Hercle in ClevelandAuthor(s): Jenifer NeilsReviewed work(s):Source: Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, Vol. 3 (1998), pp. 6-21Published by: Cleveland Museum of ArtStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20079696 .Accessed: 30/11/2011 11:56

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Jenifer neils Hercle in Cleveland

Thoughts of the Greek hero Herakles conjure images of his mighty

deeds, such as wrestling the fierce Nemean lion (fig. 1) whose pelt he

wore thereafter as one of his most recognizable attributes, or of his robust

physique much beloved by Roman artists (fig. 2). His imagery pervades classical art, from the very beginnings of Greek figurative scenes in the

late eighth century BC until the end of the Roman era and, unlike much

classical subject matter, even survived into the Middle Ages. Less well

known, however, is that the imagery of Herakles was also popular among the Etruscans in central Italy, where he was known as Hercle.1 In Etruria

Hercle attained the status of a protective deity; his image adorned the

rooftops of Etruscan temples, figured in their pediments, and even ap

peared on Etruscan coinage. From the sixth century BC on, his shrines

received hundreds of bronze statuettes, and Etruscan vase painters cel

ebrated his heroic exploits. The Cleveland Museum of Art is fortunate in

having two important early vases from Italy that represent this most fa

mous of all Greek heroes.

Fig. i. Herakles wrestling the Nemean

lion. Attic black-figure neck-amphora; related to the Antimenes Painter, c. 520

BC; earthenware, h. 39.7 cm. The Cleve

land Museum of Art, Andrew R. and

Martha Holden Jennings Fund 1970.16.

Fig. 2. Hercules; Roman, Early Impe

rial, c. 30 BC?AD 20; bronze, h. 14.5 cm.

The Cleveland Museum of Art, J. H.

Wade Fund 1987.2.

6

Fig. 3a. Bird askos; Italo-Geometric, c.

700 BC; earthenware, h. 33.5 cm. The

Cleveland Museum of Art, J. H. Wade

Fund 1993.1.

?talo- Geometrie Bird Askos

The earlier (c. 700 bc) of the two vases, a bird-shaped vessel set atop a tall

pedestal foot, has a triple basket handle for carrying and two spouts: a tall

cylindrical one on the back between the handle and head for filling, and

a pierced beak for pouring its liquid contents (figs. 3a?c).2 While the foot

and body were thrown on a wheel, the bird's small beady eyes, short

crest, spinal ridge, two conical protrusions on its back, and flaring tail are

rendered in relief with added clay. Though in no way naturalistic, the

shape?especially the flaring tail?suggests a duck, and the protrusions on the back may be an abstract indication of pointed wing tips. More

naturalistic duck vases were a popular vessel form in fourth-century

Etruria (fig. 4).3 Both types are known as askoi (singular askos), a flask

like vase shape that is normally wider than high and bears a spout for

filling near the vessel's top. They are usually found in tombs and no

doubt served some purpose for the dead, probably as containers for per fumed oil. Bird-shaped vases have a long history in the ancient Mediter

ranean, but the prototype for our duck askos should most likely be located

7

Figs. 3b?c. Bird askos.

8

Fig. 4. Etruscan red-figure duck askos;

"Clusium" Group, c. 350 BC; earthen

ware, h. 15.3 cm. The Cleveland Mu

seum of Art, J. H. Wade Fund 1975.23.

not in Cyprus as some scholars have suggested, but closer to home in

eighth-century Villanovan impasto askoi of animal form.4

The decoration, however, comes from a different source: namely, the

Greek Geometric style of the late eighth century BC, much copied in

Etruria. The bird's entire body is covered with a tapestry of geometric ornamentation set into rectangular panels bordered by triple parallel lines. On its back are panels with solid double axes, window-like lozenges

with hatched frames, stacked zigzags, and on either side of the filling

spout a bird with vertically hatched body (fig. 3b). Fill ornament consists

of dots, dotted circles, crosshatched triangles, and concentric triangles. A

prominent checkerboard pattern appears in metopal panels on the bird's

flanks and on the right side of its neck. Opposite on the left side is a

hatched swastika, a favorite Geometric period motif. Panels at the back

of the bird's sides contain larger versions of the birds on the vase's top with a variety of fill ornament: hatched triangles and a large lozenge, dotted circles, swastikas, and a whirligig. In the middle of the bird's right flank is a hatched quatrefoil with crosshatched triangles and dots in the

interstices. The tall, narrow subsidiary panels are filled with vertical me

anders and columns of crosshatched lozenges with dots in the field. The

stemmed foot is decorated above with a continuous ribbon-like motif

known as elongated tangential blobs, and below with tangential round

blobs with dots in the field.

