From Bursa to Jerusalem: From Yeşil Türbe to the Dome of the Rock

Beatrıce St. Laurent

My contribution to the memorial volume in Donald Quataert’s honor decidedly focuses squarelyonanarthistoricaltopic.IwilldiscussthelateOttomantileindustryinthenine-

teenth century as it relates to the restoration of Bursa’s monuments and the movement of a group ofmasterceramistsandtheceramictraditionfromKütahya–southofBursainHüdavendigârVilayetiorProvince–toJerusalemin1919,whereitremainsfirmlyentrenchedtothepresentday.

ThisarticlealsochroniclesmyjourneyasascholarfromBursatoJerusalem,whereIre-maintodaydiligentlyattemptingtocompletemyresearchontheDomeoftheRockandal-Aq-saMosque.IundertakemyjourneywithgreatpleasuretoreturntoTurkey,oneofmythreehomes;theothertwoareBostonandJerusalem.MylaststayinTurkeywasinDecember2008,whenIvisitedmy“Turkishsister,”HandanTürkoğluinIstanbul(ProfessoratİstanbulTeknikÜniversitesi)andmy“Turkishfather,”DoğanKuban(formerlyof İTÜ),withwhomI firstworked at MIT.

Donald Quataert was of great assistance in supporting my thesis topic when I was writing mydoctoralthesisinthe1980sintheFineArtsDepartmentatHarvardUniversity(nowHistoryof Art and Architecture). My Ph.D. dissertation, “Ottomanization and Modernization: The Ar-chitecture and Urban Development of Bursa and the Genesis of Tradition 1839-1914,” (June1989), dwells in the realms of art history, history, and the social sciences. I thus sought support outside of my department both in the United States and abroad, notably the École des hautes étudesensciencessocialesinParis.ItwasthusatoneofmanyconferencesthatImetDon.Myengagement in the silk industry of Bursa immediately drew Don’s attention. We shared a common interestinthesilkindustryofBursa;hisgroundedintechnologyoftheindustry,mineinthear-chitecturethatsupportedtheindustry.HelaterinvitedmetoaconferenceatSUNYBinghamton

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Figure 1. Bursa. Yeşil Türbe from the north (Photo: St. Laurent, 1982).

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to contribute a paper on the silk industry of Bursa.1

Partofmythesisdealtwithanotherindustry,themanufactureofceramictilesrequiredforthe restoration of the early Ottoman monuments of Bursa. After the completion of my thesis, my researchmovedinadifferentdirection,towardJerusalem.IntheabsenceofavailablesourcesonOttoman ceramics of the mid-mineteenth century, I thought that it might be interesting to see if thereweretiesbetweenthoseceramistswhomovedtoJerusalemin1919andtheearliernine-teenth century industry. I did indeed find that there were familial links with those active in the in-dustryinthethirdquarterofthenineteenthcentury.

SincemyfirstvisittoJerusalemforaconferencein1990,myresearchfocusesontheres-torationsoftheDomeoftheRockinJerusalem,withadecidedemphasisonthehistoricdocu-mentation of the tile revetment, the industry and the conservation, restoration and preservation

1 St. Laurent “The Urban Transformation of Bursa 1838-1908. Social Implications.” The Impact of 1808: Anatolia and Egypt Compared,FernandBraudelCenterfortheStudyofEconomies,HistoricalSystems,andCivilizations,SUNY,Binghamton,7-8October1988.

Figure 2. Jerusalem. Dome of the Rock from the west (Photo: St. Laurent, 2008).

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of the tiles of the Dome of the Rock. My initial research on the Ottoman period restorations of theDomeoftheRock,conductedwhileresidinginJerusalemforthreeyearsbetween1992and1995ispublished,amongotherplaces,inamajorvolumeonOttomanJerusalem.2 Since 2008, I have worked closely with Isam Awwad, the Resident Architect of the Haram al-Sharif, for 32 years on the twentieth and twenty-first century restorations of the Dome of the Rock and the Ha-ram al-Sharif. I am currently preparing two manuscripts for publication.3

Bursa: The resToraTion of iTs fifTeenTh CenTury MonuMenTsMy doctoral thesis focused on the transformation of the city of Bursa through Ottomanization and modernization from 1839 to 1908. For the purposes of this testimonial, I will focus here on-ly on the restoration of the city’s early Ottoman fourteenth and fifteenth century monuments, and notably on the revival of the tile industry in the nineteenth century. The early Ottoman monu-mentsofBursaexperiencedsubstantialdamageintheearthquakeof1855andrequiredrestora-tion. The Ottoman government in Istanbul declared that Bursa was a “model Ottoman city,” and in 1863, implemented a major project of restoration of the city’s early monuments.4

ahmet vefik Paşa and Léon ParvilléeThere are two key players in the implementation of restoration projects in Bursa. The first was AhmetVefikPaşa,whothegovernmentappointedtoexecutetheplantoedifyBursaasthe“mod-elOttomancity.”Toaccomplishtherestorationofmonuments,VefikPaşabroughttheFrencharchitectLéonParvilléetosupervisetherestoration.5

AhmetVefikPaşa(1823-1891)wasregionalinspectoroftheWesternAnatolianProvinces(Anadolu Sağ Kol Ciheti Müfettişi), holding the post from March 1863 until September 1864, dur-ing much of the period of restoration. He also had previous experience in restoration as Director oftheMinistryofEndowments(Evkaf) in 1860, after his return from his post as ambassador to

2 “The Dome of the Rock: Restorations and Significance 1540-1918,” Ottoman Jerusalem, eds. S. Auld and R. Hillenbrand, publishedonbehalfoftheBritishSchoolofArchaeologyinJerusalemandtheAdministrationoftheAwqafandIslamicAf-fairs,Jerusalem(Edinburgh:AltajirWorldofIslamFestivalTrust,2000),415-24.Seealso“TheOttomanandTurkishRes-torationsoftheDomeoftheRockandTheirPoliticalSignificance1517-1964.”Publishedinthepapersoftheconference7 Centuries of Ottoman Architecture ‘A Supra-National Heritage [OsmanlıMimarlığının7Yüzyılı ‘UluslarüstüBirMiras’UluslararasıKongre],25-27November1999,heldinIstanbul(Istanbul,2001).

