1
Intra-staff Openness; "What's a nice girl like you doing ina place like this?"1
Abstract: At the 1986 Chestnut Lodge Symposium, Diane LaVia reada presentation written by a group of five female members of the Chestnut Lodge medical staff, reporting on our study group, whichhad been meeting for the prior three years. The membership included Drs. Lea Goldberg, Diane LaVia, Laurice McAfee, Vega Zagier and myself. Like many of the symposium presentations, it was not published. The presentation conveyed the importance of staff members learning aspects of each other’s histories. I believe that the notion of the “blank screen” has been perverselyused to maintain our own schizoid defenses: “It’s nobody’s business but my analyst’s” serves to keep us as strangers from the others with whom we may work side-by-side for years or decades. If we only learn about our colleagues at their funerals, we are left with the poignancy of lost opportunity. This opportunity probably has clinical implications as well as interpersonal, as patients observe our interactions with our peers. With their heightened acuity regarding trustworthiness, they take the measure of our own defensiveness, our own hyper-reliance on a professional veneer.
Keywords: professionalism, communication, psychosis, interpersonal, schizoid
1 This paper was first presented at the ISPS-Israel conference, “Psychosis and Psychoanalysis in the Institutional Culture, December 28-29, 2011, at the Maiersdorf Conference Center of The Hebrew University
Author: Ann-Louise S. Silver. M.D.
4966 Reedy Brook Lane
Columbia, MD 21044410-997-1751fax: [email protected]
This paper draws heavily from a Chestnut Lodge
Symposium talk read by Diane LaVia, MD in 1986. It
summarized the work of a study group that began in 1983. The
presentation was crafted by the group, about thirty years
ago. The report was never published. One of the five
participants in the project has died, Lea Goldberg, Chestnut
Lodge has closed and all its buildings are gone with the
exception of the Bullard family's home and Frieda Fromm-
Reichmann's cottage and office. So why am I reporting on
this study group? I believe it taught something important
that is still relevant, perhaps more important now than it
was then, given the general decrease in interest in
psychodynamics in the mental health care community, at least
in The United States, and the loss of many therapeutic
communities. I hope that when the pendulum swings back to
more humanistic approaches to psychosis, future clinicians
may profit from the lessons we had learned.
Five of the women on the medical staff— Lea Goldberg,
Diane LaVia, Laurie McAfee, Vega Zagier Roberts. and myself
decided to meet together to study the personal process of
becoming a psychotherapist of patients suffering from
schizophrenia. Immediately, some of the male staff members
became curious and even suspicious. They teased us, calling
us a "gaggle of geese." Our come-hack, not entirely joking,
was, "You're just jealous." A senior staff member, Samuel
(Tommy) Thompson playfully knocked on the door during one
meeting asking if he could join us. We told him what we were
up to, and he silently stayed for that meeting while we
talked about our childhoods, and he never came back. We
enjoyed the men's curiosity; this pleasure formed the
initial glue for our group.
Our first task was to become better acquainted. We had
chatted at lunch, had heard each other's case presentations
and our various comments in response to others'
presentations, and had a sense of each other's styles, but
knew next to nothing about each other's life stories. We
spent so much time learning our patients' stories and those
of their family members, and yet at this analytic hospital,
there seemed to be an unspoken rule that our histories were
the business of us and our analysts only. We learned basic
biographic facts only at deceased staff members' funerals if
then. We thereby were merely colleagues to each other, and
this created a professional loneliness. I think we formed our
group because we wanted to be friends, and to do this, we
began by introducing ourselves to each other. We were meeting
for just a half hour on Fridays at lunchtime, and each of us
took a meeting to tell our personal story of how we came to
choose this profession of working psychoanalytically with
hospitalized patients struggling with chronic and severe
mental illness.
