+ All Categories
Home > Documents > Gender Jihad: modern feminist critiques of Islamic patriarchal narratives.

Gender Jihad: modern feminist critiques of Islamic patriarchal narratives.

Date post: 14-May-2023
Category:
Upload: lancaster
View: 0 times
Download: 0 times
Share this document with a friend
25
Gender Jihad: modern feminist critiques of Islamic patriarchal narratives. One of the most crucial issues facing Muslims today is gender, which encompasses all other issues related to modernity such as democracy or human rights. Within this framework, the Islam feminist train arose, and it has increasingly become the focus of academic interest in recent years. 1 As the authors of the 1998 Sisterhood Is Global Institute manual stated, the most important feature of contemporary Muslim women’s fight is their refusal of the assumption that they cannot be both equal with men and good Muslims at the same time, stating instead that only when a woman has achieved equality as an individual she can become an authentic Muslim. 2 The goal of this essay is, indeed, the same as the feminist one: to challenge the idea of male privilege that Muslims have traditionally read in the Qur’an and, at the same time, to recover its teachings of equality. 3 As Riffat Hassan 1 Margot Badran, Feminism in Islam: Secular and Religious Convergences (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2009), p. 1 2 Miriam Cooke, “Multiple Critique: Islamic Feminist Rhetorical Strategies”, Nepantla: Views from South, 1(2000), p. 91 3 Asma Barlas, “Women’s readings of the Qur’ān”, in The Cambridge Companion to the Qur’ān, ed. Jane Dammen McAuliffe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 258 1
Transcript

Gender Jihad: modern feminist critiques of Islamic patriarchal

narratives.

One of the most crucial issues facing Muslims today is

gender, which encompasses all other issues related to modernity

such as democracy or human rights. Within this framework, the

Islam feminist train arose, and it has increasingly become the

focus of academic interest in recent years.1 As the authors of

the 1998 Sisterhood Is Global Institute manual stated, the most

important feature of contemporary Muslim women’s fight is their

refusal of the assumption that they cannot be both equal with men

and good Muslims at the same time, stating instead that only when

a woman has achieved equality as an individual she can become an

authentic Muslim.2 The goal of this essay is, indeed, the same as

the feminist one: to challenge the idea of male privilege that

Muslims have traditionally read in the Qur’an and, at the same

time, to recover its teachings of equality.3 As Riffat Hassan1 Margot Badran, Feminism in Islam: Secular and Religious Convergences (Oxford: OneworldPublications, 2009), p. 12 Miriam Cooke, “Multiple Critique: Islamic Feminist Rhetorical Strategies”,Nepantla: Views from South, 1(2000), p. 913 Asma Barlas, “Women’s readings of the Qur’ān”, in The Cambridge Companion to theQur’ān, ed. Jane Dammen McAuliffe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006),p. 258

1

stated, the more we see the justice and equality in God’s

teachings in the Qur’an regarding women, the more angry feminists

become in acknowledging the injustice and oppression to which

Muslim women are subjected in the misogynistic reality.4 In order

to question those patriarchal assumptions, then, I will argue for

a double critique: from a theological point of view on one side,

and then from a methodological one on the other. Firstly,

however, I will express some preliminary points that I consider

vital in order to place the feminist struggle into the broader

context.

Islamic feminists work within the system that is trying to

marginalise them5, and this bears a great danger: as in the case

of subalterns, you cannot completely delete the old narrative and

create a new one, not without taking the chance of negating once

again women a voice. As Shuruq Naguib argued, ‘The main

problematic lies in the uncompromising construction of a set of

binary oppositions whereby the interpretation of the Qur’an is

4 Riffat Hassan, “Equal Before Allah? Woman-man equality in the Islamictradition”, Harvard Divinity Bulletin, 2(1987), accessed 9 March 2015,http://www.wluml.org/node/2535 Badran, op. cit., p. 56