Most interesting of all, however, is the largest rectangle in the center

left flank showing two figures: a man and a horned quadruped (fig. 3c). Both are rendered in silhouette, with only the eye reserved in the middle

of the head. Although holding a spear in his raised left hand, the man

does not appear to be attacking the animal but rather is leading it by a

rope held in his right hand. The surrounding field is filled with stacked

chevrons and zigzags, crosshatched lozenges, one window-like lozenge

with hatched frame, swastikas, hatched triangles, and dotted circles?

horror vacui being a common characteristic of the Geometric style. Hu

man figures only begin to appear in the latest phase of the Geometric

period, and are fairly rare in ?talo-Geometric decoration.

9

Fig. 5a. Barrel-bodied oinochoe; Italo

Geometric, c. 700 BC; earthenware, h.

33.5 cm. Metropolitan Museum of Art,

New York, Gift of Schimmel Founda

tion, Inc. 1975.363.

The exact find spot of this vessel is unknown, but it was formerly in

the collection of Norbert Schimmel of New York, along with a barrel

bodied oinochoe (wine jug) now owned by the Metropolitan Museum of

Art (figs. 5a?c).5 The two were probably found together in the vicinity of

Vulci since similar, but slightly later, pairs are known from tombs at

nearby Bisenzio.6 The two vases share many similarities in decoration?

triple dotted handle, narrow bands of tangential round blobs with dots

between, metopal panels with swastikas and quadrupeds, and fill orna

ment that includes crosshatched lozenges and triangles, a swastika, and

stacked chevrons?and were almost certainly painted by the same artist.

According to many scholars, this artist also painted a trefoil oinochoe

once in the Pesciotti Collection, and now in the Villa Giulia in Rome, with similar birds and quadrupeds, as well as a prominent checkerboard

pattern.7 One of the vase's metopal panels bears a hatched swastika, while

another has the window-like lozenge with hatched border. Much of its

fill ornament?whirligig, swastikas, stacked chevrons, dotted circles, crosshatched triangles?is identical to that of the Cleveland askos.

The panel scene on the front of the barrel-shaped oinochoe in New

York (fig. 5 a) provides an important clue to the vase painter's identity. Here two goats flank a tree?the Tree of Life?upon which they each

rest one of their forelegs. This heraldic image is the hallmark of the so

called Cesnola Painter, whose name-vase, a large ovoid pedestaled krater

from Cyprus, is in the Cesnola Collection of the Metropolitan Museum of

10

Figs. 5b ?c. Barrel-bodied oinochoe. Art.8 Once thought to be Naxian,9 this Late Geometric I (c. 750?25 bc)

artist is now generally considered to be from Chalcis on the island of

Euboea, one of the most prosperous and progressive areas of Greece in the

eighth century BC.10 His most ambitious work, the krater in New York,

bears four panels with the Tree of Life motif, three of which feature pairs of goats, the fourth a pair of deer. The trees with their triangular bases

are very much like that by our painter, except that he has substituted

stacked chevrons for branches. Thus it seems likely that the painter of the

Cleveland askos, New York oinochoe, and Pesciotti vase was a slightly later Euboean artist, perhaps trained in the workshop of the Cesnola

Painter, who found his way to the territory of Vulci sometime at the end

of the eighth century BC and set up a prosperous ceramics business.

Entrepreneurial immigrants from Euboea founded trading colonies in

both the eastern (Al Mina in the Levant) and the western (Pithekoussai on the island of Ischia) Mediterranean.11 Given their wide-ranging com

mercial interests, it is not implausible that a Euboean potter established a

workshop in southern Etruria and inaugurated one school of what has

become known as the "Italo-Geometric" style. This Euboean artist ap

plied the Late Geometric decoration of his homeland to both Greek and

local shapes, such as the duck askos and the barrel-shaped oinochoe, re

sulting in vases that closely resemble Greek products in terms of their

decoration but whose forms derive from the Villanovan/early Etruscan

sphere. In fact, one can perhaps trace his steps via the first Euboean

11

Fig. 6. Drawing of geometric fibula

catch plate; Boiotian, c. 700?675 BC;

bronze. University Museum, Philadel

phia, 75-35"1

colony at Pithekoussai; here also the rare motif of goats flanking a Tree of

Life was found on the bottom of a lekythos made of local clay.12 The question of the artist relates directly to the problem of the iconog

raphy. Normally it is best to interpret

a narrative scene on an Etruscan

work of art in terms of Etruscan iconography rather than Greek. In the

case of an emigrant Greek vase painter, however, it is methodologically

acceptable to view the imagery in Greek terms. Who then is the man

leading the horned quadruped (fig. 3c)? As with many of these early figu rative scenes in which there are few attributes and no

inscriptions to iden

tify the protagonists, two

opposing camps of opinion arise: the generic

versus the mythological. Italian archaeologists have related this deer/ man

group to other Etruscan scenes of hunting, concluding that it is a

genre image of an anonymous man hunting

a deer.13 Since there exist in

Villanovan metalwork of the mid-eighth century bc incised scenes of an

armed hunter holding his prey by a lead, their belief is that no mythologi cal narrative was intended on the Cleveland askos. This interpretation conforms with more recent scholarship dealing with the earliest figurative scenes in Greek art, which also tends to view such figurative

scenes as ge

neric and to deny any mythological content.14 While this trend has served

as a much-needed corrective for overinterpretation, each case should be

examined within its proper art historical and archaeological context.

