STEPHANIE GAUDETUniversity of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada
Although homophobia seems to be on the decline in NorthAmerica, there seems to be somewhat conflicting academic dataon the acceptance of bisexuality as a legitimate form of sexualityand identity. This article explores how bisexuality is representedin emerging adults’ discourses about sexuality. More specifically,the authors highlight four mechanisms through which their partici-pants invisibilize bisexuality: (1) ignoring bisexuality, (2) depictingbisexuality as temporary, (3) making it almost impossible to be a‘real’ bisexual, and (4) devaluing bisexuality. The authors arguethat although their participants acknowledge bisexual practices,feelings, or desires in others and/or themselves, bisexuality as a le-gitimate life-long identity and lifestyle is often forgotten or deniedas a possibility. In addition, the authors argue that gender shapesthe way bisexuality is perceived, and they highlight how it affectsthe paradoxical recognition/invisibilization relationship that theirparticipants maintain with bisexuality.
This article was written with the support of Social Sciences and Humanities ResearchCouncil of Canada (SSHRC). The authors are grateful to Elaine Weiner, Kathleen M. Fallon,anonymous reviewers, and the editors for suggestions.
Address correspondence to Milaine Alarie, MA, McGill University, Department of So-ciology, 855 Sherbrooke Street West, Montreal, Quebec H3A 2T7, Canada. E-mail: [email protected]
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Today’s North American youth are growing up in a world increasingly toler-ant of sexual diversity, especially homosexuality (Altemeyer, 2001; Anderson,2009). The growing acceptance of sexual minorities is visible at the politicallevel (i.e., legalization of same-sex marriage in 2005 in Canada, and recentlyin some U.S. states) and cultural level (i.e., increasing number of nonhetero-sexual characters on television). Although homophobia, or homonegativity,seems to be decreasing in North America, there seems to be disagreementabout the acceptance of bisexuality as a legitimate form of sexuality and iden-tity. Some research shows how negatively bisexuality is perceived—when itis not ignored (Eliason, 2001; Israel & Mohr, 2003)—while others indicate thatit is now recognized as a legitimate and nonstigmatized identity (Anderson& Adams, 2011).
Based on interviews conducted with university students, this article ex-plores how bisexuality is represented in emerging adults’ discourses aboutsexuality. More specifically, we look at the various mechanisms throughwhich our participants invisibilize bisexuality, thus inadvertently reinforc-ing the sexual binary—that is, the heterosexual/homosexual opposition. Wehighlight four mechanisms: (1) ignoring bisexuality, (2) depicting bisexualityas temporary, (3) making it almost impossible to be a ‘real’ bisexual, and(4) devaluing bisexuality. We argue that although our participants acknowl-edge bisexual practices, feelings, or desires in others and/or themselves,bisexuality as a legitimate life-long identity and lifestyle is often forgottenor denied as a possibility. In addition, we argue that gender shapes theway bisexuality is perceived, and we highlight how it affects the paradoxicalrecognition/invisibilization relationship that our participants maintain withbisexuality.
Bisexuality and Gender
Research indicates that gender plays a role in how young people thinkof and experience bisexuality. For instance, Bradford (2004) notices thatwhen it comes to their challenges as bisexuals, men are more likely tomention being negatively affected by gender roles, homophobia, threats ofviolence, and HIV/AIDS, whereas women focus more on feeling rejectedby lesbians and express a stronger desire to be included in the lesbian,gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community. Discussing the relativeinvisibility of bisexual men compared to bisexual women, Steinman (2001)argues that the reaction of gays and lesbians toward bisexuals might haveinfluenced bisexual men and women differently in their desire to publiclyidentify as such. Considering that the relationship between lesbians andbisexual women has been tenser than that of gay men and bisexual men,he states that lesbians’ negative attitudes have influenced bisexual womento create their own sense of identity, thus becoming more visible as a groupdifferent from lesbians.
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In studies that assess the prevalence of bisexuality among youth, thereare some indications of the importance of gender as a factor influencingone’s sexuality. Hoburg, Konik, Williams, and Crawford (2004) find that,among their sample of 202 self-identified heterosexual college students ofvarious geographic regions, approximately 30% of women report same-sexfeelings, whereas 12% to 19% of young men do. As for bisexual practicesamong youth, some studies (Fahs, 2009; Lannutti & Denes, 2012; Rupp &Taylor, 2010) indicate that public bisexual behaviors among girls are onthe rise, especially in festive contexts. Studies also indicate that this newphenomenon of public bisexual display does not extend to male bisexuality(Fahs, 2009; Rupp & Taylor, 2010). Based on a quantitative study with collegestudents, Lannutti and Denes (2012) find that 45% of their female participantshad kissed a girl before. Interestingly, they find that two young womenkissing each other in public are more likely to be thought of as straight thanlesbian or bisexual. However, that study does not address how young adultsperceive male–male kissing.
Addressing the new trend for young women to perform bisexuality inpublic, Fahs (2009) argues that we are now facing a new phenomenon forwomen, that of “compulsory bisexuality.” According to her, there is increas-ing pressure on women to perform bisexuality, generally to accommodatemen’s sexual fantasies. The generational factor is also one to consider whenaddressing female bisexuality. Indeed, Fahs (2009) notices that compared toolder women, young women are more likely to report feeling pressured toperform bisexuality in public. On the other hand, older women are morelikely to address feeling pressured to perform bisexuality in private, such asin a menage a trois with their boyfriend/husband.
Erasure of Bisexuality and Binegativity
Confronted by heterosexism and monosexism, bisexuals risk being criticizednot only for their rejection of (exclusive) heterosexuality, but also for theirrefusal to choose a monosexual identity or lifestyle. Negatives attitudes to-ward bisexuals and bisexuality have been referred to as binegativity (Eliason,2001) or biphobia. Klesse (2011) summarizes how binegativity operates.