2

either modern/feminist/egalitarian on the one hand, or

traditional/male/misogynistic on the other.’6 Not only binary

oppositions are always problematic: in this particular case, in

which the term Islamic feminism7 itself stands for a double

commitment of being both woman and faithful8, they can lead to

over simplistic oppositions. The work of Muslim feminists is

aimed at refusing those boundaries created by others for them, a

struggle to find an identity as both Muslims and modern women,

but since they work from within, they are bounded by the risk of

deleting old narratives and therefore appealing more to the

Western gaze than actually helping the Muslim condition. The

understanding of the Qur’an depends on who reads it, how, and in

what context. Even if traditionally it has been interpreted by

men, just as silencing women worked against a true understanding

of what it really means to be Muslim, silencing the old (mostly

6 Shuruq Naguib, “Horizons and Limitations of Muslim Feminist Hermeneutics:Reflections on the Menstruation Verse” in New Topics in Feminist Philosophy of Religion:Contestations and Transcendence Incarnate, ed. Pamela Sue Anderson (Amsterdam:Springer Books, 2011), p. 47 This term has been regarded by some as an ‘oxymoron’, but according toMargot Badran the term eradicates old binaries, arguing that assumptions ofclashes between “secular feminism” and “religious feminism” only revealignorance or worse, political attempts to prevent solidarity among women. Fora more detailed discussion on this matter, see Badran, op. cit., pp 242-2508 Cooke, “Multiple Critique: Islamic Feminist Rhetorical Strategies”, p. 93

3

male) tradition takes the chance of committing the same mistake.

Moreover: we always need to remember that feminism is a modern,

secular concept, and we must be conscious of the problems that

arise in applying such concept to a religious tradition such as

Islam.

Most of all, however, an important distinction must be made

between Shari’a law and Islamic Jurisprudence, which is necessary

in order to develop a structural and theologically strong

critique of patriarchal assumptions.9 The fiqh legacy, in fact, is

a dynamic human interpretation that seeks to translate the

Shari’a vision of a moral path for human fulfilment into legal

norms10; it is not an end in itself, and it is not static, and in

order to construct a feminist critique, we need to question the

assumptions of fiqh as problematic from a gender point of view.

Ibn Arabi11, in particular, challenges the notion of men as

9 Amina Wadud, Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s reform in Islam (Oxford: OneworldPublications, 2006), pp 48-5310 Sa’diyya Shaikh, “Islamic Law, Sufism and Gender: Rethinking the Terms ofthe Debate”, in Men in Charge? Rethinking Authority in Muslim Legal Tradition, ed. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Mulki Al-Sharmani and Jana Rumminger (Oxford: Oneworld Publications,2014), p. 12411 Within this framework, Ibn Arabi develops a theory of legal testimony thatchallenges the idea that male testimony is inherently superior. Through theuse of context he states that women’s experience was limited primarily to the

4

primary agents, underpinning his argument with a logic that ‘law

is to be receptive to and informed by changes in contexts,

experiences and knowledge.’12 His approach to fiqh opens up the

possibility of pursuing a dynamic way to formulate the law

today.13 But not only we can rewrite the law through fiqh:

according to Amina Wadud we must rewrite the law, which she sees

as contingent of the time in which it was written just as the

fiqh of our time has meaning as fiqh al-waqi’ah.14 At the time of

Revelation, gender was not a category of thought, but today it is

imperative that we rethink sexism as it goes against Qur’anic

egalitarian principles. It is with this in mind that modernists

assume the right to ijtihad while also propagating legal reform,

which they perceive as separation of the true Shari’a from its

medieval juristic formulation, fiqh.15

private realm, hence the different weight for the testimony of each gender.For a more detailed account, see: Shaikh, op. cit., pp 122-12512 Shaikh, op. cit., p. 12413 Ibid14 Wadud, Inside the Gender Jihad, p. 20515 Barbara Stowasser, “Gender Issues and Contemporary Quran Interpretation”,in Islam, Gender, and Social Change, ed. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and John L. Esposito(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 34