In 1977 the learned iconographer Frank Brommer read the scene as

the third labor of Herakles, in which the hero captured the Keryneian hind with its golden horns.15 According

to ancient sources Herakles was

ordered by King Eurystheus to bring the beast alive to Mycenae, and the

mythographer Apollodoros (2.5.3) informs us that in order to capture the animal, Herakles first wounded it.16 Brommer based his interpretation on the facts that the deer is not obviously male and that it is not being killed but is led alive by a rope. He supported his conclusion by compari son with a

contemporary Greek bronze fibula whose catch plate is en

graved with a remarkably similar scene (fig. 6).17 Here a helmeted man

holds a suckling doe by an antler and attacks it with a spear in his left

hand.18 That this hunter is almost surely Herakles is indicated by the

other side of the fibula, which shows the Greek hero slaying the hydra of

Lerna, his second labor.19 If Brommer is correct, the Cleveland askos would

be perhaps the earliest extant representation of this labor of Herakles in

ancient art, so it is important to resolve this question if possible. We have already ascertained that the artist was a Greek immigrant

from Euboea, possibly by way of Pithekoussai. Although geometric motifs

are common in Villanovan art, the specific forms seen on this painter's

three vases derive from the Greek artistic repertoire.

In particular, the

Tree of Life motif on the New York oinochoe is not found in Villanovan

or Etruscan art, but derives from the ancient Near East via Greece. The

objects apparently are the work of a Greek artist using Greek imagery, but

applied to Italic forms commissioned for the funerary use of his local pa trons. This being the case, is it likely that the artist's patron preferred a

scene of the hero Hercle to one of hunting? Iconographically the scene on

the Cleveland askos could satisfy both criteria, and perhaps for the patron it did. However, increasingly

we find that the scenes on early Etruscan

vases do in fact derive from Greek mythology. An oinochoe in the British

Museum, which was also painted by a colonial Euboean resident in Italy c.

690 BC, has a frieze of male and female dancers around the neck.20

Nicholas Coldstream, the authority on Geometric art, has convincingly

12

argued that the scene represents the Crane Dance performed on Delos by Theseus and Ariadne in celebration of his slaying of the Minotaur on

Crete.21 Similarly, an Italo-Geometric stamnos of c.

700?680 bc, now in

the Princeton University Art Museum, with a woman, men, and horses

has been interpreted as the abduction of Helen by Paris.22 While such

identifications can never be definitive in such an early period, the mount

ing body of evidence suggests that we are dealing with Greek imagery

adapted to an Etruscan context. And as accomplished hunters themselves,

the Etruscans would have appreciated the deerstalking skills of the

mythological Hercle.

"Pontic " Oinochoe

The above conclusion is reinforced by the popularity of Herakles in later

Etruscan vase-painting. A case in point is the "Pontic" oinochoe acquired

by the Cleveland Museum of Art in 1986, but known in publications dat

ing back to 1958 (figs. 7a-d).23 Although called Pontic because the first

scholar to study this distinctive group of black-figure vases conjectured

Fig. 7a. "Pontic" oinochoe; attributed to

the Tityos Painter, Etruscan, c. 520 BC;

earthenware, h. 31.3 cm. The Cleveland

Museum of Art, Andrew R. and Martha

Holden Jennings Fund 1986.88.

!3

that their home was one of the Greek colonies of the Black Sea, all vases

painted in this style with a known provenance come from central Italy? the majority from Vulci. It has been suggested that the Pontic school of

vase-painting was established in Etruria c. 550 BC also by an immigrant

potter, in this case from Ionia.24 Producing colorful neck amphorae as

well as other shapes, this workshop helped supply the demand for figured vases that was being met primarily by Athens, whose black-figure vases

were flooding into Etruria in the mid-sixth century BC. The Pontic school

consisted of its founder, the Paris Painter, and five followers?including the so-called Tityos Painter, to whom the Cleveland oinochoe has been

attributed.25 The workshop, which is fairly securely located at Vulci and

which was active during the latter half of the sixth century BC, specialized in scenes derived from Greek mythology.

The major figured scene of the Cleveland oinochoe is on the shoulder,

with a subsidiary animal frieze below; ornamentation consists of palmette chain on the neck, double band of net pattern at the widest diameter, and

rays at the base. Hercle is more readily identifiable, for here he wears his

lion skin and carries a massive club and a bow (fig. 7d). He strides vigor

Fig. 7b. "Pontic" oinochoe.