The senior member of the group, Lea Goldberg, had
noticed a gradual change in her theoretical and technical
thinking during her years at the Lodge, and thought she was
seeing a similar course of professional development
occurring in the younger members. She hoped we would
articulate the dynamics of this process. Was there a common
psychological developmental process in the therapist working
there? Another member thought we might find dynamic
similarities in terms of an early organization of a self
concept in relation to others.
We soon saw we needed to give more time to this
project, and added monthly Sunday brunches, rotating the
hosting functions. Thus we got to meet for two hours in each
of our homes, and a certain competition developed regarding
who could feed the group the most and the best. Sitting
around each other's dining room tables gave us great
satisfaction dissipating the loneliness inherent in having
only a collegial relationship. We had gotten invited to play
at a friend's house, and our friends had all come over to
our house. This happiness provided the safety and trust
needed to then explore and demonstrate our aggression towards
each other, and to more fundamentally grapple with aggression.
We never did devolve into the full chaos of a family blow-up.
Our biographies highlighted our personal story,
educational history, and the process of professional
decisions such as specialty training and the decision to
apply for. work at the Lodge. They were quite different — our
sibship patterns showed no trend; our family’s social
positions differed; our heritages and religious faiths
(although 3 out of 5 were Jewish, in a country where Jews are
about 2% of the population), the sort of work each of our
parents pursued, the features of mobility and immigration,
all showed scatter.
The unifying feature was the great emphasis we gave to
our mothers and their stories, and out of this came our
recognition of their depressions, and the variations these
depressions had taken. One mother worked with people all day,
coming home with stories of the fascinating things she had
learned, often saying with amazement, "Imagine - people
actually pay me for this!"2 She had been suicidal during her
2 Throughout this paper, quotes appear, without citation. These are quotationsfrom the unpublished paper presented by Diane LaVia at the 1986 Chestnut Lodge
younger years and she talked about the toll immigration had
taken on some people who had suicided when failing to
establish themselves in a new culture. She had noted that
doctors seemed the most able to maintain a viable self image.
Being useful to others became a haven from feelings of
loneliness and from potentially fatal despair. Her daughter,
now a group member, had chosen medicine as a necessary
discipline for survival, and she saw psychiatry as a
privileged branch of that profession.
Another focused on her mother's family as
paternalistic: the sons' efforts were rewarded and supported
while the efforts of the daughters were used to further
support the sons. This mother had excelled in high school
but the family did not encourage a college education for
her, and this mother then adamantly encouraged and even fed
her daughter's academic ambitions. A photo of the daughter
as a four-year-old, playing with her father's stethoscope
was held up as proof that she "always wanted to be a
doctor." Another member was reticent about sharing personal
details.
An emerging trend was our emphasis on our mothers,
their frustrations, discouragement, sorrows and distrusts.
Our fathers were important to us but drew far less verbal
attention. When it came to discussion of our choices of Symposium.
profession, we disagreed on the relative roles of each of
our parents and of other influences independent of family
issues. This area of disagreement was one of the earliest
areas of conflict in the study. As Diane LaVia said in her
report to the Chestnut Lodge Symposium in 1986, “This
struggle can be viewed as reflecting the almost over-
powering input from one or another of our mothers into the
study group process. Through the group process, a powerful
female force had become operative for all of us."
And what about other family members' contributions to
our decisions? One member suspected that her grandfather had
committed suicide as his health and finances deteriorated.
Her family ran a funeral home, so themes of death and
combatting it influenced her choice of medicine as a career.
The reticent member of our group felt that her father's
emotional distress and frustration were the primary
contributors to her career choices. Thus, there was complete
consensus that the distresses of one or the other of our
parents and their tragic life frustrations were crucial in
our career choices, even if that frustration and turmoil
lasted only a brief period. Quoting LaVia, "A parent's
potential patienthood seemed to be a unifying infantile
motivating drive among the group members. This reminds us
that some {I'd add, or perhaps all} schizophrenic patients
are profoundly dedicated to curing their therapist (Searles,
1979/1975) and seemed impelled to sacrifice their life for
the therapist's betterment. Such motivation, whether in our
patients or in ourselves, is not necessarily altruistic, but
can involve a profound rejection of the less than omnipotent
parent/therapist."