3 Beatrice St. Laurent, Qubbat as-Sakhra (The Dome of the Rock): An Account of the Building and Its Condition with Recom-mendations for Its Conservation, Submitted to the Supreme Moslem Council by A. H. S. Peter Megaw, Director of Antiqui-ties of Cyprus; sometime Director of the British School of Archaeology in Athens 1946/1952 with an essay by Beatrice St. Laurent;The Dome of the Rock & al-Aqsa Mosque: 20th & 21st Century RestorationswithIsamAwwad(ResidentArchite-ctHaramal-Sharif1972-2004).Seealsoforthcoming“TheOttomanTilesfromtheHaramal-Sharif,”inGabrielBarkayandZachiDvira,The Temple Mount Sifting Project.

4 For background, see St. Laurent, “Ottomanization and Modernization: The Architecture and Urban Development of Bursa and the Genesis of Tradition 1839-1914” (PhDdissertation,HarvardUniversity,June1989).

5 Twochaptersofmydoctoralthesisdocumentthecareersofthesetwosignificantfigures:Chapter2,“AhmetVefikPaşaandtheCityofBursa:1839to1860,”45to71;andChapter7,“LéonParvillée.ArchitectintheServiceoftheSultan:FromBur-satoMarakkesh,”178-205.

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France.6 By the time he became regional administrator, the fourteenth and fifteenth century mon-uments,alreadydamagedbytheearthquakeof1855,hadfallenevenfurtherintodecay.7

Asanestablishedadministratorand“modernizer,”VefikPaşa’srestorationprovidedhimwith the opportunity to combine “modern western” technology with traditional crafts. To super-visehisrestorationprojects,hebroughtintheFrencharchitectLéonParvillée,whowasalreadyworkingandlivinginIstanbul.ParvilléehadbeenintheemployofthepalaceinIstanbulsince1855,andVefikPaşa,whenhewasMinisterofEndowments,musthavemethimwhilehehim-self was involved in the significant restoration in 1861 of the Süleymaniye Camii, the masterpiece of sixteenth century architecture by Royal Architect Sinan.8

(Louis)LéonParvillée(1830-1885)wasborninParison22March1830.9 He trained as anartist/architectsometimebefore1850inParis.Attheageof21,hefirstwenttoIstanbulin1851withPierreVictorGalland(1822-1892),accompanyingagroupofartistshiredbyanAr-menian client to re-furbish his house on the outskirts of the city. The architect in charge of the project was Melik, an Ottoman subject trained in the atelier of Henri Labrouste. He remained working with the Galland atelier on this palace for two years, painting murals. He returned to Paris in 1853. There is no surviving evidence of this early project.10

Thus, in France in the 1840s, there was a clear interest in the architecture and art of the OttomanEmpire.Viceversa,theOttomanssenttheirarchitectsandartiststostudyintheschoolsof art and architecture in France. Melik and Galland had both been students of Labrouste in Par-is—Galland in 1843 and 1848.11 Other Ottoman architects also trained in Paris. For example, “Bilezikçi,”oneoftheOttomanarchitects,whostudiedwithDubaninParis,contributeddraw-ings of Bursa’s monuments to the Exposition Universelle of 1855 in Paris.12

EugèneViollet-le-Duc,theFrenchRationalistarchitect,advisedParvilléetostudytheOt-toman monuments of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to determine their potential for con-tributing to the “new” French architecture of the Rationalist School.13 Thus, in 1855, at the age of23,ParvilléereturnedwithhiswifeAntoinettetoIstanbultostudythearchitectureoftheOt-tomanEmpireandtopursuehiscareerasanartist/architect.14 He became a contractor for archi-tectural projects in the royal palace for Abdülaziz before and after he was sultan.15

6 See St. Laurent, “Ottomanization,” 56, for this appointment. He was posted to Bursa during a second period from February 4,1879toSeptember1882,seeibid., 58 ff., for details of his accomplishments during this later period, which focused on new architectural commissions and large scale public-works projects.

7 LéonParvilléeArchitecture et Décoration turques au XVe siècle (Paris:V.A.Morel,1874),14.8 St. Laurent, “Ottomanization,” footnote 4, 181.9 IamgreatlyindebtedtoMr.FrancisParvillée,thegreatgrandsonofLéonParvillée,fromParisformuchofthebiographical

backgroundonhisfamilyprovidedtomeinameetinginJuly1984.10 For documentation, see St. Laurent, “Ottomanization,” footnote 2, 180.11 Ibid, footnote 3, 180-181.12 Exposition universelle des Beaux Arts. Architecture (Paris:Bance,1855),4,68.13 Parvillée,Architecture et Decoration, 4.14 FrancisParvilléeindicatedthattheirsonsAchilleandLouiswereborninIstanbul,respectively,in1856and1859.15 Charles Guillaume. Hornig, Séjour et Promenades à Constantinople (1860-1861): Extraits de lettres (Paris:E.Blot,1867), 178.

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While in the employ of the court, he devoted a great deal of time sketching Ottoman clas-sicalarchitectureinIstanbul,utilizingViollet-le-Duc’sworkontheFrenchGothicasamodel.16 Duringthistime,attherequestoftheOttomangovernment,ParvilléealsosentforotherFrencharchitects, including Eugène Maillard, with whom he would later collaborate on multiple proj-ects.17 He was also responsible, in part, for the pavilion at the Industrial Exposition of 1863 at theHippodrome(At meydanı)besidetheMosqueofSultanAhmetIinIstanbul.18

WhilehewassketchingtheSüleymaniyeinIstanbul,henodoubtmetVefikPaşa,whoasMinister of Evkaf was in charge of the restoration project.19Therefore,by1863,Parvilléewasawell-established artist in Istanbul and was charged by the Istanbul government with multiple proj-ects.Thus,itisnotatallsurprisingthatVefikPaşarequestedhisparticipationinthe1863Bursarestoration project.

