who is the most influential figure(s) in his
life?” Their response was twofold. The first person is his
mother (see Appendix D4). As already stated, William is the
youngest of five children. He is substantially younger than
his siblings. All of his siblings are girls—he is the only
boy. His mother admittedly states that William is her
favorite child and that their relationship is special as
compared to his sisters (see Appendix D4). To be quite
honest, in one sense, this admission shocks me; I do not
know how a parent can favor one child over others. However,
from a different point of view (i.e., one infused with
cultural sensibilities), this confession makes perfect sense
(Smith & Tyler, 2010). William’s family is Latino, and
traditional Latino culture esteems masculinity over
femininity. Since William is the only male child, his
mother (and father for that matter) considers him the proper
heir of the family, which informs his favored position, and
sets the parameter of their relationship. This dynamic
clearly affects Williams’s sense of self, which in turn
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
affects his behavior. The second person his parents
consider influential is his eldest sister (see Appendix D4).
He has personally told me that he considers her the “smart”
sister. She is self-sufficient in that she works two jobs,
is raising a child, and has moved out of the familial
dwelling. According to William, she is accomplishing what
he aspires to achieve. Because she is self-sufficient, and
they are family, he can be self-sufficient as well. She
gives him hope. From this conversation with William’s
parents, I conclude that his relationship with his mother
can be problematic in that she tends to enable him, which
spoils him, but his relationship with his sister is positive
because she demonstrates real life possibilities.
There is a disconnect between the conclusions I drew
from my observations at school and what William’s parents
think about the institution in relation to his location. As
previously mentioned, his behavior is sporadic at school; it
ebbs and flows between the ideal student and an instigator
of disruption. His parents, however, think the former is
the norm and, from my questioning of William during the
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interview, they have no reason to think otherwise. When I
asked him how he feels about school, his reply mirrored his
parents’ sentiments regarding its necessity for future
opportunity (see Appendix D4). I conclude from this that
school, for this student, is an essential annoyance for the
purpose of potential development. Education is a means to
an end, and the end is success (however William defines it).
I think his cultural and economic background influence his
perception of school. His parents rational for leaving
Mexico and immigrating to the United States to reach “the
other side” for survival have seeped into the subconscious
motivations of William. One of my forthcoming goals is to
teach him about the intrinsic worth of education; that is to
say, education is an end in and of itself. If I can
accomplish this task, then I think his behavior will
equalize, as determined by inherent motivations.
William is socially connected. He gets along well with
other students in special education. He appears to be the
leader in the sense of determining the general behavioral
ethos of the classroom. During nutrition breaks and lunch
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
recesses, I see him talking with other students, who I
assume are his friends, who are not in special education.
He seems to be able to equalize the social boundaries
between special and general education. At home, although
this may be a skewed conclusion given the nature of my
visit, William appears to be the focus of the family (see
Appendix D4). He is the center of attention, and sets the
agenda for the household. His family supports him
academically in terms of being actively involved with
school, and in the IEP process. I think the reason for this
harkens back to his parents push and pull factors for
immigrating. His social connectedness looks to be a support
for academic achievement.
William: Student’s Academic Standing
As previously mentioned, William attends my class: Pre-
Algebra 1.2. This class is a special day class, where I
instruct students using a scripted math program (at fourth
grade level). His strength is math in general; he does need
much support in this subject area. He does very well on
timed worksheets and lesson specific homework (see Appendix
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D2). William’s weakness, on the other hand, is section
tests (see Appendix D3). As already stated, he tends to
rush through tests, which causes him to make careless
mistakes, and score lower than what he should given his
level of mathematical competency. The math program is not
governed by standards as such, but internal objectives that
coincide with its intended skills. William meets the
objectives that correlate with the daily lessons. He
performs very well on formative assessments. When I check
for understanding, he is almost always correct. On the last
summative assessment, William scored eighty-one percent (see
Appendix D3). Eighty-five percent is considered mastery.
For the statewide assessment test, William scored 442 on the
California Modified Assessment: Mathematics, which is
“Proficient” (see Appendix D1). The disconnect between the
formative assessments I give and the standardized test he
takes can be explained through of his lack of motivation,
due to the lack of importance he places on the section
tests. I have a plan to correct the discrepancy.
William: Student’s Action Plan
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I have one academic goal and one non-academic goal for
William. There is a close connection between these two
goals in so far as the achievement of the latter will help
with the achievement of the former. Regarding the former,
my academic goal for William is to have him do better on his
section tests. Admittedly, this is a vague goal. William
has a B average for his test scores (see Appendix D4). This
is considered passing for the scripted math program, and
thus deemed acceptable to the special education department.
However, as determined by formative assessments, I know that
William should be scoring between B+ and A- on his tests.
My goal is to have William get a minimum of B+ on the next
two section tests. I think this goal can be achieved by
getting William to alter his approach to tests, and slow
down. However, this objective prompts the question, “How
might I do this?” As previously mentioned, William has a
preconceived notion about the purpose of education. I think
his “philosophy” of education is informing his caviler
treatment of section tests. I need to teach him about the
intrinsic worth of education.
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
My non-academic goal for William is a paradigm shift
regarding his rationale for going to school. I have already
made a connection with this student, and I think that
through open and honest dialogue regarding this subject, his
opinion can be changed. In my judgment, when he realizes
the inherent worth of education, his conduct with respect to
his schooling will change toward actions that are deemed
more respectful. If he is more respectful of tests and the
test taking process, perhaps he will spend more time on
them.
Sheila: Student’s Demographic Information
I will begin my analysis of Sheila by presenting school
related data. She is a female student of Hispanic ethnicity
(for all the data in this paragraph, see Appendix E1). She
is in the eighth grade. Her language proficiency is
identified as, “Limited English Proficient,” and her CELDT
level is “Beginning.” She is placed in an “Other EL
Instruction” program at school. Sheila’s special education
qualification is “Specific Learning Disability.” She
receives special education services with an allotment of 50%
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
or more. She is enrolled in three general education
classes: Algebra, United States History, and Physical
Education. She is enrolled in two special education
classes: Language Arts (double block) and Pre-Algebra 1.2.
My special education lead at Dewey is Sheila’s teacher for
Language Arts, and I am her teacher for Pre-Algebra 1.2.
The purpose of this data is to establish context for
forthcoming conclusions I draw from observations and
conversations.
Sheila: Preliminary Inferences
Through observations and conversations with Sheila, I
have developed a general sense of who she is (prior to
visiting with her family). I will start with impartial
information I obtained from the subject and her case
carrier. Sheila lives in Pomona, California about one block
away from school (due East on Lexington Avenue). She walks
to and from school. She resides in a three-bedroom rented
house with her father, mother, and three siblings—one older
sister, one younger brother, and one younger sister.
Sheila’s parents are immigrants from Mexico. Both her
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
parents are bilingual; they speak English with an accent (Y.
Macmillan, personal communication, September 23, 2013).
Sheila and all her siblings are growing up and going to
school in Pomona. Her older sister is a junior at a nearby
academy, and her two younger siblings attend Dewey. Her
family is active in their community.
