Expressing Necessity in Sahidic Coptic

Lingua Aegyptia

Studia Monographica

Herausgegeben von

Frank Kammerzell, Gerald Moers und Kai Widmaier

Institut für ArchäologieHumboldt Universität

Berlin

Widmaier VerlagHamburg

Institut für Ägyptologie Universität Wien

Wien

Band 15

offprint from

copies of this volume may be ordered from the publisher ([email protected]) and the North American distributor Eisenbrauns (www.eisenbrauns.com)

On Forms and Functions: Studies in Ancient Egyptian Grammar

edited by Eitan Grossman, Stéphane Polis, Andréas Stauder & Jean Winand

Widmaier Verlag ∙ Hamburg2014

offprint from

copies of this volume may be ordered from the publisher ([email protected]) and the North American distributor Eisenbrauns (www.eisenbrauns.com)

Titelaufnahme:Eitan Grossman, Stéphane Polis, Andréas Stauder & Jean Winand (eds.)

On Forms and Functions: Studies in Ancient Egyptian GrammarHamburg: Widmaier Verlag, 2014

(Lingua Aegyptia – Studia Monographica; Bd. 15)ISSN 0946-8641

ISBN 978-3-943955-15-6

© Widmaier Verlag, Kai Widmaier, Hamburg 2014Das Werk, einschließlich aller seiner Teile, ist urheberrechtlich geschützt.

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Druck und Verarbeitung: Hubert & Co., GöttingenPrinted in Germany

C O N T E N T S

Eitan Grossman & Stéphane Polis

Forms and Functions in Ancient Egyptian: A short introduction .............. 1–6

Mark Collier

Antiphrastic Questions with ist and is in Late Egyptian ............................ 7–40

Todd Gillen

Ramesside Registers of Égyptien de Tradition:

The Medinet Habu inscriptions .................................................................. 41–86

Eitan Grossman, Guillaume Lescuyer & Stéphane Polis

Contexts and Inferences:

The grammaticalization of the Later Egyptian Allative Future ................. 87–136

Matthias Müller

Expressing Necessity in Sahidic Coptic ..................................................... 137–172

Elsa Oréal

Noun Phrase Syntax and Definiteness Marking:

A new explanation for the morphology of Earlier Egyptian participles .... 173–200

Stéphane Polis & Andréas Stauder

The Verb ib and the Construction ib=f r sDm:

On modal semantics, graphemic contrasts, and gradience in grammar ... 201–231

Sami Uljas

On Earlier Egyptian Control Constructions .............................................. 233–256

Pascal Vernus

La non représentation segmentale du (premier) participant direct

(« sujet ») et la notion de ø ........................................................................ 257–308

Daniel A. Werning

Uninflected Relative Verb Forms as Converbs and Verbal Rhemes:

The two schemes of the Emphatic Construction as a detached adjectival

phrase construction and as a truncated Balanced Sentence ..................... 309–338

Jean Winand

When and meets with ................................................................................. 339–366

On Forms and Functions, 137-172

Expressing Necessity in Sahidic Coptic

Matthias Müller, Basel

Abstract

The present paper deals with the sub-patterns of a Sahidic Coptic syntactic construction that marks necessity. This consists of an initial element haps, followed in the majority of attested cases by a prepositional phrase comprising the preposition e- plus a verbal pattern called the ‘inflected infinitive’ in Coptological linguistics. In a number of cases, a verbal form called the ‘conjunctive’ or even an independent sentence can be found following the initial element. However, a sub-pattern with the subject element pe can be contrasted with one lacking this element. Based on the diachronic distribution of the patterns, the author proposes a development from a syntactic loan strategy copying a similar Greek pattern — syntactically ‘ungrammatical’ in Coptic — to a pattern amending this situation by inserting the subject element pe.

1 Expressing necessity in Sahidic Coptic

Though being nothing but a commonplace, it must be stated that categorizing modal functions can be achieved in various ways. Commonly, modality is regarded as being ‘epistemic’ or ‘deontic.’ While the former, epistemic, is connected to knowledge, deontic modality is connected to right or wrong according to some systems of rules (e.g., Portner 2009). In addition, the categories ‘participant-internal’ and ‘participant-external modality’ have been introduced (van der Auwera & Plungian 1998). How-ever, at the same time modality can be seen as being subdivided into possibility and necessity which in turn can both be epistemic as well as deontic, participant-internal as well as participant-external. Basically, I follow Portner’s (2009) system of catego-

* This paper was written within the framework of the project Diachronic grammar of Egyptian &

Coptic at the University of Basel. For discussion, comments, and suggestions I owe gratitude to Sami Uljas/Uppsala and Andrea Hasznos/Budapest as well as to the participants of the conference New Directions in Egyptian Syntax (Liège 2011). In addition, the comments of two reviewers proved extremely helpful in clearing things up. Finally I owe gratitude to Jennifer C. Cromwell for her help in editing the English of my paper. The Coptic examples are given as they were printed in the respective editions. Hence, no addi-tional supralineation has been introduced nor have the printed ones been adjusted, except for examples taken from the manuscript of the Apophthegmata Patrum Aegyptiorum edited by Chaîne (1960) where the supralinear strokes have been changed into cinkim-points (Layton 2006). Brackets in the Coptic text mark passages as restored. The system of transliterating Coptic used in this paper should be in most cases self-evident, except maybe for ϫ = c and ϭ = kj as well as the fact that ⲉⲓ and ⲟⲩ are given simply as i and u in Coptic words, but as digraphs ei and ou in Greek words. The reason behind this is mainly a practical one, as it allows accounting for and thus aligning the graphemic differences in the respective dialects. Note however that this is intended to supply only a convention of transcription, not a phonological (and certainly no phonetic) transcript. All examples in the main text are glossed; additional references in the footnotes are given as loci only, i.e. without Coptic text and translation. Note, however, that I am using a simpler system than the one introduced by Di Biase-Dyson, Kammerzell & Werning (2009). A list of the abbreviations used here as well as a list of glosses is supplied at the end of this paper.

138 Matthias Müller

rizing modality into epistemic modality, priority modality, further sub-grouped into deontic, bouletic, and teleological modality, as well as dynamic modality, sub-divided into volitional and quantificational modality. The present paper will be devoted to the expression of necessity, which, as said, can be seen as epistemic as well as deontic, both usually expressed in English by the verb ‘must.’ Furthermore, I have refrained from considering the categories participant-internal and participant-external modality.

Even though Sahidic Coptic has no single specific lexical verb, such as German ‘müssen,’ or English ‘must,’ or other morphological construction, which are dedicated to the grammatical expression of necessity, it does have several patterns at its disposal that often — besides other functions — can be used for the expression of deontic necessity (‘it is necessary’ = ‘must’).1

Among these, one encounters the use of the verbal patterns that usually express future reference, such as the so called First (ex. 1)2 or Third Future (ex. 2):3

The proverbs warn of adultery, likening the adulterer to a thief: Ex. 1 ⲉⲩϣⲁⲛϭⲟⲡϥ̄ⲅⲁⲣ ϥⲛⲁⲧⲁⲁⲩ ⲛ̄ⲥⲁϣϥ̄ ⲛ̄ⲕⲱ[ⲃ]

eušan-kjop-f=gar f-na-taa-u n-sašf n-kôb CND.3P-take-3MS=for 3MS-FUT-give-3P as-seven of-double ⲁⲩⲱ ϥⲛⲁϯ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉϥϩ[ⲩ]ⲡⲁⲣⲭⲟⲛⲧⲁ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ [ⲛ]ϥⲧⲟⲩϫⲟϥ auô f-na-ti n-ne-f-huparkhonta têr-u n-f-tuco-f and 3MS-FUT-give OBJ-POSS.P-3MS-posession all-3P CNJ-3MS-safe-3MS “Yet if he is caught, he must repay seven times over; he might even have to give all of his possessions to save him.” Prov 6:31 (ed. Worrell 1931: 20–21); 6th cent.

God orders Noah: Ex. 2 ⲉ̄ⲕⲉϫⲓ ̈ ⲉ̄ϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲧⲕⲓ̈ⲃⲱⲧⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲛ̄ⲧⲃ̄ⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ

eke-ci ehun e-t-kibôtos n-n-tbnooue têr-u 2MS.FUT-take into to-DEF.M-ark OBJ-DEF.P-animal.P all-3P “You must bring all the animals into the ark.” Gen 6:19 (ed. Ciasca 1885: 4); 13–14th cent.

Closest to a lexical verb ‘must’ would be -ϫⲡⲓ- -cpi- used as an infix within a verbal pattern, most commonly in the sequence (BASE)-SUBJ-cpi-INF (cf. ex. 3). The verbal pattern is in most of the cases a First or Second Future one. However, other verbal patterns are attested as well (Crum 1939: 778b). Only very late texts such as the Triadon show an independent use as shown in ex. 4:

In the parable of the great supper, Jesus tells how the invited bring forth their excuses. The first one claims to have acquired a piece of real estate and says:

Ex. 3 ϯⲛⲁϫⲡⲓⲃⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲥ ti-na-cpi-bôk ebol e-nau ero-s 1S-FUT-must-go out to-see OBJ-3FS “I must go and look for it.” Luke 14:18 (ed. Quecke 1977: 208–209); 5th cent.

1 I dispense here with the possible necessity reading of the impersonal constructions 3FS-ero-PRN as

in Gal 5:3 (ed. Thompson 1932: 195). 2 It seems, however, that in most of the textual corpora patterns with a Future I formation do not

necessarily convey a necessity reading. Nevertheless, it is the preponderant choice in the textual corpus of the Sahidic Old Testament, cf. Gen 18:21, 32:4 and 32:18–20, 50:25, Ex 18:20 or 2 Kgs 4:11. As might be expected, the Third Future pattern is preferred within requests and orders as Jos 1:6 vs. 1:8 demonstrates; see also Ex. 20:24 or 21:8 sq., yet cf. Ruth 3:1.

3 For the Coptic Future tenses, see Reintges (2004: 262–269).

Expressing Necessity in Sahidic Coptic 139

The Triadon versifies: “He knew in his bright mind…” Ex. 4 ϫⲉϫ̇ⲡⲓ̈ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲭ᷍ⲥ ⲡ̇ⲗⲟⲅⲟⲥ ⲛ̇ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲟⲩⲱϩ

ce-cpi=pe e-tre-p-kh(risto)s p-logos n-nute uôh that-must=SE.M to-CAUS-DEF.M-Christ DEF.M-word of-god dwell ϩ᷍ⲛⲧ̇ⲙⲏⲧⲣⲁ ⲛ᷍ⲧⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥ ⲛ᷍ϥϫⲓ̈ⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲉⲟⲩⲛ̄ⲧ᷍ϥⲕⲉⲉⲥ hn-t-mêtra n-t-parthenos nf-ci-sôma e-unt-f-kees in-DEF.F-womb of-DEF.F-virgin CNJ.3MS-take-body DEP-have-3MS-bone ϩⲓⲁϥ ⲙ᷍ⲛϩⲉⲛⲉⲧⲣⲁ ⲙ᷍ⲛⲟⲩⲯⲩⲭⲏ ⲛ̇ⲛⲟⲏ̇ⲣⲁ hi-af mn-hen-etra mn-u-psukhê n-noêra and-flesh and-IDF.P-thread and-IDF.S-soul of-rational “…that Christ, the divine word, needed to dwell in the womb of the virgin and to assume a body having bones and flesh and sinews with a rational soul ….” Triadon 438 (ed. von Lemm 1903: 74)

Another pattern uses a similar construction by recourse to an auxiliary verbal construction with ⲣ̄ⲭⲣⲉⲓⲁ -r-khreia “have necessity …” to which the lexical verb is attached via ⲛ- n-, which could be either the genitive or the object marker. Notwith-standing the lack of a study, the genitive is assumed here, conjecturing a syntactic dependence on the noun ⲭⲣⲉⲓⲁ khreia:

John refutes Jesus’ wish to be baptized by him with astonishment, saying: Ex. 5 ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲉⲧⲣ̄ⲭⲣⲉⲓⲁ ⲛ̄ⲃⲁⲡⲧⲓⲍⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧⲕ

anok et-r-khreia n-baptize ebol hitoot-k 1S.ABS REL-AUX-need of-baptize out through-2MS “It is I who needs to be baptized by you.” Matt 3:14 (ed. Aranda Perez 1984: 113); 9th cent.

The remaining patterns make use of impersonal constructions such as ϣϣⲉ ⲉ- šše e-INF … “it is necessary to …” as the etymological subject of that construction seems no longer to have been segmented as such:4

As Pilate shows reluctance to crucify Jesus the Jews urge him to do so as: Ex. 6 ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲡⲉⲛⲛⲟⲙⲟⲥ ϣϣⲉ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲉⲙⲟⲩ

kata-pe-n-nomos šše ero-f e-mu like-POSS.M-1P-law befit for-3MS to-die “According to our law, he must die.” John 19:7 (ed. Quecke 1984: 204); 5th cent.

