Holocene "Aquatic" Adaptations in North Tropical Africa

Augustin F. C. Holl

A p l u r a l i t y o f terms is used to refer to the prehis tor ic societies that lef t sparse tes-t imonies to their présence i n n o r t h t rop ica l A f r i c a d u r i n g the later p a r t o f the Pleis­tocene p e r i o d . T h è s e terms range f r o m T e r m i n a l , t h r o u g h L a t e , to Epipa leo l i th ic (Aumassip 1986; B a r i c h 1998; Camps 1974; Vermeersch 1992) . T h e t e r m i n o l o g i -cal s i tuat ion is even more complex w h e n post-Pleistocene a n d E a r ly H o l o c e n e forager and herder sites are considered. T h e terms t h e n range f r o m M e s o l i t h i c , N e o l i t h i c o f Capsian T r a d i t i o n ( N C T ) , N e o l i t h i c o fSudanese T r a d i t i o n ( N S T ) , a n d Saharo-Sudanese N e o l i t h i c ( S S N ) , to A q u a l i t h i c Civ i l iza t ions , a n d (ceramic) Late Stone Age ( L S A ) .

A i l thèse concepts refer to changing patterns i n prehis tor ic c u l t u r a l remains ( H o l l 1989). Late Paleolithic assemblages are difîerentiated f r o m the preceding M i d d l e Stone Age ( M S A ) ones by spécifie ways o f m a k i n g stone tools (Chapters 4 , 6 ) . T h e stone blanks are generally obta ined f r o m blade cores a nd later shaped i n t o f o r m a i tools. Stone tools are even smaller d u r i n g the ensuing post-Paleol i thic p e r i o d . M i c r o l i t h s , o f ten géométrie i n shape, are c o m b i n e d to create composi te tools (Chapters 6, 9 ) . G r i n d i n g tools are fréquent a n d widespread. Bone tools , r a n g i n g f r o m items o f personal a d o r n m e n t to fish hooks a n d harpoons , are o f t e n f o u n d i n sites along w i t h évidence for the explo i ta t ion o f aquatic resources (see Chapter 4 for bone tools i n M S A contexts) . T h e special ization o f some E a r ly H o l o c e n e communit ies o n the explo i ta t ion o f wetlands a n d the in tens i f i ca t ion o f resource-gathering tr iggered p r o f o u n d adaptive shifts a n d n e w patterns i n the mater ia l record. T h e présence o f p o t t e r y and g r i n d i n g e q u i p m e n t was taken b y some researchers (Camps 1980) as indicat ive o f f o o d - p r o d u c i n g économies , or , m o r e pre -cisely, o f the practice o f agr icul ture . T h e " A q u a l i t h i c T h e o r y " was an i m p o r t a n t a nd interesting a t tempt to frame a robust a n d pars imonious explanat ion for the séries o f "events" that l ed to the expansion o f a wetlands lifestyle i n n o r t h t r o p ica l A f r i c a i n areas today encompassed b y the Saharan a n d Sahelian zones.

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T h i s chapter explores h o w early p r o g r a m m a t i c statements, f o r m u l a t e d i n advance o f significant archaeological évidence, shaped the interprétation o f Ear ly to M i d d l e Holocene sites i n n o r t h e r n t ropica l A f r i c a . So-called Saharan-Sudanese Neol i th i c sites were first in terpreted as sites o f i n c i p i e n t agricultural is ts ( A r k e l l 1949, 1953) and later argued to represent a successful alternative to agr icul ture (Sutton's " A q u a l i t h i c " : 1974, 1977) . I n b o t h scénarios , perceived similari t ies i n material cul ture were taken to signal c u l t u r a l connect ions, a nd m i g r a t i o n assumed to be the mechanism b e h i n d shared features. T h o u g h early évidence was rather uncr i t i ca l ly assimilated to thèse scénarios, later sections o f the chapter explore h o w that same évidence points to var ia t ion and alternative processes o f cu l ture change d u r i n g the Ear ly to m i d - H o l o c e n e .

Arkell, the Mesolithic, and the Origins of Food Production

A r k e l l (1949, 1953) excavated t w o sites near the N i l e River i n the K h a r t o u m area i n Sudan that la id the foundat ions for early understandings o f H o l o c e n e lifeways i n n o r t h e r n t ropica l A f r i c a . T h e mater ia l f r o m one, Shaheinab, was used to d e l i n -eate the key characteristics o f the " K h a r t o u m M e s o l i t h i c " (see F igure 7.1 for site locat ions) .The other, K h a r t o u m H o s p i t a l Site, assigned to a later date, was crucia l i n the characterization o f the " K h a r t o u m N e o l i t h i c . " T h o u g h the assemblages f r o m thèse sites shared a n u m b e r o f characteristics, they di f fered s ignif icant ly i n others. T h e y had i n c o m m o n évidence o f m i c r o l i t h i c stone industr ies ; g r i n d i n g e q u i p m e n t ; pot tery w i t h characteristic " w a v y - l i n e " and " d o t t e d w a v y - l i n e " m o t i f s ; barbed bone points ; and a substantial q u a n t i t y o f w i l d an imal bones w i t h a s ignif icant c o m -ponent o f fish, crocodile , and h i p p o p o t a m u s bones ( H a a l a n d 1992; S u t t o n 1974, 1977;Yellen 1998). D o m e s t i c a n i m a l bones, specifically f r o m sheep a n d goats, were absent f r o m Shaheinab b u t présent at K h a r t o u m H o s p i t a l Site. T h e shared char­acteristics o f thèse sites suggested a c o m m o n c u l t u r a l b a c k g r o u n d f o r the Ear ly Holocene foragers o f the N i l e Valley. Some o f thèse foragers later shi f ted to f o o d p r o d u c t i o n , w i t h small l ivestock husbandry.