Sheila is a friendly individual. She is gregarious and
convivial to other people she wants to befriend. This
personality trait can be both positive and negative.
Regarding the former, she is the first student to welcome me
when I started at Dewey. Her willingness to initiate the
student-teacher connection so soon upon meeting me is
significant because my placement occurred two weeks after
school started, after she had already established a routine,
and her residency in my classroom took her away from another
teacher with whom she had already built a connection. Our
relationship has not diminished with time. She still stays
after school to help me with house keeping and to discuss
her social activities. Her behavior towards me is not
particular to me. Sheila is also a good friend with the
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other students in her class. This bods well for her—and
myself—given that she is the only girl among several swirly
boys who are rough around the edges.
Unfortunately, this personality trait can also be
negative. I have observed Sheila during nutrition breaks
and lunch recesses. She plays with her friends most of the
time. However, there are other times when she is the
outsider (or being treated like an outsider), but does not
realize it. Some students treat her differently, but due to
her disposition, she continues to seek their acceptance.
Her actions, during these times, usually enforce and
solidify these students’ treatment. I have witnessed a
proctor separating Sheila from a group of students. When I
talked to the proctor about the incident, he informed me
that his actions where to save her from further
embarrassment. According to his description, Sheila was
imposing herself onto the group, and when the students
shunned her, she started groveling for their friendship. In
this sense, her friendliness turns into neediness, which
works as a negative for creating friendships.
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
In addition to, and perhaps a close correlation with,
her friendliness and neediness, Sheila has extreme mood
swings. At one point, she can be talkative and engaged, but
upon minor correction, she can change to be quiet and
detached. She can be joking and laughing at another point,
but upon hearing an inconsequential comment, she can become
outraged and unruly. For example, I heard one student in my
class make a comment about Sheila’s weight; she got very
angry and started yelling at him. The vile that came out of
her mouth shocked everyone. I had to correct her. She
reported the incident to office personnel, and got her
parents to begin harassment proceedings. Upon hearing the
evidence, the school board dropped the case. However, this
incident shows the extreme nature of her moods.
Sheila is close to being my lowest performer in terms
of academic capability. Although my math class is beneath
her with regards to grade level, the program still assumes a
certain level of math competency that she does not possess.
The program assumes that students know multiplication.
Sheila does not have her multiplication facts memorized.
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
For classwork and daily homework, this does not drastically
affect her because she can use a multiplication table for
support. However, for section tests, she is not afforded
this convenience. The rule that students cannot use
external supports during testing is dictated by the program
itself, which is officially sponsored by the school
district’s special education department. Sheila’s last two
test scores are around thirty percent (see Appendix E3).
Since the program places little emphasis on classwork and
homework, and stresses tests scores to determine grades, she
is failing the course.
Sheila: Student’s Story
The abovementioned description of Sheila communicates
both positive and negative aspects about her. From my point
of view, there seems to be a correlation between these
aspects. It would be a mistake, however, to take my
comments at face value without some contextualization. At
this point, it is important for me to convey information I
received from my visit with Sheila’s parents, and draw
inferences from that information. To get a clear indication
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
of who Sheila is, it is essential to look at the phenomena
that influence her. When I asked her parents about the most
important event that shaped or influenced her, their reply
was not informative. They were not committed to one event,
or even a series of events (see Appendix E4). I tried to
draw them out by suggesting some possibilities, but they
still did not lead in any particular direction. Although
this exchange did not relay desired information, it did give
me insight to Sheila’s decision-making skills. When I ask
her questions in class during instruction, she is very
noncommittal. It is hard to get her to decide on answers;
she tends to guess, while reading my face for affirmation.
I followed up the initial question with a second: Who
has been the most influential figure in Sheila’s life, and
why? Her mother immediately indicated her father, and then
a minor argument ensued between them (see Appendix E4).
From what I gather, Sheila’s father is the only one she
listens to. The reason for this, according to the mother,
is because he spoils her (see Appendix E4). The mother
cannot get her to do anything around the house, and her
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
father, to get production from her, must buy her things (see
Appendix E4). I think this is a precedence he has set. A
major point of contention between her parents is the
difference in the father’s treatment of his children.
According to the mother, he treats Sheila “better” than her
siblings (see Appendix E4). His defense for this behavior
is her placement in special education. Her siblings do not
receive special education services, so according to his
argument she needs more support (see Appendix E4). Sheila
is well aware of this phenomena; she has bragged about it
many times to her classmates and myself. I think this
treatment from her father is a bad influence on her. In my
judgment, it is partly responsible for her mood swings in
that she is spoiled, and others will not treat her like her
father. She reacts in like manner at school as she does at
home, but with different results, which in turn produces
ostracism.
Although Sheila is not academically successful and
struggles with moments of exclusion, she seems to like
school. Her parents verify this conclusion (see Appendix
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
E4). There is a disconnect, in my mind, between these two
things. Why does she like school if she is not successful?
When I asked her parents about this, her mother’s reply
indicated the social aspect of school (see Appendix E4).
School, for Sheila, is primarily and predominately a
communal endeavor. Even though she is excluded from some
social circles, she either is unaware of the exclusion, or
simply does not care, and thus school remains a place to
associate with people. Since she emphasizes, in terms of
purpose, the social aspect of school, and deemphasizes the
academic aspect, it is not surprising that she is most
successful with the former, and least successful with the
latter. Her comfort follows the abovementioned trend. When
I asked her parents how her background has influenced her
attitude toward school, their answer gravitated toward her
special needs (see Appendix E4). Although I tried to lead
the conversation toward cultural factors, their response
remained the same. Sheila has special needs, and these
needs help influence her accomplishments (in and out of
school), and determine her academic struggles.
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
As already stated, Sheila is socially connected. Even
when she is not connected, the disconnected sentiment does
not seem to affect her as it would other students. In
relation to this, I asked her parents, “Do her friends
support or hinder her?” They were not able to answer this
question to my satisfaction (see Appendix E4). Their lack
of awareness (with regards to their daughter’s social
circle) surprises me, and initiates a response from my
perspective. It seems to me that Sheila has a lot of
“friends,” but these “friends” are not close enough to
really affect her in terms of supporting or hindering her in
(or at) school. This, however, prompts the question, “Who
is her primary support?” This is to ask, whom does she
consider most important so that their approval or
disapproval determines her behavior? I think the answer to
this question is her father, because her father is her chief
motivator. Her father seems to be the only individual who
can induce positive social and academic behavior from her.
Sheila has goals for the future. Her parents
wholeheartedly support her aspirations and dreams (see
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Appendix E4). She is interested in photography and acting.
When she grows up, she wants to become a photographer and an
actress. As an extra curricular activity, she participates
in yearbook as a photographer. I have seen her work, and it
shows promise; she has an eye for contrast. I do not know
if she has had any experience acting. Her dream of acting
seems patent and formulaic to me. I do not know if she did
serious consideration of this, but that does not seem to be
the case. When I interviewed Sheila in front of her
parents, I tried to focus my line of questioning with
respect to goals and goal setting toward more practical
matters, yet it did not work. I asked her about her
ambitions for this year, but she referred back to her
previous answers. It is troubling to me that none of her
attention takes an academic scope.