The same expression can be used also nominalised in a nominal sentence as ⲡⲉⲧⲉϣϣⲉ ⲡⲉ … petešše pe … “What befits is …”. However, this pattern apparently has a lower frequency than the former:

Paul tells the Philippians that he is going to come to visit them shortly: Ex. 7 ⲁⲓ̈ⲟⲡϥ̄ⲇⲉ

a-i-op-f=de PAST-1S-count-3MS=yet ϫⲉⲡⲉⲧⲉϣϣⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲛⲟⲟⲩ ϣⲁⲣⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲛ̄ⲉⲡⲁⲫⲣⲟⲇⲓⲧⲟⲥ ce-p-ete-šše pe e-tnnou šarô-tn n-epaphroditos that-DEF.M-REL-befit SE.M to-send to-2P OBJ-N “Yet I supposed it necessary to send Epaphroditus to you …” Phil 2:25 (ed. Thompson 1932: 211); 5/6th cent.

4 Although some Sahidic sub-variants, the dialects A and L and especially B do still use the form

ⲥϣⲉ. Whereas in the latter case (dialect B) this is the outcome of a dissimilatory process for the three aforementioned varieties (S, A & L) this might be a diachronically earlier stage.


Originally a syntactic copy of a Greek pattern is ⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲏ anagkê … “it is necessary that …”. Later texts insert the subject element5 and add the definite article and thus we find ⲧⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲏ (ⲧⲉ) t-anagkê (te) ….6 We will encounter a similar phenomenon later in the development of the haps (pe)-pattern.

Jesus warns of temptations: Ex. 8 ⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲏⲅⲁⲣ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲛⲉⲥⲕⲁⲛⲇⲁⲗⲟⲛ ⲉⲓ

anagkê=gar e-tre-ne-skandalon i need=for to-CAUS-DEF.P-temptation come “For it is necessary that temptations come.” Matt 18:7 (ed. Aranda Perez 1984: 205); 9th cent.

Shenute reasons that it is impossible that a multitude would reach God quickly, though a single person:

Ex. 9 ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲧⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲏⲇⲉ ⲛⲧⲟϥ ⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲟⲩⲁ ⲃⲱⲕ ϩⲛⲟⲩϭⲉⲡⲏ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ alla t-anagkê=de ntof te e-tre-ua bôk hn-u-kjepê ebol but DEF.F-need=yet 3MS.ABS SE.F to-CAUS-one go in-IDF.S-haste out ϩⲓⲧⲛϩⲁϩ ⲉⲣⲁⲧϥ ⲙⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ hitn-hah e-rat-f m-p-noute from-many to-foot-3MS as-DEF.M-god “… but one must leave many in haste towards God.” Shenute, Why, O Lord (Amélineau 1907: 468,3–5 = Leipoldt 1908: 145,12–14); 9th–11th cent.

Similar to the above pattern is the expression ⲟⲩⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲉ-… u-anagkaion pe e-… “it is necessary that …”, using a bipartite nominal sentence pattern which, however, does not seem to show the lack of the subject element as do the other patterns.

Aphu answers the archbishop regarding the latter’s explanation of the Transub-stantiation of the Eucharistic bread:

Ex. 10 ⲛ̄ⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲟⲩⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ⲉⲡⲁⲓ̈ n-t-he ete-u-anagkaion pe e-pisteue e-pai in-DEF.F-way REL-IDF.S-need SE.M to-believe OBJ-DEM.M.ABS ⲟⲩⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ [ⲉⲧⲉϥⲉⲝⲟⲩ]ⲥⲓⲁ u-anagkaion pe e-pisteue e-te-f-eksusia IDF.S-need SE.M to-believe in-POSS.F-3MS-might ϫⲉⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲩⲧⲁ[ⲙⲓⲉⲡ]ⲣⲱⲙⲉ [ⲕⲁⲧⲁ]ⲡⲓⲛⲉ [ⲙⲛⲑⲓ]ⲕⲱⲛ ce-nt-a-u-tamie-p-rôme kata-p-ine mn-t-hikôn for-FOC-PAST-3P-create-DEF.M-man like-DEF.M-likeness and-DEF.F-image [ⲙⲡⲛ]ⲟⲩⲧⲉ m-p-nute of-DEF.M-God “As it is necessary to believe this, so it is to believe in his power for man was created according to God’s likeness and image.” Vita Aphu (ed. Rossi 1885: 11c,20–12a,4 = Drioton 1915–17: 99,12–14); no date given.

5 Note that I discriminate between the use of the formally identical element pe as subject element

within a bipartite pattern and as copula in tripartite ones, as it has no copulative function in the bipartite pattern but represents the grammatical ‘subject’. For a discussion of this issue, see the forthcoming first volume of the Basel Diachronic Grammar (Loprieno, Müller & Uljas fc).

6 For the Coptic New Testament I can attest only examples without te. For further examples with te from Shenute’s writings, see Amélineau 1914: 363,2–3, 464,5 & 514,9–10. For an example from a literary text, see The Death of John the Carpenter §18.6 (De Lagarde 1883: 19).


Apparently much rarer in its distribution in literary texts (though frequently attested in documentary ones, see Förster 2002: 878–879) than the other constructions just mentioned, another construction based on a nominal sentence pattern uses ⲧⲉⲭⲣⲉⲓⲁ ⲧⲉ … te-khreia te … “it is the need that …”. Occasionally, one encounters here as well patterns without the subject element:

Shenute reports a parable: Ex. 11 ⲡⲁⲗⲓⲛⲟⲛ ⲛ̄ⲑⲉ ⲛ̄ϩⲉⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲏ̄ ⲧⲉ ⲉ̄ⲣⲟⲟⲩ

palin=on n-t-he n-hen-rôme e-t-anagkê te ero-u also=again in-DEF.F-way of-IDF.P-man DEP-DEF.F-need SE.F for-3P ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲉⲭⲣⲉⲓⲁ̄ ⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲃⲱⲕ ⲉ̄ϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉϫⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲙⲁ auô te-khreia te e-tre-u-bôk ehrai ecn-u-ma and DEF.F-necessity SE.F to-CAUS-3P-go upwards upon-IDF.S-place ⲉϥϫⲟⲥⲉ ϩⲓϩⲉⲛⲧⲱⲣⲧⲣ̄ e-f-cose hi-hen-tôrtr DEP-3MS-high.STA on-IDF.P-ladder “Again too, consider some men who have the compulsion and the need to ascend to a high place on ladders.” Shenute, I Have Been Reading the Holy Gospels (ed. Young 1993: 131/132,36–41); 10th–11th cent.

The Lord explains to his archangel Michael that if he had intended to create Adam alone so that he would live only to himself:

Ex. 12 ⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲉⲭⲣⲓⲁ ⲉⲧⲣⲁⲧⲱⲱϭⲉ ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲡⲁⲣⲁⲇⲓⲥⲟⲥ

oute te-khria e-tr-a-tôôkje n-u-paradisos NEG DEF.F-need to-CAUS-1S-plant OBJ-IDF.S-garden “… then it would not have been necessary for me to plant a paradise.” Theodosius of Alex., On the Archangel Michael (Budge 1915: 342,b13–14); 10th cent.

Finally, there is the pattern haps (pe) “it is necessity that” which will be examined in detail in this paper.

2 Diatopic distribution

As might be presumed, the above-mentioned patterns are not equally attested in all Coptic dialects, as a quick glance at the following examples shows. Broadly, one might state that while some dialects such as Sahidic (S), Akhmimic (A), and Fayyumic (F) show a preponderance of the haps-pattern, other dialects, such as Bohairic (B) show a pattern ϩⲱϯ hôti “need” followed by the verbal form labelled as the ‘conjunctive.’ While Fayyumic (F) shows both mentioned patterns, the dialects Akhmimic (A) and Lycopolitan (L) are characterized by yet another construction construed of ⲫⲁⲛ p-han or ⲫⲁⲙ p-ham “the need” followed by the inflected infinitive, as the following versions of John 3:7 show:

Jesus tells Nicodemus: Don’t marvel at what I say to you Ex. 13 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩϫⲡⲉⲧⲏⲩⲧⲛ̄ ⲛ̄ⲕⲉⲥⲟⲡ S

hap-s e-tre-u-cpe-têutn n-ke-sop law-3FS to-CAUS-3P-give_birth-2P in-other-time

ϩⲱϯ ⲛ̇ⲧⲟⲩⲙⲉⲥⲑⲏⲛⲟⲩ ⲛ̇ⲕⲉⲥⲟⲡ B hôti ntu-mes-thênu n-ke-sop need CNJ.3P-give_birth-2P in-other-time


ⲫⲁⲛ ⲧⲣⲟⲩ[ϫⲡⲁⲧⲏ]ⲛⲉ ⲛ̄ⲕⲉⲥⲁⲡ L p-han tr-u-cpa-têne n-ke-sap DEF.M-need CAUS-3P-give_birth-2P in-other-time “You must be born again.” John 3:7 (ed. SQuecke 1984: 86); 5th cent.; (ed. BHorner 1898: 352); 12th cent.; (ed. LThompson 1924: 2); 4th cent.

The situation is even more complicated by the choice of patterns at the disposal of a language user, as a comparison of the versions of Matthew 17:10 from S and the two manuscripts of the Mesokemic dialect (M) shows:

The disciples ask Jesus: Why do the scribes say: Ex. 14 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲧⲣⲉϩⲏⲗⲓⲁⲥ ⲉⲓ ⲛ̄ϣⲟⲣⲡ S

haps <e>-tre-hêlias i n-šorp need <to>-CAUS-N come as-first

ϩⲏⲗⲓⲁⲥ ⲛⲉϫⲓⲡⲉⲓ ⲛ̇ϣⲁⲣⲡ M1 hêlias ne-cip-i n-šarp N FUT-must-come as-first

ⲁⲛⲁ[ⲅ]ⲕⲏ ⲛ̇ⲧⲉϩⲏⲗⲓⲁⲥ ⲛϥⲓ̈ ⲛϣⲁⲣⲡ M2 anagkê nte-hêlias n-f-i n-šarp need CNJ-N CNJ-3MS-come as-first Elias must come first. Matt 17:10 (ed. SKasser 1962: 74); 4/5th cent.; (ed. M1Schenke 1981: 93); 4/5th cent.; (ed. M2Schenke 2001: 100); no date given.

Note that the Mesokemic -cip- is the dialectal variant of the Sahidic -cpi- mentioned above (§1), which is limited to the dialects S, A and M.

Charting all instances of the New Testament with a more or less necessity reading results in the following distribution:

The Bohairic version shows 26 times the pattern ϩⲱϯ hôti plus ‘Conjunctive’7 versus 14 times ϩⲱϯ ⲡⲉ hôti pe plus ‘Conjunctive’, 10 times a construction with ⲥϣⲉ sše ‘it is right’, 7 times the ‘First Future’-pattern, 6 times ⲥⲉⲙⲡϣⲁ s-empša with the ‘Conjunctive’ and twice ⲥⲉⲙⲡϣⲁ s-empša with additional ⲡⲉ pe and the conjunctive, 5 times a construction including ⲉⲣⲭⲣⲓⲁ er-khria ‘have need’, as well as no less than 18 further patterns of marginal frequency (twice or single attestation). The Old Bohairic manuscript of the Gospel of John has 3 times ⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲏ anagkê with the ‘Conjunctive’, twice a pattern with ⲏⲡ êp ‘be necessary’ and once the ‘Preterite’.

The Sahidic version attests 29 times the pattern ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲉ- haps e- or ⲉⲧⲣⲉ- e-tre- versus 7 times the pattern ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉ- haps pe e- or ⲉⲧⲣⲉ- e-tre- both each followed by the infinitive, 16 times a construction with ϣϣⲉ šše ‘it is right’, 9 times the ‘First Future’-pattern versus twice the ‘Second Future’-pattern, 4 times a construction including ⲣ̄ⲭⲣⲓⲁ r-khria ‘have need’, 4 times a ‘First Future’-pattern including the element -ϫⲡⲓ- -cpi- versus a single one with a ‘Second Future’-pattern, and 3 times a pattern with a ‘Second Aorist’-pattern8, twice each the patterns ⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲏ ⲉⲧⲣⲉ- anagkê e-tre- and ⲟⲩⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲉ- u-anakaion pe e- both followed by the infinitive, as well as a further 9 patterns of only marginal frequency (one or two attestations).

7 For the Coptic conjunctive, see Reintges (2004: 295–303). 8 For the Coptic Aorist (or Habitual) pattern, see Reintges (2004: 275–278).


As far as is currently known, only two Mesokemic manuscripts survive for the Gospel of Matthew and one for the Acts, albeit in parts only. These attest very different patterns that yield no coherent picture but display a preponderance of the Future-patterns with -cip-insertion as described above. The Lycopolitan manuscript of the Gospel of John shows mainly future-patterns (‘First & Second Future’) and a single instance of phan tre- as given above.

Thus, leaving the latter diachronic variants aside, we arrive at the quantitative distribution in diagram 1 below (the sequence follows the enumeration given in the main text above):

Diagram 1. Attestations of pattern to express necessity in the Sahidic and Bohairic New Testament

In order to achieve a more coherent description, I restrict the scope of the paper to the situation in Sahidic only.

3 The haps patterns

As mentioned in the introduction, Sahidic Coptic has yet another pattern at its disposal to express necessity. The construction is that of a nominal sentence involving the word ϩⲁⲡⲥ haps followed by an element ⲡⲉ pe and the lexical verb either in the form of an ‘inflected’ or ‘causative’ infinitive or as the verbal form of the ‘conjunc-tive’. The lexical item ϩⲁⲡⲥ haps can appear in some manuscripts also in the form ϩⲟⲡⲥ hops (see below ex. 43, 44, 63, 65, and 72). Outside this pattern, no word ϩⲁⲡⲥ haps or ϩⲟⲡⲥ hops is attested in Coptic.9 Synchronically, it would be possible to assume an etymology such as hap-s “her/its law” as Spiegelberg (1899: 22) once suggested.10 Another etymology that would have been derived from the same root yet via a participle, i.e. Late Egyptian hp=st “it is lawful” > Coptic haps, was brought into the discussion by Quack (1994: 103 note 64) referring to Nims (1948: 246) for

9 Unless one discriminates the use attested in 1 Pt 1:6, quoted as example 40 below as such. 10 Thus also Volten (1937: 109–110) and Westendorf (1965–77: 382).

