Faiths and community in a riverside slum in Nepal

Sami Kivelä

Paper at the ReDi Conference Diaconia under Pressure, Stockholm 2014

ABSTRACT

This paper presents a research and development process looking for sustainable forms of cooperation and

support in a Nepalese squatter/slum community. The paper extends the previous orientation of

environmental and public health towards the study of diaconia. An argument is made towards more holistic

and strategic cooperation between diaconal actors in order to support the wellbeing and health of the

whole community. Results from European community diaconia processes could be brought into dialogue

with Asian community development in a culturally sensitive way. This could also benefit the conceptual

study of diaconia and diaconal work.

1 INTRODUCTION

This ‘beloved’ community is a just community in which resources and power are distributed in such a way as to

enable every individual to actualise their potential, and in which every member respects and values every other

member equally.

Peter Somerville (2011, 35) explaining Martin Luther King’s concept of a ‘beloved community’

This is a study on a squatter slum community in Kathmandu, Nepal. We shall call this the Balkhu community

after the residential area where the settlement is located. It is on the bank of the Bagmati, one of

Kathmandu’s rivers, both sacred and polluted.

Churches have a strong presence in the community. Faith-based community work is both visible and crucial

for the well-being of many deprived people. Churches try to educate children and adults and provide health

and sanitation services, along with spreading the Gospel and attending to many spiritual needs. The

resources are, however, very limited, and a lot remains to be done.

The paper will begin with framing the research question. Then attention is turned towards diaconia both in

the European and the Asian setting. Next the socio-political situation in modern Nepal is analyzed with a

short view on history and ethnicity.

The Balkhu riverside community is presented with references to empirical field data gathered by a research

team in late 2013. The collection of survey, observation and interview data was planned and carried out by

a Finnish-Nepalese multidisciplinary staff/student team as part of a larger ongoing research and

development process in two Finnish Universities of Applied Sciences, Diaconia University of Applied

Sciences (Diak) and Turku University of Applied Sciences, and their Nepalese partners. This paper presents

preliminary results of that process with a special focus on diaconia.

2 FRAMING THE RESEARCH QUESTION

The Balkhu riverside settlement is one among many similar ones in the Kathmandu metropolitan area. It

has been a topic of both national and international interest: non-governmental organizations (NGOs) do or

have done community work in the fields of education, health, awareness on trafficking of women and

general urban development (Khatiwada 2014). East-Asian, mainly South Korean, missionary work is active

in the area, focusing on education, sanitation and health. A Master’s thesis in nutrition sciences at the

University of Eastern Finland was implemented as an educational intervention in 2013 (Hannula 2013). It

was deemed challenging to allocate health interventions to most vulnerable people, and a need for

cooperation between different stakeholders stood out.

The ongoing Finnish-Nepalese project plan at Diak and its partners has also been focusing on environmental

and sanitary development. A diaconal viewpoint has hitherto been rather limited, even though some of the

most important service providers in Balkhu are faith-based organisations. This calls for an extension

towards the study of diaconia and diaconal work.

This study acknowledges the discussion on defining the word ‘diaconia’ (or diakonia) instigated by Biblical

scholar John D. Collins in 1990 and continued in Finland and elsewhere by a number of theologians (see e.g.

Huhta 2014, 50). I also acknowledge the distinct concept of ‘diaconal work’ and its many professional and

spiritual uses (see Siirto 2011). Although diaconia does not refer universally to all faith-based helping of

those in need - or even Christian help for that matter - I see it as a feasible concept to use.

This study sees diaconia as a) the human-rights-promoting activities carried out by churches and faith-

based agents in Balkhu (comprising typically health, education, sanitation, employment, environment and

social equality issues), b) the practice of religious activities by the same (including worship services,

Christian rites, teaching on Christian faith, prayer and spiritual counselling) and c) the underlying motivation

and worldview that calls for serving the most needy as images of God, after the example and believing in

the resurrection of Jesus Christ. Hence the following research question can be framed:

How could diaconia be developed in the Balkhu settlement in Kathmandu?

