J OURN A L

TH E

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND .

VO LUME TH E S EVENTEENTH .

LONDON

J OHN W .PA RKER A ND SON,

WEST STRA ND .

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XVII.

ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.

PAGE

I.—Ou the Uriya and Kondh Population ofOrissa. ByLIEUT . J . P FBYE , 1n charge of the Agency 1n the H i l

Tracts ofOrissa

II.

—Chronology of the Medes, from the Reign of Deioces

to the Reign of Darius , the son ofHystaspes, or Darius

the Mede . BY J . W . BOSANQURT, ESQ .

III.—The Ind ian Travels of Apol lon ius ofTyana. By

OSMOND DE Beauvom PRIAULX,ESQ .

A RT . IV .—Su 111mary Rev iew of the Travels ofH iouen Thsang,

from the Translation of the Si yu-ki by M Jul ien, and

the Mémo ire A tinaly ue ofM. Vivien de St . Martin .

By Paur sssoa H . H . “al aso xv, Director of the SocietyV . Supplementarr

éCon tributions to the Series ofthe Coins

of the Kings of hazn i . By EDWA RD THOMAS , ESQlate ofthe Bengal Civi l Service

VI—Remarks of Raja Radhakanta Deva, on Art. XL ,

Journal Royal As iat ic Soc iety, Vol . x vn,p. 20 1 , wi th

Observations by PROFESSOR H . H . WILSON

VII.—Note on the sup

posed Discovery of the Princ iple of

the Differen t ial Calcu us by an Ind ian Astronomer . ByW . SPOT 1 1SWOODE, EsQ .

VIII.—Trai ts ofInd ian Character. By Con . Su ms, M.PPres ident ofthe Soc iety .

IX.—Tra1nslation ofa Burmese Version of the NmKyan

a Code ofEthics i n Pali . By E . FOWLE , ESQ .

X.—No tes on the Ruins of

.

Wal labh ipura. By A . KFORBES , E\Q .

XI—Ou the Date and Personal ity of Priyadarsi . By RG . LATH AM,

M.D .

XII.- Ou the Inscr iptions found1n the region ofEl Harrah,

in the Great Desert Sou th-East and East of the HauranBy C 1 R". C . GRA H AM

iv CONTENTS .

XML—Account of some Go lden Rel ics discovered at

Rangoon, and e x h ibited at a Meeting of the Society inJune, 1857XIV.

—Ou the Ind ian Embassy to Augustus . By OSMOND

DE BEAUvorR PRIAULX, ESQ .

XV.-Description of an A rabic Q uadrant. ByWILLIAM

H . MORLEY, ESQ ., Librarian to the SocietyXVI.—Ou an Ancient Inscription in the Neu Chih

Language. By A . WYLIE , ESQ ., ofShanghae

XVII.—Ou the Cotton Trade ofIndia. By J . A . MANN,ESQ . ,

E.S.S.

PAGE

JOURNAL

THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

ART . I.- 0 n the Uriya and Kandh P op ulation of Orissa. By

a ur . J . P . Fur s , in charge of the Agency in the H i ll

Tracts ofOn'

ssa.

[Read 2oth March,

T u e term mal iah, or male, rendered “ hil l trac ts,”is a corruption of

the Sanscrit word mala,”sign ifying a garland and is appl ied to

the continuous jungles which cover the surface ofthe Eastern Ghauts .

The words “raj io,

”

or“ deso, signifying “

a principal ity," or “country,"

are employed to designate the zemindaries which surround them;while the open country, stretching from their bases to the coast of

Orissa, is called tolo deso,”or

“ low country. The above terms

belong to the Uriya language . The Kondh calls his own countryKui Dina,

”

or“ Ku i Prati and that inhabited by Uriyas, he

designates Sasi Dina.

The male is d istinguished by various names, according as its con

nection wi th the zemindaries, si tuated below the Ghauts, distributes itinto separate jurisdictions. Thus, within the l imits of the Sircar ofGanjam, are, amongst others, the Goomsur, Souradah, Koradah, and

Kimid i Male .

The male, or hill tract, subordinate to the zemindary ofKimid i,or Kimmindi, comprises, accord ing to native calculation, a tract of

160 kos in length. Subsequent to its subjugation to the House of

Kimid i,it became divided into two portions, ofwhich the southern

was distinguished as the Porolah or Purlah Kimidi Male . A t present,the northern portion is subdivided into two jurisdictions ; and the

whole male is known by the names of Porolah”or

“ Pariah the

ve t . mm. B

2 THE URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA .

godah , or residence of the rul ing family, hav ing been established at a

vi llage ofthat name.