Collaboration: BursaIn 1863, at the suggestion of the French engineer Ritter, at the time, in charge of the road mod-ernizationprojectofHüdavendigâr(Bursa)Province,VefikPaşaappointedParvilléetosupervisethe Bursa restoration project.20 He and his entire family moved to Bursa for the duration of the project.21 His major responsibility was the supervision of the restoration of four major early Ot-toman monuments. These were the fourteenth century Ulu Cami (GreatMosque)andoneofitsminarets,whichhadsustainedsomeoftheseverestdamagefromtheearthquake;thenearbyOrhanCami(MosqueofOrhan);andthefifteenthcenturyMuradiye Cami (MosqueofMurad),and the Yeşil Cami and Türbe (GreenMosqueandTomb).22Aftertheearthquake,theYeşilTürbe “was in such a ruinous state that several Turkish commissions suggested that it should be destroyed.Abandonedaftertheviolentearthquake,itbecametherefugeofstraydogs.Thelargecrevices caused by the displacement of bricks forming the dome created openings large enough for a man to pass through.”23InrestoringtheYeşilCamiandTürbe,he“encircledinironthedam-ageddomesandafterwardpouredliquidcementinthecrevices.”24

ThoughitisknownthatParvilléeuseddrawings,photographsandmolds,littleisknown

16 See St. Laurent, “Ottomanization,” footnote 6, 182.17 PrétextatLecomte,Les arts et métiers de la Turquie et de l’Orient(Paris,1902),38.18 Salaheddin Bey, La Turquie à l’Exposition universelle de 1867(Paris:Hachette,1867),23-27,providesdatesofexposition—

February27-August1,1863.Forfurtherdocumentationofthepavilion,seeSt.Laurent,Ottomanization and Modernizati-on, footnote7,182.

19 ParvilléelaterpublishedhisdrawingsofthemosqueinArchitecture et Décoration.20 Parvillée,Architecture et Décoration, 14.21 Regis Delbeuf, Une excursion à Brousse et à Nicée (Constantinople,1906),citesGregoireBey(consularrepresentativein

Bursa),whoindicatedthathesawAntoinetteandthetwochildrendailyatYeşilCami.22 Parvillée,Architecture..., 4. 23 Parvillée,Architecture et Décoration, 14.EugèneEmmanuelViollet-le-Duc,Discourses on Architecture, trans. Benjamin

Bucknall(NewYork:GrovePress,1959).24 Montani Efendi and Marie de Launay, Usul-i Mimari-i Osmani. Architecture ottomane. Die Osmanische Baukunst (The

principles of Ottoman architecture) (Constantinople,1873).

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of his actual restoration methodology for buildings and their decoration, aside from the fact that hehada copyofViollet-le-Duc’sDictionaire de l’Architecture française. Entretiens sur l’Architecture, published between 1858 and 1863, the state of the art publication of the Rational-istSchool.Viollet-le-Ducstatesthatrestoringabuildinginvolvedreturning“togoodhealthitsso-lidity, rediscovering its former constituent elements and its formal identity.”25 In Istanbul, Parvil-léehadstudiedOttomanarchitecturetounderstanditsunderlyinggeometricandscientificprin-ciples. Thus, he was able to restore the buildings of Bursa using “modern” methods while preserv-ing their “Ottomanness.”26 In 1906, Gregoire Bey, the French consul to Bursa, reported that he hadbeeninBursafrom1864-67.27

Further,forhisrestorationoftheYeşilCamiandTürbe,hewouldalsorequiretheproduc-tion of new tiles to replace the damaged or missing ones from the exterior and interior of both the mosqueandthetomb(Fig.3)TheoriginalfifteenthcenturytilesofboththeYeşilCamiandTürbeprobably had been the production of a group of “Turkish” craftsmen brought by Sultan Mehmet I from Tabriz. Thus, these tiles closely parallel the tile production for the monuments of Persia in the fifteenth century. In the sixteenth century, tiles were manufactured in the ceramic ateliers of Iznik, northeast of Bursa. Though much of Iznik’s production was destined for the royal buildings of Istanbul, they appeared also througout the empire, including the Türbe of Cem in the Muradi-ye cemetery of Bursa.28 Since the fifteenth century tiles bore little connection to later Iznik tiles, it must have been a challenge to restore these early Ottoman buildings in the nineteenth century.29

By the nineteenth century, Iznik was no longer active. Thus, Iznik was not a source for the restoration of Bursa’s monuments. One center that was still functioning, though it produced fair-lymediocreceramics,wasKütahya,alsoinHüdavendigârProvince.TheKütahyaindustryhadexisted since the fifteenth century, and had experienced a revival in the eighteenth century.30 Fur-ther, Kütahya ceramics had been exhibited in the 1855 Crystal Palace Exposition in London, al-though they were not of high standard and mainly used for utilitarian articles.31 The industry de-clined in the early nineteenth century partly due to the draining of manpower through military

25 Viollet-le-Duc,Projet de Restauraton de Notre-Dame de Paris..., 54-55, “L’Eglise doit reprendre sa santé, sa solidité, retrou-ver ses éléments constitutifs antérieurs, son identité de forme,”54-55.JustasViollet-le-Ducwaslatercriticizedbyscholarsforbeing‘moreRomanesquethatRomanesque’inhisrestorationofthepilgrimagechurchofSt.SernininToulouse,Parvil-léewouldlaterbecriticizedforthemannerinwhichherestoredthedomesofYeşilCami.

26 For more detailed evaluation of the use of geometry, see St. Laurent Ottomanization and Modernization, footnotes 14 and 15, 195.