I will look for both better community practice as well as some novel ideas for the academic study of

diaconia. As such the paper aims at providing tools for further dialogue and discussion.

3. DIACONIA, CONVIVIALITY AND THE NEPALESE CONTEXT

3.1 Diaconia as Conviviality

‘Conviviality’ refers to the act and practice of living together (Addy 2013b, 18). It has its historical roots in

the coexistence of Christians, Moslems and Jews on the Iberian Peninsula and was brought to the modern

context by Ivan Illich. Currently it is widely discussed as a key conceptual framework for developing

diaconia in European churches and denominations. According to Addy (Ibid.), conviviality emphasizes

creative relationships, interdependency between people and companionship.

There are a growing number of marginalized people in Europe with ‘hidden’ needs (Addy 2013b, 9).

Churches and diaconia have addressed these needs by developing non-statutory services for people who

fall outside the existing legal framework. In the future churches of the future will often have to rely on the

contributions of committed and motivated volunteers. Motivation is rooted both in relationships as well as

faith and spirituality. (Ibid., 10–13.)

3.2 Christianity in the Nepalese context

In national census tables of the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) ranging from the 1950s to the year 2011,

the following religious groups have been reported in Nepal: Hindu, Buddhist, Islam, Kirat, Jain, Christian,

Prakriti, Bon, Sikh, Bahai and Other/Undefined (Dahal 2003, 104; CBS 2012). In the most recent census 81 %

were reported as Hindu, and Buddhism and Islam held the next positions.

Christianity has always been a minority religion in Nepal. In 1961 there were reportedly only 458 adherents,

but recent decades have shown a rapid growth: 102 000 adherents in 2001 and 376 000 in 2012. The years

1991-2001 witnessed an increase rate of 226 % (Dahal 2003, 105). Conversion has been and still is a

controversial issue, and proselytizing even more so. Despite this fact, Christianity is clearly on the rise in

Nepal.

According to Barclay (2009), the first record of a Christian in Nepal was the visit of a Jesuit priest, Father

Cabral, in 1628. In the 18th century Capuchin monks were allowed to stay in the Kathmandu valley for some

decades, but were forced to leave along with Nepali Christians when King Prithvi Narayan Shah unified the

valley kingdoms and created the modern state of Nepal in 1769. It took almost two centuries for

Christianity to return to the country.

When it did after 1951, several distinct groups converged to constitute the modern Christian community in

Nepal. First, the Jesuits returned, establishing St. Xavier’s School in Godavari on the outskirts of Kathmandu

in July 1951 (Barclay 2009, 191). Later other St. Xavier’s educational institutions were founded in

Jawalakhel and Maitighar in the heart of the urban Kathmandu-Lalitpur metropolitan area. St. Xavier’s

College in Maitighar has been actively empowering children and families from slum settlements, especially

through their Partnership in Education (PIE) programme originating in 2004. The College has conducted

surveys in various riverside settlement in Kathmandu and sends students regularly to field orientation. (St.

Xavier’s College, n.d.)

Second, a number of international missionary workers and organizations unified in 1954 to create United

Mission to Nepal (UMN), an umbrella organization that was formally given the permission to do Christian-

based medical and educational work, but without rights for open preaching (Barclay 2009). Also the Finnish

Evangelical-Lutheral Mission would later begin work in Nepal relying on the same governmental agreement

negotiated by UMN. Diaconia University of Applied Sciences is a long-term partner of Lalitpur Nursing

Campus, also founded by UMN.

Third, migrated Nepali Christians from the Darjeeling-Kalimpong tea plantation region in North-East India

returned to Nepal to form their own small congregations. And finally, a number of Mar Thoma Christians

from Kerala, South India came to adopt Nepal as their location for lifelong service in the fields of education

and medicine. Presbyterian and Methodist churches have perhaps been most notable among Protestants in

Nepal. Presently nearly 2 % of the population is officially Christian, and according to K. B. Rokaya, general

secretary of the National Council of Churches in Nepal, the number even be bigger.