Sheila: Student’s Academic Standing
As previously mentioned, Sheila attends my class: Pre-
Algebra 1.2. This class is a special day class, where I
instruct students using a scripted math program (at fourth
grade level). Her strength is basic arithmetic, where she
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
performs single and multiple digit addition and subtraction.
She usually gets high grades on timed worksheets that call
for these skills (see Appendix E2). The program highlights
these skills throughout because more difficult problems
build upon them. Sheila’s weakness, on the other hand, is
multiplication. As already stated, she does not have the
multiplication facts memorized, which affects work that
presupposes the skill. Her inability to do multiplication
is causing her to fail section tests (see Appendix E3).
Sheila meets (and struggles with) the objectives that
correlate with the aforesaid abilities. She performs well
on rudimentary formative assessments, but struggles with
more advanced questions. When I check for understanding,
she is usually wrong. On the last summative assessment, she
scored thirty-seven percent (see Appendix E3). This is a
failing score. Due to this score, per the math program’s
guidelines, I must reteach this section and reassess her on
applicable skills. Sheila scored 175 on the California
Modified Assessment: Mathematics, which is far below basic
(see Appendix E1). There is consistency between my
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ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE
assessments and the standardized test, which exhibit a
student who needs more support in math.
Sheila: Student’s Action Plan
I have one academic goal for Sheila. My goal is to
have her master the multiplication facts for the number
seven. Mastery is determined by complete memorization. In
the last section test, the multiplication facts for seven
were embedded, and since she did not know them, she did not
do well. This poor performance resulted in her getting a
thirty-seven percent on the test (see Appendix E4). Thirty-
seven percent is substantially below the eighty-five percent
that is considered mastery by the program. Daily work shows
consistency with regards to her comprehension of content.
My plan for achieving this goal is threefold: 1.
frontloading instruction by stressing memorization, 2.
modeling procedures to determine correct sums, and 3. giving
timed worksheets to increase fluency. Throughout this plan,
I will continually check for understanding to determine
areas of need and points to reteach. I think this plan will
work because it utilizes different strategies to teach the
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same concept, thus addressing different learning modalities.
Progress toward this goal will be determined by formative
and summative assessments as given by the scripted program.
My non-academic goal for Sheila is proper
socialization. As previously mentioned, Sheila is a social
person, but she has a tendency to misread social cues when
other students ignore her. I want her to be more socially
conscientious (e.g., not infringing on other peoples’
space). I will work toward this goal by having targeted
discussions with her about reading people, and instructing
her on the social conventions that are appropriate responses
to given situations. Mastery will be determined by real-
life interactions with people, as regulated by authority
figures.
Conclusion
The key findings from my investigation are twofold.
First, although the students in this ethnography are quite
similar on multiple levels, their differences determine my
practices, strategies, and beliefs. For example, Immanuel
and Mark both struggle with number families. I will
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initially approach both with the same instructional
strategies to teach the concept, but I will 1) use different
strategies as determined by their individual receptivity,
and 2) differentiate my general approach given the variances
in their temperaments. Second, although the students in
this ethnography are socially connected in one way or
another, they all have some form of problematic social
behavior, and thus are in need of social modification. For
example, Sheila misreads peoples’ signals, and therefore
does not know when (and how) to give people space. My
instruction to these students needs to be primarily
academic, and secondarily ethical, in terms of teaching them
social mores that are appropriate for people living in
community. These findings, as already mentioned, will
greatly influence my teaching (and how I approach teaching)
in that they highlight my students’ needs, which are
originators to personalized instruction.
Part D: Reflection
This section of the ethnography is primarily reflection
upon part C. It consists of three parts. In the first
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part, I reflect on my class as a whole, and discuss evidence
to determine academic progress for my students. In the
second part, I consider my five case study students, and
examine my treatment of their academic and behavioral goals
to see if they are met. In the third part, I reflect on
three California Teaching Performance Expectations that I
think need growth. I end with a discussion about my
students affect on me to initiate growth in my social,
emotional, and motivational facets. The purpose of these
considerations is to highlight this year’s teaching
successes and failures, which I think, in large part, are
determined by teacher-to-student connection.
Whole Class Perspective
My students are making academic progress. The students
I chose for part C of this ethnography came from two
different classes. I chose three seventh graders and two
eighth graders. Both classes are progressing through their
respective scripted math programs. I started teaching my
students in early September. I began on lesson twenty with
the seventh graders, and lesson thirty with the eighth
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graders. The students’ case carrier started the scripted
programs for these students last year, so I did not begin on
the first lesson. As of April, the seventh grade class
finished test number seven, and is starting lesson seventy-
one, while the eighth grade class is finishing lesson sixty-
three. The seventh grade class has done fifty lessons in
seven months, which works out to be two to three days per
lesson. The eighth graders, on the other hand, have moved
more slowly through the program, in that they have completed
thirty-three lessons in seven months, which works out to be
about one lesson per week. There are two reasons for the
eighth graders’ slower academic progress. First, their
academic performance, as determined by formative and
summative assessments, is lower than the seventh graders,
and second, they did not pass test number six, and therefore
had to repeat lessons fifty-one through fifty-nine.
Although the eighth graders are moving more slowly through
the program, both classes are steadily advancing, and thus
making academic progress.
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Formative and summative assessments reveal academic
performance, and expose areas of needed support for both
classes. Regarding summative assessments, the scripted
program requires students to be tested every ten lessons
(these are referred to as unit tests), has students take
cumulative tests every thirty lessons, and requires students
to take an exit exam upon finishing the program. 85% on
given tests is consider mastery; students must get this
score to pass individual tests. If 40% (or greater) of a
class does not score 85% (or higher) on given tests, then
the respective unit must be repeated. If less than 40% of
the class gets less than 85% on given tests, then re-
teaching of certain concepts, as determined by an analysis
of the graded assessments, is in order. The school and
district’s special education departments strictly adhere to
these protocols.
For my seventh grade students, there is a close
correlation between their formative and summative
assessments. With respect to the former, which primarily
take the form of checking for understanding, these students
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answer my exploratory and review questions correctly about
90% of the time. Regarding the latter, their scores usually
fall between 85% and 95%. These scores, as previously
mentioned, indicate mastery of content material. With a
success rate of 90% on formative assessments, and a success
rate of 90% average of summative assessments, there is a
parallel success rate, which signifies an average that is
above the mastery level minimum for the scripted program.
This quantitative data informs my qualitative judgment that
my seventh graders are performing academically above program
expectations, and thus successfully obtaining content.
For my eighth grade students, there is a correlation
between their formative and summative assessments as well.
My eighth grade class consists of four students. Two
students answer formative assessments correctly between 85%
and 90% of the time. The other two students answer
formative assessments correctly about 30% of the time. The
eighth graders’ summative assessments follow this pattern.