5

At the base of the unequal construction of gender in the

Muslim legal tradition is the idea of male authority over women,

justified using Qur’anic verse 4:34 from which jurists derived

the concept of qiwamah.16 Disparities between the sexes stem from

the assumption that God endowed men and women with different

qualities to perform different tasks; God has given men more than

women, hence the responsibility that they have towards women at

home which translates with an equal responsibility for religious

and political leadership of the community.17 Moreover, and still

working towards patriarchal narratives, Muslims have always

believed that female sexuality is potent and can lead to chaos in

the male, which in turn led to the belief that, in order to

preserve order in society, it is necessary to control women.18

These increasingly misogynistic interpretations of the Qur’an,

were also accentuated by certain dynasties (like the ‘Abbāsid19),

16 Ziba Mir-Hosseini, “Muslim Legal Tradition and the Challenge of GenderEquality”, in Men in Charge? Rethinking Authority in Muslim Legal Tradition, ed. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Mulki Al-Sharmani and Jana Rumminger (Oxford: Oneworld Publications,2014), p. 1417 Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, “Islam and Gender: Dilemmas in the Changing ArabWorld”, in Islam, Gender, and Social Change, ed. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and John L.Esposito (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 1418 Ibid., p. 1719 Under the ‘Abbāsid rule female slavery and subordination to men throughlimitless harems were institutionalised. For more information on this matter,see: Barlas, “Women’s readings of the Qur’ān”, pp 256-258

6

and as a result the idea of women as active participants in the

making of culture was replaced with a memory in which they had no

right to equality, and were largely excluded from public life and

the process of knowledge.20

Starting in some cases from a new reading of Sura 4:34

itself, feminists have developed critiques of patriarchal

readings and interpretations of the Qur’an, a rewriting not only

aimed at producing new legal interpretations but also at

awakening women in order to make them claim their rights and

transform society.21 Particularly interesting in this sense is

the reading provided by Sufists, that refer to every human being,

regardless their gender, as capable of pursuing the same and

ultimate goals, an assumption that poses a challenge to every

type of patriarchy.22 Sufi psychology, with its notion of the

relationship between nafs, qalb and ruh, provides us with an

inherent critique of selfishness and at the same time with the

tools to challenge notions of male superiority.23

20 Barlas, “Women’s readings of the Qur’ān”, p. 25721 Cooke, “Multiple Critique: Islamic Feminist Rhetorical Strategies”, p. 10622 Shaikh, op. cit., pp 114-11523 Ibid., pp 115-117

7

As for the theological critique, it argues that the negative

attitudes towards women are rooted in theology.24 The Qur’an

identifies the origins of men and women from a single nafs (self),

to be ‘each other’s protectors, supporters, and comforters’25,

within a relationship that is based on equality and mutuality.26

References used by the Muslim tradition to argue for male

superiority are made to non-Qur’anic traditions that depicts the

woman as created from the man’s rib27, which entered Muslims’

mind through the tradition of hadith28. In the Qur’an there is also

no suggestion that Adam’s wife seduced him away from obedience to

God, no implication that women or sexuality are accursed, and

particularly both Adam and Hawwa are identified as equally

responsible for the Fall29. Those unambiguous rulings, however,

are in practice completely ignored by Sunni Muslim law, an

24 Hassan, “Equal Before Allah? Woman-man equality in the Islamic tradition”25 Yazbeck Haddad, op. cit., p. 1226 Ibid.27 Ibid., p. 1428 Hassan, “Equal Before Allah? Woman-man equality in the Islamic tradition”.It has also been argued that the hadith literature itself reflects medievalethos rather than the real Qur’anic spirit. For further reference, see: AsgharAli Engineer, The Qur’an, Women and Modern Society (United Kingdom: New Dawn PressGroup, 2005), pp 195-20329 Leila Badawi, “Islam”, in Women in Religion, ed. John Holm and John Bowker(London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1994), p. 87

8

example of customary law prevailing over Qur’anic legislation.30

Sura 4:34, in particular, is seen as especially important by

scholars such as Ziba Mir-Hosseini when dealing with the issue of

gender equality, arguing that the juristic construct of qiwamah

developed in the context of marriage provided the justification

for other legal inequalities, with the lack of authority within

the family context that translated into a lack of authority

outside of it.31 This patriarchal reading of the verse, however,

comes with many implications. God, who speaks through the Qur’an,

is characterised by justice, and can never be guilty of

oppression or wrongdoing.32 As a consequence, the Qur’an, as

God’s word, cannot become a source of human injustice, and the

oppression to which Muslim women have been subjected to cannot be

regarded as God-given.33 Also, the Qur’an, even if it directs

Muslims towards justice, does not give a definition of justice

but only a direction to it, which is always time and context

30 Ibid., pp 96-9731 Mir-Hosseini, op. cit., p. 1732 Hassan, “Equal Before Allah? Woman-man equality in the Islamic tradition”33 Riffat Hassan, “Challenging the Stereotypes of Fundamentalism: An IslamicFeminist Perspective”, The Muslin World, 91(2001), p. 63

9

bound34, and this leaves space for critical readings and

interpretation.