The Parlah Kimidi Malo is peopled, ex cept in a few vi llages on

i ts northern boundary, by the Sac ra race, who speak a d ifferen t lan

guage, and are, if possible, more w i ld in bearing than the Ko ndh .

Of this race l ittle is known, but the courts of the Ganjam Agencybear evidence to their lawless violence . Human sacri fice is no t p rac

tised, as they profess themselves unable to perform the rite but flesh

is purchased from the Kondhs, and buried in their fields . The leng th

ofth is male is estimated at about 40 kos.

The Bodo Kimidi Male is of smal l e x ten t, being about 20 kos inlength . It l ies in termediate, but somewhat to the eastward of those

of Parlah and Sane Kimidi . Its chief inhabitants are the Saora race .

One portion ofthis tract is peopled by Kondhs, who maintain humansacrifice.

The Sane K imidi Male, the most northern and largest in e x tent

of these tracts, is, on native computat ion, about 100 kos from north

to south, and 40 from east to west. Its boundaries are as follow

On the north-east, the males ofGoomsur and Bead, subjec t to theauthorit ies in Ganjam and Cu ttack on the north, a tract ofdebate

able land called the Maj i Deso on the north-west and west, the

Kalahandi Deso, under the jurisdiction of Nagpur ; on the south

west and sou th, the e x tensive Raj of Jaypur, under the surve illance

ofthe Agency in V izagapatam on the south-east and east, the pe ttyzemindary of Kattingiah, and the Souradah Male, under the contmlofthe Agencies in Ganjam and the hill tracts ofOrissa.

The above tract is hemmed in on all sides by the Kondh and

Gond races and if the males ofBead and Goomsur, where the r ite

of human sacrifice has been suppressed , that of Souradah, in which

female infanticide ex ists, and Kattingiah, free from either evi l, be

ex cepted, it is surrounded by the votaries of human sacrifice, as ye t

almost unchecked in the observance of the rite, and virtually independent ofEuropean contro l . There are remote glens, the inhabitantsofwhich have never left their narrow bounds, or carried their knowledge of mankind further than occasional intercourse wi th their

brethren of the nex t valley . Placed beyond the po le of commun ica

t ion with the plains, the tenan ts of these hi lls are necessari ly buriedin ignorance, superstition, and prejudice.

The general features of the male are successive ranges ofh ills, of

various elevat ion , clo thed w ith timber of small growth, brushwood,and high coarse grasses. The interven ing val leys are

, in the central

or more remote locali ties, frequently un inhabited , and present to the

THE URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA. 3

eye unbroken sheets ofwi ld lux uriance . In other instances they havebeen selected as si tes for vi llages and the very bad of the valley or

ravine, rich through the attrition of ages, is distributed into rice fields

w ith great labour, and a few hi ll-sides are cleared for the culture of

dhal, and other legumina, which, rather than rice, form the staple of

food .

The ranges , general ly speaking, run nearly in a l ine paral lelw ith the eastern coast , hence the increase of elevation is westward .

Ascending from Goomsur by the Kurminghia Ghat, which, in lengthand steepness ofacclivity, ex ceeds anyth ing yet traversed in this malo,no considerable rise is percepti ble, unti l, by passing to the westward,through the divisions ofBallegudah and Barkumah , the frontier of

Kalahandi is attained if, entering at So laveska, a course be pursuedto the south parallel wi th the Kondh tracts ofMadanpur, a chain is

traversed wh ich composes the ex terior and most elevated range in

the male . This tract is but l ittle known . On leaving Solaveska in

a south-easterly route, a long and somewhat steep decl ivity is encountered ; and the fall is continued unt il the valley of Pussangah is

entered. From this intermed iate range to the d ivisions of Saran

gaddah, Budagodah, t o , on the inner or eastern verge of the male,a gradual decl ine is perceptible . Thus, in the northern district

ofMahasingh i, three distinct ranges may be traced . One to the east

ward of these is entered in the southern district of Suvarnagiri , and

the decl ivity ofa steep ghaut is in a south-westerly d irection . Again,

still further to the cast, a sharp ascent leads from Surampur to

Gaddapur, from the crest of which the descent to the low country isgradual and continuous . Strong inequalities of surface and rockybeds of torrents, trying to laden cattle, frequen tly occur ; but the

passes from range to range do not present anyveryformidable obstacleto progress, while many of the footpaths which connect vil lage wi th

v illage. by pos ing through beds of successive valleys, lessen the toi lof travel . Roads there are none, and the ax e is often in request to

open the forest for the passage ofbaggage cattle .

In the central or western portions of the male, ravines in tersectthe h il ls, but in the intermediate range, vall ies and stretches of level

country occur. The eye is relieved, after resting for hours on

unbroken forests, or vainlyseeking signs ofan imal l ife in deep woodedglens , by a sudden transi tion into an open space studded with villages .