East-Asian missionary work, especially from South Korea, has also gained ground in Nepal. Christianity has

become a major religion in South Korea with roughly 30 % adherence (Pew Research 2012). Korean

Christianity is a mixture of strong national identity, historical ties with Shamanism, Confucianism and

Buddhism and a fervent missionary strategy, especially inside Asia. Also political activism and fight for

human rights can be seen as traits of many Korean churches. (Kena 1993.)

4. URBAN SQUATTERS IN THE BALKHU SETTLEMENT

4.1 Politics, inequality and urban migration

This paper follows Tanaka’s (2009) definition of urban squatters as “all those who lack legal entitlement to

their present shelters, regardless of their formal status as landowners elsewhere in the country”. Some

residents in urban settlements may indeed own land elsewhere in Nepal, but due to fear of political

persecution have fled to the capital. In Nepali the term sukumbasi means more or less a squatter, more

precisely in the meaning of landless. Some indigenous Kathmandu Valley dwellers have also wanted to be

called swabasi, “dwellers staying by themselves”, to make a distinction from landless dwellers coming from

outside the Kathmandu Valley (Tanaka 2009, 146). In the case of Balkhu, sukumbasi has been the term

used.

Nepal faced a traumatizing civil war in 1996-2006, resulting in deaths of thousands and internal

displacement of over 100 000 citizens. The conflict between left-wing Maoists and the Nepalese Army

ultimately resulted in the abolition of monarchy and adoption of federal democracy, although making a

constitution and creating a stable government have been extremely difficult to achieve. Moreover,

individual unidentified armed youth groups have later emerged in the southern Tarai belt of Nepal,

targeting in frustration both the state and the Maoists (Yadav 2012). The Balkhu settlement has in notable

part been inhabited by people fearing for their safety and rights after the war.

The type of federalism and religious traditions versus secularism are among the key topics for

contemporary debate in Nepal (Sharma 2010, 53). The post-conflict transition phase after 2006 has seen

the integration of former Maoist combatants into society and a long process of the multi-party Constituent

Assembly working for a new constitution. Promising news is now heard of a country where inequalities are

narrowing and human development indicators show for the better (Nepal Human Development Report

2014; UNDAF 2012). Still many structural reasons for inequality and poverty persist, in the traditional

sphere of customs and beliefs related to caste, ethnicity and gender. Bista (1991) sees a fatalistic worldview

behind many contemporary challenges.

A distrust of the common people towards the political elite has been notable in Nepalese public discourse.

Sharma (2006) sees certain economic and political mistakes as one reason behind rising socio-economic

exclusion, angering the people and eventually leading to the rise of the Maoist insurgency in the 1990s.

When Nepal “opened up to the world” in the early 1950s, it adopted a strategy for planned development

and Import Substitution (IS). Foreign trade and investments were restricted, and several large national

industries and trading corporations were established in the public sector. Practically all infrastructure

development and foreign aid was directed towards the industrialization of main urban areas, forgetting

that the country relies predominantly on agriculture, especially subsistence farming. This, according to

Sharma, widened - or in a way created - the inequality gap between rural and urban areas.

Under pressure from the IMF and the World Bank, the government introduced many macroeconomic

reforms in 1986. Output, export and foreign exchange earnings grew, and by the mid-1990s GDP growth

was about 4 % per annum, but the growth in agriculture GDP stagnated and the real income of people

relying on agriculture in rural areas even fell during this period (Sharma 2006, 1242). At the same time

urbanization in Nepal became notably rapid (Rademacher 2009; Tanaka 2009). The result was increasing

vertical inequality (rich vs. poor) and horizontal inequality (urban vs. rural).