F r o m Arkel l ' s (1949, 1953) perspective, K h a r t o u m " M e s o H t h i c " people adopted livestock husbandry t h r o u g h their l inks to the ancient N e a r East. I n this p e r i o d i t was believed that the N e o l i t h i c révolution t o o k r o o t i n the Fer t i le Crescent, a nd spread f r o m there to the rest o f the O l d W o r l d (Camps 1980; C h i l d e 1928, 1936; Kuper 1 9 7 8 ) . T h e Sudanese sites i m m e d i a t e l y achieved the status o f c r i t i ca l places attesting a n o r t h - s o u t h and east-west expansion o f the n e w N e o l i t h i c l i fe style. As conceived by G o r d o n C h i l d e (1928, 1936) this new way o f l ife i n c l u d e d the prac­tice o f agr icul ture and a n i m a l husbandry ; heavy food-processing e q u i p m e n t , i n this case grindstones and gr inders ; and sedentary c o m m u n i t i e s l i v i n g i n emerging permanent settlements that later resulted i n an u r b a n révolution (Chapters 8, 9, 10, 13).

Later scholars elaborated and extended Arkel l ' s concept o f a Sudanese N e o l i t h i c based o n loose similarit ies i n the p a t t e r n i n g o f c u l t u r a l remains . Barbed bone points and pot tery decorated w i t h " w a v y - l i n e " and " d o t t e d w a v y - l i n e " mot i f s achieved the

176 AUGUSTIN F. C. HOLL

Figure 7.1. Sites mentioned in the text I. Shaheinab; 2. Khartoum Hospital Site; 3. Delebo; 4. Soro Kezenanga II; 5. Orogourde; 6. Gobe V; 7. Gouro; S.Aorounga; 9. Fochi; 10. Ounianga Kebir; I I.Ti-n-Hanakaten; l2.Amekni; 13. Meniet

status o f type fossils i n Afr i can is t archaeology, a n d came to be used b y a lmost ai l archaeologists i n their e f fort to u n d e r s t a n d the dynamics o f Ear ly H o l o c e n e soci­eties o f the Sahara and the N i l e (Aumass ip 1978; C a m p s 1978, 1980; G a b r i e l 1978; K u p e r 1978). T h e Sudanese N i l e Valley was considered as the core area f r o m w h i c h a new lifestyle spread d u r i n g the Ear ly H o l o c e n e ( H a a l a n d 1992) . N o r t h t ropica l A f r i c a was d i v i d e d i n t o t w o major " c u l t u r a l zones" : (1) the N C T i n the n o r t h -northwest , i n the h i n t e r l a n d Chot ts area o f Tuni s i a a n d A l g e r i a ; a n d (2) the N S T i n the rest o f the Sahara, f r o m the Sudan i n the east t o M a u r i t a n i a i n the west. A c c o r d i n g to Camps (1967 :286) , the N S T t r a d i t i o n l ike ly developed i n différent parts o f south and central Sahara d u r i n g the s ix th m i l l e n n i u m b.c. I t is character-ized by a profusely decorated pot tery , generally ai l over the b o d y , spherical i n shape, and devoid o f handles. Stone tools présent a cer ta in a m o u n t o f v a r i a t i o n f r o m area to area. W i t h i n the bone and i v o r y i n d u s t r y , the m u l t i p l i c a t i o n o f fishing gear, pre -cisely harpoons an d fish hooks, can be explained b y the fréquent c luster ing o f sites along vanished lakes and rivers (Camps 1967:286) .

Arkell's Systematics and Saharan Archaeology to the 1980s

Arkel l ' s systematics based o n Sudanese N i l e mater ia l were thus extended t h r o u g h m u c h o f the Sahara by a n u m b e r o f researchers f r o m the late 1950s t o the early 1980s. I n 1956-1957 , G . B a i l l o u d (1969) c o n d u c t e d a year - long survey a n d exca-