26

29

14

7

10

16

7

9

6

4

2

4

5

1

18

3 2 2 9

Bohairic

Sahidic


the verbal root. However, the use of such a root would be unattested for Coptic outside our pattern. In addition, there seems to be just a single pre-Coptic instance of the pattern from the early 1st millennium BCE (Quack 1994: 102 in 19,3) with a different pattern following.11 Thus no direct forerunner of the construction in focus here is attested prior to Coptic.

Whether the word ϩⲁⲡⲥ haps was still segmented into its etymological compo-nents, whichever they might have been, might be questioned. However, no definite proof for or against such an analysis seems to be at hand. As the present paper deals with the Coptic situation only, it has been glossed simply as ‘need.’

According to the fact that, as we will see later on, the element pe seems rather volatile, we can list five distinct sub-patterns that can be merged into the major ones:

1a haps pe e-tre-SUBJECT-INFINITIVE (see 3.1 below),

1b haps e-tre-SUBJECT-INFINITIVE (see 3.2 below),

2a haps pe CONJUNCTIVE (see 3.4 below),

2b haps CONJUNCTIVE (see 3.5 below), and

3 haps SENTENCE (see 3.6 below).

In the first major pattern, the initial element haps (pe) is followed by a prepositional phrase containing an infinitive. To mark the agent in such infinitival patterns Coptic possesses a prefixing element tre- that was causative in origin but is widely used as an agent marker for infinitival structures without any causative semantics. These infi-nitival structures containing tre- plus the agent are called inflected or causative infini-tives in Coptological grammatical terms (Reintges 2004: 233–236).

The construction found in the second major pattern is the so-called conjunctive, a conjugation pattern lacking any inherent temporal or modal features that is used to mark the clause as sequential to an introductory pattern, among other functions (Reintges 2004: 295–308).

Insofar as the grammatical analysis of the basic structure is concerned most Coptological grammarians seem to be in favour of seeing the inflected infinitive as the expression of a subject clause (Chaîne 1933: §702; Reintges 2004: 464–465; Layton 32011: §487; Hasznos 2012: 49–54). Earlier, Stern (1880: §487) had chosen the description “ein nominaler stamm wird zu einem unpersönlichen satze durch die copula erweitert … [dieser MM] kann ein infinitiv und selbst eine conjunction unter-geordnet werden”. Hence, the question is whether we are dealing here with a bi- or a tripartite pattern; or whether the element pe is the subject element of the former or the copula of the latter.12

That inflected infinitive constructions following the preposition ⲉ- e- can appear in Coptic nominal sentences in an NP position is demonstrated by the following two instances:

11 For the instance from the Rosetta decree cited by Spiegelberg (1899: 22), see Simpson (1996: 88

§5.2.2 (3c)). 12 For the distinction, see above note 4.


A brother asked an elder what humility of the heart is. The elder replies: Ex. 15 ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕⲣ̇ⲡⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲛⲟⲩϥ ⲡⲉ ⲛ̇ⲛⲉⲧⲣ̇ⲡⲉⲑⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲕ

e-tre-k-r-p-petnanuf pe n-n-et-r-pethou na-k to-CAUS-2MS-do-DEF.M-good SE.M for-DEF.P-REL-do-bad for-2MS “It is that you do good to those who mistreat you.” Apophthegmata Patrum #137 (ed. Chaîne 1960: 30,24); 11th cent.

St. Paul tells the Roman Christians that he longs to be with them: Ex. 16 ⲡⲁⲓ̈ⲇⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲛⲥⲗ̄ⲥⲗ̄ⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧⲧⲏⲩⲧⲛ̄

pai=de pe e-tre-n-slsl-ne-n-erêu nhêt-têutn DEM.M.ABS=yet COP.M to-CAUS-1P-comfort-POSS.P-1P-fellow inside-2P “But this is for us to comfort one another in you.” Rom 1:12 (ed. Thompson 1932: 89); 5/6th cent.

These constructions can be attested in bipartite (ex. 13, with subject element) as well as in tripartite patterns (ex. 14). Even though examples with a conjunctive in an NP position within a nominal sentence can be encountered occasionally, these seem rather underrepresented and not in wide distribution in Sahidic Coptic outside this construc-tion, as well as other impersonal expressions (see Layton 32011: §354c; Müller & Uljas in press on para-u-/ke-kui).

After a young servant survived having thrown himself into the waters in fear of his master, he tells his master what happened: “When I let the dish fall into the water I said:”

Ex. 17 ⲟⲩϩ[ⲏ]ⲩ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲡⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲉⲛⲡⲁⲙⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲁⲧ u-hêu na-i pe nta-en-pa-mu na-i mauaat-ø IDF.S-profit to-1S COP.M CNJ.1S-bring-POSS.M.1S-death to-1S self-1S ⲛϩⲟⲩⲟ ⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲉⲓ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲛⲉⲕϭⲓϫ n-huo ero-s nta-i ehrai e-ne-k-kjic in-more to-3FS CNJ.1S-go down to-POSS.P-2MS-hand “It is better for me to kill myself than fall into your hands.” 3rd Miracle of Apa Mena (ed. Drescher 1946: 21, a29–b1); late 9th cent.

However, even the just cited ex. 15 might be analysed as an impersonal expression. If one assumes the element pe to be the copula of a tripartite pattern one faces the

following problem: seeing that two of the sub-patterns show a version without the assumed copula, one would be forced to assume a deletion of the element in the process of grammaticalisation. Deletion of the subject element is attested in Coptic nominal sentences, whereas deletion of the copula is not, as it would violate a basic structural rule of the language that does not allow (any longer) the juxtaposition of two NPs in which the first one is not a pronoun to form a sentence with nominal predicate. Therefore, the patterns with pe will be regarded as bipartite clauses with a subject element in which the additional inflected infinitive or conjunctive is considered to be an adjunct.

In the following presentation of the data, these are sorted into three major groups: 1) native Coptic writers, including the writings of Shenute, Besa, and Pachomius, as well as the description of the latter’s saintly life, 2) examples from the Scriptures (due to their easier electronic accessibility, they are mostly taken from the New


Testament), and 3) other Literary Texts which probably have all been translated from a Greek source into Coptic.

3.1 Pattern hap-s pe e-tre-SUBJ-INF

The first sub-pattern consists of haps followed by the subject element pe and the inflected infinitive. The sub-pattern is well attested among Coptic writers as the following examples from the writings of Shenute and Pachomius show. For Shenute one might add though that the ratio between this sub-pattern (with pe) and the next (without pe) is roughly 1:2, i.e. the latter is attested about twice as often in the consul-ted text editions of writings of the abbot from Atripe.

One of Shenute’s sermons starts with the words: Ex. 18 ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲇⲏ ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲡⲱⲧ ⲛⲥⲁⲡⲇⲓⲁⲃⲟⲗⲟⲥ

epeidê haps pe e-pôt nsa-p-diabolos since need SE.M to-run after-DEF.M-devil “Since it is necessary to pursue the Devil…” Shenute, Since It Is Necessary to Pursue the Devil (ed. Chassinat 1911: 210,a4–7); 9th–11th cent.

Shenute reasons that all who have died, whether they drowned, have been con-sumed by fire or eaten by wild animals:

Ex. 19 ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲛⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ haps pe e-tre-u-tôun têr-u kata-ne-graphê need SE.M to-CAUS-3P-rise all-3P like-DEF.P-scripture “All of them must rise according to the scripture.” Shenute, I Am Amazed = Contra Origenistas (ed. Cristea 2011: 166,a16–18); 9th–11th cent.

Shenute argues that the sickness of the community must be treated like a real sickness, even though the exasperation will be as great as when God separated the chaff from the wheat:

Ex. 20 ⲁⲩⲱ ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲣ̄ⲛⲉϥⲧⲱϣ auô haps pe e-tre-p-nute r-ne-f-tôš and need SE.M to-CAUS-DEF.M-God do-POSS.P-3MS-affair ϩⲙ̄ⲡⲉϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲙ̄ⲙⲁⲩ ⲛ̄ⲑⲉⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲉϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲟⲩⲱⲛ hm-pe-hou etmmau n-t-he=on ete-haps pe e-uôn in-DEF.M-day there in-DEF.F-way=again REL-need SE.M to-open ⲉⲡⲉⲓϣⲱⲛⲉ ⲉϣⲱⲱⲧ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲙⲡⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲉⲧϥ̄ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧϥ̄ e-pei-šône e-šôôt ebol hm-p-sôma et-f-nhêt-f OBJ-DEM.M-disease to-cut out in-DEF.M-body REL-3MS-inside-3MS ⲛ̄ⲛⲁϥ ... ⲛϥⲛⲟϫⲟⲩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲡⲟⲩⲉ n-n-af … n-f-noc-u ebol e-p-ue OBJ-DEF.P-flesh … CNJ-3MS-throw-3P out to-DEF.M-distance “Yet it is necessary that God set his affairs right on that day, as it is necessary to open that sickness and to cut out from the body wherein the flesh is, (that has rotten by his evil fever), and to throw them far away.” Shenute, Who But God Is The Witness (ed. Amélineau 1907–14: II 115,7–10 & Young 1998: 68 coll.); 9th–11th cent.


Shenute argues that: Ex. 21 ⲉϣϫⲉ ϩⲁⲡⲥϭⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲛⲥⲁⲛⲉⲩϩⲃⲏⲟⲩⲉ

ešce haps=kje pe e-tre-n-rôme šine nsa-ne-u-hbêue if need=then SE.M to-CAUS-DEF.P-man search after-POSS.P-3P-thing.P ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉϣϫⲉ ⲥⲉⲛⲁⲁⲅⲁⲛⲁⲕⲧⲉⲓ ⲉⲛⲉⲧϫⲱⲱⲣⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛⲧⲉⲩⲟⲩⲥⲓⲁ auô ešce se-na-aganaktei e-n-et-côôre ebol n-te-u-usia and if 3P-FUT-be_wroth at-DEF.P-REL-hinder out OBJ-POSS.F-3P-essence ⲡⲱⲥϭⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲁϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲛⲥⲁⲛⲉⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩϥ pôs=kje p-nute na-šine an nsa-n-ete-nu-f how=then DEF.M-God FUT-search NEG after-DEF.P-REL-POSS.ABS.P-3MS ⲛⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧⲟⲩ ⲛⲛⲉⲛⲧⲁϥⲧⲁⲁⲩ ⲉⲧⲟⲟⲧⲟⲩ ne ebol hitoot-u n-n-ent-a-f-taa-u etoot-u SE.M out through-3P as-DEF.P-REL-PAST-3MS-give-3P to-3P “Thus if men must seek after their deeds and if they are indignant towards those who bring their essence to nought, how then will God not search for what belongs to him in those things he had given to them?” Shenute, There Is Another Foolishness (ed. Amélineau 1907–14: II 368,9–11); 9th–11th cent.

Pachomius quotes II Corinthians 5:10, slightly adjusting it for his specific purpose:13

Ex. 22 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲅⲁⲣ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲧⲁϩⲟⲕ ⲉⲣⲁⲧⲕ̄ haps=gar ero-k pe e-tre-u-taho-k e-rat-k need =for for-2MS SE.M to-CAUS-3P-stand-2MS to-foot-2MS ⲉⲡⲃⲏⲙⲁ ⲙ̄ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ e-p-bêma m-p-nute to-DEF.M-seat of-DEF.M-God “…for you must be placed before God’s judgement seat…” Pachomius, Instruction Concerning a Spiteful Monk, §26 (ed. Lefort 1956: 10,24–25); 10th cent.

The Scripture also attests this sub-pattern, although its occurrence is confined mainly to the Epistles & Revelations.14 It is only rarely encountered in any of the Sahidic Gospels (ex. 25 seems actually to be the only one):

After having eaten a little book, the voice tells John: Ex. 23 ϩⲁⲡⲥⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕⲡⲣⲟⲫⲩⲧⲉⲩⲉ ⲉϫⲛⲛⲗⲁⲟⲥ

haps=on pe e-tre-k-prophuteue ecn-n-laos need=again SE.M to-CAUS-2MS-prophesy upon-DEF.P-people ⲙⲛⲛϩⲉⲑⲛⲟⲥ ⲙⲛϩⲉⲛⲁⲥⲡⲉ ⲙⲛϩⲉⲛⲣⲣⲱⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲁϣⲱⲟⲩ mn-n-hethnos mn-hen-aspe mn-hen-rrôu e-našô-u and-DEF.P-nation and-IDF.P-tongue and-IDF.P-king.P DEP-be_plenty-3P “You must prophesy before the peoples, and nations, and tongues, and kings who are numerous.” Rev 10:11 (ed. Budge 1912: 296); 4th cent.

13 Similarly in Horsiese’s rules where he quotes from the same passage (Lefort 1956: 83,18–21

man. B). 14 A further example is Acts 23:11, for which see below ex. 60.