One of these interpretations has been provided by Muhammad

Abduh, an Egyptian theologian and jurist who claims that Islam is

compatible with modernity. His new reading of the Qur’an is

guided by a separation of ibadat (laws on religious duties) from

muamalat (laws on social transactions).35 While the first are

immutable, and therefore not open to changes in interpretation,

the second require interpretation and adaptation from each

generation of Muslims in light of the needs of their age.36 His

itjihad was not put forth to benefit women per se, but to benefit

the Islamic society at large through a re-Islamisation of the

family37, challenging Islamism and their practice of translating

sacred texts directly into contemporary thought and action38. 34 Mir-Hosseini, op. cit., p. 3735 Stowasser, op. cit., p. 3436 Ibid.37 Ibid., pp 35-3738 Islamist often associate gender equality with the West, which in theiropinion will bring societal and cultural destruction. The main problem is thatan emancipated Muslim woman is often seen by many Muslims not as a symbol ofmodernisation but as one of westernisation, violating the barrier betweenpublic and private space. Today, however, largely because of anti-women lawspromulgated in some regions of the Muslim world under the cover of“Islamisation”, women with some degree of education are starting to realisethat religion is being used for oppression rather than liberation. For further

10

Writing from a similar perspective, Tahir al-Haddad makes a

distinction between norms and prescriptions that are essential to

Islam as a religion (thus eternal) and those which are contingent

(time and context bound).39 In Islam the greatest goal is to

reach equality among all God’s creatures40, but this was

impossible to achieve at the time of Revelation, leading Islam to

be tolerant of patriarchy even if the Qur’an clearly states a

principle of equality.41 He argues that both verses 4:34 and

2:228 (which constitute the primary textual support for male

authority) must be put into the context of marriage and divorce

of the time, arguing that the aim was not to repress women but

instead to restrain the privileges that men had over them for

protection.42 By putting Sura 4:34 into context and reconnecting

it to verse 30:21, he breaks the idea of authority and interpret

the verses in an egalitarian way, since the love and mercy that

references see Hassan, “Equal Before Allah? Woman-man equality in the Islamictradition” and Hassan, “Challenging the Stereotypes of Fundamentalism: anIslamic Feminist Perspective”.39 Mir-Hosseini, op. cit., p. 2040 Badran, op. cit., p. 24741 Mir-Hosseini, op. cit., pp 20-2142 Ibid., p. 21

11

the second verse underlines cannot be developed in an imposed

relationship.43

Still analysing the binary distinction between eternally

valid reasons and situation-specific laws, Fazlur Rahman argued

that:

The Qur’an was the divine response, through the Prophet’s

mind, to the moral-social situation of the Prophet’s Arabia.

To apply this divine truth to all later ages, including our

own, requires scripturalist interpretation in the form of a

double movement, from the present situation to Qur’anic

times, and then back to the present.44

Particularly interesting in his position is the balance that he

advocates for a thorough analysis: not just accepting patriarchal

interpretations of the time, neither rewriting new

interpretations from scratch, but finding an equilibrium between

43 Ibid., pp 22-2344 Stowasser, op. cit., p. 38

12

the two.45 According to him, Sura 4:34 is a clear example of a

Qur’anic law specifically revealed for the patriarchal Arab

society of the Prophet’s time46, and this leaves space for new

interpretation based on the recognition of crucial distinction

between Qur’an and Sunna, essential and accidental.47

Apart from a theological critique based on different

interpretations of Qur’anic texts, however, Muslim feminists have

also argued for a methodological one, using mainly itjihad and

tafsir48 to propose new methodologies of analysis of the text.