ADAPTATIONS IN NORTH TROPICAL AFRICA I 77

vation p r o g r a m i n the south western p a r t o f the E n n e d i (F igure 7 .1) . Surface data, backed by excavated mater ia l a n d radiocarbon d a t i n g , were used to o u t l i n e the chronological succession o f p o t t e r y décoration styles. F o u r sites were tested: Delebo, Soro Kezenanga I I , Orogourde rockshelter, a n d G o b e V rockshelter. T h e deepest level o f Delebo cave, t e r m e d Z o n e V, conta ined the earliest p o t t e r y f r o m the E n n e d i m o u n t a i n : "characterized as is the case i n Sudan, by a décorat ion shaped like waves ( w a v y - l i n e ) " (Ba i l loud 1969:37) . Wavy- l ine p o t t e r y was also d o c u m e n t e d i n overlying Zone I V deposits. D o t t e d wavy- l ine p o t t e r y from Zones I I I a n d I I was dated to 5230 ± 300 b.c. and 4950 ± 300 b.c. respectively. A s imi lar p o t t e r y séquence was recorded at Soro Kezenanga I I . A c c o r d i n g to B a i l l o u d ( 1 9 6 9 : 3 8 - 4 0 ) , the ceramic mater ia l f r o m Soro Kezenanga (the upper levels) a nd O r o g o u r d e rock­shelter compared w i t h that f r o m sites l ike Esh Shaheinab (Sudan) a nd M e n i e t i n central Sahara. T h e fauna i n c l u d e d large m a m m a l s such as antelope, gazelle, large bovids (Bos or b u f f a l o ) , jackal, hyena, w i l d h o g , h i p p o p o t a m u s , as w e l l as os t r i ch , water tortoise, f r o g , and fish, especially large amounts o f catfish. Cat t le , goat, a n d domestic dog are recorded at Soro Kezananga, " i n d i c a t i n g that i n this case one m a y refer to the N e o l i t h i c w i t h c e r t a i n t y " ( B a i l l o u d 1969:8) . Characterist ical ly, a nd despite the large a m o u n t o f fish bones recorded from the excavation u n i t s , n o fishing instruments (i .e. , fish hooks or barbed bone points ) were d o c u m e n t e d .

T h e s i tuat ion dif fered i n the B o r k u where J. C o u r t i n (1969) carr ied o u t a survey Project i n 1964-1965. N o test excavation was i m p l e m e n t e d . T h e relevant archaeo­logical data were collected f r o m surface contexts. T h e subtlety o f C o u r t i n ' s a r gu­ment is par t i cu lar ly interest ing as i t shows h o w d o m i n a n t ideas are s i m p l y reproduced despite the inadequacy o f the database. T h e mater ia l col lected d u r i n g the survey was arranged in to chronological groups. " D e s p i t e the lack o f excavation and consequently o f stratigraphies, i t is possible to establish a relative chronology of the B o r k u N e o l i t h i c , re ly ing o n G . Bai l loud's w o r k i n the E n n e d i a nd J. Arke l l ' s one i n Sudan, as wel l as our o w n observat ions" ( C o u r t i n 1969:149) . Wavy- l ine pottery was n o t represented i n the régional samples col lected d u r i n g the survey. Despite the absence o f that " c r i t i c a l " diagnostic feature, the a ut ho r proceeded to argue: " O n e can assign to the Ear ly N e o l i t h i c , p o t t e r y o f Sudanese type , k n o w n at K h a r t o u m , Esh Shaheinab, and i n the E n n e d i and Tenere. . . . T h e ' d o t t e d wavy-l ine' , already k n o w n at Ounianga ( A r k e l l ) , o n the other h a n d , is f o u n d f r o m the Goz K e r k i and east o f the D j o u r a b to the eastern l i m i t o f the T i b e s t ( G o u r o , Aorounga, F o c h i ) " ( C o u r t i n 1969:149) . T h e recorded N e o l i t h i c sites were gen­erally located o n ancient dunes over looking closed i n t e r - d u n a l dépressions w h i c h were the remains o f f o r m e r small lakes. Few fish bones were col lected, a nd fishing equipment was extremely rare. " I n any case, a site located south o f O u n i a n g a K e b i r had a bi-serial bone h a r p o o n associated w i t h ' d o t t e d wavy-Hne p o t t e r y ' " ( C o u r t i n 1969:155). Clearly, C o u r t i n ' s approach to field survey was geared to s u p p o r t Arkell 's m o d e l .

A . J. Arkel l ' s achievement is remarkable . H i s inf luence shaped the terms o f debate, and the cr i teria he devised have been used to fit surface mater ia l i n t o neat chronological catégories. T h e c i rcular i ty o f the reasoning is typica l o f a type-fossi l approach. Research conducted i n central Sahara, at T i - n - H a n a k a t e n (Aumass ip

178 AUGUSTIN F. C. HOLL

1978), A m e k n i (Camps 1969, 1974, 1980) , a n d M e n i e t ( H u g o t 1963) , also d o c u ­mented the présence o f " w a v y - l i n e " a n d " d o t t e d w a v y - l i n e " pot tery . R a d i o c a r b o n dat ing o f thèse sites started to show that some o f the central Saharan sites were older than those f r o m the N i l e Valley. As a resuit , the expression " N e o l i t h i c o f Sudanese T r a d i t i o n " became problemat ic . A c c o r d i n g to C a m p s ,

this Neolithic has been called the Neolithic of Sudanese Tradition because its origin had been arbitrarily fixed as the banks of the Nile in the région of Khartoum in the Sudan. . . . At the présent time, the oldest manifestations recognized occur to the west of the great strip of territory (the Ahaggar) occupied by this group of industries which we shall, therefore, henceforth refer to as the Saharan-Sudanese Neolithic. (Camps

.. 1980:557) .

B y the mid-1970s , there was considérable évidence for a widespread d i s t r i b u ­t i o n o f spherically shaped pot tery , some decorated w i t h wavy- l ine , d o t t e d wavy- l ine , and rocker-s tamping, as wel l as mat impress ion . F i s h i n g gear was also widespread, part icular ly i n archaeological sites f o u n d near ancient watcx bodies, i n c l u d i n g lakes, rivers, and streams. T h è s e shared characteristics were i m p l i c i t l y assumed to signal a c o m m o n a l i t y i n cu l ture , b u t scholars before S u t t o n were preoccupied w i t h d o c u m e n t i n g the d i s t r i b u t i o n rather t h a n expla in ing i t . Sutton's (1974 , 1977) b o l d move consisted i n generating a m o d e l to account for the d i s t r i b u t i o n a l patterns o f Early Holocene archaeological sites.