St. Paul reasons why the resurrection is necessary: Ex. 24 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲅⲁⲣ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥⲣ̄ⲣ̄ⲟ

haps=gar pe e-tre-f-r-rro need=for SE.M to-CAUS-3P-do-king ϣⲁⲛⲧϥ̄ⲕⲱ ⲛ̄ⲛⲉϥϫⲁϫⲉ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ϩⲁⲛⲛⲉϥⲟⲩⲉⲣⲏⲧⲉ šant-f-kô n-ne-f-cace têr-u ha-ne-f-uerête CMPL-3MS-put OBJ-POSS.P-3MS-enemy all-3P under-POSS.P-3MS-foot “For he must reign until he has put all enemies under his feet.” I Cor 15:25 (ed. Thompson 1932: 143–144); 5/6th cent.

The author of the Epistle to the Hebrews reasons about the purification with blood:

Ex. 25 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ϭⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲛⲉⲥⲙⲟⲧⲙⲉⲛ haps=kje pe e-tre-ne-smot-men need=then SE.M to-CAUS-DEF.P-form-indeed ⲛ̄ⲛⲉⲧϩⲛ̄ⲙ̄ⲡⲏⲩⲉ ⲧⲃ̄ⲃⲟ ϩⲛ̄ⲛⲁⲓ̈ n-n-et-hn-m-pêue tbbo hn-nai of-DEF.P-REL-in-DEF.P-heaven.P purify in-DEM.P.ABS “Therefore the likeness of things in heaven had need to be purified with these, (yet the heavenly things themselves require better sacrifices than these.)” Heb 9:23 (ed. Thompson 1932: 178); 5/6th cent.

The author of the Epistle to the Hebrews argues that if the Levite line of priests came to an end, there would be no need to initiate a new one, according to Mel-chizedec’s law:

Ex. 26 ϩⲙ̄ⲡⲧⲣⲉⲩⲡⲱⲱⲛⲉⲅⲁⲣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛ̄ⲧⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲟⲩⲏⲏⲃ hm-p-tre-u-pôône=gar ebol n-t-mnt-uêêb in-DEF.M-CAUS-3P-change=for out OBJ-DEF.F-ABST-priest ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲡⲱⲱⲛⲉ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲕⲉⲛⲟⲙⲟⲥ haps=on pe e-tre-u-pôône šôpe m-p-ke-nomos need=again SE.M to-CAUS-IDF.S-change happen OBJ-DEF.M-other-law “While the priesthood is changed the law must be changed as well.” Heb 7:12 (ed. Thompson 1932: 174); 5/6th cent.

Jesus started to tell the disciples: Ex. 27 ϫⲉϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥⲃⲱⲕ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲑⲓⲉⲣⲟⲥⲟⲙⲁ

ce-hap-s pe e-tre-f-bôk ehrai e-t-hierosoma that-need SE.M to-CAUS-3MS-go up to-DEF.F-N ⲛϥϣⲡϩⲁϩ ⲛϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧⲟⲩ ⲛⲛⲉⲡⲣⲉⲥⲃⲩⲧⲉⲣⲟⲥ n-f-šp-hah n-hise ebol hitoot-u n-ne-presbuteros CNJ-3MS-take-many of-suffering out from-3P as-DEF.P-elder ⲙⲛⲛⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉⲣⲉⲩⲥ ⲙⲛⲛⲉⲅⲣⲁⲙⲙⲁⲧⲉⲩⲥ ⲛⲥⲉⲙⲟⲩⲟⲩⲧ ⲙⲙⲟϥ mn-n-arkhiereus mn-ne-grammateus n-se-muut mmo-f CON-DEF.P-chief_priest CON-DEF.P-scribe CNJ-3P-kill OBJ-3MS ⲛϥⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ϩⲙⲡⲙⲉϩϣⲟⲙⲛⲧ ⲛϩⲟⲟⲩ n-f-tôun hm-p-meh-šomnt n-hou CNJ-3MS-rise in-DEF.M-ORD-three of-day “…that he must go to Jerusalem, and suffer manifold by the elders, the chief-priests and the scribes, and be killed and rise again on the third day.” Mt 16:21 (ed. Aranda Perez 1984: 197); 9th cent.


Within the texts classified here broadly as Literary texts, the sub-pattern haps pe followed by the inflected infinitive is the one with a definite preponderance.15

Jesus explains that he came into this world not only to save the sinners, for even the righteous who never did any evil or committed any sin at all:

Ex. 28 ϩⲁⲡ᷍ⲥ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩϩⲉ ⲉⲙ̄ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ haps ero-u pe e-tre-u-he e-m-mustêrion need to-3P SE.M to-CAUS-3P-find OBJ-DEF.P-mystery “…they must find the mysteries, (which are in the books of Jeû …)” Pistis Sophia §134 (ed. Schmidt 1925: 349,15–16); 4th cent.

Gregory explains why God is called a gardener and that he plucks out the depravity and the unbelief of the Pharisees as well as the lack of appreciation for the wonders and marvels accomplished by God:

Ex. 29 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲅⲁⲣ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥϭⲙϭⲟⲙ ⲛϭⲓⲡⲧⲁϣⲉⲟⲉⲓϣ haps=gar pe e-tre-f-kjm-kjom nkji-p-tašeoiš need=for SE.M to-CAUS-3MS-find-power PVS-DEF.M-proclamation ⲙⲡⲉⲩϫⲁⲓ ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲧⲁϣⲉⲟⲉⲓϣ ⲙⲡⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲓⲟⲛ m-pe-ucai haps pe e-tre-u-tašeoiš m-p-euaggelion of-DEF.M-health need SE.M to-CAUS-3P-preach OBJ-DEF.M-gospel ϩⲙⲡⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲧⲏⲣϥ ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲗⲁⲥ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲉⲝⲟⲙⲟⲗⲟⲅⲉⲓ hm-p-kosmos têr-f haps pe e-tre-las nim eksomologei in-DEF.M-world all-3MS need SE.M to-CAUS-tongue every confess ϫⲉ ... ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲇⲏϭⲉ ⲛⲁⲓ ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩϣⲱⲡⲉ ce … epeidê=kje nai haps pe e-tre-u-šôpe that … therefore=then DEM.P.ABS need SE.M to-CAUS-3P-happen “…for the proclamation of the salvation must gain strength, and the Gospel must be preached in the whole world, and every tongue must confess (the Lord Jesus Christ for the glory of God). Therefore these must exist.” Gregory of Nyssa, In Ecclesiasten 1–8 (ed. Amélineau 1907–14: II 456,3–7); 9th–11th cent.

The angel explains to Paul that he now beholds the holy abode of the Lord and the prophets who shall live therein, as will Paul himself eventually. Thus:

Ex. 30 ⲁⲩⲱ ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲕ̄ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲑⲣⲟⲛⲟⲥ auô haps pe e-tr-k-nau e-pe-k-thronos and need SE.M to-CAUS-2MS-see to-POSS.M-2MS-throne ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲏⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲁⲧⲕⲃⲱⲕ ⲉⲡⲉⲥⲏⲧ ⲉ̄ⲡⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ mn-pe-k-êi mpat-k-bôk e-p-esêt e-p-kosmos and-POSS.M-2MS-house NCPL-2MS-go to-DEF.M-ground to-DEF.M-world “You must see your throne and your house before you go down to the world again.” Apocalypse of Paul (ed. Budge 1915: 569, 1–2); 10th cent.

15 Further examples are Apophthegmata Patrum #3 (ed. Chaîne 1960: 2,12 = Layton 2006: 497); Life

of Mary (ed. von Lemm 1972: [464] ⲡ︦ⲇ̄ 4–5; 12th cent.), with a further example from a variant of the text on p. [478–479] verso b4–6 though there without pe; Martyrdom of Mercurius the General (ed. Budge 1915: 234,14–16; similarly Orlandi & Camaioni 1976: 24,25–26; 10th cent.).


On his way to the market, a monk finds a purse filled with money. He stays where he found it, saying:

Ex. 31 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̇ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁϥⲥⲟⲣⲙⲉⲥ ⲉⲓ̈ haps pe e-tre-p-ent-a-f-sorme-s i need SE.M to-CAUS-DEF.M-REL-PAST-3MS-loose-3FS come “The one who lost it must come.” Apophthegmata Patrum #31 (ed. Chaîne 1960: 6,12–13); 11th cent.

Judgement day will inevitably come, John reminds the audience: Ex. 32 ⲁⲣⲓⲡⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ϫⲉϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲛⲡⲱⲱⲛⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ

ari-p-meue ce-haps pe e-tre-n-pôône ebol do.IMP-DEF.M-thought that-need SE.M to-CAUS-1P-move out ϩⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲓ̈ⲙⲁ ⲛ̄ⲧⲛ̄ⲃⲱⲕ ⲉⲣⲁⲧϥ̄ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲕⲣⲓⲧⲏⲥ hm-pei-ma nt-n-bôk erat-f m-pe-kritês in-DEM.M-place CNJ-1P-go before-3MS as-DEF.M-judge ⲉⲧⲉⲙⲉⲩⲣ̄ϩⲁⲗ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟϥ ete-me-u-r-hal mmo-f REL-NEG.AOR-3P-do-deceive OBJ-3MS “Remember that we must move out of this place and go to the judge who is impossible to deceive.” John of Constantinople, De Poenitentia & Abstinentia (ed. Budge 1910: 35,17–19); 7th cent.

The inflected infinitive appears most frequently, although occasionally, when the semantics allow, the agent of the action expressed by the infinitive can be omitted, as in the Shenute ex. 18 above. Passive constructions with later introduction of the agent make use of the 3rd person plural:

If men cannot stand the heat in a bath of unwanted temperature, how will they be able to persevere the river of fire:

Ex. 33 ϩⲁⲡⲥⲅⲁⲣ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲇⲟⲕⲓⲙⲁⲍⲉ ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛⲓⲙ hap-s=gar pe e-tre-u-dokimaze n-uon nim need=for SE.M to-CAUS-3P-examine OBJ-one every ϩⲓⲧⲙ̄ⲡⲕⲱϩⲧ ⲉⲧⲙ̄ⲙⲁⲩ hitm-p-kôht etmmau by-DEF.M-fire there “…for everyone must be examined by that fire.” John of Constantinople, De Poenitentia & Abstinentia (ed. Budge 1910: 11,17–19); 7th cent.

As in the preceding examples, the subject of the infinitive is in most cases pronominalized, yet nouns or demonstratives are encountered as well, cf. also ex. 35–37 or the one quoted as ex. 75 below:

Having noticed that the cavern he found must be occupied, the wayfaring monk says to himself:

Ex. 34 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̇ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡϩⲙ̇ϩⲁⲗ ⲙ̇ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲓ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ haps pe e-tre-p-hmhal m-p-nute i e-pei-ma need SE.M to-CAUS-DEF.M-servant of-DEF.M-god come to-DEM.M-place “The servant of God must return to this place.” Apophthegmata Patrum #268 (ed. Chaîne 1960: 82,10–11); 11th cent.


The conjunctive can appear with a coordinative function (see ex. 20, 27 or 32) or serving as a final clause, as in the following examples:16

Peter reminds his audience that there will be a day of requital when each and everyone will be judged according to the books containing their deeds committed, be they good or evil:

Ex. 35 ϩⲁⲡⲥⲅⲁⲣ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲟⲩⲁⲛⲁⲥⲧⲁⲥⲓⲥ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛⲥⲉⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ⲛϭⲓⲟⲩⲟⲛ haps=gar pe e-tre-u-anastasis šôpe n-se-tôun nkji-uon need=for SE.M to-CAUS-IDF.S-resurrection happen CNJ-3P-rise PVS-one ⲛⲓ̈ⲙ ⲛⲧⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϯϩⲁⲡ ⲉⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛⲓ̈ⲙ ⲉⲓⲧⲉ ⲇⲓⲕⲁⲓⲟⲥ ⲉⲓⲧⲉ ⲣⲉϥⲉⲣⲛⲟⲃⲉ nim nte-p-nute ti-hap e-uon nim ite dikaios ite ref-er-nobe every CNJ-DEF.M-god give-law to-one every either just either AGT-do-sin “For it is necessary for a resurrection to come, so that everyone rises and God judges everyone whether righteous or sinner.” Peter of Alexandria, On Riches, §76 (Pearson & Vivian 1993: 61); 9th–11th cent.

Stephen relates that father Apollo had been granted the grace of foresight and thus the Holy Spirit told him beforehand:

Ex. 36 ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲡⲁⲧⲣⲓⲁⲣⲭⲏⲥ ⲥⲉⲩⲏⲣⲟⲥ ⲉⲓ haps pe e-tre-p-patriarkhês Seueros i need SE.M to-CAUS-DEF.M-patriarch N come ⲛϥϣⲗⲏⲗ ϩⲙⲡⲉⲕⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ n-f-šlêl hm-pe-k-topos CNJ-3MS-pray in-POSS.M-2MS-place “The patriarch Severus must come so that he prays in your monastery.” Stephen of Hnes, Panegyric on Apollo, §17 (Kuhn 1978: 31,11–12); early 9th cent.

