INTRODUCTION TO SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

Dr. Muntasir Sattar

RESEARCH PAPER

Internal Migrants and Diaspora: Comparing their Acculturation

ILSA ABDUL RAZZAK | 09809

26th May, 2016

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Introduction

This paper aims to explore the differences and similarities between the experiences of

transnational migrants and internal migrants. Both kinds of migrants cross borders, and constitute

the ‘ethnoscapes’ that allow culture to flow (Appadurai 1990). This flow of culture may also take

place within countries, not just globally, such as in a plural and diverse country like Pakistan,

where immigrants transport cultures across its contentious boundaries. This research aims to

explore how both kinds of migrants may face and even build different and/or similar situations in

their process of acculturation in their destinations post-migration. Acculturation will be analysed

in this paper as a group process rather than an individual one.

To begin, a few terms pertinent to this paper will be discussed. The method used for conducting

interviews will also be outlined. The data gained through the respondents will be analysed using

the theoretical perspectives offered by researchers, as well as in the light of studies conducted

and presented in peer-reviewed journals around the world, to see how internal migrants and

diasporas undergo the acculturation process globally.

Theoretical background

A few terms will recur in this paper, such as diaspora and acculturation. Diaspora is a term that

has been discussed widely and hence, there is no specific definition, as its understanding varies

with different theorists. Previously used to refer to displaced populations, it is now increasingly

used to refer to migrants who find themselves part of a community that feels connected to its

“prior home” (Clifford 1994). Hence, in this paper, the term ‘Pakistani diaspora’ will be used to

refer to those who identify themselves as Pakistani, living outside Pakistan. However, as Oeppen

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(2010) clarifies, the term cannot be used simply to refer to a homogenous community with the

same goals.

Acculturation has also been defined by various authors in different ways, with some equating

assimilation to acculturation or using acculturation as an all-encompassing term for both

assimilation and integration. However, Berry (1992) defines it more clearly. Firstly,

acculturation happens when there is “first-hand contact” between two groups. Secondly,

according to him, there are different modes of acculturation for immigrants, two of which are

assimilation and integration. Assimilation happens when migrants give up their cultural identity,

adopting the culture of the society they have moved into. Integration however, takes place when

migrants choose to maintain some elements from their “original culture” but at the same time,

also seek to absorb influences of the larger society in which they live (Berry 2010).

The modes of acculturation that Berry (1992) outlines are also referred to as the “strategies of

adaptation”. Hence, adaptation will be used synonymously with acculturation. To enhance the

understanding of internal migrants, two studies will be used – one on Newfoundlanders

migrating to urban spaces within Canada, by Bella (2001), and one on Thai rural-urban migrants

by Korinek et al. (2005).

Methodology

For an in-depth analysis, two sets of participants were interviewed – one consisting of five

transnational migrants and their families and spouses, all part of Pakistani diaspora, and one

consisting of four internal migrants, now settled in Karachi, and their families and spouses. The

focus was more on directing questions at the migrants and their spouses who had migrated with

them. The questions were open-ended. In the cases in the transnational category, I interviewed

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using Google forms and online video calls. In the internal migrants category, I interviewed

mostly by going to the participants’ places of residence. Follow-up questions were also asked

where I needed further examples or clarification. All internal migrants had migrated to Karachi

and two out of the four were rural-urban migrants.

Participants1

The rural-urban migrants were Amna Malik and her family who came to Karachi from a village

near Rahimyar Khan, Punjab in the early 1990s and Fatima Ali and her family who migrated to

Karachi from Mirpurkhas, Sindh in 1980. The other two internal migrants were Fida Hussain

who migrated from Hunza, Gilgit-Baltistan in 1984 and Irshad Ahmed and Anjum Irshad who

migrated from Sahiwal, Punjab in 1986.

Members of the Pakistani diaspora interviewed were those who have now settled in the US, UK

and Canada. Faiza Tariq and Tariq Iyoob migrated in 1994 to the US after marriage. Sadia Atif*

migrated as a teenage girl to the USA with her brother in 2002. Ayesha Fahad* and Fahad

Malik* migrated to Canada with their children in 2014 and so did Yaqoob Sattar in 2008, but as

a student. Salma Rashid* and Salim Rashid* migrated to the UK with their children in 2002.

Comparing experiences

To understand how different or similar their processes of acculturation are, the various elements

that form this complex process will be analysed using both the data collected from respondents

and the analyses available from studies and theories.