Sutton and the "Aquatic Civi l ization" of Middle Africa

I n the mid-1970s , J. E . G . S u t t o n publ i shed t w o papers (1974 , 1977) deal ing w i t h the archaeological jigsaw that h a d emerged from fieldwork carr ied o ut i n n o r t h t r o p ­ical and eastern A f r i c a . I n thèse w o r k s , S u t t o n a t t e m pt e d to encapsulate w i t h i n a cohérent theoretical framework the phenomena that m a y have generated a n d d r i v e n the expansion o f the widespread archaeological complex attested i n p a r t o f n o r t h tropical A f r i c a and the Great Lakes régions o f the southeast. F o r S u t t o n (1974) , ail documented archaeological assemblages w i t h fishing e q u i p m e n t , g lobular p o t t e r y decorated w i t h wavy-l ine and d o t t e d wavy- l ine , a n d remains o f aquatic fauna belonged to the " A q u a t i c C i v i l i z a t i o n o f M i d d l e A f r i c a , " w h i c h he conceived as a successful alternative to the a d o p t i o n o f agr icu l ture . T h e " A f r i c a n A q u a l i t h i c " paper (Sut ton 1977:25) opened w i t h a b o l d s u m m a r y o f the issues the art ic le i n t e n d e d to deal w i t h i n f o u r m a i n dimensions : space, t i m e , e n v i r o n m e n t , a n d archaeologi­cal content . A fifth d i m e n s i o n , a h is tor ica l l inguis t ic one, was added later i n the paper.

I n re lat ion to its spatial d imensions , S u t t o n asserted that :

during the early post-Pleistocene there flourished right across the middle belt of the African continent a highly distinctive way of life intimately associated with the great rivers, lakes and marshes. This belt. . . comprises the southern-Sahara and the Sahel

ADAPTATIONS IN NORTH TROPICAL AFRICA 179

from the Atlantic to the Nile and there bends up-river to the East African rift valleys and the equator. (Sutton 1977:25)

H e sketched o u t the t e m p o r a l d i m e n s i o n i n few w o r d s : "traceable as early as the eighth m i l l e n n i u m B C , the zénith o f this 'aquatic c i v i l i z a t i o n ' was achieved i n the seventh m i l l e n n i u m " ( S u t t o n 1 9 7 7 : 2 5 ) . T h e envi ronmenta l d i m e n s i o n was charac­terized as, "a t ime w h e n higher ra infa l l made rivers longer a n d m o r e p e r m a n e n t and caused lakes to swell and burst their basins" ( S u t t o n 1977:25) . S u t t o n argued that thèse c l imatic circumstances signif icantly i m p a c t e d the nature , d i s t r i b u t i o n , and density o f resources. T h e archaeological content o f d o c u m e n t e d sites i n c l u d e d , on the one h a n d , faunal mater ia l f r o m f o o d refuse consist ing o f large quanti t ies o f fish, aquatic m a m m a l , and repti le bones; a n d o n the other , c u l t u r a l remains , w i t h barbed bone points , fish hooks, and " p o t t e r y o f a c o m m o n t r a d i t i o n " (the " w a v y -l i n e " and " d o t t e d w a v y - l i n e " o f A r k e l l ; S u t t o n 1977:25) . , \ o -

After establishing the spatial, t e m p o r a l , a n d envi ronmenta l d imensions o f this t radi t ion , S u t t o n harnessed publ i shed mater ia l f irom b o t h West a n d East A f r i c a to the reconstruct ion that he h a d so b o l d l y sketched i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n . H e suggested that the whole complex may have or ig inated f r o m East A f r i c a , spread n o r t h w a r d along the N i l e Valley, and finally, westward t h r o u g h the Sahara a n d Sahel. B u t " t h e direct ion o f expansion just suggested-from East A f r i c a to the N i l e a n d the Sahara-is still on ly one a m o n g several possibi l i t ies" ( S u t t o n 1977:29) . T h e process o f expan­sion itself was a l luded to b u t n o t discussed i n d e p t h . Possible scénarios ranged firom massive demie d i f f u s i o n tr iggered b y sudden p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h ( S u t t o n 1977:29) to stimulus d i f f u s i o n , the transfer o f mater ia l cul ture i tems w i t h o u t p o p u l a t i o n movement. As is generally the casé i n such debates, the author 's p o s i t i o n was Solomonic: " A l m o s t certainly the t r u t h m u s t l ie somewhere between thèse extrêmes; a n d , u n t i l better dues o n the p o i n t o f o r i g i n are available, the discussion must remain rather hypothet i ca l . " T h e A f r i c a n A q u a l i t h i c does " n o t const i tute a 'single cu l ture ' . . . b u t rather a c u l t u r a l c o m p l e x " ( S u t t o n 1 9 7 7 : 2 9 ) . T h e racial a f f i l ­iat ion o f the bearers o f the A q u a l i t h i c adaptat ion was also a l luded to w h e n S u t t o n observed that "very plausibly i t helps account for the spread o f N e g r o i d peoples n o r t h and east o f the forest z o n e " ( S u t t o n 1977:29) . T h e mos t fascinat ing and daring aspect o f Sutton's paper was his suggestion about the e thnic - l inguis t ic a f f i l ­iations o f " A q u a l i t h i c " peoples: " A m o n g the most dist inct ive features o f cu l ture and ethnicity is language. I t is necessary, therefore, to test whether the ancient aquatic civilization m i g h t bear corrélation w i t h any o f the k n o w n A f r i c a n language- fami-lies" (Sut ton 1 9 7 7 : 3 0 ) . T h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f N i l o - S a h a r a n languages was singled o u t as the most rewarding case to investigate.