H

ously forward to the right, confronting a triad of centaurs who rush to

ward him. Long bearded with hair flying, open mouthed and apparently

shouting, these beasts are armed for the attack with long rubbery branches. Behind Hercle a

quieter, more

passive centaur sits on a round

object, probably a rock, before a tall pithos. With his almond-shaped eye

and human rather than equine forelegs, he is distinctly more human than

the other centaurs; in fact, he is a male like Hercle with the rear part of a

horse attached to his buttocks. He holds what appears to be an arrow in

his raised hands.

The episode is easily identifiable as that of Herakles's visit to the cen

taur Pholos, who lived in a cave near Mount Pholoe on the border be

tween Arcadia and Elis (Diodorus Siculus 4.12.3?8). When his civilized

host offered Herakles wine from a pithos, the scent attracted the other

more unruly centaurs who then stormed the cave. Herakles succeeded in

routing the belligerent beasts, but Pholos was wounded and eventually killed by an arrow he extracted from a dead centaur. All the elements of

the narrative are represented on the Cleveland oinochoe, even the deadly arrow that seems not to appear in any other artistic representations.26

Fig. 7c. "Pontic" oinochoe.

?5

This narrative is extremely popular in sixth-century Greek art, appearing in Corinthian, Laconian, and Attic vase-painting,

as well as on sculpted

metopes of c. 550 BC from the Heraion at Foce del Sele near Paestum.27

Peculiar to the Etruscan representations of this myth, as noted forty years

ago by Luisa Banti, is the more human Pholos who is shown seated

demurely on a rock.28 The fight that ensued after the centaurs' attack is

depicted on three other "Pontic" amphoras, one of which is attributed to

the Tityos Painter. This image lacks Pholos but shows the same

Herakles/Hercle with a bulbous club, bow, and lion skin dashing to the

right.29 Yet another representation of Herakles with his distinctive club

by the Tityos Painter appears on a plate in the Villa Giulia, although here he is chasing the centaur Nessos who runs after his bride Deianeira

(fig. 8).30 All three representations of the Greek hero depict him as youth ful (that is, unbearded), and his facial features?sloping forehead, bul

bous nose?are typically Ionian. Another feature of vases by the Tityos Painter is the alternating palmette frieze, as seen on the neck of the

Cleveland vase, clearly his favorite border motif.

At first glance, the lower frieze of the Cleveland oinochoe seems to be

merely an animal frieze, so ubiquitous in vase-painting of the sixth cen

tury. An overlapping herd of eleven horned cattle move to the left in

three groups of three and one of two. This decorative scheme of the main

figurative zone on the shoulder, separated from a subsidiary animal zone

by a band of ornament (in this case, two rows of colorful net pattern), also

occurs on other "Pontic" oinochoai.51 However, in the very first mention

of this vase in modern scholarship it was noted that this was no ordinary file of cattle. In discussing the West Greek poet Stesichoros's poem en

titled Geryoneis, G. Vallet cited the Cleveland vase (then on the Roman

art market) in a footnote and stated that the cattle are "sans aucun doute

16

Fig. 7d. "Pontic" oinochoe, detail of

shoulder.

Fig. 8. "Pontic" plate; attributed to the

Tityos Painter, c. 520 BC; earthenware,

diam. 20 cm. Villa Giulia, Rome, 84444.

des boeufs de G?ryon."32 The slaying of the three-bodied monster Geryon who lived in the Far West (Spain), followed by the theft of his cattle, is

the tenth labor of Herakles. Given that there is no sign of the hero or the

monster, how could Vallet claim "without any doubt" that the cattle are

those of Geryon? The main reason for Vallet's assertion is that Stesichoros's poem hap

pens to mention both expeditions of Herakles, the visit to Pholos and

the slaying of Geryon, despite the fact that they occurred at disparate times and

places.33 While the Geryon adventure, as we have seen,

involves a long journey to the Far West, the battle with the centaurs took

place in central Greece and is usually associated with the capture of the

Erymanthian boar (Apollodoros 11.5.4),tne fourth labor of Herakles.

Because Stesichoros's Geryoneis exists only in a very fragmentary state,

we do not know in what context he mentioned the Pholos adventure, but

it is not unlike a lyric poem to flash back to earlier events in the life of

its protagonist.34 At any rate, given the temporal and geographical dis

tance between the labor of Geryon and the parergon of Pholos, it seems

likely that the Tityos Painter must in some way have been influenced

by Stesichoros's poem. Since Stesichoros was a West Greek poet, it is not

impossible that the artist heard an oral recital of the Geryoneis; in fact, we assume that this lengthy poem was performed at festivals throughout the Greek world because it seems to have had an immediate impact on

Archaic art, as evidenced by the number of illustrations of the slaying of

Geryon in sixth-century art.35 In addition, this poet was reputedly the first

to describe Herakles "dressed like a bandit"?that is, with lion skin, club, bow and arrows?and representations of the hero thus dressed suddenly

appear on vases in the mid-sixth century. Certainly the Tityos Painter's

rendition of Herakles accords with the description by Stesichoros.