Kathmandu as an urban metropolis is not a safe haven, either. People come to big cities for work and a

dream of something better, but often the reality is harsher. Many Nepalese children are trafficked to

prostitution or bonded labour or end up in the streets of Kathmandu. Here we look mainly at the

phenomenon of urban squatter settlements and slum communities. A decade ago UN-HABITAT, the United

Nations Human Settlement Programme, listed Nepal fourth among the countries with the world’s highest

percentage of slum dwellers, and with an annual urban growth rate of some 7 % Kathmandu is indeed

among South Asia’s fastest growing cities (Rademacher 2009).

4.2 Description of the Balkhu settlement

Balkhu is a locality in Jagaran Tole, Ward No 14, Western Kathmandu. It is situated along the Bagmati river.

It has a large fruit market and the Vayodhya hospital next to the bridge. The area of the 361 households

reported in the survey cover about 18 acres. In the survey there were 1346 inhabitants in the 303

households studied. Of these 699 were female and 647 were male. In addition 290 children aged 0-5 were

reported.

The inhabitants in the squatter community are broadly divided into two ethnic groups: the “Madhesi”

group closer to the water and the “Pahadi” or “Nepali” group further from the river (picture 1).

Picture 1. The Balkhu settlement. Modified from A. Khanal 2013. © Google Inc.

Picture 2. The dumping ground and typical buildings on the other side of the river. © Sami Kivelä

Picture 3. The dumping ground with nearest squatter settlement houses. © Sami Kivelä

4.3 The ethnic question: the Madhesi and the Pahadi

Yadav (2011, 156) observes that the Pahadi-Madhesi divide can be seen as perhaps the definitive ethno-

cultural and sociological division in Nepal. Although this is a contested argument, there is without a doubt

an undercurrent in the Nepali state of mind that instantly recognizes this divide. The current treatment of

the issue cannot touch the numerous complexities of the Nepali social fabric but will give a broad outline of

the phenomenon.

The Madhesi are a group of Indo-Nepalese inhabitants from the Tarai plains, the southernmost part of

Nepal bordering India. They make up some 30 percent of Nepal’s population. Their main languages are

Northern Indian languages such as Maithili, and they follow rather strictly the Hindu-based caste hierarchy,

with both high-caste groups such as Brahman and Chhetri and the many lower caste groups (Nepal Human

Development Report 2014, 17). In the modern political situation they have become a notable oppositional

force, having numerous groups claiming constitutional rights especially for explicit Madhesi purposes.

In his autobiographical keynote speech at a 2005 Tarai region conference, Professor Ramawatar Yadav

describes having faced ‘an unseen enemy’ throughout his life - namely his “Madhesi-hood” (Guneratne

2011, x). He gives vivid examples of hidden or wide open exclusion of the Madhesi population in Nepali

literature, political life and pursuit of academic career (Yadav 2011). Naturally there are many intersectional

reasons for exclusion and vulnerability, but for our purposes it is important to acknowledge a sense of

inferiority experienced by many Madhesi. The United Nations recognises the Tarai Madhesi as a vulnerable

group facing possible discrimination (UNDAF 2012, 27).

The Pahadi, referring to Hill people, constitute the majority of Nepalese population. They are Indo-Aryan

inhabitants who in the recent centuries have become the definitive political and cultural force in Nepal. The

King and ruling class have come from this group (more precisely the Shah dynasty), and their language was

to be adopted as the lingua franca of the whole country. They are also referred to as Parbatiya or - as

sometimes in the present field study - plainly Nepali.

5. THE RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT PROCESS

This paper presents data from a field research process that was intended to find general baseline

information about Balkhu. This information would then be applied in a larger capacity building project. A

team of four social services students from Diaconia University of Applied Sciences and two social work

students from St.Xavier’s College collected field material from Balkhu in November 2013. All students were

Nepalese by nationality. They first established contact with the community and learned basic information

there. Then they interviewed over 30 community leaders, talked to contractors, government personnel and

various stakeholders and conducted a survey of 303 households. As local resource persons they had the

leader of the Jagaran Church in the settlement and the Social Development Officer from the District

Development Committee (DDC) in Kathmandu. As resource persons in Finland they had four staff members

from Diaconia University of Applied Sciences (Diak) and one from Turku University of Applied Sciences.