‘Binegativity’ works through a broad set of oppressive practices, whichinclude forms of violence (interpersonal, legal, institutional), discrimina-tion (social, cultural, legal), as well as epistemic erasure and denigrationthrough negative representations. The operation of stereotypes is partand parcel of the last strategy. (p. 234)
In recent years, a few authors have studied the common representationsof bisexuality in individuals’ own narratives and popular discourses on sex-uality (Barker & Langdridge, 2008; Capulet, 2010; Israel & Mohr, 2003). They
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mostly show how negatively bisexuality is perceived when it is not simplyignored. Reviewing the attitudes toward bisexuality highlighted in the recentacademic literature on sexuality, Israel and Mohr (2003) find that bisexual-ity is often associated in the public imagination with HIV/AIDS and deviantsexualities, such as polygamy and promiscuity. They also assert that manypeople question the authenticity of self-identified bisexuals, as well as theirloyalty to the LGBT community. Analyzing the representations of bisexualityin the media, Barker and Langdridge (2008) show that it is often presentedas a transitional phase toward homosexuality, or as a temporary phase inthe life of an individual. Furthermore, they note that only one side of theperson’s sexuality is generally emphasized, whether it be his or her sexualpractices or attraction toward men or toward women, thus insinuating thatone can only truly be monosexual. Using the expression “one-time rule,”some authors have also addressed how, for many people, a single same-sexexperience indicates someone’s homosexual ‘nature’ (Anderson, 2009; Klein,1993; Steinman, 2001). All these common representations of bisexuality (andmonosexualities) contribute to the invisibility of bisexuality as a legitimateidentity and lifestyle.
Studies addressing the acceptance of bisexuality point to different re-sults. Indeed, after interviewing 60 male athletes, Anderson and Adams(2011) conclude that these young men recognize and accept bisexuality as alegitimate and nonstigmatized sexual identity. However, Eliason (2001) findsthat among self-identified heterosexual students, bisexuality is less acceptedthan homosexuality. Furthermore, that author reports that more than 75% ofher participants declared that they did not want to date bisexual people. Inthe same vein, Bradford (2004) states that some of her bisexual participantsargued that they are facing difficulties in finding a romantic partner becauseof their sexual identity. Lesbian and gay individuals also seem to evincenegative attitudes toward bisexuality (McLean, 2008; Queen, 1997; Steinman,2001), although the relationship between bisexual women and lesbians isgenerally more antagonistic than that of gay men and bisexual men (Eliason,2001; Steinman, 2001).
The increasing number of women behaving bisexually in public seemsto indicate a certain acceptance of female bisexuality. A study conductedamong self-identified heterosexual college students indicates that female bi-sexuality seems to be more accepted than male bisexuality (Eliason, 2001).However, the acceptance of female bisexuality seems somewhat limited,as bisexual practices among girls are still stigmatized. For instance, basedon their quantitative study among university students, Lannutti and Denes(2012) find that a woman kissing another woman in public is more likely tobe perceived as promiscuous by her peers than if she was kissing a man.Gender affects social representations of self-identified bisexuals or bisexu-ally behaving individuals, and women are more at risk of being blamed forhaving multiple partners (Klesse, 2005).
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Some authors (Diamond, 2005; Fahs, 2009) question whether the grow-ing number of representations of female–female sexuality actually reflects anincreasing acceptance of nonheterosexual lifestyles for women. Addressinghow female–female sexuality is generally presented in the media as ‘straightgirls trying bisexuality to then go back to heterosexuality,’ Diamond (2005)questions the subversive power of such display of female bisexuality andhighlights how such images have to be read as part of the heterosexualimperative.
[S]uch images implicitly convey that the most desirable and acceptableform of female–female sexuality is that which pleases and plays to theheterosexual male gaze, titillating male viewers while reassuring themthat the participants remain sexually available in the conventional het-erosexual marketplace. (p. 105)
Furthermore, research indicates that for girls behaving bisexually, these prac-tices do not automatically translate into the elimination of their own homo-phobic values or into the adoption of a bisexual identity for themselves(Fahs, 2009; Rupp & Taylor, 2010). Questioning the subversive power offemale bisexuality in a context where “compulsory bisexuality” meets “com-pulsory heterosexuality” (Rich, 1980), Fahs (2009) states, “For women, therules are clear: either choose a man for a sexual partner, or choose a womanwith a man’s approval” (p. 447).
METHOD AND DATA
The findings and data presented in this article come from a research projectthat focused on representations and practices of bisexuality among emerg-ing adults. This project was guided by the following overarching researchquestion: How do individuals’ representations of bisexuality, sexual iden-tity, and sexual history influence one another? Our participants’ tendency toerase bisexuality as a legitimate identity and life-long lifestyle—despite theirown bisexual practices, desires, and/or feelings, or their acknowledgementof bisexuality in others—came out as one of the main findings. We use theterm ‘representation’ in reference to the meaning of a concept—providedby a person—based on opinions, attitudes, and stereotypes (Negura, 2006)toward a given phenomenon. Representations are socially constructed andspecific to a particular society. In the present case, we aim to understandFrancophone Canadian university students’ representations of bisexuality.Differences between Canada and the United States in terms of the sociopolit-ical and legal context for LGBT individuals (Smith, 2008), as well as attitudestoward homosexuality (Andersen & Fetner, 2008), have been acknowledgedin the literature. Furthermore, there are noticeable differences in cultural
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norms between the Anglophone and Francophone cultures in Canada,1 so itis important to note that we interviewed French-speaking Canadians.
Fifteen Francophone students were interviewed in 2010: 10 were femaleand five were male. They were between age 18 and 23 and enrolled in un-dergraduate studies at a university based in the city of Ottawa. Our decisionto study emerging adults’ representations of bisexuality was motivated bythe fact that today’s young people differ from previous generations in termsof their values, practices, maturity level, and so on (Galland, 2007; Gaudet,2009). Today’s North American youth are growing up in a world increasinglytolerant of homosexuality (Altemeyer, 2001; Anderson, 2009), which in turnmight lead to better acceptance of bisexuality as an identity and a form ofsexuality. Furthermore, research shows that adolescence and emerging adult-hood is an important life period, one in which individuals experiment withtheir sexuality and forge their own sexual identity (Brewster & Moradi, 2010;Morris, Waldo, & Rothblum, 2001). For instance, in their study of more than2,000 bisexual women or lesbians, Morris et al. (2001) find that, on average,participants start to question whether they are heterosexual or not at age18 and come out to their friends and family at age 24. Arnett (2004) arguesthat individuals age 18 to 25 should be thought of as a distinct group, onehe calls “emerging adults.” This life period is characterized by instability indifferent areas such as love relationship, housing, and career; individualism;feeling ‘in between’ two life stages (adolescence and adulthood); optimismabout the future; and identity exploration.
To recruit participants, we distributed recruitment flyers in severalclasses in various faculties at the university. The flyers indicated that forthe purpose of this study, we were seeking 18- to 25-year-old Francophonestudents who were willing to discuss sexuality with us. We specified thatindividuals of all sexual orientations were welcome to participate. Out ofthe 15 people who contacted us, four men identified as gay, one womanidentified as bisexual, two women did not use a specific label, and the othereight participants identified as heterosexual. Only one heterosexual malecontacted us for this study, and no lesbians did.