17

Fig. 9. Attic black-figure Siana cup; at

tributed to the Vintage Painter, c. 55c

BC; earthenware, diam. 33.0 cm.

Antikensammlung und Sammlung

Ludwig, Basel, BS 428.

Fig, 10. Drawing of Chalcidian black

figure neck-amphora; attributed to the

Inscription Painter, c. 530 BC; earthen

ware, h. 41 cm. Cabinet des M?dailles,

Paris, 202.

I

Alternatively, the Tityos Painter may have been inspired by some ear

lier representation of the two episodes

on a single monument; however

these are exceedingly rare. An Attic black-figure Siana cup in Basel (fig.

9) combines what appear to be these two episodes: running centaurs on

the lip, and cattle driven to left by three armed guards on the body.36 It is

dated to c. 550 bc, while the Cleveland oinochoe can be dated to c. 520 BC.

Both scenes on the cup lack a protagonist, however, and so to date the

Cleveland oinochoe represents one of the most complete illustrations of

the Geryoneis. Vallet's assertion that these cattle are indeed those of Geryon can

also be supported on iconographie grounds. The cattle are not shown in

single file as are most creatures in an animal frieze, but are clustered into

groups and overlap considerably. Two of them look anxiously back be

hind, an indication that they are leaving their familiar pastures. This

mode of representing cattle is identical to other representations of cattle

stealing, a not uncommon theme in Archaic Greek art.37 In fact, a

Chalcidian black-figure amphora from Vulci of c. 530 BC (fig. 10) shows

a similar cluster of anxious cattle next to a depiction of the "bandit"

Herakles slaying triple-bodied Geryon, who here is winged just as de

scribed by Stesichoros.38 A similar herd with armed guards, as on the

Siana cup (fig. 9), appears on Euphronios's famous cup with the slaying of Geryon in Munich of c. 510 BC.39 And last but not least, the story fig ures across the west metopes of the Athenian Treasury at Delphi of c. 490

i8

BC, where the cattle serve to fill the additional space.40

Thereafter the

episode is depicted as a simple duel between Herakles and Geryon, and

the lively detail of the cattle is suppressed. The Tityos Painter's oinochoe in Cleveland stands then as a vivid testi

mony to the pervasiveness of Greek lyric poetry in mid-sixth century

Italy. It would appear that Stesichoros was well known not just in main

land Greece, but also in the colonies as well as in neighboring regions like

Etruria. The stories of Herakles/Hercle, although executed by immigrant Greek artists, were made for Etruscan patrons who clearly delighted in

the exploits of Greece's greatest hero as much as the Greeks themselves.

NOTES The two vases discussed in this study were acquired by the Cleveland Mu

seum of Art during the curatorship of

Arielle P. Kozloff. I thank the museum's

recently designated department of

Greek and Roman art, and especially its

new associate curator, Michael Bennett,

for assistance in obtaining illustrations,

and Francesco Buranelli for discussing the bird askos with me during his visit

to Cleveland. This article was inspired in part by the recent sojourn in Tuscany of James H. Mclnerney IV.

i. The original publication dealing with

Herakles in Etruscan art is that of J.

Bayet, Hercl?. Etude critique des princi

paux monuments relatifs ? VHercule

?trusque (Paris, 1926); see also Jaimee P.

Uhlenbrock, Herakles: Passage of the

Hero through 1000 Years of Classical Art,

exh. cat., Edith C. Blum Art Institute,

Bard College (New Rochelle, N.Y.,

1986); and Lexicon Iconographicum

Mythologiae Classicae (hereafter LIMC)

(Zurich, 1990), V, s.v. "Herakles/

Hercle" (S. Schwarz). For the role of

Hercle/Hercules in Etruscan and Ro

man religion, see Erika Simon, Die

G?tter der R?mer (Munich, 1990), 72?

87.

2. Bird askos; Italo-Geometric, c. 700 BC;

earthenware, h. 33.5 cm. Cleveland

Museum of Art, J. H. Wade Fund,

1993.1. Publications: O. W. Muscarella,

ed., Ancient Art: The Norbert Schimmel

Collection (Mainz, 1974), no. 65 bis; J.

Settgast, ed., Von Troja bis Amarna. The

Norbert Schimmel Collection, New York

(Mainz, 1978), no. 67; Martina Martelli,

ed. La Cer?mica degli Etruschi: La

Pittura vascolare (Novara, 1987), 246?