The archangel Gabriel reassures Claudius, who is held in custody by the Persians:

Ex. 37 ⲉϣϫⲉ ⲁⲕⲉⲓ ⲉⲧⲉⲓⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲱ̂ ⲕⲗⲁⲩϯⲟⲥ ešce a-k-i e-tei-khôra ô klautios if PAST-2MS-go to-DEM.F-land VOC N ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲑⲉⲟⲇⲱⲣⲟⲥ ⲡⲁⲛⲁⲧⲟⲗⲁⲓⲟⲥ ⲉⲓ ⲉⲣⲁⲧⲕ̄ haps pe e-tre-theôdôros p-anatolaios i erat-k need SE.M to-CAUS-N DEF.M-anatolian come to-2MS ⲛⲅ̄ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲛ̄ϩⲟ ϩⲓϩⲟ n-g-nau ero-f n-ho hi-ho CNJ-2MS-see OBJ-3MS as-face and-face “If you have gone to this land, O Claudius, Theodore the Anatolian must come to you, so you see him face to face.” Theodore of Antioch, On Theodore the Anatolian (Budge 1915: 19, 5–8)

The negative final clause seems to be construed with the negative cekas an:

John warns of the eternal fire waiting for the souls of sinners: Ex. 38 ⲕⲁⲓⲅⲁⲣ ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲛ̄ⲣⲉϥⲣ̄ⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲩⲟ̄

kaigar haps pe e-tre-n-ref-r-nobe tôun e-u-o for need SE.M to-CAUS-DEF.P-AGT-do-sin rise DEP-3P-be.STA

16 Cf. also Peter of Alexandria, On Riches, §75 (Pearson & Vivian 1993: 61) as well as §76 (Pearson

& Vivian 1993: 61).


ⲛⲁⲧⲧⲁⲕⲟ̄ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲁⲛ ⲉⲩⲉϫⲓⲉⲟⲟⲩ n-at-tako cekas an eue-ci-eou as-un-perish so_that NEG FUT.3P-take-glory ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲩⲛⲁⲃⲁⲥⲁⲛⲓⲍⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ϩⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲧⲙⲟⲩ alla cekas e-u-na-basanize mmo-u hn-u-mnt-at-mu but so_that FOC-3P-FUT-punish OBJ-3P in-IDF.S-ABST-un-death “For sinners must rise up imperishable, not that they shall receive glory but rather that they shall be punished with immortality.” John of Constantinople, De Poenitentia & Abstinentia (ed. Budge 1910: 11,10–13)

Instead, either the element haps pe or the e-INF pattern is repeated in coordinated examples. Noteworthy is a gapping feature, as exemplified by the following example:

St. Paul speaks about the mystery of transformation and how to overcome death by the believers, saying:

Ex. 39 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲅⲁⲣ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲁⲓ̈ ⲉϣⲁϥⲧⲁⲕⲟ ϯ haps=gar pe e-tre-pai e-ša-f-tako ti need=for SE.M to-CAUS-DEM.M.ABS DEP-AOR-3MS-destroy give ϩⲓⲱⲱϥ ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲧⲧⲁⲕⲟ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲁⲓ̈ ⲉϣⲁϥⲙⲟⲩ hiôô-f n-u-mnt-at-tako auô pai e-ša-f-mu on-3MS OBJ-IDF.S-ABST-un-destroy and DEM.M.ABS DEP-AOR-3MS-die ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥϯ ϩⲓⲱⲱϥ ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲧⲙⲟⲩ e-tre-f-ti hiôô-f n-u-mnt-at-mu to-CAUS-3MS-give upon-3MS OBJ-IDF.S-ABST-un-die “For this perishable must put on the imperishable and this mortal immortality.” I Cor 15:53 (Thompson 1932: 145); 5/6th cent.

Instead of repeating haps pe, the translator omitted it. Deletion of the other parts are attested in the following example in which the construction is reduced instead to haps pe:

St. Peter states in his letter that the addressees will rejoice: Ex. 40 ⲉⲁⲧⲉⲧⲛ̄ⲗⲩⲡⲉⲓ ⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲉⲓ ⲉϣϫⲉ ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ

e-a-tetn-lupei tenu n-u-kui ešce haps pe DEP-PAST-2P-suffer now for-IDF.S-little if need SE.M ϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ ϩⲛ̄ϩⲉⲛⲡⲉⲓⲣⲁⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲉⲩϣⲟⲃⲉ hrai hn-hen-peirasmos e-u-šobe down in-IDF.P-trial DEP-3P-change.STA “…even though you have suffered now for a little while, if need be, from various temptations.” 1 Pt 1:6 (ed. Goehring 1990: 150); 3rd cent.

The fronting of components of the sentence attested in the following examples:

John reminds his audience of the story of Jacob seeing a ladder in his dream upon which the angels of the Lord ascended and descended:

Ex. 41 ⲛⲁⲓ̈ϭⲉ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲑⲉⲱⲣⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲛ nai=kje têr-u haps pe e-tre-u-theôrei mmo-n DEM.P.ABS=then all-3P need SE.M to-CAUS-3P-observe OBJ-1P


ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲟⲛⲇⲉ ⲥⲉⲛⲁⲙ̄ⲕⲁϩ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ ⲉϫⲱⲛ mallon=de se-na-mkah n-hêt ehrai ecô-n rather=yet 3P-FUT-be_grieved of-heart to-down upon-1P “All these then must observe us, or rather be troubled about us.” John of Constantinople, De Poenitentia & Abstinentia (ed. Budge 1910: 27,30–31)

An old monk tells Mark: Ex. 42 ⲡϩⲉⲑⲛⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲙ̄ⲙⲁⲩ ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ

p-hethnos etmmau haps pe e-tre-f-pisteue DEF.M-people there need SE.M to-CAUS-3MS-believe ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲛ̄ⲛⲥⲁⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓϣ e-p-nute mnnsa-uoiš OBJ-DEF.M-god after-time “Those pagans — after a while they must believe in God; …” Life of Aaron §67 (ed. Budge 1915: 462); 10th cent.

Additional particles can introduce the sentence, as the following example from Shenute’s writing exemplifies:

Shenute retorts people who have the ignominy to question that Jesus was born by the virgin:

Ex. 43 ⲛⲧⲕ̄ⲛⲓⲙ ⲛⲧⲟⲕ ⲱ ⲡⲣⲉϥⲧⲱϩ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲙⲟⲓ ⲛϣⲱⲣⲡ̄ ntk-nim ntok ô p-ref-tôh ma-tamo-i n-šôrp 2MS-who 2MS.ABS VOC DEF.M-AGT-mix give.IMP-tell-1S as-first ϫⲉⲛⲧⲁⲕϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛⲁϣ ⲛϩⲉ ϩⲛϩⲏⲧⲥ̄ ce-nt-a-k-šôpe n-aš n-he hn-hêt-s that-FOC-PAST-2MS-happen in-what of-way inside-womb-3FS ⲛⲧⲉⲕⲙⲁⲁⲩ ϩⲟⲙⲱⲥ ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕⲉⲓⲙⲉ n-te-k-mau homôs haps pe e-tre-k-ime of-POSS.F-2MS-mother nevertheless need SE.M to-CAUS-2MS-know ⲁⲛϭⲟⲙ ⲙⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉϥⲭ̄ⲣ̄ⲥ̄ a-n-kjom m-p-nute auô pe-f-khr(isto)s OBJ-DEF.P-power of-DEF.M-God and POSS.M-3MS-Christ “Who are you, you meddler? Tell me first how you became human in your mother’s womb. Nevertheless, you must understand the power of God and his Christ ….” Shenute, It happened one day (ed. Lefort 1955: 42,15–16); 6th cent.

Clitics such as kje (ex. 21 and 25), gar (ex. 22, 24, 29, 33, 39, and 48 as well as in some examples referred to in notes 13 and 15) or on (ex. 23 and 24) can attach to the initial haps, thereby apparently outranking the clitic subject element. In addition, even prepositional phrases such as ero- appear in front of the subject element (ex. 28 plus some further examples referred to in note 15); a feature common also in other nominal sentences, see Luke 7:28. The benefactive ero- itself can be followed by intensifiers such as hôô-, as in the following example:


Gessios replies to the blessings of a sick man whom he takes care of so that he does not act out of charity but out of duty:

Ex. 44 ⲁⲩⲱ ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ϩⲱⲱⲕ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕⲇⲓⲁⲕⲟⲛⲉⲓ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ auô haps ero-k hôô-k pe e-tre-k-diakonei ero-n and need for-2MS self-2MS SE.M to-CAUS-2MS-serve for-2P ϩⲛⲧⲙⲛⲧⲉⲣⲟ ⲛⲙⲡⲏⲩⲉ ϩⲁϩⲧⲙⲡⲉⲭ᷍ⲥ ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ hn-t-mnt-ero n-m-pêue hahtm-pe-kh(risto)s pe-n-cois in-DEF.F-ABST-king of-DEF.P-heaven.P before-DEF.M-Christ POSS.M-1P-lord ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉⲛⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲛⲥⲱ᷍ⲣ auô pe-n-nute pe-s-sô(tê)r and POSS.M-1P-god POSS.M-1P-saviour “… and you yourself must serve us in the kingdom of heavens before the Christ, our Lord and God, the Saviour.” Gessios & Isidoros

(ed. Steindorff 1883: 151,2–4; no date given, but certainly 2nd mill. AD)

The whole pattern can be embedded into dependency structures such as conditional (ex. 21 and 40)17 or comparative clauses by means of a relative clause (ex. 20). In cases in which the structural rules call for a virtual relative clause18 (as in the example quoted below where the relative clause pertains to an indefinite noun), the expected dependent clause is employed:

John calls for repentance, for in the netherworld no one will show mercy. Hence the earthly things are vain: And we know, o my beloved, that the things of this place will not be changing to dreams …

Ex. 45 ⲁⲩⲱ ϫⲉⲉⲛϣⲟⲟⲡ ϩⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲡⲁⲛⲇⲟⲕⲓⲟⲛ auô ce-e-n-šoop hn-u-pandokion and that-FOC-1P-dwell.STA in-IDF.S-inn ⲉϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲁⲛⲧⲱⲥ ⲧⲣⲉⲛⲉⲓ̈ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧϥ̄ e-haps pe pantôs (e)-tre-n-i ebol nhêt-f DEP-need SE.M doubtless to-CAUS-1P-go out inside-3MS “…and that we dwell in an inn that we must leave without doubt.” John of Constantinople, De Poenitentia & Abstinentia

(ed. Budge 1910: 10,17–19); 7th cent.

The same text supplies an example of the use of this construction as a complement clause (ex. 32),19 which is also attested in the example from the Gospel of Matthew (ex. 27) above.

The pattern can be used in dependent clauses in other functions:

17 Cf. also Theodore of Antioch, On Theodore the Anatolian (Budge 1915: 15, 31–34). 18 See Reintges (2004: 413) for the distinction between virtual and non-virtual relative clauses. 19 For further examples, see Budge (1910: 22,5–6) for the same text or the Acephalous text (ed. Crum

1915: 50 vso 7–10).


Shenute says that the Manicheans would claim about the body: Ex. 46 ⲟⲩⲕⲁⲕⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲉϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥⲣⲕⲁⲕⲉ

u-kake pe e-haps pe e-tre-f-r-kake IDF.S-darkness SE.M DEP-need SE.M to-CAUS-3MS-do-darkness “It is dark for it must become darkness.” Shenute, Who Speaks Through The Prophet (or: The Lord Is Long-Suffering)

(ed. Lefort 1929: 430,14); 11th cent.

The construction can be converted into a preterite construction as the following example from a Literary text shows:20

Severian quotes Acts 1:15sq, in which Peter addresses the other disciples: “Men and brethren, …”

Ex. 47 ⲛⲉϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲧⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ ϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ne-haps pe e-tre-te-graphê côk ebol PRT-need SE.M to-CAUS-DEF.F-scripture complete out “…it was necessary that the scripture fulfilled itself.” Severian of Gabala, In Apostolos, §273 (Righi 2004: I 154); 9/10th cent.

The Literary texts attest the above-mentioned variant hops:

John of Lycopolis explains to Palladius why he needs to become a bishop: Ex. 48 ϩⲟⲡⲥⲅⲁⲣ ⲡⲉ ⲉ̇ⲧⲣⲉⲩⲭⲓ̄ⲣⲟⲇⲱⲛⲉⲓ̄ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲕ

hops=gar pe e-tre-u-khirodônei mmo-k need=for SE.M to-CAUS-3P-elect OBJ-2MS ⲛ̇ⲅ̇ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛⲉⲡⲓ̈ⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲛ̇ⲅ̇ϣⲉⲡϩⲁϩ ⲛ̇ϩⲓ̈ⲥⲉ ⲛ̇ⲅ̇ⲑ̇ⲗⲓ̈ⲃⲉ n-g-šôpe n-episkopos n-g-šep-hah n-hise n-g-thlibe CNJ-2MS-become OBJ-bishop CNJ-2MS-receive-many of-pain CNJ-2MS-press “They must elect you that you will be bishop, suffer manifold and be in distress.” Life of John of Lycopolis, §243 (ed. Till 1936: 138,1–3)

Jesus announces to his disciples that he will show them heaven: Ex. 49 ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲓ̈ϣⲁⲛⲧⲁⲙⲱⲧⲛ ⲉ̄ⲛⲁⲓ̈ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲓ̈ϩⲉ ϩⲓϫⲙ̄ⲡⲕⲁϩ

auô eišan-tamô-tn e-nai n-tei-he hicm-p-kah and CND.1S-tell-2P OBJ-DEM.P.ABS in-DEM.F-way on-DEF.M-earth ϩⲟⲡⲥ̄ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲁϫⲓⲧ̈ⲏⲩⲧ̄ⲛ̄ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲛⲉⲙⲡⲏⲩⲉ̄ hops pe e-tr-a-ci-têutn e-hrai e-nem-pêue need SE.M to-CAUS-1S-take-2P to-above to-DEF.P-heaven.P ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲧⲥ̄ⲁⲃⲱⲧⲛ̄ ⲉ̄ϩⲱⲃ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲙ̄ⲛ̄ⲛⲉ{ⲕ}ⲕⲉⲕ̄ⲟⲟⲩⲉ nta-tsabô-tn e-hôb nim mn-ne-{k}-kekoue CNJ.1S-show-2P to-thing all CON-DEF.P-other.P ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲩϫⲓ̈ⲥⲉ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ϩ̄ⲛⲧ̄ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲃⲉⲙⲓ̈ⲭⲁⲏⲗ ⲡⲁⲥⲱⲧⲡ̄ nt-a-u-cise mmo-u hn-t-pe etbe-mikhaêl pa-sôtp REL-PAST-3P-lift OBJ-3P in-DEF.F-heaven because-N POSS.M.1S-choose “If I tell you thus these things on earth, I must take you up to heaven so that I can show you everything and further things, which were elevated into heaven due to my chosen one Michael.” John Evangelist, Book of the Investiture of the Archangel Michael, §13 (ed. Müller 1962: 42,18–21; 9th cent.)