During the interviews, we never imposed or proposed any definitionfor the three typical sexual categories. Interviewees themselves defined anysuch categories and indicated the sexual identity they wanted us to useto describe themselves. No compensation was offered. The semistructuredinterviews lasted approximately 11
2 hours and were conducted in private.They were conducted by Researcher Alarie and were recorded. We explic-itly told each participant they could skip a question or stop the recorderat any time. No participant refused to answer any question, and mostseemed very comfortable discussing the various sexual themes addressedby the researcher. Researcher Alarie was of similar age as the participants,which might in turn have created a sense of camaraderie and facilitated thediscussion.
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During the interview, the participants were first asked to write down,in chronological order, the names of the significant people they had in theirlove/sexual life, and then we asked open questions such as “tell me aboutyour relationship with X.” This allowed us to learn about their romantic andsexual history, and thus their sexual practices, sexual desires, and roman-tic feelings. Some participants wrote down the names of male and femalepartners, whereas others waited until we asked more direct questions suchas “have you ever had any sexual experience with someone of the samesex?” (or opposite sex, depending on the participant’s sexual identity). Afterthey told us their sexual identity, we asked them to provide a personal def-inition of ‘heterosexual’ and ‘homosexual,’ and if they had heard the term‘bisexual’ before, we asked them to tell us what it meant for them. We alsoasked them to comment on fictional scenarios about sexual practices, dating,and on common stereotypes related to bisexuality. For instance, we askedquestions like “Imagine you are in a bar or at a party, and you see two girlskissing. What do you think about that?” or “Would you ever date a bisexualperson? Why or why not?”
For the methodological underpinnings of this study, we drew inspira-tion from grounded theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). In accordance withgrounded theory, each transcript was open coded and then grouped intocategories—such as representations of sexual categories, participant’s sexualbehaviors, participant’s sexual desires, participant’s love feelings, definitionsof sexual categories, and so on. We relied on these codes and categoriesto develop a theory about lived experiences of bisexuality among emergingadults. The analysis that follows is organized based on the codes relatedto our participants’ representations of bisexuality that emerged from theirinterviews.
RESULTS
In this section, we look at the various mechanisms through which our par-ticipants invisibilize bisexuality. We highlight four mechanisms: (1) ignor-ing bisexuality, (2) depicting bisexuality as temporary, (3) making it almostimpossible to be a ‘real’ bisexual, and (4) devaluing bisexuality. We alsohighlight how gender shapes the way bisexuality is perceived and how gen-der contributes to the recognition/invisibilization paradoxical relationshipthat our participants maintain with bisexuality. Indeed, to understand howindividuals make sense of bisexuality, one needs to take into account notonly heteronormativity and monosexism, but also gender, as it influencesindividuals’ perceptions.
1. Ignoring Bisexuality as an Identity
The first mechanism by which our participants invisibilize bisexuality is byignoring it. Indeed, when discussing sexuality, our participants tended to
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put heterosexuality and homosexuality in opposition, thus omitting bisexu-ality. For instance, when asked to tell us what proportion of the populationshe believes heterosexuals represent, Francine (no label) stated: “I heard thestatistics are that one person in 10 is homosexual, or identifies as homosex-ual, while nine people in 10 identify as heterosexual.” With this statement,she seems to agree with the traditional homosexual/heterosexual dichotomy.However, she also said at some point: “One cannot be 100% heterosexualor 100% homosexual.” What could be read as a contradiction in Francine’sdiscourse is actually common; although most of the participants stated thatthey believed bisexuality to be a legitimate identity, they often ignored it anddepicted the world as being made of heterosexuals and homosexuals only.To understand their representations of bisexuality, we usually had to explic-itly ask what they thought of it or how they would define it. This tendency toacknowledge bisexuality at times, while supporting a dichotomized view ofsexuality in other instances is what we call the “recognition/invisibilizationrelationship” that our participants maintain with bisexuality.
The fact that bisexuality as an identity was often ignored by our partic-ipants can be explained partly by the fact that most of them consider thatbisexual practices do not conflict with monosexual identities. When con-fronted with bisexual practices among others and/or themselves, most ofour participants read those behaviors as perfectly compatible with a mono-sexual identity, not as an indication of one’s bisexual identity.
Holly, self-identified heterosexual: One can have a [sexual] experiencewith someone of the same sex. Like, that doesn’t make him bisexual, Iwould say. You know, it can happen. And having such an experiencedoesn’t mean that “oh, bang! You are bisexual!”
Nathan, self-identified homosexual: It sometimes happens [that I sleepwith a girl] (laughter) . . . I mean, at the sexual level, if one day I needsex and I meet a girl, it is possible that something will happen . . . I’mnot against the idea [of sleeping with a girl]. But I don’t consider myselfto be bisexual.
However, some participants specified that such permissiveness in termsof sexual experiences has its limits. For instance, Ophelia (self-identifiedheterosexual) mentioned: “You can . . . kiss other girls. . . . You are stillheterosexual. But if you sleep with one, I think you should ask yourselfsome questions.” Knowing how she had kissed girls in the past to seduce herboyfriend, it is not necessarily surprising to hear that for her, kissing femalefriends should not be considered to challenge a girl’s heterosexual identity.
Gender shapes the way bisexuality as an identity is often ignored in ourparticipants’ discussions about sexuality. Indeed, we noticed that male bisex-uality was generally perceived as homosexuality, whereas female bisexuality
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was usually seen as heterosexuality. In this sense, we argue that female bi-sexuality heterosexualizes women, whereas male bisexuality homosexualizesmen. In both cases, bisexuality is once again made invisible, because it isperceived as an indication of one’s monosexual identity. Daniela’s wordshighlight how neither women nor men engaging in same-sex sexual prac-tices in public would be considered to be bisexual, and how one’s genderinfluences which monosexual identity one would be given.
Daniela, self-identified heterosexual: Let’s say you’re in a bar and every-one is drunk. You see girls dancing together, grinding, kissing. That . . .
it is almost only to entertain the crowd. It seems like it’s so not a bigdeal, it’s something else than ‘really’ kissing girls. Nobody questions thesignificance of their behaviors anymore. No one will say the next morn-ing: “she’s probably a lesbian, I saw her kiss a girl last night.” However,if two guys kiss, they have other motivations. . . . I would be suspicious,because why are they doing that? Because nobody will take pictures andpost it on Facebook ‘because it’s funny.’ That’s not what is going on.Maybe they really want to kiss each other? Then, they are probably trulygay. As for girls, it’s hard to take their little game seriously.