Sutton's papers were above ail p r o g r a m m a t i c ; research was n o t advanced enough to address the issues he raised a n d his discussion was a w o n d e r f u l exercise i n t ightrope-walking. I t dared to spell o u t a p le thora o f issues to be investigated m o r e vigorously i n the f u t u r e . T h e hypothesis o f " A q u a t i c C i v i l i z a t i o n o f M i d d l e A f r i c a " was successful i n i n i t i a t i n g an interest ing debate that is s t i l l i n the mains t ream o f Afr ican archaeology (Ehret 2002 ; H a a l a n d 1992 ;Yel len 1998) . I n that respect, i t exemplified good science.

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The "Aqualithic" Debate

Fundamenta l ly , the " A q u a H t h i c " discussion focuses o n the very issue o f the t ransi ­t i o n f irom foraging to f o o d - p r o d u c i n g Hfeways. T h e variables involved i n the debate inc lude cl imatic change and ecosystems dynamics , technologica l i n n o v a t i o n , set­t lement patterns, and language expansion. Some mater ia l é léments , such as barbed bone harpoons, fish hooks , and p o t t e r y decorated w i t h wavy- l ine and/or d o t t e d wavy-l ine mot i f s , have played a cruc ia l rôle i n the debate. A c c o r d i n g to H a a l a n d (1992:48) , for example, the " i n v e n t i o n o f p o t t e r y a n d harpoons are . . . c r i t i ca l events i n the process w h i c h led to the intens i f icat ion o f aquatic resource u t i l i z a t i o n w h i c h is first attested i n the N i l e Valley a r o u n d 8500 b p . I n the archaeological record, this is manifested technological ly i n a vast increase o f ' M e s o l i t h i c ' tools , and osteologically i n a w i d e variety o f aquatic resources." H a a l a n d arranged the Late and post-Pleistocene transformations o f forag ing societies i n t o five m a jo r phases and asserted that " technologica l development w i t h i n each o f thèse phases created precondit ions for processes w h i c h i n t u r n generated changes leading to the next phase" (Haaland 1992:48) . Haaland's analysis was f r a m e d b y a h u m a n ecology per­spective and proceeded f r o m a t i g h t deduct ive System based o n a n a r r o w range o f considérations: (1) T h e widespread d i s t r i b u t i o n o f wavy- l ine and d o t t e d wavy- l ine pot tery ; and (2) the p r i m a c y o f the N i l e Valley. D e a l i n g w i t h the first considération, she f o u n d i t " u n l i k e l y that the same type o f p o t t e r y was independent ly invented i n thèse areas," and suggests that " t h i s c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n was invented i n the N i l e Valley and carried to the Sahara/savanna région and East A f r i c a b y graduai expansion o f people" (Haaland 1992:47) . I n her perspective, " p o t t e r y technology, h i g h p o p u l a ­t i o n g r o w t h , and sedentism based o n intensive u t i l i z a t i o n o f aquatic resources and (sorghum) probably const i tuted the key precondi t ions w h i c h led to the t h i r d phase w h e n cul t ivat ion was b e g u n " ( H a a l a n d 1992:50) . T h e widespread expansion o f " A q u a l i t h i c People" (Haa land 1992:54, 58) was p r o m p t e d b y higher p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h rates and d i f fus ion to n e i g h b o r i n g groups. T h e process thus involved b o t h demie a n d st imulus d i f f u s i o n . T h e issue o f language was dealt w i t h i n the last section o f the article, w i t h speakers o f N i l o - S a h a r a n languages as the most l ike ly " A q u a l i t h i c People."

I n contrast to Sutton's 1974 a n d 1977 p r o g r a m m a t i c papers, Haaland's art icle presented a weal th o f archaeological data; however, she dealt w i t h the his tor ica l process i n quasi-teleological terms. Circumstances i n each phase created p r e c o n ­dit ions for processes that generated changes resul t ing i n the next phase. T h i s type o f argument rests o n a logical fal lacy: the " a f f i r m a t i o n o f the c o n s é q u e n c e . "

Barbed bone points are an i m p o r t a n t diagnostic é lément o f the A q u a t i c c ivi l iza­t i o n o f M i d d l e A f r i c a . T h e y are generally assumed to have been used i n fishing activ-ities and the explo i ta t ion o f other aquatic resources. B u t i n one case at least, at D a i m a , a h a r p o o n was f o u n d i n the skeleton o f a b u r i e d i n d i v i d u a l dated to the m i d d l e o f the first m i l l e n n i u m b.c. ( C o n n a h 1981:117) . " O n e t h i n g is cer ta in : archaeologists w o r k i n g o n A f r i c a n prehis tory should quest ion very seriously the