The four students and the five staff members in Finland comprised ‘the Balkhu Team’, a non-formal R&D

group with an aim to create a meaningful and sustainable project to enhance the wellbeing of the slum

settlement residents. The students had an opportunity to participate in the project via a three-month Diak

international exchange in their native country Nepal. Also native Finnish students on their international

exchange in Nepal would give an input to the process.

As working with very poor people in the slum poses serious ethical questions, it was always a priority to

ensure the approval of the community and select ethically sound methods. The leader of the Jagaran

Church was a pivotal figure in getting access to the slum, as he was respected by the community and knew

the inhabitants and community leaders.

A timeline of the R&D process is illustrated in the following table:

2004-2006

2009/2010 2011- 2012- early 2013 late 2013 2014

Settlement: Madhesi community arrives first. Pahadi community arrives later.

Reach Nepal in 2006; builds water tank, school for children

Visits to settlement by students, HEI personnel and Nepalese and Finnish officials (DDC and Embassy)

Visit by personnel

Nepalese HEIs (St. Xavier’s College):

PIE program is created

PIE involves students going to settlements

Surveys by students carried out in over a dozen settlementss

Two Nepali students involved in field work

Finnish HEIs (Diak and TUAS):

Motivation for slum work in the model of Africa (Diak, TUAS)

Visits to the area; links with Finnish Embassy and local officials

Participation of DSS students in the process; creating the ‘Balkhu team’

Four Nepali students involved in field work in autumn 2013 (+ interest of others)

Analyzing results, continuing application process, widening the diaconal perspective

Table 1. Timeline of the process.

The survey answers were put into Excel sheets, and personal observations by research team members were

written to cross-check understanding of the information (Khanal 2013). Processing of the data continued in

Finland in spring 2014.

The data in this paper comprises all available research team communication, learning assignments and

personal observations of four students (45 pages in total), meeting minutes in Finland and survey answers

from 303 households. I have directly referred to a tentative analysis of the survey information by

Kainulainen (2013) the final results of which will be published in a forthcoming paper. Basic content analysis

has been used for grouping and systematizing written data. A theory-oriented perspective has been

adopted to answer the research question. The broad categories formed in the next chapter are quite

simply: a) diaconal challenges and needs and b) responses and suggestions. This information will serve to

answer the more empirical side of the research question about diaconal development. In Chapter 7, I will

make more conceptual arguments about the developing of diaconia in Balkhu.

6. RESULTS

6.1 Background information

According to the tentative analysis of the survey (Kainulainen 2013), there are 361 households in the area

of which 303 took part in the survey. Basic facts are given below:

number of respondents in 303 households: 1346

average age of respondents: 37

religious background: ca. 50 % Hindus, 26 % Christians and 21 % Buddhists

languages used: all use Nepali, also 12 other languages mentioned

90 % of respondents are married

73 % of households have two parents

6.2 Diaconal challenges and needs

(Un)employment

The survey respondents answered to an open-ended question about how to make their lives better

(Kainulainen 2013). Employment and economic activity were on top of the list, and in field observations

there were also various remarks about “idle manpower, especially housewifes”. Tailoring courses had been

presented in the area, but apparently with no great success.

In the Pahadi community people (mostly men) were mainly working as construction workers, porters,

shopkeepers or in hotels. In the Madhesi community begging seemed to be the means for livelihood rather

often. In general earning was both based on monthly wages as well as more irregular income.

Social exclusion

There was a clear dichotomy between the Madhesi and Pahadi groups. One student observed after the

community leader meeting: “There was certain discrimination seen in that meeting towards the Madhesi

community”.

Another had interviewed the Korean church personnel who “saw that the Madhesi community experienced

racism”. In yet another student’s 16-point observation diary half of the points related to the Madhesi and

Pahadi community. A major theme that constantly rose up in observations was the lack of information

about community decisions for the Madhesi. The Madhesi were portrayed in a way as negligent and

clinging to destructive habits (drinking too much causing negligence in decision-making) but then again as

“always positive” about what was decided. This indicated passivity in power relations in the settlement.