Alfred (self-identified homosexual) explained that if he saw two menkissing, he would consider them gay, not bisexual: “Automatically, [I wouldthink the two guys are] gay. Two guys kissing or being affectionate witheach other, it’s automatic: for anyone, in their head, those men are gay. Itwouldn’t even cross their mind to think they’re bisexual.” However, Alfredadmits he would not think the same thing of two girls kissing in public.Many of our participants share this point of view:
Luc, self-identified homosexual: One of my female friends says, and Iquote her: “I don’t know why, but women love me. Every time we getdrunk, they come up to me, and we end up having sex.” Do I considerher to be a lesbian? No! . . . Would it be like that for men? Absolutely not!A guy getting a blowjob from another guy, or doing it to another guy, isconsidered gay.
Bella, self-identified heterosexual: Some will pretend to be bisexuals justto get attention. I know there are a lot a girls kissing other girls to pleasemen . . . but two guys kissing? Most people will say they are gay. Thetwo girls however are not necessarily lesbians.
Bella’s comments highlight how, contrary to male bisexuality, femalebisexuality is thought of by many of our participants as a strategy for a girl toreaffirm her heterosexuality. The belief that girls engage in bisexual practicesor claim such an identity to get men’s attention is quite common. For instance,Josie (self-identified bisexual) said that many girls “claim to be bi in order
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to attract men.” Comparing men and women’s tendencies to act bisexuallyin order to seduce their partner, Caroline (self-identified heterosexual) said,“women . . . I would say they have this quality of ‘I want to experiment newthings in order to please my man’ more than men do, [like doing] a menage atrois.” Like other participants, Caroline mentioned the influence of the mediaon young women’s desire to perform bisexuality: “Young women, they see[female] stars kissing each other, and they are all super sexy. . . . So they[young women] kiss each other. [These images], it can make you think ‘ok,I need to do this [perform bisexuality] if I want to satisfy my man.’”
Finally, some participants indicated that female bisexuality is also usedby men to reiterate their own heterosexuality and pointed out the normativityassociated with publicly expressing sexual attraction for female bisexuality.
George, self-identified heterosexual: If you’re a straight man and youwant to get attention, I think [the best way] is when you get seen with abunch of different girls; people are going to be like: “wow! This man, he’sa real man!” . . . [For men] it is a fantasy, they want to do a threesome,and see it. You are lucky, if you can get them [two girls], live [for athreesome].
Mathieu, self-identified homosexual: For a straight man who’s not reallyexcited by two women sleeping together, in a social setting, he won’t beable to [say it], because he will be perceived as being weird. He still hasto say that he thinks it’s hot to see two women sleeping together.
In short, ignoring bisexuality as an identity works as one of the manymechanisms of invisibilization of bisexuality. Indeed, participants often de-picted the world as consisting of heterosexuals and homosexuals only. Thisomission can be partly explained by the fact that bisexual practices are of-ten read as not being in conflict with a monosexual identity. However, onemust note that gender influences this representation, as female bisexualityheterosexualizes women, while male bisexuality homosexualizes men.
2. Depicting Bisexuality as a Temporary Identity, Sexuality,and/or Lifestyle
Many of our participants invisibilized bisexuality by associating it with atemporary phase, thus insinuating or expressing explicitly that only homo-sexuality and heterosexuality constitute legitimate long-term identities andlifestyles. Some of our participants associated bisexuality with indecisiveness,describing people who identify as bisexual as people who are still unsureabout what they want, and who therefore constantly alternate between menand women when it comes to relationships and/or sexual partners. Erika(self-identified heterosexual) stated, “Bisexual people . . . they are like, inde-cisive, people who don’t know what they want in life. I have more respect
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for someone who says ‘I’m gay, I like guys, that’s it,’ than for someone whosays ‘I like guys and girls.’ It’s like, make a decision! You know?”
Although they had many sexual experiences with both genders and haveexpressed emotional attraction toward both genders in the past, Caroline andNathan try to distance themselves from what they call “real bisexuals” usingthe argument of indecisiveness:
Caroline, self-identified heterosexual: One of my friends is clearly bisex-ual. She dates a woman for 2 or 3 months, and then, she will split up andshe will switch: her next partner will automatically be a man.. . . She’salways switching like that. She doesn’t know what she wants.. . . THATGIRL (participant’s emphasis), I consider her to be a real bisexual.
Nathan, self-identified homosexual: In the past I have met people whoconsider themselves bisexuals. One morning, the guy is homosexual,and the next he’s straight. Sometimes, they [bisexual people] are alwaysconfused and they don’t know what they are attracted to. As for me, Ireally know what I want.
Many participants thought of bisexuality as a form of sexuality or an identityone usually adopts during adolescence or in the early phase of adulthood.Some claimed that sooner or later, one will discover what he prefers, whichwill indicate his ‘true’ sexual identity:
Luc, self-identified homosexual: Bisexual people . . . Personally, I don’tbelieve in it.. . . The more you sleep with or date men and women, themore you’ll discover your preference.
Daniela, self-identified heterosexual: For a lot of people, at the beginning,they say they’re bisexual . . . when they are younger. And slowly, theywill discover who they are and will become gay or lesbian . . . or straight.
We can explain why bisexuality was often associated to a temporaryphase of a young adult’s life partly by the fact that for some, bisexualityis incompatible with marriage and parenting, which seem to be importantgoals for some of our participants. In that sense, homosexuality as well asbisexuality was seen as problematic because it is perceived as preventingpeople from following these norms. Isabelle (self-identified heterosexual)asserted: “You know, our purpose on Earth . . . is to procreate; it’s to makebabies with the person we love. Whether you like it or not, being gay, thatdoesn’t happen.” According to Francine, a person who identifies as a bisexualshould opt for a monosexual identity and choose a stable partner to havea long-lasting relationship. One should note that unlike other participants,she thought homosexuality was a lifestyle as legitimate as heterosexuality toreach the ideal of marriage/parenting:
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Francine, no label: [Bisexuality], it’s like a bit linked to being young. Atsome point, you have to settle down. . . . For sure, at some point, whetherwe like it or not, you’ll want to have a serious relationship with someone,start a life with that person. You can’t be sleeping around all the time.. . . You’ll want to settle down with someone, and have kids . . . or nothave kids . . . [But at least] have a certain emotional stability!