1

ADAPTATIONS IN NORTH TROPICAL AFRICA 181

assumption sometimes made that bone harpoons were merely i n t e n d e d f o r fishing" (Connah 1981:117) . Yellen (1998) addressed one o f the issues raised b y A r k e l l (1949, 1953) and S u t t o n (1974, 1977) t h r o u g h a discussion o f barbed bone points f o u n d i n the Sahara and sub-Saharan A f r i c a . Yellen's discussion dealt w i t h several dimensions o f the archaeological mater ia l under invest igat ion. F i rs t , w i t h the géographie range o f harpoons, w h i c h have been d o c u m e n t e d f r o m Botswana to Morocco . Second, w i t h the chronological range o f k n o w n spécimens , w h i c h stretches f r o m 90000 b.p. at Katanda i n M S A contexts i n the western R i f t Valley (Chapter 4 ) , to 20000 b .p . for Ishango t o w a r d the end o f the first m i l l e n n i u m a .d. A n d t h i r d , a techno-typologieal analysis centered o n eight at tr ibutes that addressed two questions (Yellen 1998:182) : (1) are there enough eommonal i t i es between documented Holocene harpoons to suppor t the idea o f an A f r i c a n t radi t ion? a n d (2) are t empora l and/or régional patterns discernible f r o m the H o l o c e n e mater ia l a thand? = . v . , ( , - . - : . ; : ^ r x - - . ^ r.^^^x;^.:

Based u p o n a broader com par i son w i t h mater ia l fi-om other parts o f the w o r l d (West European M a g d a l e n i a n , M i d d l e Eastern N a t u f i a n , a n d N o r t h A m e r i c a ) , Yellen (1998:183) conc luded that " t h e similarit ies a m o n g thèse A f r i c a n spécimens are great enough to just i fy i n c o r p o r a t i o n w i t h i n a single t r a d i t i o n . " H o w e v e r , the examination o f A f r i c a n mater ia l " i n the broadest perspective p e r m i t s several c o n ­clusions and spéculations. F i rs t , the data clearly show that this t r a d i t i o n does n o t map o n to any t ight ly def ined l inguist ic or b io logica l g r o u p a n d does n o t serve as a marker for any ' c u l t u r a l ' ent i ty as def ined b y c o m m o n anthropolog ica l usage o f die t e r m " (Yellen 1998:195) .

T h e " A q u a l i t h i c " debate is clearly a discussion about the dynamics o f cu l ture change. A single m o d e l w i t h m i n o r variations d o m i n a t e d the scène firom an early per iod . Arkel l ' s (1949, 1953) inferences were based almost exclusively o n archae­ological f inds set i n d i f fus ion scénarios; that d is t inc t way o f deal ing w i t h change i n the archaeological record was expanded b y Aumass ip (1978) , B a i l l o u d (1969) , Camps (1967, 1969, 1974, 1978, 1980), C o u r t i n (1969) , and H u g o t (1963) , a m o n g others. Su t ton (1974, 1977) added a his tor ica l l inguis t ic d i m e n s i o n to the in ter -pretive m i x , as d i d H a a l a n d (1992) . T h i s approach was stretched to its l i m i t by Ehret (2002) , w h o used the t a x o n o m y o f A f r i c a n languages to s t ructure his recon-s t rucdon o f the A f r i c a n prehis tory f r o m 18000 b .p . to A . D . 1800.

Yellen (1998) offers a sober and m o r e précise grasp o f the évidence, i n this case, barbed bone points . K e d i n g (1996) d i d a comparable s tudy o f the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f wavy-line and dot ted wavy- l ine p o t t e r y i n her discussion o f the mater ia l f r o m W a d i Howar . T h e géographie d i s t r i b u t i o n o f barbed bone points a n d wavy-l ine/dotted wavy-line decorated pot te ry overlaps, b u t does n o t m a t c h i n ai l the cases. Such a match has to be expected i f the spread o f the mater ia l record u n d e r invest igat ion resulted f r o m demie d i f fus ion f r o m a core area. S u t t o n (1974, 1977) located the cradle o f the " A q u a l i t h i c c i v i l i z a t i o n " somewhere i n the h i n t e r l a n d o f eastern A f r i c a . Haaland (1992) located this core area along the N i l e Valley i n central Sudan . For Camps (1980) o n the other h a n d , the central Sahara was a d i s t inc t and i n d e p e n -dent cul tura l zone.

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Wetlands Adaptation: Dennic Diffusion, Parallelism, and Convergence

T h e crucial issue is, then , t i ia t o f c u l t u r a l adaptat ion to changing c l imat ic c i r c u m ­stances l i n k e d to an a t tempt to u n d e r s t a n d the significance o f cer ta in patterns o f similarities and différences o f the mater ia l r eco r d . I n the "explanatory t r a d i t i o n " represented by A r k e l l , S u t t o n , H a a l a n d , and m a n y others, cer ta in classes o f s i m i -lar i ty i n mater ia l attributes are m o r e l ikely a p r o d u c t o f c o m m o n o r i g i n . D e m i e d i f -fiision is wel l do cumented i n différent parts o f the w o r l d (Levy a n d H o l l 2002 ) . T h e expansion o f early m k e d f a r m i n g societies o f the D a n u b i a n ( B a n d k e r a m i k ) cul ture f r o m the Balkans to central a n d western E u r o p e is a very w e l l investigated example (Sherratt 1 9 9 0 ) . T h e archaeological record indicates s trong similari t ies i n almost ai l the components o f c u l t u r a l products . Houses are l o n g a n d trapeze-shaped. T h e y are flanked o n b o t h l o n g i t u d i n a l sides b y elongated c o n s t r u c t i o n pits i n w h i c h domestic refuse has been d u m p e d . T h e p o t t e r y is decorated w i t h l inear bands o f two- tee th c o m b impressions. W h e a t and barley are the m a i n a g r i c u l t u r a l products . Catt le , sheep/goats, a n d pigs are t l ie most fréquent domest ic animais . Set­tlements are generally located o n loessial soil a long m a j o r r iver courses. Closer i n time and i n A f r i c a , F u l a n i expansion f r o m the F u t a Jalon i n Sénégal i n the west-ernmost par t o f West Afirica to E t h i o p i a i n the east i n less t h a n 500 years is also a good reminder o f the scope o f migra t ions .