We then moved to reflecting on our choosing to work with
potentially violent patients. Only two of the five members had
experienced explicit family violence. We were unable to
grapple with this topic until later in the development of our
group, and this only after “increasing experience of
aggression within the study group.”
Most of us had one or more siblings who “in some way had
been chronically in need of special attention, either due to
illness or to some other area of specialness. ” We had seen
ourselves as the stronger one in relation to another family
member, and saw this as resonating in our treatment
relationships at the Lodge. “We questioned if this position
of relative strength in childhood had resulted in our being
relatively neglected, and if so, had this encouraged a
pseudo-independence. Had we too prematurely-- in childhood --
set ourselves up as independent healers.” . We saw this as a
turning point in our group, as we developed a major theme --
the theme of dependency. “Issues of dependency began to
dominate our thinking about ourselves as therapists." and
became our major theme. We agreed that in our childhoods, we
tried to understand something that seemed incomprehensible,
the misery or psychic distress (then current or past) in one
of our parents. We saw our current therapeutic strivings as a
repetition with roots in seeking a solution for earlier
family lunacy. Bringing order out of chaos had become a
Iife's mission we each shared. LaVia commented, -The therapy
might also be of value to the patient.”
Another thread in the history of our group could be the
quilting bees so popular in the U.S. in its pioneering days
and its first century. Women got together and quilted
bedspreads. They rotated ownership: one person chose the
pattern, the group sewed the quilt together, and that person
got that quilt, then they began the next quilt. One person
would be the reader each meeting, and the group decided on
the book -- sometimes a novel, sometimes a study of history
or philosophy. The aspect that few are aware of is that this
was in an era of patriarchy. Ben Franklin, for example,
warned men not to let their wives read too much if at all,
since it would distract them from their God-given tasks of
caring for the household and raising the children. The
quilting bees became a bit of organized rebellion in which
the women held seminars, disguised as efforts to warm the
marital bed. We needed no such disguise, but our chatting
paved the way to our studying the roots of the therapist's
motivation. We discovered the perplexed and horrified child
within each of us, who needed a more secure mother, and
dreaded the loss of the mother she had. In these times of
distress we had been catapulted into prematurely developed
ego states. Our therapeutic strivings were a continuation of
those childhood attempts, and our resentments towards our
mothers echoed in our countertransference towards one
patient after another.
In this context, we discussed vignettes from our daily
work with potentially assaultive patients. We worked to link
our personal motivations to our clinical role, returning to
focus on the aggressive aspects of work with patients
suffering from schizophrenia, some of whom are overtly
aggressive and assaultive. It [was] not unusual for the
therapist and other staff members to sustain physical
attacks over the course of work at Chestnut Lodge. Actual
physical attack [could be] minimized by our increasing
experience and proficiency. However, an increased potential for
aggressive behavior in the dyad always remain[ed] in our
awareness... One [derivative effect on the therapist could
be] the recognition and mastery of an excessive degree of
fear within ourselves. By acknowledging this effect, we
became aware of another aspect of our shared motivation for
work with psychotic patients, i.e., a need in ourselves to
develop our capacities to manage interpersonal aggression.”
A nicely illustrative vignette was presented. I was not the
therapist here, and thus cannot add illustrative detail.
Ken is a 24 year old schizophrenic patient who had beenill, with multiple hospitalizations, since age 16. During his first two years at the Lodge, he was seen incold wet sheet pack during his therapy hours due to hisassaultive rages. In the therapy, Ken repeatedly deniedany feelings of anger or assaultive urges, but he displayed dissociated episodes of rage and contempt at the therapist. Gradually, he was able to move out of cold wet sheet pack during his sessions, and, over another year's time, progressed to meeting with the therapist in her office. However, he maintained a more subtle assaultive tendency, which took the form of bullying the therapist by flexing his muscles and showing his physical strength. This intimidated the therapist and kept her from asserting her normal level of interpretations.