Although bisexuality was often associated with a temporary phase, onethat is also linked to adolescence and early adulthood, some participants saythat gender affects this perception of bisexuality. First, corroborating otherauthors’ observations (Fahs, 2009; Rupp & Taylor, 2010), our results suggestthat the public display of bisexual practices is mostly a young women phe-nomenon, one that is common especially in youth-oriented festive contexts.Many participants stated that although many young men might also secretlyexperiment with same-sex sexuality, it is generally women who perform bi-sexuality in public (i.e., in bars, in private parties) or in a semiprivate context(i.e., via a threesome).
Similarly to Fahs (2009), we noticed that some participants depictedbisexual experiences as a new norm for young women, as a certain riteof passage. Ophelia (self-identified heterosexual) described her own sexualexperiences with girls as “typical experiences of university life.” Indeed,being open to bisexual experiences seems to have become a new norm forthe contemporary young woman; to perform bisexuality improves youngwomen’s status by making them appear ‘cool’ and sexually open, whilehelping them in their heterosexual quest for men’s attention.
Holly, self-identified heterosexual: You know, in movies, and in life,[female bisexuality] is more visible, everywhere, all the time. So it hasalmost become a norm.
Alfred, self-identified homosexual: Girls face this norm to please men, tokiss even if they don’t feel a sexual attraction toward other girls. As forguys, they don’t have that pressure to try to please girls by kissing othermen. It’s unfair.
Holly’s comment regarding one of her bisexual experiences highlightshow female bisexuality acts as a rite of passage for young women trying tofit in, and that does not necessarily reflect same-sex sexual desires.
Holly, self-identified heterosexual: It was nothing special; you know,drunk people playing drinking games. And at some point, your dare isto kiss one of your female friends. So you kiss her, and then you keepon playing. And then, another girl kisses another girl . . . or she kisses aguy. I was indifferent [to my kiss with a girl]. You know, it wasn’t thepassionate kiss of the year. It was just like “we have to do it, so we’ll doit.” I did not really find it sexually exciting.
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To publicly indicate that one is open to female bisexuality seems to havebecome a norm for young women. Indeed, some of our female participantssaid they might one day have sexual practices with another woman, althoughthey identified as heterosexual and showed no or little sexual desire towardswomen.
Isabelle, self-identified heterosexual: I always say to one of my girlfriendswhich I’m really close to: “one day, when you and I are drunk, I know weare going to kiss” (laughter) . . . I know it’s going to happen eventually.Interviewer: Why? Do you find her particularly attractive?Isabelle: No, it’s simply like . . . in a party atmosphere, I know we willboth be like “woohoo!” (celebrative tone) and it’s going to happen. Andin a sense, I think that it is maybe a life experience that one has to haveat some point. I’m not saying it has to happen, as if it is on my bucketlist, but I think it will happen.
Trying to manage the contradictions between the pressure to appear opensexually and their own sexual desires, some of these women expressedambivalent feelings as to whether they would like to have such an experiencewith other women.
Daniela, self-identified heterosexual: [I’m] not totally opposed to [theidea], but . . . (pause) It’s not very probable, I think. However, maybe itwould work. [But] I never had this kind of attraction, you know the “. . .I drank a bit, it would be fun.” I never had that kind of feeling with a girl. . . But you know, I’m open to anything!
Holly, self-identified heterosexual: I would probably try it . . . I like ex-perimenting new things, so I would probably try sleeping with a girl. But,like . . . (pause) no, I don’t know. I would need to erase all the factors,all the contexts; I would need to forget that I like men.
For Josie, the fact that men seemed to appreciate women performingbisexuality in public helped her accept her same-sex sexual desires andmotivated her to act on them. As a teenager, her bisexual practices were anattempt to attract men and a reflection of her bisexual desires.
Josie, self-identified bisexual: When I was 15, I started to go out in clubs.Let’s say that one time, I was dancing with a friend and she kissed me.And then, I saw the guys’ reaction . . . And it’s like “Woooh! Guys likethat!” I don’t know, I wasn’t expecting that, and I think it helped meaccept it [my sexual attraction towards women] . . . I think at first, when Irealized it got me attention, I played a bit with it. It was new for me. It waslike trying it and waiting to see how people would react. And it was alsocuriosity [about bisexuality]. However, I never kissed a girl I didn’t findattractive just to get men’s attention! I was always attracted to these girls.
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Unlike young women, for whom bisexuality as a temporary phase isassociated with a rite of passage, young men linked to bisexuality are of-ten thought as being in transition toward homosexuality. Indeed, the ideathat bisexuality is a transitional phase toward homosexuality was generallybrought up to explain young men’s bisexual identity, not young women’sbisexual identity. For some participants, young gay men see the bisexualidentity as a refuge where they can express their same-sex desires whilemaintaining their masculine image—that is, by indicating that they are alsoattracted to women.
Alfred, self-identified homosexual: When I was 12, that is what I said–[thatI was bisexual]. Then a few months later, I came out as entirely gay. Iknow a lot, I mean a lot of gay friends who did the same thing. I think it’seasier that way, because in people’s mind it’s like: “he still loves women,so it’s not that bad.” So it [bisexual identity for men] is like a bridgeallowing you to slowly cross over to homosexuality.
In short, the depiction of bisexuality as a temporary sexuality or identityworks as a second mechanism of invisibilization of bisexuality. The ‘bisexualidentity as a transitional phase towards homosexuality’ stereotype seems tobe one that mainly touches young men. Indeed, because female bisexualityacts as a rite of passage for young women, and because most girls identifyingas bisexual or having bisexual practices are thought to use bisexuality as astrategy to reinforce their heterosexual status, our participants rarely projectthat stereotype onto girls.
3. Raising the Bar So High That It Is Almost Impossible to Be a ‘Real’Bisexual
Many of our participants invisibilized bisexuality as an identity by allowingvery few people (if any) to rightfully qualify as a ‘real’ bisexual. Indeed, byexpecting bisexuals to meet a list of difficult criteria and by questioning theauthenticity of self-identified bisexuals or bisexually behaving individuals,our participants raised the bar so high that it became almost impossible tobe a ‘real’ bisexual.
As we mentioned earlier, bisexual practices were not perceived as anindicator of someone’s bisexual identity. Furthermore, many of our partici-pants argued that to rightfully qualify as a bisexual, one must also have anequal attraction for both genders.
Caroline, self-identified heterosexual: [A bisexual] is someone who hasromantic AND (participant’s emphasis) sexual relationships with bothmen and women. Yes . . . Someone who equally loves [both genders],who is 50% hetero and 50% homosexual.