The main critique advanced by Muslim feminists lies in the

traditional use of linear-atomistic approaches of analysing a

line at the time without putting it into the wider, coherent

context, which according to them projects patriarchal and

45 This position is also shared, for example, by El Fadl, who argues that wecannot completely put aside considerations of the classical tradition in orderto rely only on contextual and contemporary interpretation. For furtherreference on this matter, see: Omaima Abou-Bakr, “The Interpretative Legacy ofQiwamah as an Exegetical Construct”, in Men in Charge? Rethinking Authority in MuslimLegal Tradition, ed. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Mulki Al-Sharmani and Jana Rumminger(Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2014)46 Stowasser, op. cit., p. 3947 Mir-Hosseini, op. cit., p. 2548 Badran, op. cit., p. 247

13

misogynistic meanings49. The established order, as argued

throughout this paper, within the Arabian Peninsula at the time

of the Revelation was patriarchal. This led some to argue that

Islam is essentially a variation of patriarchal ideology, while

others are convinced that Islam is above worldly ideology,

including patriarchy, and that even if Islam as it is practiced

today is utterly patriarchal, true Islam is not.50 In Quran and

Woman51, Amina Wadud, a Muslim feminist that applied this

methodological critique to the Qur’an, argued for a

differentiation between two textual levels: the historically and

culturally contextualised “prior text” and the wider “megatext”

of universal relevance, in which gender distinctions are

superseded by the Qur’an’s emphasis on gender equality.52 She

identifies three different categories of Qur’anic interpretation:

traditional, reactive and holistic. The traditional one does not

consider, according to her, the Qur’an’s unity, the main fault of

which is that all traditional interpretations were written by49 Barlas, “Women’s readings of the Qur’ān”, p. 26250 Amina Wadud-Muhsin, Qur’an and Woman (Selangor: Penerbit Fajar Bakti Sdn,1992), pp 80-8151 In her later work Inside the Gender Jihad, Wadud describes her old method asapologetic and insufficient, stating that a possibility of ‘refuting thetext’, talking back to it and even say no to it, exists. 52 Stowasser, op. cit., p. 39

14

men, excluding women and women’s experiences or interpreting them

through the male vision.53 While arguing that even the reactive

method used by many feminists (and other ideologically motivated

individuals) is incongruous with the Qur’an, she advances the

holistic method which considers not only the context of a

Qur’anic Revelation, grammar and semantic, but also the overall

Qur’anic overview54, approaching both words’ basic meaning and

relational one.55

Drawing from the idea of the importance of words in the

Qur’anic interpretation, other critics analysed the role of

language in creating gendered meanings, which undermines Qur’an’s

teachings.56 Every reading reflects not only the text but also

the reader’s own perspectives, background and biases, and the

imposition of a particular cultural perspective contradicts the

essentiality and the universal purpose of the Qur’an. In

particular, legal scholars within the Islamic tradition selected

specific terms from the Qur’an and used them to develop the

53 Ibid., p. 4054 Ibid.55 Wadud, Qur’an and Woman, p. 1056 Barlas, “Women’s readings of the Qur’ān”, p. 265. In particular, Barlasbreaks with the feminist tradition that reads the Qur’an as dual-gendered infavour of an interpretation of God that is beyond sex/gender.

15

foundations for gender hierarchy, adding additional layers of

gender inequality to the already patriarchal elements of the

revealed texts.57 Working, consciously or not, within the train

of perpetuating misogynistic narratives, Muslims defend the

Qur’an universalism by viewing its teachings ahistorically58,

because they believe that historicising its context means also

historicising its contents, and therefore undermining its sacred

and universal character. Modern and contemporary traditionalist

Muslim thinkers, in particular, have started to rely less on

chronology (especially with regards to specific Qur’anic

Revelations) because they fear that such reflections might

suggest that certain Revelations were determined by historical

necessity, a possible reaction against some liberal voices that

propose new interpretations and most of all problematize the

cultural formation of such verses.59 One of these new voices, Abu

Zayd, argues that even if the Qur’an is a holy text, it is

57 Shaikh, op cit., p. 11058 Asma Barlas, indeed, identifies as one of the main conceptual confusions inreadings of Islam the non-present distinction between the Qur’an as revelation(Divine Discourse) and the Qur’an as text (that is, fixed in writing by humansand interpreted by them in time/space). For further reference, see: AsmaBarlas, “Believing Women” in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur’an (UnitedStates: University of Texas Press, 2002), pp 10-18 59 Stowasser, op. cit., p. 31