Two students have mastery of content material, and two
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students do not—as determined by the scripted programs’
strictures.
To date, I have only repeated one unit because of low
percentages on summative assessments. My special education
lead, which is the case carrier of my students, has informed
me of a strategy (she uses), so that the classes can
progress through academic content without getting stuck in a
never-ending cycle of re-teaching due to lower test scores.
Students are allowed to take unit and cumulative tests three
times. The tests are broken up into parts, and each part
pertains to specific skills that have been covered in the
lessons. If a student fails a test (as a whole), he or she
must retake the test, but only those parts he or she
struggled with, as determined by individual part
percentages. Two of my eighth graders have retaken several
unit tests. Unit six (lessons fifty-one through fifty-nine)
was repeated because, after three retakes, these students
did not obtain scores that indicate mastery. Since mastery
was not obtained, a reiterating of content material was
deemed necessary. From the beginning of the year, I have
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slowed down pacing substantially (for my eighth graders) and
chose to differentiate course material (for both seventh and
eighth graders), despite the scripted program’s dictates,
which has increase academic performance, as determined by
formative and summative assessments.
I have implemented numerous strategies in my classes to
cultivate academic progress for my students, but three have
been continual. In a previous part of this ethnography, I
have described my teaching assignment, and the restrictions
placed on me by the program I am executing. I am not
allowed to deviate from the script, but I have been able to
find places within the script where I can use strategies to
differentiate instruction. The first strategy I use is
interactive board work. This strategy is commonsensical,
but prodigious in that it requires me to deviate from the
script a little. When the program calls for call and
response interaction between the teacher and students, I
have the students come to the white board and work out
respective problems. Once a student does a problem on the
white board, I have the other students interact with the
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initial student to determine correctness. This process
allows my students to address “why” questions, which calls
for higher level thinking, in addition to “what” questions,
which are concerned with right and wrong answers. This
strategy works to cultivate academic progress because of the
dual nature of the inquiry.
The other two methodological schemes I use are Kagan
Cooperative Learning strategies. For Quiz-Quiz-Trade, Kagan
and Kagan (2009) state, “students quiz a partner, get
quizzed by a partner, and then trade cards to repeat the
process with a new partner” (p. 6.32). This strategy
requires me to develop content questions (with answers), put
the questions (and answers) on index cards, pass out the
cards to the students, and monitor students as they go
around asking each other the questions. Through this
process, I am able to check for understanding and build
knowledge. This information, in turn, informs me of areas
to re-teach and skills my students have that I can utilize
to further build upon with academic content. For Timed Pair
Share, Kagan and Kagan (2009) write, “students share with a
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partner for a predetermined time while the partner listens.
Then partners switch roles” (p. 6.38). This strategy allows
me to partner up particular students, depending on academic
achievement, have these students discuss content with each
other, and share out with the rest of the class. Through
this process, I am also able to check for understanding and
build knowledge with the aforesaid residual effects. These
strategies work to cultivate academic progress because of
the dual nature of the information they relay to me.
There are two areas that need additional work in my
classes to aid progress. For my seventh graders, they
exhibit, as a whole, a relatively high level of academic
performance. They have consistently mastered the
mathematical skills, as informed by their unit and
cumulative tests. However, a new unit, they just started,
begins by having them determine fractions from pictorial
representations, like number lines and pie charts. They are
struggling with this skillset, as informed by my checking
for understanding. My initial plan to address this need is
to employ the abovementioned strategies to bring about
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various opportunities to practice the needed skill. For my
eighth graders, they are at different stages. The students,
who are doing well in class, are not struggling with
anything at this time; they have mastered all of the
mathematical skills, as determined by formative and
summative assessments. The curriculum for the scripted
program seems to be beneath their academic performance
levels. The students, who are not doing well, however, are
struggling with present levels, because they do not have
multiplication facts memorized, and success in what they are
working on right now is dependent on a working knowledge of
multiplication facts. I am addressing this need by having
these students work on timed worksheets to increase ability
and fluency.
Individual Student Perspective: Immanuel
Immanuel was introduced in part C. What follows is a
review of his context, and an analysis and discussion of his
academic and life long learning (i.e., behavioral)
development. He is in the seventh grade and attends my
class: Pre-Algebra 1.1. In terms of academics, his
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strengths are in basic arithmetic and his weakness is number
families. Number families, as already stated, are
particular ways of setting up word problems to help students
determine which mathematical function (e.g., addition or
subtraction) they should use to get correct answers.
Immanuel tends to reverse mathematical functions, which
results in wrong answers. Regarding behavior, he is a
troubled student. He has poor attendance at school, which
affects his access to academic content and behavioral
support. When he does come to school, he receives referrals
to the office on a regular basis for multiple reasons, but
in particular for bullying other students. He is talkative
during class and needs to continually be refocused during
direct instruction and independent work. I have had to
isolate Immanuel from the rest of the class by having him
sit at a table by himself, which serves to modify his
behavior.
In part C of this ethnography, I set one academic
goal for Immanuel. My goal was to have him master the
concept of number families. I established mastery to be an
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80% success rate. To help me accomplish this goal, I had
Immanuel be my case study student for the progress
monitoring project. The purpose of this project was to
chose a student who was having difficulty with a particular
skill, differentiate instruction, and monitor growth through
assessment (i.e., the administration of probes). For this
project, I modified the scripted math program greatly, set a
targeted goal, and assessed Immanuel on a weekly basis.
1 2 3 40%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
StudentTarget
The above graph is a pictorial representation of
Immanuel’s scores in relation to the targeted goal. A
description of the graph is necessary before an analysis of
the data can be presented. Along the x-axis, there are four
sequential numbers; these numbers indicate the number of
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probes given to the student. There were four probes given
over the duration of four weeks (from February 17 through
March 14). Along the y-axis, there are a number of
percentages given that range from 0% to 120%. 120% is not a
grade option, but is presented here to draw one’s attention
to 100%. The targeted goal for Immanuel was 80%. I wanted
him to score a minimum of 80% on all four probes. He scored
100% on one probe, 80% on two probes, and 40% on one probe
(see Appendix F). My student met the targeted goal three
out of four times (i.e., 75% of the time).
The purpose of these probes was to assess this
student’s increased knowledge of number families. The
scripted math program has me cover number families in every
lesson. The strategy embedded in the program is call-and-
response. Generally speaking, I cover questions in a
workbook and/or textbook that students have access to, and
ask students to do math problems, and give me correct
answers. This strategy, thus far, has not worked for
Immanuel. For the purpose of the progress monitoring
project, and to help him meet the 80% targeted goal, I
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included the strategies of: board work, shoulder partners,
fluency worksheets, and continual checking for
understanding.