27 Delbeuf,80,fn.1.Thegreat-grandsonofParvillée,FrancisindicatedtomethatLéonhadbeeninParisin1863;Léonhim-self in his book indicates that he was in Istanbul in 1863, so he must have been there prior to his stint in Bursa.

28 For an extensive list of sources on the Ottoman ceramic industry and Iznik, see St. Laurent, Ottomanization and Moderniza-tion, footnote 26, 61.

29 St. Laurent, Yeşil Külliye(unpublishedseminarpaper,HarvardUniversity,1981),demonstrateslinksoftheBursa’stilepro-duction with that of Tabriz.

30 For bibliography on the Kütahya industry, see St. Laurent Ottomanization, footnote27,62.Ofthosesources,JohnCarswell,Kütahya Tiles and Pottery from the Armenian Cathedral of St. James Jerusalem (Oxford:ClarendonPress,1972)providesthe best summary of the history of the Kütahya industry.

31 Ibid., footnote 28, 62.

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conscriptionandpartlyduetotheOttomanmaniaforLouisXVinteriorsinIstanbul.32

Still, in 1880, the Kütahya industry was able to produce tiles that were at least solid and decorative.33 The Kütahya potters had kept formulas for clay and glaze production from the six-

32 Carswell, Kütahya...,39;OsmanHamdiandMarieDeLaunay, Les Costumes populaire de la Turquie en 1873 (Istanbul,1873),132.

33 Edmond Dutemple, En Turquie d’Asie (Paris:G.Charpentier,1883),274.

Figure 3. Bursa. Mihrab in Yeşil Türbe (Photo: St. Laurent, 1982).

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teenth century and the eighteenth century revival. They were encouraged to re-vitalize the indus-try once again. For the restoration of Bursa’s monuments, there were efforts initiated to improve thequalityofproductionanddesignoftheKütahyaindustry,resultinginasuperiorqualityofce-ramictilesandobjects.SomeofthesewereonexhibitatthetwoUniversalExpositionsof1867and1873.In1867,oneexpositionreviewersaidthatOttomanceramicsingeneralwereofpoorquality,withtheexceptionof“Kütahyablueandgreentiles,whichwereofgoodcolorandwell-varnished.”34 Kütahya ceramic tiles for architectural decoration were used in both restorations and new buildings in both the capital in Istanbul and elsewhere.35

VefikPaşawasinstrumentalintherevitalizationoftheKütahyaindustry.Hehadtwoal-lies in the re-vitalization of the trade who helped him foster the revival of traditional Ottoman crafts in general in the empire.

ThefirstwasOsmanHamdiBey(1842-1910),whowasastudentoftheFrenchOriental-istpaintersLéonGéromeandGustaveBoulangerinParisandwholearnedtopaintintheEuro-pean manner. He viewed the classical world as the cultural legacy of the Ottomans, and as direc-toroftheMuseumofAntiquitiesinIstanbul(1881-1910)broughtavastnumberofimportantobjects,includingtheAlexandersarcophagus,intotheimperialcollection.Hewasequallyinter-estedinhisOttomanheritageleadingalatercolleaguetoestablishtheÇiniliKioskatTopkapı(datingfrom1472)asamuseumforIslamicartdisplayingmainlyOttomanceramics.Amongthesignificantrelevantpositionsthatheheldwere:memberoftheOttomancommissionforthe1867ExpositioninParisandcommissionergeneralfortheempireatthe1873ExpositioninVienna.HealsodemonstratedaspecificinterestinBursa’santiquitiestranslatingtheinscriptionsoftheYeşilCami.36ThesecondwasOsmanHamdi’sfather,IbrahimEdhemPaşa(1818-1893),anim-portant figure throughout the Tanzimat and the reign of Abdülhamid II.37Intheearly1870s,hewas Minister of Public Works.

VefikPaşaisknowntohaveworkedwithEdhemPaşainthewritingoftheOttomansec-tion of Ottoman Architecture(Usul-uMimari-iOsmani)fortheExpositionof1873inVienna,atreatise defining the principles of Ottoman architecture, derived primarily from the works of the reknownedearlyOttomanarchitectsHaciIvazandSinan.ThesearchitectshaddesignedtheYeşilCamiandtheSüleymaniye,respectively,bothofwhichVefikPaşahadtheresponsibiltyofrestor-ing in 1861 and 1863.38

Utilizing a decidedly European-based art historical methodology, this team helped formu-

34 Eugene Rimmel, The Paris Exhibition (Philadelphia:J.B.LippincottandCo.,1867),233-234.35 VitalCuinet,La Turquie d’Asie, vol.4(Paris:ErnestLeroux,1894-1894),99.36 Cuinet, 100.37 MehmedZekiPakalın,Son Sadrazamlar ve Başvekiller [The Last Grand Viziers and Prime Ministers] (Istanbul:AhmetSaid

Maatbası,1942),2,435;andMahmudK.İnal,Osmanlı Devrinde Son Sadrazamlar [The Last Grand Viziers of the Otto-man Period](Istanbul:1940-1953),4,622.Forhishistory,seealsoWendyM.K.Shaw,Possessors and Possessed: Museums, Archaeology, and the Visualization of History in the Late Ottoman Empire(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2003),97–98.

38 Pakalin,2,435,quotesIbrahimAlaeddinBey,Meşhur Adamlar, ashissourcefortheco-aıuthorshipofthetreatise.

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late and promulgate the underlying scientific principles that were the basis of Ottoman architec-ture.ItisinterestingtonoteherethatParvillée’sbookArchitecture et Décoration turque was pub-lishedthefollowingyear,in1874,basedonhisstudiesoftheOttomanmonumentsbetween1853and 1863. Clearly, there must have been collaboration, with much of the formal definition of ar-chitecturalprinciplesinthe1873and1874publicationsfirmlygroundedontheViollet-le-Duc’sprinciples defined in his Entretiens sur l’Architecture, written between 1858 and 1863.