48, no. 11, illus. p. 247; LIMC (Zurich,

1990), V.51, no. 2206; Sotheby's New

York, Antiquities from the Norbert

Schimmel Collection, 16 December 1992, no. 39; Bulletin of The Cleveland Mu

seum of Art (hereafter CMA Bulletin) 81

(July 1994), 158, illus. p. 218.

3- Etruscan red-figure duck askos;

"Clusium" Group, c. 350 BC; earthen

ware, h. 15.3 cm. Cleveland Museum of

Art, J. H. Wade Fund 1975.23. Publica

tions: Mario A. del Chiaro, "An

Etruscan Red-Figured Duck-Askos,"

CMA Bulletin 63 (April 1976), 108-15,

figs. 1?3; M. Harari, II "Gruppo Clusium

" nella ceramografica etrusca

(Rome, 1980), 55, no. 18, pi. 30; Jenifer

Neils, ed., The World of Ceramics: Mas

terpieces from the Cleveland Museum of

Art, exh. cat., Cleveland Museum of Art

(1982), 20, no. 22, color pi.; Mario A. del

Chiaro, "A Clusium Group Duck-Askos

in Malibu," Greek Vases in the J. Paul

Getty Museum (Malibu, Calif., 1986),

3:141, fig. 3.

4. The suggestion of a Cypriot origin

was made by Ake Akerstrom, Her

Geometrische Stil in Italien (Lund,

Sweden, 1943), 64?65, 82?83; see also

V. R. Desborough, "Bird Vases," Kretika

Chronika 24 (1972), 245?77. For Italic

examples, see Georg Karo, Zwei

etruskische Wunderv?gel aus dem S./j.

Jahrhundert, Deutsche Beitr?ge zur

Altertumswissenschaft 5 (Baden-Baden,

1958); Maja Sprenger and Gilda

Bartoloni, The Etruscans: Their History;

Art, and Architecture (New York, 1983),

pis. 10?11.

5. Barrel-bodied oinochoe; Italo-Geo

metric, c. 700 BC; earthenware, h. 33.5 cm.

Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

York, Gift of Schimmel Foundation, Inc. 1975.363; see Bulletin of the Metro

politan Museum of Art 49 (Spring 1992),

60, no. 52.1 thank Joan Mertens for

generously providing photographs and

for permission to publish this vase.

6. See Maria A. Fugazzola Delpino, La

Cultura villanoviana. Guida ai materiali

delta prima et? del Ferro nel museo di

Villa Giulia (Rome, 1984), i57~58, nos.

63 A?B; Martelli, Cer?mica degli

Etruschi, 74 and 250, no. 17.

!9

7- Villa Giulia, Rome, 74902; see Fulvio

Canciani, "Tre nuovi vasi 'italo

geometrici' del Museo di Villa Giulia,"

Prospettiva 4 (1976), 26?29. For discus

sion of the painter, see Eugenio La

Rocca, "Crateri in arg??a figulina del

geom?trico recente a Vulci. Aspetti della produzione cer?mica d'imitazione

euboica nel Villanoviano avanzato,"

M?langes de VEcole fran?aise de Rome,

Antiquit? 90 (1978), 491?96, figs. 18?19; Marina Martelli, in Mario Cristofani

ed., Gli Etruschi in Maremma (Milan,

1981), 223, fig. 210; Hans Peter Isler,

"Ceramisti greci in Etruria in epoca

tardogeometrica," Quaderni ticinese di

numism?tica e antic hit? das siehe 12

(1983), 23, no. A b 6 and 8. Isler called

the workshop "La bottega del biconico

di Pescia Romana," locates it in Vulci,

and adds eight more vases. He cites as

shared characteristics the metopal pan

els with birds and the pendant triangles and lozenges; however, these can be

found in other "?talo-Geometric" fab

rics. See also H. P. Isler, "Ein geome

trischer Krater aus Vulci," Antike Kunst

25, no. 2 (1982), 175, n. 23; D. Williams,

"Greek Potters and Their Descendants

in Campania and Southern Etruria, c.

720?630 BC," in Judith Swaddling, ed.,

Italian Iron Age Artefacts in the British

Museum (London, 1986), 297 and 300, n. 41.

8. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

York 74.51.965; h. 115 cm. See Erika

Simon, Die griechischen Vasen (Munich,

1976)^ 33-34. pis- 5 (under) and 7.

9. Cf. J. N. Coldstream, Greek Geometric

Pottery (London, 1968), 172?74, pi. 35.

10. On the Cesnola Painter, see J. N.

Coldstream, "The Cesnola Painter: A

Change of Address," Bulletin of the

Institute of Classical Studies 18 (1971), 1?

15, pis. 1?3. The Tree of Life motif also

appears on a hydria by the painter in

Chalcis; see J. N. Coldstream, Geometric

Greece (New York, 1977), 193, fig. 61b.

11. For the Greek colonization of Italy

and Sicily, see John Boardman, The

Greeks Overseas: Their Colonies and

Early Trade, rev. ed. (London, 1980), 161?216.