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Some participants questioned the legitimacy of bisexuality as an identitybased on the idea that everyone probably has a preference, which in turnsdetermines if one is gay or straight.
Isabelle, self-identified heterosexual: It’s like the Kinsey Scale, from 0 to6, I think. You are more hetero or more homosexual.. . . It’s simply thatI don’t believe one can be right in the middle [of the scale].
Daniela, self-identified heterosexual: Well . . . I think they [bisexuals] exist,but . . . I think in life, everyone will have one significant relationship. AndI think you will be with that person for a long time. I think it would behealthy to have a long-term relationship, to be with that person for a largepart of your life . . . whether it is a man or a woman. And, I cannot believethat someone wouldn’t have a preference. In my mind, that person musthave a preference, whether for men or for women.
The strength of heterosexism is particularly obvious in situations of ambi-guity. When confronted with a situation where someone’s sexuality is noteasily definable, many simply resort to using heterosexuality as the defaultsexual identity, until proven otherwise. As Holly’s comments show, bisexualpractices are not enough proof for someone to be qualified as bisexual.
Holly, self-identified heterosexual: I have no clue. . . . Someone whosleeps with both men and women, but has never been in love? . . . Yeah. . . Well, unless proven otherwise, I have no other choice than to saythat person is heterosexual.
Many tried to distinguish real bisexuals from impostors. These nextpassages illustrate the type of suspicion that self-identified bisexuals or bi-sexually behaving individuals face:
Daniela, self-identified heterosexual: [A friend] keeps saying “I’m bisex-ual, I’m bisexual!” I don’t know if she is bisexual or if she just wants to getattention. I don’t have a clue, but I think that, seriously, if someone is re-ally bisexual, she wouldn’t [talk about it] . . . You know, I’m heterosexualand do I shout it from the rooftops? No.
Bella, self-identified heterosexual: Some people will pretend to be bisex-ual only to get attention. I know there are many girls who kiss each otherto please men, things like that. . . . When I hear that at every party, thereare always girls kissing each other, [I am suspicious]. Are those girls allbisexuals? You know.
Josie was unsure if she qualified as a ‘real’ bisexual, because she hasnever felt love feelings for a woman before. And like other participants,she herself often questioned the legitimacy of other self-identified bisexuals.
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This lack of credibility attached to bisexual girls leads her to keep her sexualidentity to herself.
Josie, self-identified bisexual: In my head, I consider myself bisexual,because I am attracted to both [genders]. However, you will never hearme say that I’m bi, because when a girl says she’s bi, most of the time it’sto be a tease. Most of the time, it’s because she wants to be like: “Guys!I’m bi! I can do it with men and women!” (flirty tone) It’s generally theimage that bi girls have, so I keep it to myself. And also, usually, girlswho are serious about it, who are really bi, who could fall in love withboth men and women, they won’t scream it from the rooftop.
As the previous quotes illustrate, when addressing the idea that manyself-identified bisexuals are in fact impostors, the example our participantsgave was generally one of a woman performing bisexuality, whether through‘false’ self-identification or through (often public) bisexual practices. Further-more, though some participants did refer to bisexuality as a temporary iden-tity for still-closeted gay men, therefore also expressing suspicion towardmale bisexual identity, it seems that young adults were more forgiving ofthose situations than when it came to women ‘pretending’ to be bisexuals.Indeed, our participants seem more resentful towards women identifying asbisexual than of men doing so.
4. Devaluing Bisexuality as a Legitimate Permanent Identity andLifestyle
Most of our participants tried to be respectful of sexual minorities at somepoint during the interview. This desire to express tolerance toward sexualdiversity was visible through sympathetic comments such as “it’s his sexualorientation, he can do whatever he wants with it, it’s none of my busi-ness” (Isabelle, self-identified heterosexual). However, despite attempts toappear respectful toward sexual minorities, many of our participants deval-ued bisexuality at some point through negative representations. By devaluingbisexuality, our participants contribute to its stigmatization and marginaliza-tion, which in turn can influence others to avoid choosing bisexuality asan identity for themselves. The bisexual identity is then once again keptinvisible.
Many participants expressed binegativity by associating bisexuality todeviant forms of sexualities. For instance, some participants believed thatbisexual people are more likely to be unfaithful than people choosing amonosexual identity. For instance, Alfred (self-identified homosexual) said,“these people [bisexuals] cheat a lot. I’m not saying that all bisexuals areunfaithful to their partner, but among people I know, that is what is oftenbeing said [about bisexuals].” When asked if it is possible for a bisexual man
M. Alarie and S. Gaudet 207
to stay faithful during the relationship, Nathan stated that because of hisbisexual friend’s comments, he doubted that could be possible.
Nathan, self-identified homosexual: It’s because of what my [bisexual]friend told me. Honestly, if she hadn’t told me that, then I would probablytell you it is possible. But since she told me she had difficulty maintaininglong-term relationship, because sooner or later she will wake up feelinglike she’d rather be with a woman [instead of a man, and vice-versa], [it’sdifficult for me to think bisexuals would stay faithful] . . .
The idea that bisexuals are less faithful is linked to the representation ofbisexuals as incapable of resisting temptation, as hypersexual people. Theseperceptions were often used as an argument to justify not wanting to be ina relationship with a bisexual partner. Nathan (self-identified homosexual)would hesitate to date a bisexual man, because of the representation ofbisexuals as hypersexual, insatiable sexual partners: “I would be afraid he[a bisexual man] would want an open relationship so he could satisfy hissexual needs.”
Erika, self-identified heterosexual: When you are dating someone, thereare doubts, trust issues. You ask yourself “Is there another girl?” But now,[with a bisexual boyfriend], you must ask yourself “Is there another girl?Is there another guy?” It’s too much for me! I don’t want that! What if hesays “I’m going out with some female friends.” I’ll freak out. [If he says]“I’m going out with male friends,” I’ll also freak out. I won’t be able totrust anyone to be alone with him!
Similarly, some participants depicted bisexuals as promiscuous. For in-stance, Francine (no label) at times associated bisexuality with “always sleep-ing around.” Josie (self-identified bisexual) stated: “There is . . . the kind ofgirls who are dirty, who sleep around, who are trashy, who have one-nightstands all the time and who aren’t selective when it comes to sexual partners.They claim to be bi in order to attract men.” This passage also highlights ourprevious point, which is that many try to uncover impostors from real bisex-uals. Aware of the stigma attached to bisexuality, Josie sometimes chooses topresent herself as a heterosexual, such as with her boyfriend: “I feel like healways sees it [bisexuality] in a negative way . . . I’m afraid that if I told him Iconsider myself to be bisexual, that then, he might change his opinion of me.”