ThecombinedofficialgovernmenteffortsofVefikPaşa,EdhemPaşa,andOsmanHamdiBeyresultedinare-vitalizedKütahyaceramicsindustrybythethirdquarterofthenineteenthcen-tury. By the early 1890s, the number of ateliers had increased from five to fifteen with each ate-lier employing thirty workers. They were provided with good drawings of Iznik and other Islam-icdecorativemotifsandcalligraphicsamplesandproducedahighqualitybothofutilitarianwareand of tiles for architectural decoration.39Nodoubt,Parvilléewasdirectlyinvolvedinsomewaywith assisting this powerful Ottoman official triumvirate and would have been integrally involved intherenewedceramicsindustry(Fig.4).

The revival of the Kütahya ceramics industry provided the materials for the restoration of thetilesrequiredforBursa’sfifteenthcenturymonuments.FortheYeşilCamiandTürbe,theev-idence is clear. The exterior blue tiles of the tomb that had fallen into disrepair as a result of the

39 Cuinet, 100-101. Carswell, 39, also indicates that the potters were provided with drawings of Islamic and Iznik motifs.

Figure 4. Border tile, cuerda seca. Either Kütahya or Parvillée 19th century. Sackler Museum, Harvard University (Photo: St. Laurent, 1991).

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earthquakeclearlycontrastincolor.Thereplacementofinteriortilesalsodemonstratescleardif-ferencesindesignandqualityfromtheearlierfifteenthcenturyproduction.

AfterreturningtoParis,ParvilléecontinuedtoworkfortheOttomangovernment.AttherequestofSultanAbdülaziz,hedesignedthebuildingsoftheOttomanpavilionfortheUniversalExpositionof1867inParis.ThestructuresbuiltfortheExpositionincludedamonumentalen-trancegate,amosque,aTurkishbath(hamam)andalargehouseontheBosporus(yalı) were “a faithful application of the principles after which all buildings of this type were built in the Orient”40(Fig.5).Heindicatesthatthepavilionmosquewasthefirstopportunitythathehadto

40 Salaheddin Bey, 31. For the pavilion, see St. Laurent, Ottomanization, 189 ff; St.Laurent,“LéonParvillée.HisroleasRes-torerofBursa’sMonumentsafterthe1855EarthquakeandhisContributiontotheExpositionUniverselleof1867,”inL’Empire ottoman; la République de Turquie et de la France,C.N.R.S.[CentreNationaldelaRéchercheScientifique]pub-

Figure 5. Ottoman Pavilion, Exposition Universelle 1867.

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apply the principles learned and formulated as being the basis of Ottoman architecture, principles laterpublishedinhisbookin1874.

ThetrajectoryofParvillée’slatercareerdemonstratesadecidedshiftofinterestfromarchi-tecturetoarchitecturaldecorationandceramicsingeneral.AftertheExpositionof1867,here-mained in Paris and based his future career there. He initially collaborated with Collinot and Beaumont, in an atelier on the rue Caulaincourt in the 9ième Arrondissement producing vessels and ceramicsforarchitecturaldecorationinFrance.By1871,withhissonsandhimselfatthehelm,he had his own atelier in the 9ième Arrondissement near Montmartre on the rue Neuve Fontaine St. Georges on the corner of the rue Douai. In 1882, the atelier moved to a new building designed byLéonat46,rueCaulaincourtinthe18ième Arrondissement. In 1884, he and his son Achille co-authored a small publication on the teaching of ceramic art in which he indicates that the tech-nology utilized by his atelier derived directly from that of Ottoman ceramics. In the introduction, LéonstatesthatthetypeofceramicsthattheywereproducinginFrancewerePersianinoriginandfoundonOttomanmonumentsofIstanbul,Bursa,andJerusalem.41 He remained active un-til his death in 1885.42

TheParvilléeatelierwaswellknownforthewareexhibitedalmosteveryyearintheexposi-tionsoftheUnionCentraleortheUniversalExpositions(notablyof1873,1878,and1889)andtheannual Salons of French artists that included ceramics.43 His sons continued the business and closed the atelier in 1893 or 1894. At this time, Louis left the industry, but Achille developed the technol-ogy for producing porcelain architectural revetment and for decorative objects. He later opened a gas-fired factory for the production of industrial porcelain at Cremoisy in the department of Oise, foruseinelectricalconductioninthemétroandtoilluminatetheEiffelTowerandotherpartsofthe Exposition Universelle of 1889. His son Louis also created a school in Marakkesh for the pro-duction of Ottoman style ceramics, which was a favored style at the time in Morocco.44(Fig.6)

Thus,theParvilléefamilylearnedtheartandindustryofOttomanceramicswhileengagedintherestorationprojectofBursa.WhenParvilléereturnedtoFrancehebecameaceramisthim-

lication(Istanbul,1986);andMiyukeAoki,Léon Parvillée: Osmanlı Modernleşmesinin Eşiğinde bir Fransız Sanatçı, PhD diss.(İstanbulTeknikÜniversitesi,2002).

41 LéonandAchilleParvillée,Etude sur l’enseignement raisonné de l’art céramique (Paris:E.Maryetfls,1884),19.Thispub-lication was extracted from M. F. Buisson Dictionnaire de pédagogie et d’instruction primaire.

42 M.deLuynesinhisreportonceramicsatthe1873ExpositioninBulletin de l’Union Centrale,2,n°44,September1875,64,indicatesthatthestudiowasatthisaddressin1871.ThisisalsoreportedbyWilliamP.Blake,International exposition of Vienna 1873, Ceramic Art: A Report on Porcelain, Tiles, Terracotta and Brick [from the volume of reports of the Massac-husettsCommissiontoVienna](NewYork:VanNostrand,1875),13,aswellasindicatingthatParvilléepieceswerepurc-hased for the Museum in Boston.