12. Local Late Geometric I lekythos

from grave 967, Valle di San Montano

cemetery. See Coldstream, Geometric

Greece, 227, fig. 74e; David Ridgway, The First Western Greeks (Cambridge,

U.K., 1992), 59, fig. 11.

13. Giovannangelo Camporeale, "Sulla

caccia in Etruria nel villanoviano e

nell'orientalizzante," in Studi per Enrico

Fiumi (Pisa, 1979), 24, no. 4, pi. 3.1 and

26?28; Giovanni Colonna, "Parergon. A

proposito del frammento geom?trico dal

Foro," M?langes de VEcolefran?aise de

Rome, Antiquit? 92 (1980), 603;

Giovannangelo Camporeale, La caccia

in Etruria (Rome, 1984) 25, B no. 4, pi.

2b; Fulvio Canciani, in Cer?mica degli

Etruschi, 246?48, no. 11. Cf. also Roland

Dik, "Un'anfora orientalizzante etrusca

nel Museo Allard Pierson," BABesch 56

(1981), 63, n. 66; LIMC (1990), V^i, no.

2206 "possibly hunting scene."

14. For example, in the publication of

Klaus Fittschen, Untersuchungen zum

Beginn der Sagendarstellungen bei den

Griechen (Berlin, 1969), esp. 62, J. 9.

15. Frank Brommer, "Herakles und die

Hirschkuh, " Arch?ologischer Anzeiger

16. The sources for this myth include

Pindar, Olympian 3; Euripides, Herakles 375 ff. (according to whom the

hind was killed); Diodorus Siculus

4.12.13; and Apollodoros. See Frank

Brommer, Heracles: The Twelve Labors

of the Hero in Ancient Art and Literature

(New Rochelle, N.Y., 1986), 21-22.

17. Geometric fibula catch-plate;

Boiotian, c. 700-675 BC; bronze. Univer

sity Museum, Philadelphia, 75-35-1. See

Roland Hampe, Fr?he griechische

Sagenbilder in B?otien (Athens, 1936),

42 ff. Cf. also LIMC (1990), V:5i, no.

2205.

18. Camporeale, La caccia in Etruria,

28?29, n. 18, suggested that the suck

ling fawn on the fibula may be an at

tacking dog. However, the smaller ani

mal is in exactly the same position as

the suckling fawn on the Cesnola

Painter's name-vase in New York (see nn. 8?10 above).

19. See Brommer, Heracles: The Twelve

Labors, 14, fig. 3.

20. Attributed to the Painter of the

Elongated Horses; British Museum,

London, 49.5?18.18; h. 35 cm. See

Fulvio Canciani, in Cer?mica degli

Etruschi, 80, no. 25, 253?54, who

doubts the specific identification of

Coldstream but admits that the numer

ous individualized elements give the

scene a mythological, rather than ge

neric, character. Canciani has subse

quently been more receptive to specific

mythic content; see Fulvio Canciani,

"Miti greci nelf etrusca," in Gabriele

Erath et al., ed., Komos. Festschrift f?r

20

Thuri Lorenz zum 6$. Geburtstag

(Vienna, 1997), 49-51, esp. 50.

21. See J. N. Coldstream, "A Figured Geometrie Oinochoe from Italy," Bulle

tin of the Institute of Classical Studies,

London 15 (1968), 86?96, pi. XI; id.,

"The Geometric Style: The Birth of the

Picture," in Looking at Greek Vases, ed.

Tom Rasmussen and Nigel Spivey

(Cambridge, U.K., 1991), 54-55, fig. 20.

22. Princeton University Art Museum

1965?205; h. 21.6 cm. See Susan

Langdon, ed., From Pasture to Polis: Art

in the Age of Homer, exh. cat., Museum

of Art and Archaeology, University of

Missouri-Columbia (Columbia, Mo.,

!993)> i71~73? no- 63> PL 8 (entry by J. Michael Padgett).

23. "Pontic" oinochoe; attributed to the

Tityos Painter, Etruscan, c. 520 BC;

earthenware, h. 31.3 cm. Cleveland

Museum of Art, Andrew R. and Martha

Holden Jennings Fund 1986.88. For

merly in the collection of Athos Moretti,

Bellinzona, Switzerland. First men

tioned in Georges Vallet, Rh?gion et

Zancle (Paris, 1958), 265, n. 6, and pub lished in Ars Antiqua, Auktion I (2 May

i959Xno-129>PL61

24. Early studies of "Pontic" vases

include P. Ducati, Pontische Vasen

(Berlin, 1932); and Tobias Dohrn, Die

schwarzfigurigen etruskischen Vasen

aus der zweiten H?lfte des sechsten

Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1937); see also

Lise Hannestad, The Paris Painter

(Copenhagen, 1974).