The therapist began to examine her own fear and discomfort with this patient, and came to recognize thatmuch of her discomfort was not based on the patient's potential for assaultiveness, but, in fact, reflected her own rage at having felt bullied and threatened by the patient during the early years of treatment.
Once the therapist's own aggressive feelings (as well as her experience of fear) in relation to the patient were realized, she was able to confront him about his bullying behavior—including asking him to leave the office when he made threatening gestures (and the patient would leave quite calmly). The therapist recognized and contained her own rage at the patient's aggression, and was then able to work more effectively with him. The patient subsequently became able to put
into words the aggressive feelings towards the therapist that had previously been denied,
Concurrent with our discussing our work with our
various potentially violent patients, a period of intense
aggressive struggle emerged within the study group. This
disruptive behavior could easily have destroyed the study.
In this time of increased transference within the group,
we experienced one or another group member as a
controlling maternal influence. Meanwhile, we experienced
a mutual dependency on one another as we worked to
accomplish the group's task. “It seemed that autonomous
urges and dependent needs came into dramatic conflict in
the group. and this conflict was given, at times,
intensely aggressive expression.” (We never actually came
to blows, however.) We felt that this aspect of ourselves
in the study group again reflected the linkage between our
personal motivations and our clinical work, i.e., it
reflected our need for a greater comprehension of
interpersonal aggression and of dependency. The study of
this relationship had a long tradition at Chestnut Lodge,
and is featured in the writings of Frieda Fromm-Reichmann.
For example, in her Academic Lecture to the American
Psychiatric Association, she said. (Bullard, p. l98)
"Schizophrenics suffer, as all people in our culture do,
even though to a much lesser degree, from the tension
between dependent needs and longing for freedom, between
tendencies of clinging dependence and those of
hostility….The degree of the schizophrenic's need for
dependency, the extent to which he simultaneously recoils
from it, and the color and degree of his hostile tendencies
and fantasies toward himself and others are much more
intense than in other people. As a result, the general
tension engendered by the clash of these powerful emotional
elements becomes completely overwhelming."
We felt then that “in a given psychotherapy situation
with an aggressive patient, there can be a gradual reduction
of fear of aggression within the dyad—first this reduction
of fear occurs in the therapist and then eventually in the
patient, whose paranoid processing of the relationship
begins to diminish." As I read this transcript some thirty years later, I now think this illustrates a certain
grandiosity and naivité in us. The diminishing or fear was
probably mutual, resonating one unconscious with the
other, communicated somatically through facial expression,
respiration rates, and general motoric activity, as each
member of the duo gradually relaxed into the work. As we
noted, “Such patients are extremely fearful of life (i.e.,
of autonomy) and therefore may utilize aggressive action
to maintain regression and dependency and to protest any
movement away from that position. We came, over the course
of the study, to view aggression in psychosis as
predominantly related to issues of dependency (and
helplessness). We also began to comprehend some of our
motivation for aligning ourselves with the internal
struggle of the aggressive patient and began to recognize
our own aggressive struggle with unresolved dependencies."
This awareness marked the start of the study's final
phase, in which we highlighted the interrelationship of
dependency in the therapist and the patient. We had
recognized how our personal backgrounds, varied as they were,
"had fostered in all of us a significant degree of conflict
in relation to dependency. Also, our intense involvement with
professional goals had enabled us to delay confronting the
degree to which we had not sufficiently become aware of, or
resolved, our personal dependency." In the psychotherapy
situation, unresolved dependency will unduly prolong a
regressive patient/therapist attachment and handicap the
process of therapy. (Searles, 1979/1967) Therapeutic change
will demand -- of both patient and therapist -- an ability to
accept increasing autonomy within the dyad.” It was as we
struggled with organizing our ideas in written form that our
exploration of the dependency theme became clearest. "In the
group process there was a utilizing of each other's mind to
get our own minds to function
11
better. This was one of the predominant ways in which
dependency was expressed in the group." We struggled
"between dependence and independence of thought and
communication. This was sometimes expressed by raising
doubts about the value of the study or about our ability to
organize the material sufficiently to make a contribution to
the literature. We felt uncomfortable with each other's
writing style and way of conceptualizing the material. This
led to a number of heated struggles for individual autonomy
and control in relation to the project. "Both in the study
group and in psychotherapy, conflict between dependency and
autonomy is often expressed as a struggle in interpersonal
communication."