43 “AchilleParvillée,”obituaryinMois Scientifique et Industriel, November 1909, 33.44 LetterofFrancisParvilléedatedMarch5,1981.AfterAchille’sdeaththefactorywastakenoverbyanindustrialgroupbut

retainedtheParvilléenameuntil1949.Dr.WalterDennypurchasedatileinMarrakesh,whichwassignedonthereversewith‘ParvilléeMarrakesh.Seealso,WalterB.DennybookreviewofZeynepÇelik’sDisplaying the Orient in Journal of the American Oriental Society,V.114(1994),p.104.Further,IlearnedinTangierthattherewasapainternamedParvilléewhoresided in Marrakesh until the 1990’s.

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self introducing Ottoman ceramic technology and decoration to France. Later his son Louis brought that same technology to Marakkesh—thus from “Bursa to Marakkesh.”

JerusaleM: Tiles for The doMe of The roCk in 1918While doing my research on late Ottoman tile production, it became clear that the sources were few and not readily available. However, there was evidence that Ottoman style tiles were locally producedinJerusalembyArmenianpottersinvitedin1918andbroughtfromKütahyain1919.Since the period of my thesis ended with 1908, I did not pursue this direction in my research un-tilaftercompletionofthethesisin1989.MyoriginalintentioningoingtoJerusalemwastoex-plore if there was any connection between these families and those that restored Bursa. However,

Figure 6. Tile signed on reverse ‘Parvillee Marakkesh’ (Photo: Walter Denny).

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onceinJerusalem,Ihaveneverleftthiscity,whichhasbecometheabodeofmyresearchaswellas yet another home.

It is well known that, in the mid-sixteenth century, Sultan Süleyman Qanuni [the Lawgiv-er]coveredtheexteriorsurfacesoftheDomeoftheRockontheHaramal-Sharifwitharevet-ment of tiles. These tiles are known to have been produced on the Haram by craftsmen probably brought from Persia. The tiles were restored and replaced many times by the Ottomans and oth-ers over the ensuing centuries.45(Fig.7)

AftertheBritishoccupiedJerusalemin1917,themilitarygovernmentembarkedonapro-gram to re-vitalize the city, including a planned program to restore the monuments of the Haram al-Sharif.AccordingtoSirRonaldStorrs:“Thewinterof1917-18hadadeplorableeffectuponthewind-rackednorth-westfaçadeofthatultimatefulfilmentofcolour,rhythmandgeometry,theDomeoftheRock.Thebrillianttileswerefallingfromthewalls,andfrequentlytobefoundforsale in the City.”46Atthetime,theMuftiofJerusalemlaunchedanappealtorestorethemonu-ment, which was no longer under the control of the Ministry of Evkaf in Istanbul. He said: “...is it nottheAqsaMosque[referringtotheDome]whichGodhasblessed?Yetitisneglected,andforseveral decades overlooked, until decay has set into its frame, and its ornamentation has faded...”47

Since the Haram monuments were no longer under the administrative control of the Min-istryofEvkafinIstanbul,themilitarygovernmentestablishedtheSupremeMoslem[sic]CouncilandthePro-JerusalemSocietycomprisedofBritishofficialsandJerusalemdignitariesandthiswas the institution in charge of this project and fund-raising for its implementation.48 Part of the missionoftheSocietywastorevivethecraftsoftheregion;thustheywereseekingtorevivethelocalindustriestorestorethecitytoformerglory.StorrsalsobroughtKemalettin(1870-1927),the Ottoman Revival architect from Istanbul to propose a scheme for the restoration of both the DomeoftheRockandtheAqsaMosque.49

ThemilitarygovernmentappointedBritisharchitectC.R.[CharlesRobert]Ashbee(1863-1942)50 to implement the restoration of the Dome of the Rock and other monuments of the Ha-

45 For a summary of the sixteenth century restoration of the Dome and related bibliography, see St. Laurent, “The Dome of the Rock Restorations and Significance 1540-1918,” in Ottoman Jerusalem: The Living City: 1517-1917,(eds) Sylvia Auld and RobertHillenbrand(London:AltajirNationalTrust,2000),417-19.ThissubjectwasearlierdiscussedinSt.LaurentandAndrasRiedelmayer“RestorationsofJerusalemandtheDomeoftheRockandtheirPoliticalSignificance,1537-1928,”inMuqarnas: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture, 10(1993),76-84.

46 Ronald Storrs Orientations (London:IvorNicholson&WatsonLimited,1937),366.47 Ibid., 366. 48 ThePro-JerusalemSocietypublishedtwovolumesdocumentingthegrandschemeforJerusalem’srestorationandmodernde-

velopment Jerusalem 1918-20(London,1921)andJerusalem 1920-1922(London,1924).49 Storrs,368.ForKemalettininJerusalem,seeYıldırımYavuz“TheRestorationProjectoftheMasjidal-AqsabyMimarKe-

malettin(1922-26),”inMuqarnas: An Annual on the Visual Culture of the Islamic World,13(1996),149-165,whichfocu-sesontheAqsaMosquerestoration.Inthisarticle,YavuzdoesnotdealwiththeproposedrestorationoftheDomeoritsti-les.BythetimethathewasresearchinghisarticlethesedrawingsweremissingfromJerusalem.Thoughalistofthedrawingsexists, they remain missing today.