For the most part, these strategies worked. The
targeted goal was met on three out of four probes (see
Appendix F). On one probe (i.e., number three), the student
scored 40% (see Appendix F). I concluded from observation
that this score is not a product of insufficient knowledge
or skillset, but the result of the student’s demeanor on
that day. Immanuel came to class upset, because he got in
trouble with administration during lunchtime. He came into
class, saw the probe, and got further aggravated that he had
to preform a menial task—to express his sentiment in proper
parlance. He rushed through the assessment, while purposely
writing illegibly. I had to mark many questions wrong
because I could not read his answers. I elected not to quiz
him again (due to his opinion of the probes), and let the
score stand, because I know his level of mastery is
sufficient (given his other scores). Immanuel’s other
scores (i.e., 100%, 80%, and 80%) indicate that he has
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mastered number families (see Appendix F). Since this is
the case, I conclude that he has accomplished the academic
goal I set for him in part C of this document.
I also set a non-academic goal for Immanuel. It was
correct socialization. Correct socialization, in the sense
that I am referring to it, is a far-reaching category that
includes peer interactions, proper attitude, engagement, and
preparation. As previously mentioned, this student is a
social person, but he tends to pick on other students whom
he considers are more aligned to his perception of special
education. My goal was to have this behavior stop. To
expedite good behavior in general and correct socialization
in particular, Immanuel’s case carrier, in consultation with
myself, has added a behavior plan to his Individualized
Education Plan. This plan states that if the student is not
on task, in terms of academics and/or behavior, then he gets
one verbal warning in class, one conference with the teacher
outside of class, and then a referral to the office—this
process must occur within the span of one class hour, and
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begins anew each day. If Immanuel accumulates fifteen
referrals, then he will be expelled from school.
This behavior plan offers a negative consequence for
bad behavior, but does not offer positive rewards for good
behavior. In an attempt to create a more balanced approach
to Immanuel’s behavioral goal, I have incorporated positive
rewards in the form of gift cards. If Immanuel scores an
85% (or higher) on summative assessments, and has good
behavior (as determined by his behavior plan and classroom
norms) during the duration of the lessons that are
incorporated into the assessment, then he gets a gift card
from the store of his choice. As of yet, he has not met the
goal of correct socialization, but it is my hope that the
abovementioned positive and negative consequences will
influence Immanuel toward positive peer interactions.
Individual Student Perspective: Paul and Mark
Paul and Mark were also introduced in part C of this
document. Since they are twin brothers, with similar
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backgrounds and settings, I will reflect on them together.
What follows is a review of their context, and an analysis
and discussion of their academic and life long learning
(i.e., behavioral) developments. Paul is in the seventh
grade and attends my class: Pre-Algebra 1.1. His special
education qualification is “Visual Impairment.” He uses a
monocular during class to access board work and see smaller
print in textbooks and workbooks. In terms of academics, he
is my highest academic achiever. He consecutively scores
between 90% and 100% on both formative and summative
assessments. His grade percentages on summative assessments
are well above the needed 85%, which is deemed necessary for
mastery. He has mastered the content material thus far.
With respect to behavior, Paul is socially connected to his
immediate family, but does not have friends outside his
familial purview.
Mark is also in the seventh grade and attends my class:
Pre-Algebra 1.1. His special education qualification is
“Visual Impairment” as well. He also uses a monocular
during class to access board work and see smaller print in
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textbooks and workbooks. His vision is more impaired than
his brother’s, and therefore he gets preferential seating—
near the front of class—according to his need. In terms of
academics, as opposed to his brother, he is my lowest
academic achiever. His strengths and weaknesses parallel
Immanuel insofar as he is good at basic arithmetic (i.e.,
adding, subtracting, multiplying, and division) and
struggles with number families. I have already described
number families in part C of this ethnography and reiterated
their general definition in my analysis of Immanuel. Like
Immanuel, Mark tends to reverse mathematical functions,
which is caused by incorrect placement of values, and
results in wrong answers.
I did not set an academic goal for Paul because I think
the content I teach in class is too easy for him. As
informed by both formative and summative assessments, I
conclude that his level of competency is higher than the
level of rigor for the scripted math program. I did,
however, set an academic goal for Mark. Since Mark was
struggling with the same thing as Immanuel, my goal for the
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former was the same as the latter. My goal was to have Mark
master the concept of number families, with mastery being
the correct usage in eight out of ten problems (i.e., an 80%
success rate). Since Mark’s weakness paralleled Immanuel’s,
and Mark’s goal was the same as Immanuel’s, the method I
employed to accomplish Mark’s goal was similar to the method
I used to help Immanuel meet his goal. I included Mark in
the progress monitoring project.
1 2 3 40%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
StudentTarget
An analysis of the above data is necessary before my
reflection on Mark’s academic goal can be discussed. The
targeted goal for Mark was 80%. I wanted him to score a
minimum of 80% on all four probes. He scored 100% on one
probe, 90% on one probe, 80% on one probe, and did not take
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one probe (see Appendix G). He met the targeted goal three
out of four times (i.e., 75% of the time) (see Appendix G).
The purpose of these probes was to assess Mark’s increased
knowledge of number families. The scripted math program, as
previously mentioned, has me cover number families in every
lesson. The strategy embedded in the program is call-and-
response. This strategy was not successful with Mark when
used in isolation. To differentiate instruction, I included
the strategies of: board work, shoulder partners, fluency
worksheets, and continual checking for understanding.
These strategies did work. The targeted goal was met
on three out of four probes (see Appendix G). On one probe
(i.e., number two), the student did not score anything
because he did not take the probe. Mark missed that day of
school, and I did not have him make up the probe for two
reasons. First, he was not my case study student for the
progress monitoring project, so I did not think all the data
was necessary. Second, I think three passing scores are
enough to determine content and skillset mastery. Mark’s
scores (i.e., 100%, 90%, and 80%) indicate that he has
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mastered number families. Since this is the case, I
conclude that he has accomplished the goal I set for him in
part C of this document.
Since Paul and Mark struggled with the same social
problem, I set the same non-academic (i.e., behavioral) goal
for both students. This goal was correct socialization.
Correct socialization is a far-reaching category that
includes peer interactions (or influences), proper attitude,
and engagement. As previously mentioned, these boys were
socially connected, but only to each other. They had no
friends other than each other. I wanted to change this
phenomenon. I wanted to introduce them to other students
who they could possibly develop friendships with. I planned
on accomplishing this goal by teaming up with a general
education teacher so that he or she could suggest people who
could partner up with Paul and Mark for extra curricular
activities. I understood that I could not determine
friendships as such, but I could help the boys develop
friendships by facilitating opportunities for interaction.
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I did not accomplish this goal. I did not collaborate
with a general education teacher to find other kids for them
to team up with for extra curricular activities. There are
two reasons for this: 1. There was not enough time between
setting the goal in late January and reflecting on my
success or failure in late April. The nature of the goal
requires a lengthy amount of time. 2. The goal of helping
students make friends is not a good behavioral goal for a
teacher to set. There are too many variables involved that
are determined by the students. I cannot regulate
similarities, differences, or personalities. These
variables make this goal almost impossible to accomplish.