25. On the Tityos Painter, see Lise

Hannestad, The Followers of the Paris

Painter (Copenhagen, 1976), 17-31, 56? 60. The Cleveland vase is no. 26 in the

catalogue.

26. For a discussion of the myth, see

Timothy Gantz, Early Greek Myth: A

Guide to Literary and Artistic Sources

(Baltimore, 1993), 390?92. On the

episode of the deadly arrow (392), he

writes: "it is missing altogether from

the artistic tradition. "

27. For artistic representations see Karl

Schefold, Gods and Heroes in Late Ar

chaic Greek Art, trans. Alan Griffiths

(Cambridge, U.K., 1992), 134?38; LIMC

(1990), V, s.v. "Herakles." The Foce del

Sele metopes are illustrated in John

Boardman, Greek Sculpture: The Late

Classical Period and Sculpture in Colo

nies and Overseas (London, 1995), fig. 162.1-6.

28. Etruscan representations of the

Pholos episode are discussed by Luisa

Banti, "Eracle e Pholos in Etruria,"

Studi Etruschi 34 (1966), 371?79

(Cleveland oinochoe, no. 3); and Birgitt

Schiffler, Die Typologie des Kentauren

in der antiken Kunst (Frankfurt, 1976)

136?38. See also LIMC (1990), V:227~ 28.

29. Biblioth?que Nationale, Paris (inv.

3326), 173; from Vulci, h. 34 cm. See P.

Ducati, Pontische Vasen (Berlin, 1932),

pis. 22?23.

30. Villa Giulia, Rome, 84444; from

Tomb 177, Osteria Necropolis, Vulci;

diam. 20 cm. See Martelli, Cer?mica

degli Etruschi, 146, no. 101.5, and 299.

31. An unattributed example is the

oinochoe in the Martin-von-Wagner

Museum, W?rzburg, H 5770; h. 28.4 cm. See Irma Wehgartner, "Eine neue

'pontische' Oinochoe und ?berlegungen zur Genese ihrer Form," Arch?ologische

Anzeiger (1988), 303-25.

32. See above n. 23.

33. On the Geryoneis see Martin

Robertson, " Geryoneis: Stesichoros

and the Vase-Painters," Classical Quar

terly 19 (1969), 207?21; D. L. Page, "Stesichorus: The Geryoneis," Journal

of Hellenic Studies 93 (1973), 138?54; Philip Brize, Die Geryoneis des

Stesichoros und die fr?he griechische

Kunst, Beitr?ge zur Arch?ologie 12

(W?rzburg, 1980).

34. Robertson (" Geryoneis: Stesichoros

and the Vase-Painters," 217) suggests a

possibility: "It was of course while re

turning through Italy with Geryon's cattle that Hercules met Evander, the

Arcadian exile from Pallantium; and I

wonder if this could have been in

Stesichorus, and the Arcadian story a

digression attached to it."

35. See LIMC (1988), IV, s.v.

"Geryoneus," and LIMC (1990), V, s.v.

"Herakles," 73?85 (P. Brize). See also

H. A. Shapiro, Myth into Art: Poet and

Painter in Classical Greece (London,

!994)> 7^-77

36. Attic black-figure Siana cup; attrib

uted to the Vintage Painter, c. 550 BC;

earthenware, diam. 33.0 cm. Antiken

sammlung und Sammlung Ludwig,

Basel, BS 428. See Corpus Vasorum

Antiquorum Basel 1 (Switzerland 4), pl.

25, 6?7; H. A. G. Brijder, Siana Cups I

and Komast Cups (Amsterdam, 1983),

260?61, no. 262, pis. 50c?d, 52d, 89.

37- In addition to the theft of Geryon's

cattle, the infant Hermes steals the cattle

of Apollo.

38. Chalcidian black-figure neck-am

phora; attributed to the Inscription

Painter, c. 530 BC; earthenware, h. 41 cm. Cabinet des M?dailles, Paris, 202.

See Schefold, Gods and Heroes, 125?26,

fig. 146.

39. Antikensammlung, Munich, 2620.

See Schefold, Gods and Heroes, 127?28,

figs. 147-48.

40. Athenian Treasury, Delphi, west

metopes 23?27; h. 67 cm. See John

Boardman, Greek Sculpture: The Archaic

Period (London, 1978), 160, fig. 213.

ILLUSTRATION CREDITS

Figs. 1?4, 7: Cleveland Museum of Art;

figs. 5 a?c: courtesy Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York; fig. 6: after

Frank Brommer, Herakles (Cologne,

1953), 22, fig. 6; fig. 8: after Marina

Martelli, La Cer?mica degli Etruschi

(Novara, 1987), fig. 101.5; fig. 9: cour

tesy Antikensammlung und Sammlung

Ludwig, Basel; fig. 10: after

Furtw?ngler-Reichhold, Griechische

Vasenmalerei (Munich, 1925), 3: pl. 152.

21