1 The names marked with an asterisk (*) are pseudonyms for those who wished to remain anonymous.

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Language and identity

Language can be a barrier for migrants. However, most of the people I interviewed in both the

groups did not find language to be a barrier when they migrated. The Pakistani diaspora had

previous exposure to English - Salma faced issues in speaking fluently and Sadia said she had to

learn a new accent. Similarly, the internal migrants clarified that all of them knew Urdu before

migrating or if they had limited knowledge of it, it was enhanced as they worked in places where

Urdu was the language used. This shows the importance of realizing the host society’s language.

Furthermore, Anderson (1983) highlights that language helps in building an “imagined

community”2. Among the respondents I interviewed, language is a key marker of identity

wherein the language of the original culture is used by both groups of migrants in their homes.

This helps in building the “invented homelands” that Appadurai (1990) explains are created as a

result of “deterritorialisation”. While “deterritorialisation” may not be in the scope of this paper,

the concept of “invented homelands” becomes more prominent as the responses of migrants,

especially rural-urban ones are analysed.

Among members of Pakistani diaspora interviewed, most of them said they used Urdu with their

spouses and either Urdu or English with their children. Similarly, among internal migrants, the

language used at home is dominantly the one which is used as their marker of identity. Amna and

her family are rural-urban migrants, identified as Punjabi by the host society, and they use Siraiki

at home but Urdu outside. While I interviewed them at their home, they spoke Siraiki with their

children as well, fluctuating from Urdu to Siraiki, showing language to be one of the elements

that are passed on to the second generation. Similarly, Fatima and her family are identified and

2 Anderson, B. (1983) Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London :

Verso, quoted by Appadurai (1990).

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identify themselves as Kutchhi, and speak Kutchhi at home. However, Fatima also admitted to

speaking Urdu with her grandchildren as well. Fatima also dresses in the way Kutchhi women

do, clearly saying that she does not wish to change her attire, and using a popular idiom in Urdu

which means “I changed my homeland, but not my dress.” Fida uses Brushaski, the language

used by people from Hunza, with his children as well, whereas Irshad and Anjum speak Punjabi

with each other. Moreover, in both groups, there was strong support for having children follow

the same language and learn to like the same food as in the original culture as they grow older.

Identification as an outsider or a migrant can be a source of feeling marginalized or excluded by

mainstream society. However, in the rural-urban migrants I interviewed, they showed a sense of

pride in identifying themselves as ‘Punjabi’ or ‘Kutchhi’3, not believing that it leads to

discrimination. However, Fida Hussain felt that people still consider him an “outsider” in

Karachi, while Irshad Ahmed and Anjum Ahmed felt that they felt they were very much a part of

the mainstream society, seeking no separate identification. Among members of the Pakistani

diaspora, all the respondents said that they identify themselves as Pakistani to those who ask,

even if their nationality says otherwise.

Listening to Pakistani music and bands seemed to be popular among the respondents from the

Pakistani diaspora. As Baily (2010) notes in his study of music among the Afghan diaspora, it

does not mean that they “extract as self-conscious feeling of identity from it” but they listen to it

to revive a connection to their origins, and a feeling of nostalgia for the “golden days” as one of

my respondents, Faiza said.

3 The terms ‘Punjabi’, ‘Kutchhi’, ‘Balochi’, ‘Hunzai’, ‘Hunzukutz’, ‘Khojas’, all refer to different ethno-cultural

communities of Pakistan, who also sometimes have their own languages.

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Settlements

How internal migrants seek to identify themselves also seems to be very closely related to the

places where they live. Amna and Fatima both live with their families in an area where Siraikis,

Balochis, and Kutchhis reside. Fida lives in an enclave where mostly people from Hunza and its

adjacent areas live, and seeks to identify himself as a ‘Hunzukutz’ or ‘Hunzai’ (a person from

Hunza). The situation of refugees is different with respect to migrants, but in Karachi, Afghan

refugees also live in such spaces such as “Afghan Basti”, as reported by Ali (2015).

Bella (2001) found a similar pattern of settlement among Newfoundlanders who migrated to

Canada’s urban centres. She explains that “informal ethno-cultural supports” that such spaces

provide are not only a “major source of strength” but also become a “layer of informal social

support”. This opinion was also voiced by Amna, Fatima and Fida. For Newfoundlanders,

retaining association with their ethno-culture was a “lifeline”.

Among the Thai migrants surveyed by Korinek et al. (2005), “migrant enclaves” similar to the

ones where Amna, Fatima and Fida live, served many purposes. For rural-urban migrants such as

Amna and Fatima and their families, the study’s explanation can be extended – that such areas

“possess a blended, rural-urban atmosphere that amalgamates the qualities of village and city,

thereby creating a milieu that ease transition and acclimation by rural peoples (Abu-Lughod

1971).” However, among the Pakistani diaspora interviewed, this inclination was not present.