Individual Student Perspective: William
William was also introduced in part C of this
ethnography. What follows is a review of his context, and
an analysis and discussion of his academic and life long
learning (i.e., behavioral) development. He is in the
eighth grade and attends my class: Pre-Algebra 1.2. In
terms of academics, he is the highest performer in my eighth
grade class. I think course work in my class is too easy
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for him. The result of his placement and his approach to
the subject matter creates two potential problems: 1. he
rushes through all the assignments, including section tests,
and 2. he works ahead on daily work. These actions affect
his academic standing and classroom behavior. With respect
to the former, William rushes through assignments and tests,
which causes him to make careless mistakes. These mistakes
are lowering his grade. In section C of this ethnography, I
identified his weakness as section tests because of his
treatment of classwork.
Regarding behavior, William has a tendency to disrupt
class. Because course work is easy, he works ahead on daily
work, which affords him free time toward the end of class.
He uses this free time to distract other students from my
instruction and their coursework. This causes other
students to fall behind on their work. From a teacher’s
point of view, William’s behavior is unacceptable due to the
product it produces. I must address his conduct, which
divides my attention by causing me to stop instruction and
refocus the class to the task at hand. I needed to address
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William’s behavior because it affects the whole class, in
terms of production and general behavior.
In part C of this ethnography, I set one academic goal
for William. His academic goal was to do better on section
tests. As previously mentioned, William has a C+ average
for his test scores. This is considered passing for the
scripted math program, and thus deemed acceptable to the
special education department. However, as determined by
formative assessments, I know that William should be scoring
between B+ and A- on his tests. My goal was to have William
get a minimum of B+ on the next two section tests. I think
this goal could be achieved by getting William to alter his
approach to tests, and slow down.
William has not taken another section test since part C
was written. Therefore, technically speaking, I do not know
if this goal is accomplished. However, I can look at his
lesson homework and see simple mistakes, which give me an
indication that he is still rushing through is coursework
(see Appendix H). For example, as revealed through
formative and summative assessments, I can determine that
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William knows his multiplication and division facts.
However, in Lessons 64, 65, and 66, he misses several basic
multiplication and division problems (see Appendix H). From
this, I conclude that this goal is not met. I do not think
there was enough time lapse to accomplish it, because it
requires a paradigm shift (in referencing his behavioral
goal), which is difficult to do in three months.
The non-academic or behavioral goal I set for William
was a paradigm shift regarding his rationale for going to
school. I had already made a connection with this student,
and I thought that through open and honest dialogue
regarding this subject, his opinion could be changed. In my
judgment, when he realized the inherent worth of education,
his conduct with respect to his schooling would change
toward actions that are deemed more respectful. If he was
more respectful of tests and the test taking process,
perhaps he would spend more time on them. Since William’s
academic goal and behavioral goal were closely connected,
and he did not accomplish his academic goal for reasons
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already stated, he did not accomplish his behavioral goal
either.
Individual Student Perspective: Sheila
Sheila was also introduced in part C of this
ethnography. What follows is a review of her context, and
an analysis and discussion of her academic and life long
learning (i.e., behavioral) development. She is in the
eighth grade and attends my class: Pre-Algebra 1.2. In
terms of academics, her strength is basic arithmetic, where
she performs single and multiple digit addition and
subtraction. The program highlights these skills throughout
because more difficult problems build upon them. Her
weakness is multiplication. As previously mentioned, she
does not have the multiplication facts memorized, which
affects work that presupposes the skill. Her inability to
do multiplication is causing her to fail section tests.
With respect to behavior, Sheila is socially connected.
Even when she is not connected, the disconnected sentiment
does not seem to affect her as it would other students. It
seems to me that Sheila has a lot of “friends,” but these
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“friends” are not close enough to really affect her in terms
of supporting or hindering her in (or at) school. Her
father seems to be the only individual who can induce
positive social and academic behavior from her.
In part C, I set one academic goal for Sheila. My
goal was to have her master the multiplication facts for the
number seven. Mastery was determined by complete
memorization. My plan for achieving this goal was
threefold: 1. frontloading instruction by stressing
memorization, 2. modeling procedures to determine correct
sums, and 3. giving timed worksheets to increase fluency.
Throughout this plan, I continually checked for
understanding to determine areas of need and points to
reteach. Progress toward this goal was determined by
formative and summative assessments as given by the scripted
program. I consider this goal partially met. The
abovementioned three strategies were utilized to teach and
reteach the multiplication facts for the number seven to
Sheila. She did well on formative assessments gauging her
content knowledge. Checking for understandings were
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consistently answered correctly. She scored 100% on a
fluency worksheet that tested sevens (see Appendix I).
Sheila has not, however, taken the summative assessment,
number seven, to determine complete mastery. Therefore, I
conclude that this goal is partially met.
I also set a non-academic (or behavioral) goal for
Sheila. As with Immanuel, Paul, and Mark, her behavioral
goal was proper socialization. As previously mentioned,
Sheila is a social person, but she has a tendency to misread
social cues when other students ignore her. She lacks a
sense of personal space. I wanted her to be more socially
conscientious by not infringing on other peoples’ space.
I stated in part C that I would work toward this goal by
having targeted discussions with her about reading people,
and instructing her on the social conventions that are
appropriate responses to given situations. This goal was
not met. I initiated a conversation with Sheila about
social conventions, and her demeanor change toward me, and
her attitude got aggressive. I interpreted this experience
as an introduction to a topic that is off limits to this
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student. The subject was broached a couple more times, but
with the same response. I eventually gave up, and decided
that the goal would not be met.
Reflection and Next Steps
At certain points throughout this program, my lead
teacher (during pre-teaching) and advisor (during my
internship) discussed California Teaching Performance
Expectations (hereafter: TPEs) with me. One of the purposes
of these discussions was to initiate reflection by me on
actual and needed growth in specific areas. In this
section, I will reflect on three TPEs, where I feel I need
to grow, and will consider next steps for accomplishing
development. The three TPEs I chose are: number four
(Making Content Accessible), number eight (Learning about
Students), and number thirteen (Professional Growth). I
will also reflect upon my social, emotional, and
motivational growth, in relation to present experiences at
Dewey Elementary. This latter point harkens back to part A
of this ethnography, and my discussion on social justice.
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The first TPE I will reflect upon is number four, which
pertains to making content accessible to students. The
Commission on Teacher Credentialing (2013) categorizes this
TPE under the heading: “Engaging and Supporting Students in
Learning” (p. 9). When describing this TPE, the Commission
states, “Candidates incorporate specific strategies,
teaching/instructional activities, procedures and
experiences that address state-adopted academic content
standards for students in order to provide a balanced and
comprehensive curriculum” (p. 9). Since I am an Education
Specialist candidate, the Commission has recommendations
particular for me. They write, “Education Specialist
candidates demonstrate the ability to participate in the
development and implementation of IEP instruction goals
aligned with California content standards to the effective
inclusion in the general education core curriculum with the
use of appropriate instructional materials, supports and
classroom procedures” (p 10). I interpret this TPE as
declaring that I need to know and use strategies that make
general education content accessible to students who receive
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special education services. In addition, I need to set IEP
goals, which are supported by, or find their justification
in, Common Core State Standards (since California content
standards are no long applicable).