According to our participants, male bisexuality is less socially accepted,which leads them to think it could explain why guys rarely behave bisexuallyin public:
Holly, self-identified heterosexual: Guys kissing in a bar? It looks likeguys are too afraid of what it could do to their masculinity, or I don’t
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know . . . So a guy will rarely, even never kiss another guy. Whereas forgirls, it’s like “Go! Go! Kiss!” and girls do it.
This idea that male bisexuality is less accepted than female bisexualityaffects George’s sexual life. Although he knows many women in his lifebehaving bisexually and does not judge them for that, he thinks he should notreveal his own bisexual desires, for it could affect his masculine/heterosexualstatus in a significantly negative way.
George, self-identified heterosexual: I went out [to a club] with him. Onthe way home, neither of us had picked up someone. So he was like:“wanna do something [sexual]?” I was like: “hum. . . . (uncomfortablelaughter).” Even if I’m drunk, I’m still conscious enough for . . . I said no.I was curious . . . But then I realized. What is going to happen if peoplefind out [I slept with a man]? It would be a disaster!
The greater societal acceptance of female bisexuality compared to malebisexuality was reflected in some of our participants own comments aboutbisexual men. For instance, addressing the possibility of doing a menagea trois, Ophelia (self-identified heterosexual) said she considered male bi-sexuality to be uncommon and even bizarre: “When people think of doinga threesome, it’s generally two girls and a guy. I never heard or met guyswho would be game to do it [with another man] . . . unless the two guys arebisexuals. But for me, that would be a bit strange.”
Although she acknowledged the double standard she was suggesting,Josie could not help it and admitted judging male bisexuality more harshlythan female bisexuality. She explained why she would not want to be in arelationship with a bisexual man.
Josie, self-identified bisexual: I have a hard time with that [the idea ofdating a bisexual man]. I feel like I’m a follower by saying that; that I’ma bit of a sheep. But I have more of a hard time with homosexuality formen than for women. It’s not so much that I have a harder time, I acceptthem equally. That’s not it. But if my boyfriend told me he had slept witha man in the past, I feel like it would take away a bit of his virility. AndI know I shouldn’t think like that, I know I should see it equally. But Iwould have a hard time with it. . . . It would turn me off sexually.
A few participants brought some nuance to the idea of a greater accep-tance of female bisexuality compared to male bisexuality. Addressing publicdisplays of affection between same-sex couples, Alfred noted that it is moreaccepted for women, as long as they look feminine (and heterosexual).
Alfred, self-identified homosexual: Female homosexuality, if it’s two girlswho really look feminine, like with blond hair, big breasts, high heels [it’s
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more accepted than male homosexuality]. However, if the two girls donot have that look, it would be a different thing. . . . Two women with,let’s say, short hair, raising a baby together, it wouldn’t be perceived thesame way . . . than if it was two girls kissing on TV.
George’s (self-identified heterosexual) comment reflects how the accep-tance of female bisexuality is often limited to practices that are performedas a way to please men. Emotional attraction toward women can be seen asthreatening for ‘straight’ men, because it represents the possibility for womento challenge the heterosexual system, to live without men.
Interviewer: Would you be comfortable to be in a relationship with a girlwho identifies as bisexual?George: Yes and no.Interviewer: Explain. . .
George: Yes, if she is open sexually, I mean if she asks me if she canbring a girlfriend [for a threesome]. No, if it means that it’s sentimental,that my rival is a girl. In that case, it’s like: “listen, no.” . . . It doesn’tinterest me to compete for a girl with another girl. No.
In short, by devaluing bisexuality, young adults contribute to the stigma-tization of bisexuality as an identity, therefore potentially influencing othersto choose a monosexual identity as a strategy to avoid criticism and marginal-ization. Somewhat normalized in the youth-orientated contexts, female bi-sexuality is generally more accepted than male bisexuality. However, itsacceptance is somewhat limited by the fact that it is still associated withhypersexuality, infidelity, and promiscuity. Furthermore, female bisexualityseemed to be accepted as long as it fits the heterosexual imperative.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
In this research, we looked at emerging adults’ representations of bisexualityand analyzed the main mechanisms through which they invisibilized bisex-uality. Our participants’ usage and representations of bisexuality are para-doxical. At times, they acknowledge bisexual practices, feelings, or desiresin themselves and/or others and also recognize bisexuality as an identity.At other times, bisexuality is erased through various mechanisms. Klesse’s(2011) comments highlight how, through recognition/invisibilization, bisexu-ality serves a paradoxical function in maintaining the dominant dichotomousparadigm of sexuality. Mentioning the work of Angelides (2006), Klesse(2011) summarizes the paradoxical role of bisexuality in the common con-ceptualization of sexuality:
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[Bisexuality is] essential to various explanations of heterosexuality andhomosexuality without ever being given recognition as a valid distinctivemature sexual orientation or identity in its own right. This paradoxicalrole that grants (limited) intelligibility (by attributing a place in discourse)paired with disavowal (through theoretical subordination, pathologiza-tion and ethical dismissal) lives on in various popular representations ofbisexuality. (p. 230)
First, participants often ignore bisexuality as an identity when speakingof sexuality. Like Anderson (2009), we found that our participants are some-what eroding the “one-time rule” of homosexuality. However, we add to thisthat the “one-time rule” does not apply to bisexuality either, as many readbisexual practices, desires, or feelings as monosexuality, and that genderaffects the way bisexuality will be interpreted. Indeed, similarly to Lannuttiand Denes (2012), who found that two young women kissing each otherin public were more likely to be thought of as straight than lesbian or bi-sexual, we note that female bisexuality is generally read as heterosexuality.However, our results indicate that this applies not only to bisexual practices(such as kissing), but also to the bisexual identity; young women identifyingas bisexuals are generally thought to use bisexuality as a strategy to reinforcetheir heterosexual status and attract men. In contrast to this societal view offemale bisexuality, male bisexuality is generally thought of as homosexual-ity. This underscores the importance of considering gender when analyzinghow individuals think of bisexuality, as well as when assessing the socialendorsement of the “one-time rule” of homosexuality.