"The regressed schizophrenic is inadequate at verbal
communication, and responds by withdrawal, aggression, or
bizarre forms of expression. Psychotherapy offers the
chronic patient an opportunity to move from profound
dependency to greater autonomy in relation to the therapist
within a context of increasingly coherent self-expression.
However, unrecognized dependencies in the therapist become
countertransference factors and stifle the patient's wish
for autonomy or interfere with our ability to foster
developmental urges in the patient." A second vignette
illustrated that the therapist had failed to recognize the
extent to which her patient had become independent of the
hospital, but still was not discharged. The patient had to
threaten to abandon therapy, for her therapist to see that
it was she herself who had become an obstacle. Once she
acknowledged this, the patient was greatly relieved.
Discharge was arranged and the therapy continued,
"In summary, during this final phase of our study we
consolidated an awareness of the role of our own unconscious
dependency in our clinical work, and how that
dependency intersects with the more profound, disorganizing
dependencies of severely disturbed patients. We more clearly
understood how unresolved dependency in the therapist can
negatively influence the dyad and operate as a contributing
factor to chronicity in the psychotherapy of schizophrenic
patients. And we were "able to begin to observe and to
understand with greater scientific detachment the very
personal struggle that often seemed to overtake us, especially
during the first few years of our work at the Lodge. We also
came to understand the personal and professional change that
has been stimulated in us by work with chronic patients."
We all felt that working at the Lodge was changing us
in similar ways, both professionally and personally. We
talked a lot about regression, which we felt was intrinsic
to our involvement in this setting involving both chronicity
and dynamic movement. Our propensity for regression at times
facilitated and at times disrupted the progress of our
study.
Where does this study group fit in the history of
psychoanalytic ideas? I don't think we ever mentioned Sándor
Ferenczi in the course of our discussions, but as I reflect
on the group and on its setting within the Chestnut Lodge
community, and the Lodge's place in the larger history of
treatment efforts for those suffering severe mental illness,
I (of course) find Frieda Fromm-Reichmann to have been the
vector infecting us with Ferenczi's and Groddeck's
orientation. Ferenczi has been called the first
intersubjectivist (by Imre Szecsödy). Fromm-Reichmann had a
special interest in empathy and intuition, a direct
continuation of her years with Groddeck, and summers
including Ferenczi. And as l researched on the PEP
(Psychoanalytic Electronic Publishing, www.p-e-p.org) looking
for papers in which "analyst's childhood" and "analyst's
mother" appeared anywhere in the text. I found only about 25
references for each category. When I researched Ferenczi in
the title line, and "my mother-“ in the paragraph line, I
found 56 hits, predominantly from Ferenczi's letters to
Freud, a few of them in Freud's letters to Ferenczi. These
letters were Ferenczi's attempts to continue his brief
analysis with Freud. Most quoted was Ferenczi's remark to
Freud about the damaging effect of his mother saying to him,
“You are my murderer."
I would like to return to the question of what led to
the group's disbanding, without completing the final phase
of the project, taking it to publication. We had managed to
agree on a text that was presented to a very appreciative
and large audience. We pulled together our bibliography
(which I now cannot locate) but then the majority of the
group did not want to submit it for publication. One member
said she would publish whenever she had something to say
that was not derivative. Of course, all our ideas are
derivative; we all are members of our culture.