One particularly interesting note was about Brahmin and Chhetri people facing discrimination. These

groups normally belong to the highest ranks in society, but they were a minority in Balkhu and did not hold

any particular power, as leadership seemed to be linked chiefly with economical resources.

Health and environmental hazards

Living by the riverside of the Bagmati was in many was risky, especially for the Madhesi who inhabited the

area closest to the river. Flooding of the river during monsoon was a constant threat, with water coming to

the nearest houses and creating sanitary problems. Thus a proper sewage line was evidently needed. On

the other hand, the dry season brought with it the heavy dusty air and the risk of fires. In the survey it was

estimated that nearly all land was in risk of natural calamities.

Another risk was caused by poor distribution of electricity. The electric lines in the settlement were both in

bad condition, prices were above average and 50 % of households did not have a meter, so price would be

difficult to observe. Nearly one out of four households did not have electricity at all.

Poor quality of drinking water was also a problem. A water tank was used by all community members, and

about half of the families boiled or filtered the water whereas the other half did not. The first tank in the

area was built by the leader of the Jagaran church.

Spiritual life

The Balkhu settlement has two active churches operating in the area: the Jagaran church and the Korean

Dhanya Mandali church. The Jagaran church, and its adjacent NGO established in 2011, is run by a local

pastor who is regarded as a pivotal figure in the community: he knows practically everybody and is widely

trusted. He built the first water tank and toilets in the area and acts as a mediator between community

needs and external resources such as donations and funding instruments.

The Jagaran church has a room reserved for worship services. Local volunteers give counselling and pray for

the needy, as I personally witnessed while visiting Balkhu in spring 2014. In general the work of the

churches was considered good in the data, but one note referred to claims of only Christians being treated

in severe medical cases. One survey answer claimed that ‘religion’ was among sources of discrimination.

In the first Finnish Balkhu team meeting after the fieldwork it was noted that the two churches do many

similar things for the community, such as provide education and health services, but there is a lack of

coordination and cooperation between them. They do not know enough about each other, or if they do,

the interaction does not really show. According to the researchers there are in fact a total of five churches

in the area, but only the two mentioned above are active. This could call for a better investigation of

spiritual life in the area.

6.3 Responses and suggestions

At the time of the survey, the flooding problem was being dealt with by building a retaining wall on the

riverbank of blocks of stones. If the wall is built too heavy, it runs the risk of collapsing with the muddy

ground material underneath, but apparently this has been considered.

Both the Jagaran school and the Korean church provided health and education services. Activities of the

Korean church were stated as:

Organizing an adult learning centre

Providing a scholarship for children

Building toilets, water tanks and drainage system to cover half of the area

Providing 30 kg of rice by food ticket to needy households in the settlement

Organizing a local health post and regular visits of a medical doctor from Korean hospital in Thimi

Likewise, the Jagaran church was involved in microfinance and skill development projects, primary health

and hygiene promotion, kindergarten/school activity and projects involving sanitation and clear drinking

water.

Work of the Balkhu project planning team included finding a suitable local partner for applying for external

project funds. For this purpose, all NGOs involved previously or currently in the area were listed. Four NGOs

were found to be currently active (including the two churches) and three others had ended their activities

in the settlement. In addition, other larger urban development and ecological planning organizations were

contacted. The Balkhu team also invited the Finnish Embassy to visit the area and had active talks with the

District Development Committee in Kathmandu about the social and environmental challenges in the area.

All work aimed at acquiring a balanced and detailed picture of the real situation in order to suggest further

actions.

After the fieldwork the student researchers had found the following recommendations:

Small scale (Industry) training for income generation and capacity building along with initial

infrastructure or material

Family planning and reproductive health training, especially on the Madhesi side of the community

Improving the quality of education for school children and increasing the number of children going

to school

Exploring solar power as a cheap energy form to be used

Proper water purification system for safe and clean drinking water

Community information center promoting communication and integration between aid-givers

(churches etc.)