Upon reflection, I conclude that I have improved in
this area this year. In my opinion, however, my wheelhouse
of strategies is not—and probably will never be—complete. I
do self-directed research to learn new strategies that will
help me 1) make content assessable to various students with
different learning styles, and 2) differentiate and scaffold
instruction, so as to allow students with special needs
access to content while staying in their respective general
education environments. Villa, Thousand, Nevin, and Liston
(2005) introduce and define seven instructional strategies
that will help me in this endeavor. They are:
“differentiated instruction” (to move toward universal
design), “interdisciplinary curriculum,” “use of
technology,” “student collaboration,” “cooperative
learning,” “partner learning,” and “accommodations for
inclusion” (p. 34-38). Not only do these strategies help me
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make content accessible to students, but also they are
useful for addressing the more rigorous Common Core State
Standards.
The second TPE I will reflect upon is number eight,
which is concerned with learning about students. The
Commission on Teacher Credentialing (2013) categorizes this
TPE under the heading: “Planning Instruction and Designing
Learning Experiences for Students” (p. 12). When describing
this TPE, the commission states,
Candidates draw upon an understanding of patterns of
child and adolescent development to understand their
students. Using formal and informal methods, they
assess students’ prior mastery of academic language
abilities, content knowledge, and skills, and maximize
learning opportunities for all students. Through
interpersonal interactions, they learn about students’
abilities, ideas, interests and aspirations. Candidates
are knowledgeable about students’ community contexts
and socio-economic, culture and language backgrounds.
They understand how these factors influence student
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interactions and student learning. They understand how
multiple factors, including gender and health, can
influence students’ behavior, and understand the
connections between students’ health and their ability
to learn. (p. 12-13)
I interpret this TPE as saying that, in part, successful
instruction of content is dependent on knowledge of
students, and that knowledge of students includes multiple
factors. These multiple factors contain, but not limited
to, the various components of students’ social-historical
contexts.
My philosophy of education is driven by the belief that
teacher-to-student connection is the most important factor
informing students’ education. That is to say, student
learning is secondary to relationship, in the sense that
learning is dependent on this relationship. For teachers to
connect with their students, they must know about their
students’ social-historical locations. This is the case,
because there is a close correlation between student
learning and students’ social-economic factors (Portelli,
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Sheilds, & Vibert, 2007). Knowledge of student’s social-
historical locations, however, is not the end to be
achieved, but the beginning in that it should be used to
provoke understanding and empathy. I will be the first to
admit that I am ignorant of psychological aspects of human
development. According to this TPE, this is something I
must to learn. Nonetheless, I am aware of the multiple
factors (at least, that there are multiple factors) that
inform students’ ability to learn. This prompts in me a
desire to learn about my students.
The third TPE I will reflect upon is number thirteen,
which is about professional growth. The Commission on
Teacher Credentialing (2013) categorizes this TPE under the
heading: “Developing as a Professional Educator” (p. 13).
When describing this TPE, the commission states,
Candidates evaluate their own teaching practices and
subject matter knowledge in light of information about
the state-adopted academic content standards for
students and student learning. They improve their
teaching practices by soliciting feedback and engaging
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in cycles of planning, teaching, reflecting, discerning
problems, and applying new strategies. Candidates use
reflection and feedback to formulate and prioritize
goals for increasing their subject matter knowledge and
teaching effectiveness. (p. 15)
I interpret this TPE as saying that teachers will
continually seek to improve their content knowledge (in
terms of learning more about particular subjects) and
teaching craft (in terms of learning instructional
strategies).
I am a teacher and a student. In actuality, I am
primarily a student, and secondarily a teacher. I am
currently in the process of developing a research agenda
that will help me address this TPE. This agenda has me
alternating between content and craft material. My goal is
to become knowledgeable enough to construct and teach a
multi-disciplinary curriculum that is project based in
outcome, and critical in perspective. Because of its
nature, this curriculum will address Common Core State
Standards. These standards are a major informant
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influencing the development of this curriculum, and thus the
construction of the research agenda itself. The irony
behind this development, however, is the contention that
Common Core State Standards lack the framework for providing
much needed professional growth (Abadiano, Turner, &
Valerie, 2013). Whatever the case may be (my assumption is
that growth opportunities will follow), I am taking
responsibility for my own professional growth.
This year of teaching at Dewey Elementary School has
afforded me the opportunity to grow with respect to my
social, emotional, and motivational facets. First, my
social purview has been expanded to include my students. I
do not have the same experiences as my students. Their
experiences inform their sense of social justice, just as my
experiences inform my sense of social justice. After a year
of interaction with my students, and interviews with some of
their parents, I have widen my experiential range, which
influences my definition of social justice toward more
practical matters, like access to base necessities. Second,
my students have affected my emotional self. I am not an
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emotional person. However, when I learned about my
students’ social-historical locations, I became more
empathic toward their academic and behavioral issues. I now
realize that I am not teaching isolated selves, but selves
who are greatly influenced by their social-historical
baggage. For some of my students, this baggage is
destructive. My students’ contexts have made me sensitive
to their personal realities, which affects my approach to
our shared reality. Third, I am more motivated to make a
difference in my students’ lives because I am aware of the
first two points. The teacher-to-student connection I have
with my students, which is a product of the first two
points, drives me to teach my students in order to make a
difference in their lives. The process of writing this
ethnographic narrative was instrumental in developing in me
a robust sense of social justice because it prompted
reflection on my social, emotional, and motivational facets.
Conclusion
The purpose of part D is to offer an analysis of my
teaching experiences this year. Of course, this analysis is
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from my perspective, which is informed by my reflection on
different factors. The first element I reflect upon is my
class as a whole. I concluded that both of my math classes
made academic progress this year, as determined by their
progression through the scripted program, and their scores
on formative and summative assessments. The second element
I reflect upon is my five case study students. I concluded
that most of them accomplished their academic goals, but
most of them did not accomplish their behavioral goals. I
think the latter is the case, because “proper socialization”
is too nebulas of a goal to regulate. That is to say, the
phrase has normative import that is subjective to begin
with, and thus it is impossible (or very difficult) to
determine as met. The third element I reflect upon is my
next steps. I picked three TPEs to discuss and work on, and
consider my social, emotional, and motivational facets. I
concluded that this ethnographic narrative was (is)
instrumental in developing a sense of social justice, and
the meta-ethical wherewithal to define the concept.
Closure
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The process of writing this ethnographic narrative (and
doing the research that it required) has taught me three
things. First, in a general sense, it has taught me how to
do this type of research. My research in the past has been
predominantly qualitative in nature. For my dissertation, I
read books, synthesized concepts, and proposed normative
judgments. This was my first opportunity to collect and
analyze empirical data, and develop qualitative conclusions
from quantitative figures. I am still, however, skeptical
of the “objective” nature of quantitative research. I think
all conclusions, no matter their orientations, are
interpretations, and thus infused with subjectivity. I
think there should be a balance between the two orientations
(i.e. qualitative and quantitative). Second, this project
has taught me valuable skills with regards to what good
teachers perform. The exercises of data collection (through
its various forms) and reflection have taught me the
importance of contextualizing students to determine their
needs. Good teachers, in my opinion, need this information
to differentiate instruction and engagement to meet the
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students at their social-historical locations. Third, the
process of writing this document started by having me
propose a definition of social justice. At this point, the
parameters of the concept were clear to me. The
interactions I had with my students and their families to
write Part C complicated the matter. Their experiences,
which were different from mine, informed their notions of
social justice. Through this process, I learned that social
justice is a communal idea (or should be), and that shared
experience is necessary for development.