20 The consulted text editions of the Acts show the pattern without pe, see below ex. 49.


Whether this ϩⲟⲡⲥ hops is a diatopic variant must remain undecided at present.

3.2 Pattern hap-s Ø e-tre-SUBJ-INF

In the texts of Coptic writers, this pattern is amply attested. In the edited Shenute texts checked, it outnumbers the pe-pattern by a ratio of 2:1.

Theodore appeals to the monks of the community to be steadfast in every trial and assures himself and his audience: “We truly believe and are confident…”

Ex. 50 ϫⲉⲕⲁⲧⲁⲟⲩⲛⲁ ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲁⲓ̈ ⲧⲱⲙⲛ̄ⲧ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ ce-kata-u-na haps e-tre-pai tômnt ero-n that-like-IDF.S-mercy need to-CAUS-DEM.M.ABS befall to-1P “…that this must also mercifully happen to us …” Theodore, Instruction Three, §7 (ed. Lefort 1956: 43,14–15); 9th cent.

Shenute reasons that a man-eater or a bloodsucker might swallow something: Ex. 51 ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ϩⲛⲧⲉⲩϩⲁⲏ ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲕⲁⲃⲟⲗ ⲙⲙⲟⲟⲩ

alla hn-te-u-haê haps e-tre-u-ka-bol mmo-u but in-POSS.F-3P-end need to-CAUS-3P-put-out OBJ-3MS “…but in their end they must vomit them out.” Shenute, There Is Another Foolishness (ed. Amélineau 1907–14: II 338,10); 9th–11th cent.

Citing expressions of Christian faith, Shenute argues about people who adore Baal and turn to him:

Ex. 52 ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲧⲱⲧⲛ ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲧⲛϫⲉⲛⲁⲓ ⲙⲛϩⲉⲛⲕⲟⲟⲩⲉ auô ntôtn haps e-tre-tn-ce-nai mn-hen-koue and 2P.ABS need to-CAUS-2P-say-DEM.P.ABS and-IDF.P-other.P “And you must say then this and the other: (‘Our king the tree.’ …)” Shenute, There Is Another Foolishness (ed. Amélineau 1907–14: II 378,11–12); 9th–11th cent.

Pachomius is told in a vision: Ex. 53 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲟⲛ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕⲥⲙⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲥⲟⲟⲩϩⲥ̄

haps=on ero-k e-tre-k-smn-u-souhs need =again for-2MS to-CAUS-3MS-establish-IDF.S-gathering ϩⲛ̄ⲧⲕⲁϩϣⲙⲓⲛ hn-t-kah-šmin in-DEF.F-district-N “You must organize a community in the district of Akhmim (to gather a people for me there.)” Vita Pachomii §52 (ed. Lefort 1952: 145,19–20); 9th cent.

The Sahidic New Testament shows the pattern without pe mainly in the Gospels21 and the Acts of the Apostles22, but for some reason only rarely in the epistles23, whether

21 Cf. also Mt 24:6 (Aranda Perez 1984: 246); Lk 2:49 (Quecke 1977: 114); Lk 4:43 (Quecke 1977:

128); Lk 13:33 (Quecke 1977: 205); Lk 21:9 (Quecke 1977: 247); Lk 24:44 (Quecke 1977: 274). 22 Cf. also Acts 3:21 (ed. Thompson 1932: 8); 17:3 (ed. Thompson 1932: 49); 19:21 (ed. Thompson

1932: 57); 27:24 (ed. Thompson 1932: 80); 27:26 (ed. Thompson 1932: 80). For all of these instances, the 4th century manuscript edited by Budge (1912) shows the pe-less pattern as well; similarly, as far as is preserved, the text edited by Balestri (1904). The early fragmentary manuscript in Berlin (Hintze & Schenke 1970) does not preserve any of the instances in question, whereas the Vienna one (Wessely 1913: 8 4th cent.) shows the pe-less pattern in the only preserved instance of 19:21 (Wessely 1913: 95).


Pauline or Catholic. The exception to this is the below cited example from the First Epistle to the Corinthians (ex. 57); this manuscript, however, shows the pe-pattern otherwise:

Peter addresses the other disciples: “Men and brethren, …” Ex. 54 ⲛⲉϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲧⲉⲓⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ ϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ

ne-haps e-tre-tei-graphê côk ebol PRT-need to-CAUS-DEM.F-scripture complete out “…it was necessary that this scripture fulfill itself.” Acts 1:16 (ed. Thompson 1932: 2); 7th cent. & (ed. Budge 1912: 124); 4th cent.

Jesus announces the coming of the Son of Man: Ex. 55 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲇⲉ ⲛ̄ϣⲟⲣⲡ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥϣⲉⲡϩⲁϩ ⲛϩⲓⲥⲉ

haps=de n-šorp e-tre-f-šep-hah n-hise need=yet as-first to-CAUS-3MS-receive-many of-pain ⲛ̄ⲥⲉⲧⲥ̄ⲧⲟϥ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲛⲧⲉⲓ̈ⲅⲉⲛⲉⲁ n-se-tsto-f ebol hitn-tei-genea CNJ-3P-reject-3MS out through-DEM.F-generation “But first he must suffer greatly and be rejected by this generation.” Luke 17:25 (ed. Quecke 1977: 225); 5th cent.

John the Baptist says about Jesus: Ex. 56 ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲉⲧⲙ̄ⲙⲁⲩ ϫⲓⲥⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲕⲇⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲁⲑⲃ̄ⲃⲓⲟ

haps e-tre-p-etmmau cise anok=de e-tr-a-thbbio need to-CAUS-DEF.M-REL-there rise 1S.ABS=yet to-CAUS-1S-humiliate “He must increase, but I must decrease.” John 3:30 (ed. Quecke 1984: 90); 5th cent.

St Paul deduces from what he heard about the community: Ex. 57 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲅⲁⲣ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϩⲉⲛϩⲁⲓⲣⲉⲥⲓⲥ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛ̄ϩⲏⲧⲧⲏⲩⲧⲛ̄

haps=gar e-tre-hen-hairesis šôpe nhêt-têutn need=for to-CAUS-IDF.P-division happen among-2P “For there must be divisions among you….” I Cor 11:19 (ed. Thompson 1932: 136); 5/6th cent.

Compared to the two textual groups above, the pe-less pattern is absolutely under-represented within Literary texts, with the example quoted below being the sole instance in addition to a pe-less variant text quoted below as ex. 67 M. There is no apparent reason for this distribution.

Apostle Thomas relates how the archangel Michael had treated his body and reasons:

Ex. 58 ⲉⲃⲟⲗϫⲉϩⲁⲡ᷍ⲥ ⲉⲧⲣⲁⲕⲧⲟⲓ̈ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲛ̄ⲕⲉⲥⲟⲡ ebolce-haps e-tr-a-kto-i ero-f n-ke-sop because- need to-CAUS-1S-return-1S to-3MS in-other-time

23 In addition to the instance from I Cor 11:19 cited in the main text (ex. 52), see II Cor 5:10.


ⲉⲧⲃⲉⲡⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ̈ ⲙ᷍ⲛⲡⲛⲟⲩϩ᷍ⲙ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ etbe-p-ucai mn-p-nuhm n-ta-polis because-DEF.M-weal and-DEF.M-safety of-POSS.F.1S-city “…for I must return to it again because of the weal and the safety of my city.” Book of the Resurrection of Jesus Christ, §70 (ed. Westerhoff 1999: 182 C 49,12–13; 10th cent.)

As some of the examples show, the pe-less pattern also allows adjuncts to follow the initial haps. In ex. 53 we find the clitic on, which appears also in one of the examples from the Acts quoted as ex. 60 B and in Acts 19:21, as well as the benefactive ero- (in ex. 53), while in ex. 55 the adjunct nšorp intervenes. Finally, one encounters Wacker-nagel clitics such as gar (ex. 57 and 64 C) or de (ex. 55). Compared, however, to the situation described above for the pattern with pe, the lower frequency of the appearance of clitic elements becomes apparent. This fact might foster an inclination to conclude that a structural difference between presence and absence of pe might be the background of the lower frequency of additional adjuncts and particles. Yet, under such circumstances one would have to analyse the examples just quoted above showing these additional elements as mistakes, i.e. as examples of inadvertently dropped pe. In addition, the absence of clitics is as frequent in the pe-less pattern as it is in the one showing the subject element.

Coordination of clauses under the scope of the construction is achieved by marking them as conjunctives:24

As the women cannot find Jesus in the tomb, they are bewildered. Suddenly two men appear beside them, reminding them what Jesus told them when they were still in Galilee:

Ex. 59 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲡⲁⲣⲁⲇⲓⲇⲟⲩ ⲙ̄ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲟⲟⲧⲟⲩ haps e-tre-u-paradidou m-p-šêre m-p-rôme etoot-u need to-CAUS-3P-deliver OBJ-DEF.M-son of-DEF.M-man to-3P ⲛϩⲉⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲣ̄ⲣⲉϥⲣ̄ⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲛ̄ⲥⲉⲥⳁⲟⲩ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟϥ n-hen-rôme r-ref-r-nobe n-se-s(tau)rou mmo-f as-IDF.P-man of-AGT-do-sin CNJ-3P-crucify OBJ-3MS ⲛϥ̄ⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ϩⲙⲡⲙⲉϩϣⲟⲙⲛⲧ ⲛϩⲟⲟⲩ n-f-tôun hm-p-meh-šomnt n-hou CNJ-3MS-rise in-DEF.M-ORD-three of-day “…that the Son of Man must be delivered into the hands of sinful men, and be crucified, and on the third day rise again.” Lk 24:7 (ed. Quecke 1977: 269); 5th cent.

As with the pe-pattern, the fronting of elements of the sentence is possible, cf. also ex. 50–52 above:

Jesus tells the disciples in his final discourse: Ex. 60 ⲡⲁⲓ̈ ⲉⲧⲥⲏϩ ⲉⲧⲃⲏⲏⲧ ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛϩⲏⲧ

pai et-sêh etbêê-t haps e-tre-f-côk ebol n-hêt DEM.M.ABS REL-write.STA because-1S need to-CAUS-3MS-end out in-1S “That what is written because of me must be fulfilled about me:…” Lk 22:37 (ed. Quecke 1977: 256); 5th cent.

24 See also Lk 9:22 (ed. Quecke 1977: 166–167; 5th cent.) in which a final clause reading would seem

unwarranted.


Shenute quotes John 10:16 on the good shepherd where Jesus says: “I have other sheep that do not come from this sheepfold…”

Ex. 61 ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉⲧⲙⲙⲁⲩⲟⲛ ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲉⲧⲣⲁⲥⲟⲟⲩϩⲟⲩ auô n-etmmau=on haps e-tra-souh-u and DEF.P-there=again need to-CAUS-1S-gather-3P “… and these I must gather too.” Shenute, As I Sat On A Mountain (ed. Leipoldt 1908: 59,25–26); 9th–11th cent.

The pattern can be found within causal (ex. 58) or complement clauses, as below (see also ex. 50):

Jesus tells one of the disciples to put away his sword: Ex. 62 ⲛⲁϣϭⲉ ⲛϩⲉ ⲉⲩⲛⲁϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛϭⲓⲛⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ ⲛⲛⲉⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ

n-aš=kje n-he e-u-na-côk ebol nkji-ne-graphê n-ne-prophêtês in-what=then of-way FOC-3P-end out PTC-DEF.P-writing of-DEF.P-prophet ϫⲉϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲥϣⲱⲡⲉ ϩⲓⲛⲁⲓ ce-haps e-tre-s-šôpe hi-nai that-need to-CAUS-3FS-happen on-DEM.P.ABS “But how then shall the scriptures be fulfilled, (saying) that thus it must be?” Mt 26:54 (ed. Aranda Perez 1984: 270); 9th cent.