Improving communication and cooperation between churches working in the area

The Balkhu team held a meeting in Finland in January 2014. It was then discussed that the Kathmandu

officials planned a Green Belt Project by the riverside, potentially turning the area into a lush pedestrian

zone. This would not necessarily mean bulldozing the settlement, but it was a potential change to consider.

The team also raised the question of the longevity of the settlement in the present cultural and political

context. Estimation by the Nepali group was 15 years, but political power relations dictate to a large extent

the overall future of squatter and slum settlements in Kathmandu.

7. CONCLUSIONS

Balkhu can be regarded as a fairly common squatter settlement. The people do indeed face many risks, but

the situation is not entirely gloomy: some of them go to work, social bonds and loving care exist, and a

completely desperate attitude towards coping with life was not emphasized in the data.

Diaconal activities of the two churches showed a deep motivation and understanding of the community.

One of them - the Jagaran church - was more indigenous to Balkhu, whereas the other brought more

external East Asian influence to the community. Still both provide essential services, there is an

understanding of local needs and the churches also maintain spiritual activity in worship and prayer

services. Without a doubt the churches do important work within their resources.

However, more dialogue between the Madhesi and the Pahadi communities could be needed. More should

be understood about the underlying reasons for the seeming passivity of the Madhesi. Are they really

passive and dictated by whom? How could the whole settlement be brought into stronger dialogue? Do the

people really want it? What kind of a living ‘space’ do these individuals with different ideas, values and

expectations want to create (Addy 2013a, 131)?

The two churches come from different backgrounds. Both are active in more or less similar activities, but

the Korean church currently aims at focusing on the Madhesi community and the Jagaran church will serve

the Pahadi side. This can be fruitful as division of labour, but it could also suggest that the situation is

fragmented and more cooperation in the spirit of ecumenia could enhance wellbeing. Could the concept of

‘conviviality’ be used in this context? If so, what would it mean in practice?

We must also address the role of the Balkhu team - us, the ones interested in research and development -

wishing to trigger positive action and build the capacity of the community. Balkhu has seen many people

seeking information but giving nothing in return. As a result, some inhabitants are frustrated for a reason.

Our team has tried to work in an absolutely sustainable way throughout the process, ensuring development

would happen not because we want it but starting from the real situation of the community itself. However

well the work is planned, can we abstain from imposing something external on the people? If we have the

consent of a few key persons, are we then serving the whole community? Yadav (2012), a former teacher at

St. Xavier’s College, has called for strictly indigenous social work practice to Nepal; one free from all

external - especially Western - influence. What would this imply as a way forward?

As the preliminary answer to various questions I will suggest analysing the concept of ‘conviviality’ in the

present context. In the likeness of the three great book religions coexisting in the Spanish Peninsula in the

past - Christianity, Islam and Judaism - the Balkhu settlement portrays a microscopic ‘place’ where macro-

level social dichotomies of Nepal - 1) the Pahadi/Madhesi divide, 2) Hinduism as the almost-national-

religion vs. Christianity and 3) rural migrant/Kathmandu dweller - exist in seeming harmony but with

underlying tensions that do not necessarily create more wellbeing and health.

If conviviality is - as expressed by Gothóni and Siirto - about facing the challenge of the ‘other’, leaving

one’s comfort zone and respecting differences instead of just tolerating them, is this not a feasible ‘place’

for further investigation? This would imply bringing into discussion contextual theology, Asian theologies

and comparative religion. Religious literacy would be needed. It would also imply contrasting ideals of

development cooperation with the ideological framework behind conviviality as a diaconal concept.

This requires sincere dialogue between community members, different segments of educational

institutions and policy makers, both religious and secular. I see many theoretical and pragmatic

possibilities. Yet this is not to be solely academic interest, as we are engaging with real lives, freedoms and

capabilities of people (Sen 1999). We need to ‘be the other’, walk in the shoes of the other, and

acknowledge an opportunity for learning, acting and living together.

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