16

historically and culturally determined: even if God’s words exist

in a sphere that is beyond human knowledge, his words have been

interpreted, and sociohistorical analysis is needed for its

understanding, not to mention that a modern linguistic

methodology should be applied for the interpretation.60

The problem is not with the text but with the context, and

the ways in which the text has been exploited to sustain

patriarchal structures. We need to recognise and question the

interests of those who manipulate and establish certain

interpretations of the text in order to perpetuate a misogynistic

and patriarchal narrative, not only to support male dominance but

also to maintain authoritarian approaches to religion.61

Undoubtedly many interpreters were sincere in their desire to

actually interpret God’s words62, but others might have exploited

certain verses in order to impose androcentric narratives,

formulating a patriarchal Islamic Law which holds utilitarian

60 Mir-Hosseini, op. cit., p. 3261 Ibid., p. 3862 Shaikh, op. cit., p. 110

17

perspectives on women that are treated as objects instead of

subjects.63

These patriarchal interpretations of the Islamic Law,

moreover, favour the Western rhetoric in claiming the oppression

of women in order to broaden their support in the fight of Islam.

The new prominence, or I shall say centrality, which the issue of

women came to occupy in the Western colonial narrative of Islam

by the late nineteenth century, appears to have been the result

of strands of thought all developing within the Western world64.

Furthermore, all the evidences about the “backwardness” of Islam

as inspired by their attitude toward women were gathered by

missionaries and other figures65, once again putting themselves

on the other side of the barrier instead of immersing themselves

into it. This colonial account of Islamic oppression of women,

however, was based on misperceptions and, even worse, political

agendas.66 The custom of wearing the hijab, then, becomes for the

West the proof of the inferiority (and otherness) of Islam and63 Wadud, Inside the Gender Jihad, p. 9664 Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate (New Haven: YaleUniversity Press, 1992), p 15065 Ibid., p. 15166 Ibid., p. 166

18

their justification for undermining Muslim religion and

society67, and for the East the emblem of generalisations. The

oversimplification of the concept of veiling is embodied in the

Western view that Islam is innately and immutably oppressive

towards women,68 whereas the true meaning of the veil for each

and every woman can only be heard from the woman who wears it,

and not from our outside perspective69. As Miriam Cooke correctly

underlines, ‘even when women make their own decisions concerning

the veil, their decision may be used by others to serve other

goals.’70 Indeed the veil, in the post-colonial period, was seen

by Muslim women not as a symbol of the inferiority of their

culture, but as a symbol of resistance to Western colonialism and

domination71, a way of reinvesting new meanings into an old

symbol,72 and in some cases a way of emancipations and indeed

female empowerment. It is in here that lies the difference

67 Ibid., p. 23768 Ibid., pp 151-15269 In her book Rethinking Muslim Women and the Veil (London: International Instituteof Islamic Thought, 2007) Katharine Bullock proposes an alternative viewcreated from the perspectives of Muslim women, instead of the “mainstream” onethat has been primarily formulated by either Westerners or Muslims who do notwear the veil.70 Miriam Cooke, Women Claim Islam: Creating Islamic Feminism through Literature (New York:Routledge, 2001), p. 13371 Ahmed, op. cit., p. 16472 Wadud, Inside the Gender Jihad, p. 177

19

between the Western and the Muslim feminist critique on the

account of gender equality. Muslim women work from within the

system in which they live in, in which they are immersed in,

instead of judging it from what they perceive of it from the

outside to feed a broader political agenda in need of

legitimisation.

As showed throughout the paper, current discriminatory laws

regarding marriage and gender relations are neither divine nor

immutable, but they represent juristic interpretations based on

principles that are no longer valid or acceptable.73 In a time in

which the umma is increasingly fragmented, Islamic feminism can

be seen as a way to recuperate the idea of the umma itself74, a

way to go beyond binary distinctions between the West and the

East, the secular and the religious. This legal reform, however,

can only be effective where there actually is a real basis for

social change, because otherwise its success will be restrained

to certain social groups and it will be limited and transitory,

73 Mir-Hosseini, op. cit., p. 3574 Badran, op. cit., p. 323

20

remaining at the margins.75 In an environment such as the one in

which we find ourselves now, it must be recognised and accepted

that the Islam that some Western feminists reject as misogynist

and extremist is the religion of a very small minority, and

especially it is not the Islam to which Islamic feminists pay

allegiance. The Islam they invoke is the internationally

significant political player, but also the individual faith

system that eschews violence as it seeks to manage both internal

and external conflict.76 It is only from within this global,

political, and religious system that the “stubbornly egalitarian”

voice of Islam77 can not only be resumed, but also accepted.