The disciples ask Jesus: Ex. 63 ⲁϩⲣⲟⲟⲩϭⲉ ⲛⲉⲅⲣⲁⲙⲙⲁⲧⲉⲩⲥ ϫⲱ ⲙⲙⲟⲥ

ahrou=kje ne-grammateus cô mmo-s why=then DEF.P-scribe say OBJ-3FS ϫⲉϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϩⲏⲗⲓⲁⲥ ⲉⲓ ⲛϣⲟⲣⲡ ce-haps e-tre-hêlias i n-šorp that-need to-CAUS-N come as-first “Why then do the scribes say that Elias must come first?” Mt 17:10 (ed. Aranda Perez 1984: 200); 9th cent.

Not unexpectedly, the pattern can appear as a coordinated sentence, such as adversative (ex. 51 with alla, or with plên in Lk 13:33). Examples for causal main clause coordination can be found listed above as containing the clitic gar. The pattern can be marked as preterite25 (ex. 54).

3.3 Difference between presence and absence of pe

In consideration of the fact that the frequency of the additional sub-patterns showing a ‘Conjunctive’ form or a main clause following haps (pe) is rather low, I turn now to the issue of the background of the difference between the pattern with and without pe.

First, in all three introduced textual categories, manuscript versions of the same text can be found displaying the presence and the absence of pe for the same passage:

25 For the Coptic Preterite pattern, see Reintges (2004: 271–275).


Coptic writers (Shenute)

Shenute calls for regular visits to check themselves: Ex. 64 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲅⲁⲣ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲛⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ Y

haps=gar pe e-tre-n-nau e-ne-n-erêu need=for SE.M to-CAUS-1P-see to-POSS.P-1P-fellow ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲧⲉϥⲧⲁⲝⲓⲥ p-ua p-ua kata-te-f-taksis DEF.M-one DEF.M-one according-POSS.F-3MS-rank

ϩⲁⲡ᷍ⲥⲅⲁⲣ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲛⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ C haps=gar e-tre-n-nau e-ne-n-erêu need=for to-CAUS-1P-see to-POSS.P-1P-fellow ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲧⲉϥⲧⲁⲝⲓⲥ p-ua p-ua kata-te-f-taksis DEF.M-one DEF.M-one according-POSS.F-3MS-rank “For we must see one another, each by his rank, …” Shenute, I have been reading the Holy Gospels (ed. Young 1993: 126,48–52) 10/11th cent. vs. (ed. Coquin 2001: 9a1–4); 10th cent.

Scripture

The Lord appears to St. Paul in a dream and says: “Be of good cheer, for as you have testified for me in Jerusalem…“

Ex. 65 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕⲣ̄ⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲣⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲓ̈ϩⲉ ϩⲛ̄ⲧⲕⲉϩⲣⲱⲙⲏ T haps=on pe e-tre-k-r-mntre n-tei-he hn-t-ke-hrômê need=again SE.M to-CAUS-2MS-do-testify in-DEM.F-way in-DEF.F-also-N

ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕⲣ̄ⲙⲛ̄ⲧⲣⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲉⲓ̈ϩⲉ ϩⲛ̄ⲧⲕⲉϩⲣⲱⲙⲏ B haps=on e-tre-k-r-mntre n-tei-he hn-t-ke-hrômê need=again to-CAUS-2MS-do-testify in-DEM.F-way in-DEF.F-also-N “…so you must do in Rome.” Acts 23:11 (ed. Thompson 1932: 69); 7th cent. vs. (ed. Budge 1912: 251); 4th cent.

Literary texts

The Christ speaks to his mother whose death is approaching: “Don’t be afraid of death, for the life of the whole world is with you.”

Ex. 66 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲡⲉ ⲉ̄ⲧⲣⲉⲛⲁⲩ ⲉ̄ⲣⲟϥ ϩⲛ̄ⲛ̄ⲟⲩⲃⲁⲗ ⲙ̄ⲙⲁⲧⲉ B haps pe e-tre-ø-nau ero-f hn-nu-bal mmate need SE.M to-CAUS-2FS-see to-3MS in-POSS.2FS-eye very

ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ϩⲛⲛⲟⲩⲃⲁⲗ ⲙⲙⲁⲧⲉ C haps e-tre-u-nau ero-f hn-nu-bal mmate need to-CAUS-2FS-see to-3MS in-POSS.2FS-eye very “You must see him with your own eyes.” Cyril of Jerusalem, On the Virgin Mary, §50 (ed. Budge 1915: 70, 20–21) 11th cent. vs. (ed. Campagnano 1980: 188, 24–25) 9th cent.

One of the Literary texts also shows that hops is simply a variant of haps:

Jesus addresses his father: Ex. 67 ⲉϣϫⲉ ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ ⲡⲉ ⲉ̄ⲧⲣⲁⲣ̄ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϣⲁⲛϯⲥⲱⲧⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡ̄ⲣⲱⲙⲉ V

ešce haps pe e-tr-a-r-rome šant-i-sôte m-p-rôme if need SE.M to-CAUS-1S-do-man CMP-1S-redeem OBJ-DEF.M-man


ⲉϣϫⲉ ϩⲟⲡⲥ ⲉⲧⲣⲁⲉⲣⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϣⲁⲛϯⲥⲱⲧⲉ ⲙ̄ⲡ̄ⲣⲱⲙⲉ M ešce haps e-tr-a-r-rome šant-i-sôte m-p-rôme if need to-CAUS-1S-do-man CMP-1S-redeem OBJ-DEF.M-man “If I must become man so that/until I redeem man, ….” Theodosius of Alexandria, On John the Baptist, §V.1 (ed. Kuhn 1966: 13b, 14–16 vs. 13a, 14–16); both 9th cent.

The sentences are the same, irrespective of the element pe (and some occasional graphemic variation). In the textual groups dealt with here, one finds rather odd statistics. Using the texts collected in Amélineau (1907–14), Christea (2010) and Young (1993) for Shenute’s writings, as well as the above quoted examples from the other Coptic writers, we arrive at the following distributions:

Writer pe ø

Shenute 7 13

Pachomius 1 0

Theodore 0 1

Vita Pachomii 1 0

Total 9 14

Table 1. Distribution of patterns within texts of Coptic writers

The distribution of the two patterns in the texts of Shenute has a ratio of 1:2, the attes-tations outside his writings seem statistically almost insignificant, with three single instances.

Once we proceed to the attestations within the Sahidic Coptic New Testament, we see that distribution is rather uneven over the various texts. While the Gospel of Mark does not have any examples of our pattern26, the other Gospels show a definite preference for the pattern without pe. Whereas the same preponderance of the pe-less construction can be discerned in the Acts of the Apostles, the Pauline epistles show the opposite distribution, having mainly the pattern with pe. As only one example is found in the Revelations and in the Catholic Epistles, they are listed only for the total statis-tics. The total figure, however, shows roughly a ratio of 1:3 for pe- versus Ø-patterns:

Texts pe ø Texts pe ø

Matthew 1 3 Acts 2 7

Mark 0 0 Pauline Epistles 5 1

Luke 0 10 Catholic Epistles 1 0

John 1 6 Revelations 1 0

Total 11 27

Table 2. Distribution of patterns within the Sahidic New Testament

26 The Gospel of Mark shows the cpi-pattern (see above in the introduction) in 8:31, 9:11, 13:7, and

13:10, as well as the Third Future pattern in 9:12 and 14:49.


Finally, for the third sub-corpus dealt with here, the Literary texts, the following distribution emerges (those supplying only a single instance each have been listed under Other texts in the table, except for the instance from the Resurrection of Jesus Christ as it shows the pe-less form):

Texts pe ø Texts pe ø

Gregory, In Eccl. 4 0 Cyril, On Virgin 1 1

ApophPatrum 2 0 John, De Poen. 6 0

Resurrection JC 0 1 Other texts 6 0

Total 19 2

Table 3. Distribution of patterns within Literary texts

Here, a clear preference for the pattern with pe is apparent. Comparing all three textual corpora, we can see that the New Testament use and

that of the Literary texts are the antipodes, with a preference for the pe-less-pattern in the former and the pe-pattern in the latter. The texts of the Coptic writers have a more balanced position, with an almost even distribution, although a slight preponderance of the pe-less-pattern can be discerned.

Diagram 2. Distribution of patterns in the corpora

Still, one might argue that this is not the effect of a dropping or insertion process of pe, but rather a deliberate choice conveying a subtle semantic difference inaccessible to us.

The issue whether the absence of pe is favoured by the absence of adjuncts and/or clitics or vice versa, i.e., the absence of pe favours the absence of adjuncts has already been raised above. Yet, as has been said, given the almost equal distribution of adjunct- and cliticless examples over the two sub-patterns, it seems rather unlikely that this feature is bound to syntactic environments.

0 5 10 15 20 25 30

Literature

Coptic Writers

New Testament

ø

pe


3.4 Pattern haps pe CONJUNCTIVE

Examples of haps pe followed by the conjunctive are not common in Sahidic Coptic. The following three examples seem to be the only ones in our corpus.

Thecla is taken aboard a ship steered by the holy virgin and Elizabeth, the mother of John the Baptist. She serves them food, thinking that they are humans. The two tell her: “Even as you have attended upon us and ministered to us, who are strangers whom you do not know, …”

Ex. 68 ϩⲟⲡⲥ̄ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ ϩⲱⲱ⳯ ⲡⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲛ̄ⲁϩⲉⲣⲁⲧⲛ̄ ⲉⲣⲟ hops ero-n hôô-n pe nt-n-aherat-n ero-ø need for-1P self-1P SE.M CNJ-1P-stand-1P for-2FS ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲟⲩⲥⲟⲛ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲓ ⲛ̄ϣⲏⲣⲉ mn-pu-son mn-pu-kui n-šêre CON-POSS.M.2FS-brother CON-POSS.M.2FS-little of-child “…we must attend to you and your brother and your little son.” Martyrdom of Paese & Thecla (ed. Reymond & Barns 1973: 58 70R,i18–22); 9th cent.

As above, but the two tell her: “The way you have served us, you do not recognize us, …”

Ex. 69 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲛ̄ⲧⲛ̄ⲇⲓⲁⲕⲟⲛⲉⲓ ⲉⲣⲟ ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲟⲩⲥⲟⲛ haps=on pe nt-n-diakonei ero-ø mn-pu-son need =again SE.M CNJ-1P-minister for-2FS CON-POSS.M.2FS-brother ⲙⲛ̄ⲡⲟⲩϣⲏⲣⲉ mn-pu-šêre CON-POSS.M.2FS-child “…we must serve you and your brother and your little son.” Martyrdom of Paese & Thecla (ed. Till 1935/36: I 80,25–26); no date given.

Theophilus suggests to the emperor: “If the words of your servant please you, let us create a harbour in this place first…”

Ex. 70 ϫⲉϩⲟⲡⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲛⲧⲉⲡⲁⲙⲁϩⲧⲉ ⲛⲧⲉⲕⲙⲛⲧⲉⲣⲟ ⲥⲱⲕ ce-hops pe nte-p-amahte n-te-k-mnt-ero sôk for-need SE.M CNJ-DEF.M-might of-POSS.F-2MS-ABST-king draw ϣⲁⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ ⲛϩⲉⲛⲙⲏⲏϣⲉ ⲛϫⲏⲩ ša-pei-ma n-hen-mêêše n-<e>cêu to-DEM.M-place OBJ-IDF.P-multitude of-ship.P “…for the might of your reign must draw many ships to this place (for the glory of God and his holy archangel Raphael).” Cyril of Alexandria, In Raphaelem (ed. Orlandi 1972: 221,21–22 & Coquin 1994: 46); 10th cent.

Variation between hops and haps is encountered here as well. As the empirical quan-tity is not high, one may only state that similar features as observed with the inflected infinitive pattern may be noted here as well: particles (ex. 69) and adjuncts (ex. 68) may intervene between haps and pe. As with the other pattern the whole construction can be used as a complement clause (ex. 70). Even keeping the low frequency of attestations in mind, the claim that structural differences between the conjunctive and the inflected infinitive pattern will not have existed might not be too bold a claim. It should be pointed out here, however, that in the comparable Bohairic pattern (ϩⲱϯ


[ⲡⲉ] hôti [pe]) the ratio between inflected infinitive and conjunctive is almost diametrically opposite, with the latter being much more commonly employed.

3.5 Pattern hap-s Ø CONJUNCTIVE

Similar to the constructions with the inflected infinitive, one might also expect a pattern with the conjunctive that dispenses with the pe. Yet the expected pattern is only scarcely attested in the texts examined. The only example seems to be the following:

A woman quotes in her letter the conversation of another woman with her son. The latter answers to objections by his mother:

Ex. 71 ϩⲁⲡⲥ ⲧⲁϫⲟⲟⲣⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ haps ta-coore ebol need CNJ.1S-hinder out “Must I be impeded?” O. Epiphanius 455,12–13 (ed. Crum & Evelyn White 1926: 101 [text] & 267 [translation]; ~ 8th cent.)

As the example is rather straightforward in syntax, no specific features can be observed. However, as the Bohairic counterpart ϩⲱϯ hôti27 is to be attested regularly with the conjunctive but lacking pe one might surmise that similar syntactic features as found with the other Sahidic patterns are possible with this sub-pattern as well.

3.6 Pattern hap-s SENTENCE

Finally, the fifth sub-pattern shows neither the inflected infinitive nor the conjunctive following pe but an independent clause pattern.