A few years earlier, I had participated in a panel at
the American Psychiatric Association, on transference and
countertransference when the therapist is pregnant. In this
instance, after the successful panel, as we all reviewed the
event, the chair, Tom McGlashan called for a volunteer who
would coordinate getting the papers submitted to a journal
for a possible special issue. Nobody volunteered, and Torn
looked over to my husband with a puzzled expression and
shrugged his shoulders. We had become girls demurely waiting
for him to choose whom he wanted to ask to dance. I think
any one of us would have accepted the responsibility had he,
instead of shrugging about these silly women, had said to
any one of the four of us, Ann, or Susan, or Ingrid — would
you take this task on? And so, the papers were not
published. These would have been the first on that topic.
And in a third instance, I was in a large study group
made up of twelve women, on the topic, "Psychoanalysis and
Women." Again, after having worked together for perhaps
five years, we felt ready to create a conference. We each
presented a fifteen minute paper, on related topics, at the
Washington School of Psychiatry and a wonderfully fruitful
discussion evolved among the fifty attendees. The editor of
the School's journal, Psychiatry: Interpersonal and
Biological Processes (which had been founded by Harry Stack
Sullivan) invited us to submit the articles for a guest-
edited issue of the journal. Yet again, the overwhelming
majority of participants wanted not to publish their
papers. They coalesced around the notion that the editor
was a male chauvinist, and refused to deal with such a
person, none of them having met him. I had worked with him
and had found him very collaborative and unbiased, but my
reassurance was dismissed as somehow irrelevant.
I come back to the informal title our Chestnut Lodge
group had chosen, "What's a nice girl like you doing in a
place like this?" At whatever age we are, and with whatever
our personality style, women may all have an introjected
"nice girl" weighing in on their decision making, even after
their experiences of personal analysis. She isn't "too"
pushy or forward: she is reluctant to step to the microphone
at conferences, less so if she is asking a respectful
question of a presenter. Since the Women's Lib movement of
the 1970s we have seen a growing proportion of journal
articles authored by women, but I contend that for every
published paper there may be ten not published because of
inhibitions in the potential author.
My speculation is that we draw back from our mother's
rule that it is nobody's business what goes on inside our
home. People gossip. Don't discuss what happens here.
People love to make trouble. Be a nice girl. Make our
family proud of you. I believe it is part of "normal"
dissociation to compartmentalize such early rules, but
they stay with us, inhibiting us. I assume that many
women go through their personal analyses without ever
bringing such childhood rules into our analyses, and thus
keeping that rule actively in mind in our preconscious,
inhibiting our progress as forcefully as does a red
traffic signal.
Relerences
Bullard. D., ed. (1959) Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy : Selected Papers of Frieda Fromm-Reichmann. Chapter 15. "Psychotherapy of schizophrenia," Academic Lecture. pp. 194-209. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Searles, H. (1979/1975) "The patient as therapist to his analyst," Chapter 19 in Countertransference and Related Subjects: Selected Papers. International Universities Press, New York. pp. 380-459. and in Tactics and Techniquesin Psychoanalytic Therapy. Volume II: Countertransference, ed. P. Giovacchini, Jason Aronson, New York, pp. 95-151.
Searles. H. (1979/1967) "The 'dedicated physician' in the field of psychotherapy and psychoanalysis." Chapter 5 in Countertransference and Related Subjects: Selected Papers. International Universities Press, New York. pp. 71-88. and in Crosscurrents in Psychiatry and Psychoanalysis. ed. R. Gibson, J. B. Lippincott, Philadelphia, pp. 128-143.
Silver, A.-L. (1993) "Countertransference, Ferenczi and Washington. D.C." Journal of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis: 21: 637-654.
Szecsödy, I. (2007) "Sándor Ferenczi: The first intersubjectivist.” Scandinavian Psychoanalytic Review.30:31-41.