75 Mir-Hosseini, op. cit., p. 2876 Badran, op. cit., p. 32377 Barlas, “Believing Women” in Islam, p. 2

21

Bibliography

Abou-Bakr, Omaima, “The Interpretative Legacy of Qiwamah as an

Exegetical Construct”, in Men in Charge? Rethinking Authority in Muslim

Legal Tradition, ed. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Mulki Al-Sharmani and Jana

Rumminger (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2014)

Ahmed, Leila, Women and Gender: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate (New

Haven: Yale University Press, 1992)

Badawi, Leila, “Islam”, in Women in Religion, ed. John Holm and John

Bowker (London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1994)

Badran, Margot, Feminism in Islam: Secular and Religious Convergences

(Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2009)

Barlas, Asma, “Believing Women” in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations

of the Qur’an (United States: University of Texas Press, 2002)

22

Barlas, Asma “Women’s readings of the Qur’ān”, in The Cambridge

Companion to the Qur’ān, ed. Jane Dammen McAuliffe (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 2006)

Bullock, Katharine, Rethinking Muslim Women and the Veil (London:

International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2007)

Cooke, Miriam, “Multiple Critique: Islamic Feminist Rhetorical

Strategies”, Nepantla: Views from South, 1(2000), pp 91-110

Cooke, Miriam, Women Claim Islam: Creating Islamic Feminism through Literature

(New York: Routledge, 2001)

Engineer, Asghar Ali, The Qur’an, Women, and Modern Society (United

Kingdom: New Dawn Press Group, 2005)

Fadel, Mohammad, "Muslim Reformists, Female Citizenship, and the

Public Accommodation of Islam in Liberal Democracy", Politics and

Religion, 5(2012), pp 2-35

23

Haddad, Yvonne Yazbeck, “Islam and Gender: Dilemmas in the

Changing Arab World”, in Islam, Gender, and Social Change, ed. Yvonne

Yazbeck Haddad and John L. Esposito (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 1998)

Hassan, Riffat, “Challenging the Stereotypes of Fundamentalism:

An Islamic Feminist Perspective”, The Muslin World, 91(2001), pp 55-

70

Hassan, Riffat, “Equal Before Allah? Woman-man equality in the

Islamic tradition”, Harvard Divinity Bulletin, 2(1987), accessed 9

March 2015, http://www.wluml.org/node/253

Mir-Hosseini, Ziba, “Muslim Legal Tradition and the Challenge of

Gender Equality”, in Men in Charge? Rethinking Authority in Muslim Legal

Tradition, ed. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Mulki Al-Sharmani and Jana

Rumminger (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2014)

Naguib, Shuruq, “Horizons and Limitations of Muslim Feminist

Hermeneutics: Reflections on the Menstruation Verse” in New Topics

24

in Feminist Philosophy of Religion: Contestations and Transcendence Incarnate, ed.

Pamela Sue Anderson (Amsterdam: Springer Books, 2011)

Shaikh, Sa’diyya, “Islamic Law, Sufism and Gender: Rethinking the

Terms of the Debate”, in Men in Charge? Rethinking Authority in Muslim Legal

Tradition, ed. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Mulki Al-Sharmani and Jana

Rumminger (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2014)

Stowasser, Barbara, “Gender Issues and Contemporary Quran

Interpretation”, in Islam, Gender, and Social Change, ed. Yvonne Yazbeck

Haddad and John L. Esposito (Oxford: Oxford University Press,

1998)

Wadud, Amina, Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s reform in Islam (Oxford:

Oneworld Publications, 2006)

Wadud-Muhsin, Amina, Qur’an and Woman (Selangor: Penerbit Fajar

Bakti Sdn, 1992)

25


Recommended