50 Storrs, 365. For Ashbee’s career, see Alan Crawford C. R. Ashbee (NewHaven&London:YaleUniversityPress),1985;seealsoWendyPullanandLefkosKyriacou“TheWorkofCharlesAshbee:IdeologicalUrbanVisionswitheverydayCitySpa-

from bursa to jerusalem: from yeşil türbe to the dome of the rock 349

ram51andStorrsbroughtErnestTathamRichmond(1874-1955)toJerusalemtoprepareareporton the condition of the Dome and to propose a process of restoration.52 Richmond’s report was complete in 1918 and published in 192453 and is the first detailed description of the building and itscondition.ThecostoftherestorationwasestimatedbyRichmondat£80,000,whichaccordingto the Mufti, “is not much if the object be to preserve the sacred precincts to which humanity flocks from all parts of the world.” How near disaster they truly were is evidenced by Storr’s stat-ing that the Kaiser of Germany had four years previous for the same restoration of the northwest façadeproposedthereplacementoftheceramictileswithcast-irononesfromthe‘Fatherland.’54

ces,” in Jerusalem Quarterly 39, 51-61. 51 See Jerusalem 1918-20 for complete information.52 Storrs,367.53 Ernest Tatham Richmond, The Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem: A Description of its Structure & Decoration (London:Cla-

rendon Press, 1924).54 Storrs,367-68.

Figure 7. Dome of the Rock, Jerusalem (Photo: St. Laurent, 2008).

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In 1918, Storrs remembering “the name of Mark Sykes’ Armenian, David Ohanessian, whohadcreatedthePersianbath-roomatSledmere[ineastYorkshire]”invitedhimtocometoJerusalemfromDamascuswherehelivedatthetime;sendinghimtoIstanbultorecruitceramistsfrom Kütahya. Storrs originally planned to utilize the old kilns found by Richmond ‘over Solo-mon’s Stables’ and used, in the past, to fire tiles for the Dome of the Rock. In fact, the kiln was housedintheCrusaderstructureonceattachedtothenortheastsideofal-Aqsa.Thisbuildingstillstood at the time of Richmond’s report but was demolished in 1943 during the renovation of al-Aqsabetween1938-43.55

Initially, the British considered re-vitalizing the old workshop on the Haram. However, deeming the workshop and the kiln unsuitable for new production and respecting the Mufti’s de-sire that there should be no commercial enterprise on the site, Storr’s moved the atelier ‘to some old rooms’ nearby ‘under the shadow’ of the Antonia Fortress on the northwestern perimeter of the Haram al-Sharif.56 Working with Israeli archaeologist Dr. Gabriel Barkay’s Temple Mount Sifting Project since 2009, I discovered the remains of tiles and tile wasters from the kiln that once wasinthebuildingattachedtotheAqsa.Thetileremainsandwastersclearlydatenolaterthanthe nineteenth century.

The two other families accompanying Ohanessian from Kütahya were the families of Nis-hanBalianandtheMegerdich(alternatelyMegrditch)Karakashian.TheytraveledoverlandbyoxcartandtraintoJerusalemcarryingclayandothertoolsofthetradeincludingcartoonsanddrawingsofpatternsarrivinginJerusalemin1919.Thus,theprojectcommencedwithexperi-mentationtoproducetilesofsufficientqualitythatcouldwithstandtheextremeweathercondi-tionsofJerusalem.57TheSupremeMuslimCouncilrequiredmorethan25,000tilestorestoretheDome of the Rock. This was a major project for this new workshop. That there was no source of clay comparable to that in the region of Kütahya as well as the unavailability of other necessary materials substantially delayed the workshop’s production of suitable tiles for the project.

In addition, the Supreme Muslim Council repeatedly postponed the project for a variety of reasons.First,Theearthquakeof1927damagedboth theDomeof theRockandal-AqsaMosque.MuchofthefundingthathadbeentargetedfortheDometileswaschanneledtothestrengtheningofthefoundationsoftheboththeDomeandal-Aqsa.Second,thearchitectKe-

55 For this restoration, see Robert W. Hamilton, The Structural History of the Aqsa Mosque: A Record of Archaeological Gle-anings from the Repairs of 1938-1942 (London:DepartmentofAntiquitiesofPalestine,1942).

56 Ibid.,367-68.ForthelocationofthekilnsandworkshopsontheHaram,seeRichmondinthesectionconcerningexternaldecoration,47ff.Latersourcesfailtoincludethislocation.

57 ImportantforthehistoryoftheworkshopandsubsequenttransformationoftheindustryareYaelOlenikThe Armenian Pot-tery of Jerusalem (TelAviv:HaaretzMuseum,1986);andNurithKenaan-KedarThe Armenian Ceramics of Jerusalem: Th-ree Generations 1919-2003 (Jerusalem&TelAviv:EretzIsraelMuseum,2003).PriortomydepartureforJerusalemforathree-year period for my own research, I was fortunate to have met and interviewed the sister of David Ohanessian, who re-sided at the time, in Washington, DC. She died during my three-year absence from the U.S. In 1991, I also met with the Sy-kes family still residing in the Sykes residence of Sledmere. In 1990, I was also fortunate to meet several times with Setrak Ba-lian, who provided much information including early photographs concerning the formation of the industry.

from bursa to jerusalem: from yeşil türbe to the dome of the rock 351

malettinwasnotsatisfiedwiththequalityoftheproductfromtheworkshop.Further,inaletterto the Supreme Muslim Council dated 24 May 1926, he indicated that he was sending a tile spe-cialist from Egypt to produce tile samples for the project.58

In fact, Kemalettin may have had other reasons for seeking another source of tiles.After first publishing an article on Islamic architecture in 1910,59 in 1912, he published an

article on the Haram al-Sharif vaunting the praises of the Dome of the Rock indicating that he was already interested in the site as a major Islamic site.60 In a letter from 1922, Kemalettin em-phasizesthesuperiorqualityofearlierIslamiccraftsmanshipevidentintheHarammonumentsandthatitisthosequalitiesthatshouldberevivedfortheJerusalemrestorationproject.61 It is possible that for this reason he also sent for the Muslim specialist from Cairo. So perhaps, the fact that the Armenian potters were Christians was a factor in his decision to recommend that Mus-lim craftsmen in Egypt manufacture the tiles.