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Appendix A4
1. What major events have shaped/influenced my student? Student’s father was incarcerated a couple of years ago. Heremembers the ordeal. This has had a major influence on himfor the negative. Student’s behavior has gotten worse sinceoccurrence. Student has no contact with father at this time.
2. Who have been the most influential figures (positive or negative) in the student’s life: and why? Observation: it seems that the student’s brother is an influence on him.
3. How is the student influenced by his/her home life? Observation: it seems as if home life is chaotic. The student has free rein. This might explain why he does not do his homework.
4. How does the student feel about school; and why? Studentsays that he wants to do well and stay in school to become someone.
5. When and why was the student most/least successful in school? Student’s successes are social and his problems areacademic. He is in special education.
6. How has this student’s background (cultural, linguistic, and economic) influenced his/her attitude toward school and the future? I did not ask this question.
7. Where is he/she most/least comfortable at school? Student is most comfortable when playing with his friends, and least comfortable in class.
8. How socially connected or disconnected is this student? Observation: student is socially connected to brother and friends, but not the mother. I have heard him say that his mother does not care for him. During the interview, I sensed a disconnect between the two.
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9. Do student’s friends support or hinder him/her? His friends hinder him because they do drugs and are no good.
10. What are this student’s strengths and weaknesses outsideof the classroom? Student is friendly.
11. How does the student interact socially and academically with his/her family? Observation: student does not interact academically with his family. See question number 8.
12. What are this student’s aspirations and dreams? For thisyear? For the future? Student could not answer this question.
Appendix B1
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Appendix B4
1. What major events have shaped/influenced my students? Themost influential event for these students was their birth. They were born premature, which affected their health and size.
2. Who have been the most influential figures (positive or negative) in the students’ life: and why? Their mother is the most influential figure given that she has sacrificed herself for her sons. She moved in with her mother, the boys grandmother.
3. How are the students influenced by his/her home life? Observation: there economic situation affects their ability to do work.
4. How does the students feel about school; and why? One student loves school, while the other does not necessarily like it. The former does well in school, while the latter stresses out when he struggles academically. However, their case carrier has worked miracles with these boys. They are doing substantially better now that they are placed with her. (Grandparent has a conversation with case carrier a few weeks ago.)
5. When and why was the students most/least successful in school? They feel most successful in special education classes, and least successful in general education classes.
6. How has this students’ background (cultural, linguistic, and economic) influenced his/her attitude toward school and the future? Observation: students have little resources forschool, which affects their ability to do projects. Their case carrier is aware of this, and has advocated for them. (There is a lot of expensive electronics in the living room.)
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7. Where are they most/least comfortable at school? Most: special education classes, Lease: general education classes
8. How socially connected or disconnected is this student? Students have each other and their mother and grandmother, and that is all they need.
9. Do students’ friends support or hinder him/her? I did not ask this question.
10. What are this student’s strengths and weaknesses outsideof the classroom? I did not ask this question.
11. How does the student interact socially and academically with his/her family? Observation: From a social point of view, it seems like their grandmother protects the boys. They live a sheltered life.
12. What are this student’s aspirations and dreams? For thisyear? For the future? I did not ask this question.
Appendix C1
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Appendix D4
1. What major events have shaped/influenced my student? The major event that influenced my student was his parents’ immigration to the United States from Mexico. This occurred before he was born. His parents immigrated here in the late nineteen-seventies. They immigrated here to give their future children more opportunities. This has happened, because their children do have more opportunities than relatives in Mexico. His parents are particularly happy with the education their children are (have) receiving in the United States, and specifically my student’s placement in special education.
2. Who have been the most influential figures (positive or negative) in the student’s life: and why? According to the father, my student’s mother, because she favors him (he is the only boy). The eldest sister is also influential since she is smart and gives my student advice he listens to. Sheis successful, because she is able to take care of herself.
3. How are the students influenced by his/her home life? Observation: student seems to assume favored status, which he brings from home.
4. How does the students feel about school; and why? Student does not necessarily like school, but finds it necessary for future success.
5. When and why was the student most/least successful in school? Student is academically successful, but his behaviorgets him in trouble sometimes.
6. How has this students’ background (cultural, linguistic, and economic) influenced his/her attitude toward school and the future? Observation: students looks at school as a meansto an end, not as a good in and of itself.
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7. Where are they most/least comfortable at school? Studentis comfortable in school.
8. How socially connected or disconnected is this student? Observation: student is socially connected. He is popular at school and home. He is able to go between special education and general education boundaries.
9. Do students’ friends support or hinder him/her? Student’s friends hinder in so far as they take attention away from school.
10. What are this student’s strengths and weaknesses outsideof the classroom? Student is friendly. He can become socially connected without much effort.
11. How does the student interact socially and academically with his/her family? Student is the focus of attention at home. Parents leave academics to the teachers.
12. What are this student’s aspirations and dreams? For thisyear? For the future? Student wants to be self-sustaining. No specific future dreams.
Appendix E1
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Appendix E4
1. What major events have shaped/influenced my student? Theparents could not decide on one event.
2. Who have been the most influential figures (positive or negative) in the student’s life: and why? The mother says that the father is the most influential person, because he is the only one who can get my student to do anything. He can get her to do things, because he spoils her. He always buys her things. He treats her “better” than his other children. According to the father, he does this because sheis special; she needs the support.
3. How are the students influenced by his/her home life? Observation: she is favored at home, and tends to want the same treatment at school.
4. How does the students feel about school; and why? Studentloves school because it is primarily a place to hang out with friends.
5. When and why was the student most/least successful in school? Student is not academically successful. According to the parents, she is socially successful.
6. How has this students’ background (cultural, linguistic, and economic) influenced his/her attitude toward school and the future? Her special needs determine her view of school.
7. Where are they most/least comfortable at school? Parentssay, and the student verifies, that the student is very comfortable at school in general, because it is a place to be with friends.
8. How socially connected or disconnected is this student? Parents say that the student is socially connected. Observation: student is not socially connected, but does notrealize it.
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9. Do students’ friends support or hinder him/her? No clear answer.
10. What are this student’s strengths and weaknesses outsideof the classroom? Observation: student is very sociable, butdoes not know about personal space or when to leave people alone.
11. How does the student interact socially and academically with his/her family? Observation: student tends to determine families agenda. Does not interact academically with family. Academics are the school’s job.
12. What are this student’s aspirations and dreams? For thisyear? For the future? Student wants to be a photographer and an actress.
Appendix F
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