Only 1 out of the 5, Ayesha Fahad and Fahad Malik are finding comfort by living among mostly

Muslim neighbours, and they have migrated recently. The rest live in multi-cultural

neighbourhoods.

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Social networks

All the three respondents from the Pakistani diaspora who have children said that they prefer to

spend time with ‘desis’4 as only a few members of extended family live in the same city as they

do. Tariq and Faiza explained that the mosque and associations such as the Muslim Students’

Association provide opportunities for fostering connections. In Canada as well, there are such

strategies to help the “absorption” of immigrants (Islam 2016). However, there was no difference

made among the kind of ‘desis’ the respondents prefer to spend time with. Close social networks

lead to activities such as eating out together at Pakistani restaurants or celebrating festivals, that

allow for them to “maintain community, selectively preserving and recovering traditions”

(Clifford 1994). Hence, even transnational migrants may be able to create “invented homelands”

in their own ways.

In contrast, there was a strong inclination in rural-urban migrants to spend time with their

extended family, while one of Amna’s family members highlighted that she did not wish for her

children to play with Balochi children. Fatima and her family also spend time only with other

Kutchhis, reserving formal events such as marriages to visit neighbours of different ethno-

cultural backgrounds. Fida also said that he spends time with other ‘Hunzukutz’, justifying it by

saying that they are “my people”. However, they are not averse to fostering ties with people from

different backgrounds. It is the social support - as outlined earlier - that is sought through their

close-knit social networks. Having migrated from an urbanized area to Karachi, Irshad Ahmed

and his family said that they do not seek to spend time only with other Punjabis.

4 The term ‘desi’ is used to refer to people from South Asia, with regard to their culture.

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The importance of knowing someone beforehand in the destination was acknowledged by both

groups. According to Korinek et al. (2005), such social capital and networks lead to more “social

embeddedness” for migrants, linking them to “valuable resources and information”.

Though discrimination seemed an important avenue for my research, none of the respondents

said they had faced it after migrating. However, there were subtle indications - Salma from the

UK felt that ‘desis’ face a little discrimination there whilst among the internal migrants, Fida

reported of a taunt widely used for the ‘Hunzukutz’ by another group of people – the Khojas. It

was interesting that Faiza said that in instances where she is asked if she is an Indian, she

affirms, especially in the presence of “rednecks” as they label Pakistanis as “dangerous people”.

Moreover, none of the respondents felt as if they wanted to return permanently.

Another intriguing aspect for me was the access to public space for rural-urban migrants. In

Qatar, it has been reported that there is segregation in Doha’s public areas, where migrant

workers are not allowed access (Pattisson 2016). In Karachi, there has been “gentrification” of

the beach (Hasan 2012) which leads to public spaces becoming less shared than usual. In light of

these, I asked Amna and Fatima and their families where they sought entertainment and

relaxation on festivals, if they cannot go to their villages. They spoke of different places where

they go, and did not express that they felt barred from enjoying any specific public avenues for

entertainment. This might be the case as they go with their extended family members.

Inferences

The concept of “invented homelands” was extended to the rural-urban migrants who live in

Karachi, but Appadurai (1990) says that they can become “sufficiently fantastic and one-sided”,

causing “ethnic conflicts”. However, this may not necessarily be the case. People from different

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ethno-cultural backgrounds may live together in harmony, as is the case where Amna and her

extended family and Fatima and her extended family reside.

The experiences of internal migrants and diasporas differ as internal migrants move within the

boundaries of one country, and so they may seek to identify themselves through ethno-cultural

background. On the other hand, diasporic populations will not really seek to identify themselves

through their ethno-cultural background, but rather though their previous national identity.

Moreover, they might find areas or regions where ‘their people’ might live. An example from the

is Houston in the USA where Tariq and Faiza reside and say that they found ‘desis’ a few years

after settling. However, in most of the respondents interviewed from the Pakistani diaspora, their

immediate neighbourhoods are diverse, and not just composed of Pakistanis.

Another difference that was observed was how it seemed that acculturation seemed more of a

challenge for those who migrated out of Pakistan. For instance, Salma reported of how she faced

difficulties in “social integration due to religious beliefs” in the UK and Sadia also opined that

she was “narrow-minded” when she migrated but gradually became more accepting of the

society where she lived. The Pakistani diaspora interviewed also spoke of “cultural upbringing”

for their children when they stressed upon why they usually use Urdu at home, spend time with

‘desis’, or make Pakistani food at home.