A monk answers to the question of how he felt being sent out and called back again:

Ex. 72 ⲁⲓⲕⲁⲁⲥ ϩⲙ̇ⲡⲁϩⲏⲧ ϩⲟⲡⲥ ⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩϩⲟⲟⲣ a-i-kaa-s hm-pa-hêt hops ang-u-hoor PAST-1S-put-3FS in-POSS.M.1S-heart need 1S.ABS-IDF.S-dog “I have set it into my heart that I must be a dog (who when thrown out leaves and comes back when called).” Apophthegmata Patrum #139 (ed. Chaîne 1960: 31,8) 11th cent.

Shenute castigates people ridiculing matters concerning Satan and evil in general: Is it then not sufficient that they speak idle words <in> which there is no profit for those listening to them …

Ex. 73 ϩⲁⲡⲥⲧⲉ ⲣⲱ ⲉⲛⲥⲉϫⲓ ⲁⲛ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲧⲉⲭⲣⲓⲁ haps-te rô e-n-se-ci an ehun e-te-khria need-yet also DEP-NEG-3P-take NEG into to-DEF.F-need ⲉⲧⲥⲟⲧⲡ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲧⲧⲏϣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲙⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ et-sotp auô et-têš ebol hitm-p-nute REL-chosen.STA and REL-fixed.STA out through-DEF.M-God “… must they also disagree to the necessity chosen and fixed by God?” Shenute, Acephalous Work I (ed. Amélineau 1907–14: II 256,5–7 & Young 1993: 152 coll.); 9th–11th cent.

27 Cf. Acts 1:21–22 (Horner 1905: 154–156) where the initial hôti is resumed only near the end of

verse 22 by a ‘Conjunctive’.


While the first quoted example clearly is a main clause (here a sentence with nominal predicate) the second example shows a dependent negated clause.

3.7 Negative patterns

Negative examples seem attested mainly as hap-s=an Ø e-tre-SUBJ-INF. However, ex. 72 shows that this is not a structural issue but due to the chances of preservation.

In a sermon Shenute starts with the words: “If everyone errs and every mouth speaks falsely …”:

Ex. 74 ϩⲁⲡⲥⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲙⲙⲉ haps=an e-tre-p-nute šôpe m-me need=NEG to-CAUS-DEM.M-God be in-truth “… is it not necessary that God truly exists?” Shenute, If everyone errs (ed. Amélineau 1907–14: I 307,9 & Leipoldt 1913: 11,4–5); 9th–11th cent.

Shenute says some people might argue one way or another that they are not concerned with the things he talks about and remarks:

Ex. 75 ⲏ̂ ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲓ̈ⲉⲃⲓ̈ⲏⲛ ⲛ̄ⲧⲁϥⲣ̄ⲁ̄ⲧⲙⲡϣⲁ

ê haps=an e-tre-pi-ebiên nt-a-f-r-at-mpša or need=NEG to-CAUS-DEM.M-wretch REL-PAST-3MS-AUX-un-worthy ⲛⲧⲉⲭⲁⲣⲓⲥ ϩⲙⲡⲧⲣⲉϥⲛⲟϭⲛⲉϭ ⲙ̄ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲓⲡⲉⲥⳁⲟⲥ n-te-kharis hm-p-tre-f-nokjnekj m-p-cois hi-pe-s(tau)ros of-DEF.F-grace in-DEF.M-CAUS-3MS-mock OBJ-DEF.M-lord on-DEF.M-cross ⲡⲱϩ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉϥϩⲏⲧ pôh m-pe-f-hêt break OBJ-POSS.M-3MS-heart “Must not the poor devil who became unworthy of grace when he mocked the Lord on the cross rend his heart (when he sees his fellow-thief, who had been hanging with him, in the paradise of delight?)” Shenute, I have been reading the Holy Gospels (Young 1993: 128,40–46); 10/11th cent.

Jesus castigates the two disciples at Emmaus: Ex. 76 ⲙⲏ ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲉⲭ᷍ⲥ ϣⲉⲡⲛⲁⲓ̈

mê haps=an e-tre-pe-kh(risto)s šep-nai IRP need=NEG to-CAUS-DEF.M-Christ receive-DEM.P.ABS ⲛϥ̄ⲃⲱⲕ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲡⲉϥⲉⲟⲟⲩ n-f-bôk ehun e-pe-f-eou CNJ-3MS-go into to-POSS.M-3MS-glory “Was it not necessary for the Christ to suffer these things and enter into his glory?” Lk 24:26 (ed. Quecke 1977: 272); 5th cent.

Theodosius has the Lord address John the Baptist with an adjusted quote of Luke 2:49:

Ex. 77 ⲙⲏ ⲛϩⲟⲡⲥ̄ⲁⲛⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ϩⲛⲛⲁⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ mê n-hops=an=pe e-tr-a-šôpe hn-na-pa-iôt IRP NEG-need=NEG=SE.M to-CAUS-1S-happen in-POSS.P-POSS.M.1S-father “Is it not necessary that I will be in my father’s house?” Theodosius of Alexandria, On John The Baptist XIII.9 (ed. Kuhn 1966: 40,14–15); 9th cent.


Even though the majority of examples display only the postpositive negation an, the last example shows that in origin it has been the discontinuous negation n- … =an. Pragmatically striking is the fact that all examples are rhetorical questions (inverted polar questions) only and hence not ‘real’ negative patterns.

4 Conclusions

Summing up the syntactic information that can be gathered from the above, we might formulate this as (facultative elements given in round brackets):

(NEG) haps (PTC) (=NEG) (=BEN) (=pe)e-(tre-SUBJ)-INFINITIVE

CONJUNCTIVE

haps (PTC) SENTENCE

Table 4. Syntactic elements of the constructions

Thus, particles can be positioned after the initial element haps. There seems to be an ordering of the type clitics – negative particles – benefactive expressions (such as ero-PRONOUN). The negation n … =an brackets the element haps, including any element cliticized thereto. In the e+infinitive-pattern the subject may be introduced by -tre-.

The pattern can be embedded into preterite, circumstantial or relative clauses. The coordination of further clauses under the scope of haps is construed with conjunctives. The pattern can be used within conditional or causal clauses as well as in questions.

It might be surmised that the situation would be similar for the use with an independent clause, but the amount of empirical data being as sparse as it is argues for restraint in that matter.

Seeing that the patterns with conjunctives are rather underrepresented, it might be imagined that the reason for this is diatopic. Yet the distribution of the attested patterns ranges from the Theban area to the Fayyum area. Although one might argue for a northern Egyptian preference in the latter case, inasmuch as the conjunctive is the preferred continuation28 of ϩⲱϯ hôti (the Bohairic equivalent of ϩⲁⲡⲥ haps), such an explanation barely accounts for the Theban example.

Concerning the difference between the patterns with and without pe, as has been argued in the introduction, the basic syntactic construction seems to have been a bipartite nominal sentence with subject element, as the absence of pe would not fit into the assumed predication patterns of Coptic. Hence, the pe-less patterns might be assumed to be the outcome of a grammaticalization process leading to the deletion of the subject element.

Along similar lines, Sami Uljas and the present author recently proposed the development of the Sahidic construction for ‘almost’ (Müller & Uljas in press). The initial stage would have been a bipartite nominal sentence with a conjunctive, followed by a conjunct stage in which the subject element was deleted but the ‘Conjunctive’ still 28 For the Bohairic New Testament the overwhelming attestations of ϩⲱϯ hôti show the conjunctive.

Only John 4:4, 10:16 and 20:9 as well as Acts 14:22 have the e- plus infinitive pattern. Yet even outside this corpus the use of the conjunctive definitely outnumbers the use of the e- plus infinitive pattern in Bohairic texts.


retained, only later to be exchanged for a main clause pattern. Finally, an adjunct stage appears in which the now syntactically free expression for ‘almost’ is moved from its original initial position to the prototypical adverb position at the right periphery of the sentence. However, the diachrony in the present case does not seem to speak in favour of a development as the one just proposed, as it is usually the older stage that displays the pe-less pattern with the younger version inserting the pe.

In addition one might compare the similar pattern employing the Greek word anagkê in the position of haps (see the introduction above). The Sahidic NT does not supply any examples with pe. Instead it seems to be a structural copy of the Greek construction with the word anagkê followed by an infinitival construction as subject clause (treated above in the introduction above as the sixth pattern):

St. Paul reasons: Ex. 78 ϩⲟⲡⲟⲩⲅⲁⲣ ⲇⲓⲁⲑⲏⲕⲏ

hopou=gar diathêkê in_so_far_as=for testament ⲁⲛⲁⲅⲕⲏ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲡⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲓ ⲙ̄ⲡⲉⲧⲕⲱ ⲙ̄ⲙⲟⲥ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ̈ anagkê e-tre-p-mu i m-p-et-kô mmo-s ehrai need to-CAUS-DEF.M-death come for-DEF.M-REL-place OBJ-3FS down “For where a testament is, there must also be the death of the testator.” Heb 9:16 (Thompson 1932: 178); 5/6th cent.

If one assumes the same basic pattern to be the initial stage of our haps-construction, we would admittedly face an ungrammatical construction in Coptic that nevertheless could be explained as a loan construction. Once in broader use, there might have been some “grammatological unease” with the apparent violation of Coptic structural rules that led eventually to its amendment into a nominal sentence by inserting the pe, chan-ging the sentence into a more familiar pattern.

As the examples with the conjunctive are underrepresented (four examples with conjunctive against more than eighty with e-INFINITIVE-pattern), they seem to repre-sent some idiosyncratic sub-pattern either due to diatopic (as mentioned, the conjunc-tive is the most prominent construction with the Bohairic equivalent hôti) or some other factor (see below). Thus, the conjunctive pattern might lapse into oblivion for the moment in outlining the general diachronic development of the pattern which therefore might be sketched accordingly as:

Stage I Loan translation pattern haps e-INFINITIVE

Stage II Adjusted pattern with inserted subject element haps pe e-INFINITIVE

As often any attempt of introducing diachronic order into Coptic empirical data is slightly blurred by issues such as manuscript tradition that might be later than the date of writing as it is to be assumed for Shenute’s writing. Thus some diachronically late features might be attested in earlier texts whereas late texts might evince features of an assumed early date. In addition, it should be pointed out that processes of gramma-ticalization are never linear. Later features might appear side by side with earlier ones even within a single text.


As said above in the introduction to paragraph 3 of the paper there is a single instance of a possible harbinger pattern dating to the turn of the 2nd to the 1st millennium BCE. In addition to its scarce appearance, it is employed with a different continuation pattern and thus more or less leaves us deprived of a real historical predecessor of the pattern in focus here.

Finally, some remarks about the semantics of the construction seem necessary. While a majority of examples favour a semantic understanding as deontic necessity, i.e., the utterance seems to be based on some external system of rules, a couple of examples (such as ex. 50, 54, 56, 57, 59, and 72) rather call for an epistemic reading.

In the following examples, both an epistemic as well as a deontic reading seem possible:

After he spoke about the destruction of the temple the disciples ask Jesus when these things will come to pass. He tells them not to worry when they should hear of war …:

Ex. 79 ϩⲁⲡⲥⲅⲁⲣ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲙⲡⲁⲧⲉⲑⲁⲏ ⲉⲓ haps=gar e-tre-u-šôpe alla mpate-t-haê i need=for to-CAUS-3P-happen but NCPL-DEF.F-end come “… for (these things) must come to pass, but the end is not yet.” Mt 24:6 (Aranda Perez 1984: 246); 9th cent.29

A man called Gessios finds by the seashore some human bones in the water. He collects them and bewails the fate of this individual as well as the fugaciousness of human life in general:

Ex. 80 ϩⲁⲡⲥ̄ⲅⲁⲣ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ ⲧⲏⲣⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲛⲉⲣⲑⲉ ⲙⲡⲁⲓ haps=gar ero-n têr-n pe e-tre-n-er-t-he m-pai need=for for-1P all-1P SE.M to-CAUS-1P-do-DEF.F-way of-DEM.M.ABS ⲁⲩⲱ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲛⲧⲁϥϫⲡⲟϥ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ auô rôme nim nta-f-cpo-f e-pei-kosmos and man every REL.PAST-3MS-born-3MS to-DEM.M-world “For all of us must become like this one and every man who was born into this world.” Gessios & Isidoros (Steindorff 1883: 142,9–10); no date given; prob. 2nd mill. AD.

Thus in the first example (ex. 78), Jesus’ reasoning could be his personal appraisal of the future waiting for the apostles and those walking in his name. In the second one, Gessios reasons that all men must die and, even though one might consider this a personal opinion, it rather seems to refer to some general rule outside human ability and understanding.

Yet, it seems that no distribution of the patterning can be connected to the two functions deontic versus epistemic necessity as discrete form-function matches. This is also corroborated by the variants in the text transmission. Thus for the time being, it must be considered as a means to express both.

29 Similarly Lk 21:9 (ed. Quecke 1977: 267; 5th cent.)


List of abbreviations

1,2,3 number A Akhmimic dialect ABS absolute ABST abstract morpheme AGT agentive morpheme AOR aorist AUX auxiliary B Bohairic dialect CAUS causative CMPL completive CND conditional CNJ conjunctive CON connector COP copula ORD ordinal

DEF definite DEM demonstrative DEP dependent F female FOC focus FUT future IDF indefinite IMP imperative IRP interrogative particle L Lycopolitan dialect M Mesokemic dialect M masculine NCPL negative completive NEG negation OBJ object

P plural PAST past N name (personal, toponym, etc.) POSS possessive PRT preterite PTC particle PVS post-verbal subject REL relative S Sahidic dialect S singular SE subject element STA stative VOC vocative

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