T h e over-reaction against the excesses o f d i f fus ionis t théories resulted i n an a n t i ­m i g r a t i o n twist . " I t has become u n p o p u l a r to suggest the m o v e m e n t o f peoples as a mechanism for cul ture change, a n d most récent research is endogenously o r i e n t e d i n this respect. B u t the p e n d u l u m may have s w u n g far towards the opposite ex t rême" (Bar I l a n 1998:300) . L o n g - t e r m c u l t u r a l change can be shaped b y m u l ­t iple s tructural éléments, i n c l u d i n g m i g r a t i o n s , the f o r m a t i o n , g r o w t h , a n d démise o f cu l tura l entities, and shifts i n sett lement patterns at loca l , régional, a n d supra-regional scales. T h e p r o b l e m is n o t the existence or non-existence o f migra t ions firom one p a r t o f n o r t h t ropica l A f r i c a to another, b u t rather archaeologists' ab i l i ty to discern p o p u l a t i o n movements i n the archaeological r e co r d . M o r e precisely, w h a t criteria have to be used to achieve h i g h - r e s o l u t i o n d i f fe rent ia t ion o f d is t inc t c u l t u r a l identities (Levy and H o l l 2002:84)? L u m p i n g together différent catégories o f archaeological remains and assuming that they were p a r t o f the same l inguis t ic package does n o t proper ly address the quest ion raised above. T h e very idea that archaeologists can reconstruct past l inguis t ic entities is s t i l l very controversial (cf . Ehret 2002) .

T h e emphasis o n demie d i f l u s i o n has d iver ted a t t e n t io n from alternative e v o l u ­t ionary scénarios. F o r example, we need to consider the poss ibi l i ty o f paral le l évo­l u t i o n w i t h r a n d o m similarit ies between eomplete ly uneormected p o p u l a t i o n s ; the intensif ication i n the explo i ta t ion o f aquatic a n d m a r i n e resources ai l over the w o r l d d u r i n g the Ear ly Holocene global w a r m i n g is a paradigmat ic case. Convergence i n evolutionary pathways is another o p t i o n that may operate w h e n différent societies devise comparable solutions to m o r e or less s imi lar prob lems .

ADAPTATIONS IN NORTH TROPICAL AFRICA 183

A n Early Holocene wetlands adaptat ion was tr iggered by the radical w a r m i n g up of the w o r l d cl imate at the end o f the Pleistocene. In tens i f i ca t ion i n the exploi ta ­t i o n o f mar ine and aquatic resources is w e l l d o c u m e n t e d Worldwide. T h e a c c u m u ­lat ion o f shel l -middens (kokkjenmoddings) a long sea coasts a n d r ivers , i n estuaries, and o n lakes shores is an unmistakable i n d i c a t i o n o f shifts i n d ie tary patterns. T h è s e new and intensive food-procurement stratégies were p a r t o f the " M e s o l i t h i c b r o a d spectrum révolution" (F la imery 1969). T h e Epipa leo l i th ic Capsian o f N o r t h A f r i c a documented i n the Chot ts area o f the Tunis ian/Algerian h i n t e r l a n d is a relatively well investigated case o f wetlands adaptat ion ( L u b e l l et al . 1984) .This shif t was characterized by greater reliance o n smaller-size prey a n d systematized exploi ta ­t i o n o f labor-intensive r-selected resources ( W i n t e r h a l d e r a n d G o l a n d 1997; Winterha lder and S m i t h 2000) , w h i c h have a h i g h r e p r o d u c t i o n rate b u t are avail­able for a relatively short t i m e .

T h e t o o l k i t may vary f r o m one g r o u p to the next ; b u t i n gênerai one w o u l d expect fishing tools and aquatic resource-processing e q u i p m e n t to be w e l l represented i n sites located i n wetlands environments . I n n o r t h t ropica l A f r i c a , the early H o l o c e n e climate was generally wet despite s ignif icant fluctuations ( B a r i c h 1998; Hassan 1998; N e u m a n n 1989; P e t i t - M a i r e , éd. , 1 9 9 1 ; P e t i t - M a i r e a n d Riser, eds., 1983; W e n d o r f and Schi ld 1998) . T h e Saharan désert shrank s igni f icant ly i n size. M a j o r rivers, i n c l u d i n g t h e T i l e m s i (Gaussen and Gaussen 1988) , Azawagh (Bernus et a l . 1999),Tefassasset, and W a d i H o w a r ( K e d i n g 1996) , as w e l l as shal low t o deep lakes, were f o u n d i n almost every signif icant p o r t i o n o f the Sahara (Cremacshi and d i Lern ia , eds., 1999; d i L e r n i a , éd. , 1999; d i L e r n i a and M a n z i , eds., 1998) .