Furthermore, many participants depict bisexuality as consisting of ahighly exclusive group that very few people have a right to belong to, andmany try to distinguish real bisexuals from impostors. It is not so muchthat these participants do not believe one could be sexually or emotionallyattracted to both genders, or that they do not believe some people havebisexual experiences; based on their (unstable and contradictory) definitionsof sexual categories, these young adults conclude that not many people (ifany) qualify as ‘real’ bisexuals. The correlation with gender is noticeable inthe common association between ‘fake’ bisexuals and women, and in thenegative feelings our participants expressed toward women ‘pretending’ tobe bisexuals.
The perception of bisexuality as temporary phase is also part of theparadoxical process of recognition/invisibilization of bisexuality. Similar toBarker and Langdridge’s (2008) results regarding the common representa-tions of bisexuality in the media, our results indicate that bisexuality isgenerally thought to be temporary. Bisexuality is often believed to be syn-onymous with emerging adulthood. This temporary aspect of bisexuality isa consequence of monosexism, as monosexual identities and lifestyles areoften thought to be not only more common, but also more desirable. Gender
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also shapes the association made between bisexuality and emerging adult-hood. One the one hand, male bisexuality is often perceived as a transitionphase toward homosexuality, as a temporary identity for still-closeted younggay men. On the other hand, female bisexuality is becoming a sort of riteof passage for young women; indeed, bisexual practices are thought of asa new norm for young women, something to perform in order to fit in, butalso to underscore their heterosexual status.
Finally, we argue that the devaluation of bisexuality works as a mecha-nism of invisibilization. Indeed, by associating bisexuality with deviant formsof sexuality such as promiscuity, hypersexuality, or infidelity, our participantscontribute to the stigmatization and marginalization of bisexuality, therebyinfluencing others to avoid identifying as bisexuals.
An additional indication of the binegativity found in our participants’discourses is the fact that most of them assert they would not want to bein a relationship with someone who identifies as bisexual. This finding isin accord with Eliason (2001), who reported that most of her participants(all heterosexual) declared that they did not want to date bisexual people.Josie’s decision to hide her bisexual identity from her boyfriend highlightsthe type of stigma that is attached to bisexuality and brings some supportto Bradford’s (2004) findings regarding the difficulties bisexuals face whentrying to find a romantic partner.
The management of the social risks and benefits associated with bisex-uality varies depending on one’s gender. Indeed, our results suggest thatyoung women might face conflicting norms when it comes to bisexuality.On the one hand, individuals linked to bisexuality risk being associated withpromiscuity, hypersexuality, and infidelity, which, as our results indicate,are still stigmatized among young adults. As Klesse (2005) argues, “[d]ue tothe prominence of gender as a differentializing factor in the discourses onpromiscuity, to be publicly known as bisexual and non-monogamous tendsto have particularly stigmatizing effects on women” (p. 445). Furthermore,our participants are particularly critical of women ‘pretending’ to be bisexual,by ‘falsely’ identifying as such or by behaving bisexually in public ‘only toattract men.’ On the other hand, female bisexuality is increasingly becominga norm, a rite of passage for young women, and a useful strategy in order toreaffirm their heterosexuality, a finding that supports the argument proposedby Fahs (2009) regarding compulsory bisexuality. Thus, young women areplaced in an uncomfortable and risky situation, where they are encouragedto perform bisexuality and punished for their association with it.
Female bisexuality as a rite of passage for young women can also beread as having two effects: on the one hand, it might allow young womenwho are sexually or emotionally attracted to other women to experimentwith same-sex sexuality without facing as much stigmatization as wasexperienced in previous decades. On the other hand, it can influence youngwomen who are not interested in same-sex sexuality to behave bisexually
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essentially to please men. Therefore, like authors (Diamond, 2005; Fahs,2009) before us, we ask readers to be careful when analyzing the meaningof the increasing permissiveness when it comes to (female) bisexuality; ifwe can be tempted to celebrate what seems like the growing acceptanceof female bisexual practices among youth, we must also take into accountgender relations and power dynamics that shape women’s sexuality, andquestion these young women’s motives and as well as the repercussions ofsuch behaviors on their lives.
Although this study’s findings rely on a small sample, we believe ourfindings are rather provocative in terms of illuminating how young adults can(and do) interpret bisexuality in themselves and others in quite paradoxicalfashion—that is, by simultaneously recognizing bisexuality and invisibilizingit—and how one’s gender influences the way others will read his or her bi-sexual practices, desires and feelings. However, more research is needed toascertain how widespread these representations are among North Americanyouth. Indeed, a larger, more diversified sample would allow for the consid-eration of race/ethnicity and/or class as a factor influencing representationsof bisexuality. Future research might also explore in greater depth the reap-propriation of female bisexuality by heterosexual men to better understandhow men experience pressures to incorporate female bisexuality as part oftheir heterosexual life and identity.
In conclusion, the bisexual identity, although recognized as an identityby our participants, is in reality not really an option for themselves and oth-ers. When bisexuality is acknowledged, it is often in a way that ultimatelyreinforces the homosexual-heterosexual binary. Ignoring bisexuality, depict-ing it as temporary, devaluing it, and raising the bar so high than only afew people can rightfully qualify as bisexual, are all mechanisms invisibi-lizing bisexuality as a legitimate long-term identity and lifestyle. Like theteam’s substitute player who’s never asked to play unless the team’s starsare too exhausted to continue alone, bisexuality as an identity is kept on thediscursive bench, present but never really in the game.
NOTE
1. For instance, Quebec, a predominantly French-speaking Canadian province, was one of thefirst provinces to recognize same-sex marriage and to recognize, by extension, the right to adoption forsame-sex couples. Furthermore, more than in any other Canadian province, a large proportion of couples,although being in a serious relationship and often living together, do not live in legally recognized unions.In 2006, more than one third of couples in Quebec were not married (Belleau & Vezina, in press).
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Milaine Alarie, MA, is a PhD student at McGill University, Canada. She hasreceived numerous awards and scholarships, such as the prestigious VanierDoctoral Scholarship. She completed her master’s degree in sociology at theUniversity of Ottawa. In her research, she analyzed the relationship betweensexual identity, sexual history, and representation of sexual categories suchas bisexuality. Influenced by queer and feminist theories, her analysis alsohighlighted the limits of sexual identities as well as the influence of gender onemerging adults’ sexuality.
Stephanie Gaudet, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of Soci-ology and Anthropology at the University of Ottawa. She works on the topicof the life course and specializes in the transitions toward adulthood. She haspublished on several cultural aspects of youths’ everyday life, such as thereligious practices of Muslim immigrants, the ethical experience and responsi-bility of young adults, and social and political involvement. She is interestedin the narratives of everyday life experience for the purpose of analyzing theindividuation process in contemporary societies.