However, the internal migrants interviewed did not report of difficulties in adapting to Karachi

as a host society, even though it was expected from rural-urban migrants. Perhaps their

“enclaves” help them maintain a certain “cultural integrity” (Berry 2010) but since they have

moved within a country, cultural elements such as their way of dressing and food remained

almost the same for them.

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Conclusion

Skuza (2007) clarifies that acculturation is “not a neat package of life events that occurs at the

onset of migration. Instead, it is a fluid process of being in two cultures at the same time and

moving between them.” How “fluid” the process is might differ for every migrant. However, the

scope of this paper allows an analysis of whether there is assimilation or integration into a host

society by diaspora and internal migrants.

The data discussed in the context of theory and studies shows that both kinds of migrants perhaps

seek to integrate rather than assimilate. The observation of cultural elements - such as language,

and if not language then food, and if not food, then annual festivals – that link one to the original

culture, shows that there is some interest, levels of which can vary, in retaining it.

Integration also means participation in the larger society (Berry 2010). An example of the

adoption of cultural elements of the host society is learning fluent English in the local accent for

members of the Pakistani diaspora and Urdu for internal migrants who sought to settle in

Karachi. Integration serves to allow migrants access to the host society in a better way as was

observed by Berry et al. (2006) in a study on immigrant youth. In the cases of my respondents, it

has benefitted them as well.

Limitations

In this research, “gendered experiences” of migrants and diaspora (Clifford 1994) was intended

to be explored but the general opinion among respondents existed that their gender roles remain

quite the same. The interviews also have a few limitations as the members of the Pakistani

diaspora interviewed all hail from Karachi. Only migration to Karachi in the case of internal

migration was explored due to limited accessibility to participants.

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Bibliography

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Sam, D. L. and John W. Berry: “Acculturation: When Individuals and Groups of

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Berry, W. John. “Acculturation and Adaptation In A New Society.” International

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Berry, J.W., Phinney, J.S., Sam, D.L. and Paul Vedder.“Immigrant Youth: Acculturation,

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Appendix

Interviews were held on the following pattern, in addition to information such as the year of

migration and nationality.

1) LANGUAGE

a) Which language did you speak/converse there?

b) Which language do you speak/converse here?

c) Which language do you speak/converse outside?

d) Which language are you more comfortable in?

e) Did you feel language was a barrier when you migrated? Why or why not?

2) NEIGHBOURHOODS and CONNECTIONS

a) Do your neighbours share the same ethnic identity/are they migrants? Are they from

your country/city/village of origin?

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b) Do you prefer to live in a neighbourhood which has migrants from your

country/city/village or you don’t mind living anywhere? Why or why not? Explain

your preferences.

c) Do you prefer to spend some free time with people who share your origins or you

don’t have specific preferences?

d) Do you prefer to eat out at places set up by people who share the same origins?

e) How much do you value the time you spend with your family?

3) IDENTITY

a) Do people identify you as a here or a migrant or a there? Have you been ever

considered an ‘outsider’?

b) How do you prefer to call yourself?

c) How is your relationship with the people here? Do you feel that they are a dominant

group or is it one based on mutual respect?

4) DISCRIMINATION

a) Have you faced discrimination? If yes, why?

b) Do you think migrants face discrimination where you live?

c) Any difficulties you faced as a migrant? Do you still face those difficulties

d) Are there jokes/stereotypes of migrants where you live?

5) ADAPTATION

a) Do you feel you have adapted well? Was it easy to adapt?

b) Which values/habits/preferences have you still maintained? It can be anything from

music to food to T.V. channels

c) Any specific values/habits that you want your children to maintain/carry on?

d) Did you ever feel isolation after migrating? Have you ever felt marginalized?

6) SECOND GENERATION

a) Do you think your children have adapted in a better way?

b) Do you think they will face the same difficulties as you did being a migrant? (If there

were any)

c) Have your children helped you adapt?

7) CULTURE

a) How is this culture different from yours? Which culture have you adopted? Is it a

mixture of both?

b) Do you think any of the two cultures is better?

c) Do you think your culture has affected their culture? If yes, how?

8) ORIGINS

a) How often do you feel like going back to visit?

b) Have you ever wanted to return permanently? If yes, why?

c) Do you miss anything about your city/country/village? What is it?

9) INTERNAL MIGRATION

a) Have you ever changed your city/state? Why or why not?