T h o u g h the Capsian case i n n o r t h e r n A f r i c a (Ba lout 1955; C a m p s 1974; L u b e l l et al . 1984) shows an intensive explo i ta t ion o f aquatic resources w i t h o u t the i n t r o ­d u c t i o n o f ceramic technology, the i n v e n t i o n and/or a d o p t i o n o f p o t t e r y a m p l i f i e d the conséquences o f a narrower w e t l a n d adaptat ion . T h e m a n u f a c t u r e d containers were presumably used for processing, c o o k i n g , and eating aquatic resources and w i l d gra in collected i n différent parts o f the landscape. A c c o r d i n g to Pavlu (1996:73) , " the compar ison o f environments at the locations o f the earUest p o t t e r y appearance, however chronological ly remote , enables a general izat ion o f the rela­tions between thèse events. We can observe that p o t t e r y started t o be adopted later on différent continents under similar env i ronmenta l c o n d i t i o n s . " T h e shapes o f the earliest pot te ry samples inc lude a n a r r o w range o f g lobular to open f o r m s . A t T a g a l a -gal i n N i g e r for example, three basic variants o f s imple shapes are attested: shal low bowls/dishes; médium bowls w i t h i n - c u r v i n g r i m s ; a n d finally médium to large m o r e or less necked jars (Pavlu 1996) . Vessel shapes appear to have been l i m i t e d to a small n u m b e r o f variants d u r i n g the early stage o f p o t t e r y a d o p t i o n , suggesting (both) parallel and convergent developments. T h e d o c u m e n t e d shapes o f the ear l i ­est ceramic vessels vary w i t h i n a n a r r o w m a r g i n ; " t h e coastal assemblages conta in a relatively small n u m b e r o f pot te ry f o r m s , o f ten only variants o n one basic g lob­ular f o r m . . . . I n désert or i n l a n d régions, after a short p e r i o d o f s imple f o r m s , the sets o f forms quick ly developed i n t o a complex variety o f three basic f o r m s : d ish , b o w l , and jar, that compose whole sets m a i n l y used for d r i n k i n g a n d ea t ing" (Pavlu 1996:73). T h e wavy-l ine and dot ted wavy- l ine décoration f o u n d o n m a n y o f the

184 AUGUSTIN F. C. HOLL

earliest A f r i c a n ceramic vessels may be another case o f paral le l ism. T h u s , the eastern Sahara and N i l e Valley o n the one h a n d , a n d central Sahara o n the other , appear to have witnessed parallel and contemporaneous development i n p o t t e r y m a n u f a c -t u r i n g and décoration techniques.

Conclusion

T h e " A q u a l i t h i c M o d e l " elaborated b y S u t t o n (1974, 1977) is an interest ing case of scientific debate. I t fo l lows the patterns o u t l i n e d b y K . Popper (1985) , accord­ing to w h i c h science is s t r u c t u r e d b y conjecture a n d réfutation. I n the case o f the AquaHthic , the conjecture was essentially p r o g r a m m a t i c , a nd endeavored to ar t ic -ulate w i t h i n an encompassing m o d e l m u l t i p l e components o f the archaeological landscape. M i g r a t i o n s were assumed to have been the force d r i v i n g the expansion o f the new complex that was hypothesized to have or ig inated f r o m the Great Lakes région o f eastern A f r i c a n . H a a l a n d (1992) r e p r o d u c e d this m o d e l , b u t s i tuated its origins i n the Sudanese N i l e Valley. Yellen's réfutation (1998) is based o n an analy­sis o f A f r i c a n barbed bone points , T h e cr i t i ca l évaluation o f the " A q u a l i t h i c M o d e l " is carried fur ther i n this chapter. T h e s u p e r i m p o s i t i o n o f present-day l inguis t ic familles o n the archaeological évidence (Ehret 2002) appears to solve the research p r o b l e m w i t h o u t addressing i t proper ly . I n his récent b o o k , E h r e t (2002) extends the possibil i ty o f l inguist ic recons t ruc t ion as far back as 16,000 years, a n d trans-forms the four ma jor A f r i c a n macro- l inguis t ic famiUes i n t o " c iv i l i za t ions . " Ter-ri tories , societies, customs, rel igions, a n d r i t u a l practices o f the " A f r a s a n s " (Afro-As ia t i c ) , "Ni lo -Saharans , " " K h o i s a n s , " and " N i g e r - C o n g o " f r o m 10,000 to 16,000 years ago are reconstructed w i t h o u t any d u e o n the m e t h o d o l o g y that in forms those reconstructions (Ehret 2 0 0 2 : 3 5 - 5 5 0 ) . I n fact , évidence selected from contemporary A f r i c a n c u l t u r a l practices are pushed b a c k w a r d i n a s t ra ight forward équation between language and mater ia l cu l ture . T h e r e co ns t r uc t io n o f w o r d - r o o t s is a Sound scientific practice developed b y his tor ica l l inguists (Chapter 12) . B u t the reconstruct ion o f a whole c u l t u r a l universe f r o m a h a n d f u l o f reconstructed word-roots for t i m e periods as remote as the La te Pleistocene a n d the Ear ly Holocene is clearly too far- fetched a n d unsubstant iated.

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