In any event, the project for restoring the tiles of the Dome was abandoned at this time. When the potters realized that this project was not viable, they turned their attention to the man-ufactureofobjectsandtilesforotherbuildingsinJerusalem.Ohanessianmovedtheateliercalled‘TheDomeoftheRockTiles”totheViaDolorosa,wherethethreefamiliesestablishedaflour-ishingbusiness.TheirtilesfromthisearlyperiodaretobefoundinmanybuildingsinJerusalem,among them Government House, The Scottish Church of St. Andrew and the American Colony HotelandthePalestineAntiquitiesMuseum/RockefellerMuseumandmanyhousesofJerusalem.ThisatelierflourisheduntilOhanessianleftJerusalemin1948.By1922,BalianandKarakashianhadsplitfromOhanessianandmovedtoNablusRoadinEastJerusalemnamingtheirworkshop“Palestinian Pottery,” producing mainly wheel-thrown pottery.62 After the death of the founders, the sons Setrak Balian and Stefan Karakashian split. In 1965, Stefan Karakashian moved from NablusRoadbacktotheOldCity,establishing“JerusalemPottery,”locatedseveralshopsupthehill from the original Ohanessian workshop. Both workshops continue to flourish in their respec-tive locations.63(Fig.8)

I am currently preparing two books for publication on the 20th and 21st century restora-tionsoftheDomeoftheRockandal-AqsaMosque.Inthefirstvolume,H.A.S.PeterMegawinareportpreparedfortheBritishMandategovernmentofJerusalemandtheSupremeMuslimCouncil,revivesthediscussionofrestoringthetilesoftheDomeoftheRock(Fig.9and10).For

58 For this restoration, it is important to consult Bayan al-Majlis al Shar’I al-Islami al-A’la bi Filastin ‘an ‘imaret qubbat al-Mas-jid al-Aqsa wa-ma tamma min ‘imarah fi al-amakin al-ukhra min al-Haram al-Sharif al-Qudsi wa al-barnamaj al-muqarrar li-itman al-‘imarah (Jerusalem,1347/1918).

59 SeeYavuz,162-63.60 Kemalettin “Harem-i Sherif ve Sahretullah-i Musherrefe,” in Gench Muhendis,4nos.51-52(April-May1328/1912).61 Kemalettin“Harem-iSherif,”unpublishedreport,Jerusalem1922,inthecollectionoftheAwqafinJerusalem.Yavuz,cited

above, published part of this report in his article.62 For more information on these buildings and published examples of the tiles, see Kenaan-Kedar and Olenik cited above. 63 I have been fortunate to establish a friendship with the Karakashians, both Stefan and his son Hagop, who now runs the bu-

siness. In 2009, I brought Hagop to the Haram to see for the first time some of the original Dome of the Rock tiles.

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thisrestoration,heproposesthatthetileworkshopsoftheArmenianpottersofJerusalempro-duced the tiles. Specifically, the British government commissioned the Karakashians to produce testtiles,whichwerefoundtobeadequateforthetask.Thisstorywillbetoldinmyupcomingedited publication entitled, Qubbat as-Sakhra (The Dome of the Rock): An Account of the Build-ing and Its Condition with Recommendations for its Conservation Submitted to the Supreme Moslem Council by A. H. S. Peter Megaw, Director of Antiquities of Cyprus, Sometime Director of the British School of Archaeology in Athens, 1946/1952, which will include my lengthy inter-pretive essay.

In the end, the Karakashians did not produce the tiles that appear on the Dome of the Rock today. In the 1960s, that contract went to a workshop in Kütahya.64 The Egyptian team that was responsiblefortherestorationprojectsponsoredbytheJordaniangovernment,decidedtore-move almost all of the tiles from the Dome and replace them with new ones that “returned” to theoriginalschemeofthesixteenthcentury.EchoingKemalettin’ssimilarconcerns,theJordani-ans had the option to hire the Karakashians or the Balians, but chose instead to give the contract

64 AdocumentintheMandatePeriodArchivesoftheRockefellerMuseum,p.1,indicatesthatthecompanywasMetinÇiniFabrikasıinKütahyacontractwassignedbetweenVedatÇinicioğluandthecontractoroftheproject.

Figure 8. Stefan Karakashian in front of Jerusalem Pottery on thte Via Dolorosa (Photo: St. Laurent, 2007).

from bursa to jerusalem: from yeşil türbe to the dome of the rock 353

Figure 9. Façade of the Dome of the Rock in 1954 prior to restoration (Photo: Laurent, 2008).

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Figure 10. Façade of the Dome of the Rock after restoration of 1960’s (Photo: St. Laurent, 2008).

from bursa to jerusalem: from yeşil türbe to the dome of the rock 355

toaworkshopinKütahya.Mysecondbook,withArchitectIsamAwwad(ResidentArchitectoftheHaramal-Sharifbetween1972and2004),entitled,The Dome of the Rock & al-Aqsa Mosque: 20th & 21st Century Restorations, will document the 1960s restoration and all others of the modern and contemporary periods.

ConClusionWe have seen that the Ottoman government revived the ceramic industry of Kütahya for the res-toration of the fourteenth and fifteenth century royal monuments of Bursa. Those involved in the restoration combined modern restoration methods of France combined with the traditional ce-ramic technology of the Ottomans. The descendants of the original ceramists working in this in-dustrywerelaterbroughttoJerusalemfromKütahyaduringtheperiodofBritishmilitaryruleinthat city. Though these potters did not ultimately restore the tile revetment of the Dome of the Rock, their tiles adorn many of the early twentieth century buildings in the city. The tile revet-ment of the Dome remained in a state of disrepair until the early 1960s. At that time, rather than commissionthelocalArmenianateliers,theJordaniangovernmentturnedtothemodernKüta-hya industry for their renovation of the Dome of the Rock. Thus, the tiles utilized for the restora-tionofthefifteenthcenturyYeşilCamiandTürbeinBursa,andthosethatcurrentlyadorntheexterior of the Dome of the Rock today are all from the workshops of Kütahya.

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