But disappointment succeeds the momentary pleasure, when it is perceived that but l ittle advantage is taken of such favoured sites save

a strip of rice cu lt ivation, the val ley is almost untouched by the

plo ugh, and generally covered with coarse grass . The vi llages, how

B 2

THE URIYA AND Korma POPULATION or ORISSA. 5

Budagndah ,would cal l the ir respective coun tries “ Rogo Dina, o r

Gun i Dina,”

as be ing under the sway of Rogo Patro, or Gun i

Patro in speaking of themselves col lectively, they style themselves

Rogo Mi llaka, o r Gun i Mil laka,

”i .s. , ch i ldren ofRogo o r Gnn i

Patro and, in distingu ish ing a man of one d ivision from one of

ano ther, theyadd the word “anju,” “ person,” to the name ofthe place .

Of the above d istricts, Chandragiri alone can be said to be free

from connex ion and sympathy with human sacrifice. It is under the

immed iate contro l of the Borj tri Ti lo,”or, as it is commonly cal led,

Borisolo fami ly ; and an annual assessment is paid in to the trea

sury at Ganjam. It is inhabited almost ex clusively by the Saorah

race . In the divis ion ofKurtelu,under Mahas inghi , human blood

is not shed ; but the effi cacy of such an offering is fully admitted .

The Kendhs ofthat d ivision state that they formerly sacrificed human

victims . bu t as their forefathers fai led to teach them how to do so

acceptably, the deity forbade the ir further immolation . They,however,

offer a buffalo annually at the usual period ofthe Meriah sacrifice,wi th

the ceremon ial wh ich obtained when a more prec ious victim was pro

v ided . They affi rm that the fertil ity of their fields, and securi ty fromgeneral il l, depends on the due performance of the rite . The priestslays the v ictim, and morsels of the flesh are c i rried off to the

ne ighbouring vi llages and eaten . The non-observance ofthe Meriah

sacrifice in this division is ofl ittle importance, as general sympathy infavour of the rite manifests i tself in the provision of victims to the

sacrificing d ivision by which it is bordered. Wi th the above ex cept ions, human sacrifice is everywhere regarded as essen tial to welfare .

In each d ivision is a vi llage, generally occupying an open site,

and solely or mainly inhabited by an Uriya popu lation . It is styled

the “

godah ,”

or fort, and often bears the name of the divis ion of

which it forms, as it were, the capital . The head of the commun ityis ca l led, by h is Uriya fo llowers, “ Patro, and

, by h is Kondh subjects,“ Patrenju,

”or

, more commonly, “ Rajenju,”equ ivalent to Raja . The

Patros, especially those of Mahasinghi , also call each other Raja,when speaking ofthemselves with reference to the Kondhs . The Patrois the ru ler ofhis own division, and resists the sl ightest encroachmen t

ofa neighbour. He is surrounded by a petty Court, so to speak, con

sisting ofmembers of h is own fami ly, a few oflicials with distinct

t itles, armed reta iners and dependents, comprising a few art isans, and

emigrants who have flocked round the ch iefin t imes oflocal scarc ity.

Where the vi llage is no t ex clus ively inhabited by the Uriya population, the main streets form the residence of the Patro and his fol

lowers. A t Sarangaddah, the Uriya quarter is s ituated between a

6 run UBIYA AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA .

Kondh village to the west, and a Gond settlement to the east . In

other places a Kondh v illage al igns with it.

A few families of the Gond race have emigrated fromKalahandi

and Bastar at various times . Some have settled at Sarangaddah,

wh ile others have passed on into the Goomsur Male, and penetratedas far to the eas tward as Udyagiri , near the head of the Karminghia

Pass, where a colony has establ ished itself. They are also met wi th,

as a few fami l ies, at Chachingudah, and Kiritingiah, ofGoomsur, lyingbetween the above po in ts. These emigrations St il l continue in times

ofscarc ity, but their numbers are very trifl ing . It is in the countries

bordering this male to the west that they are known as a people .

The Patros of the frontier divis ions of Lonkagodah and Bel lagodah

are of this race, as is also the Chief ofMohangiri, under Kalahand i,

not to mention in this place other men of influence. The Gonds

settled at Sarangaddah, receive land of the Patro in return for

general service . They intermarry with the families of their race in

Goomsur : they reside at the godah . With regard to their customs, .

their mytho logy d ifl'

ers from that of the Uriyas or Kondhs . They

sacri fice an imals, drink ardent spiri ts, eat flesh, but eschew that of

the cow they wi ll not partake of food with any other class . The ir

feel ings on the question ofhuman sacrifice are not, as yet, accuratelyascertained but it is asserted that they do not perform the rite . The

titles amongst themare“ Dalbehra and Magl . They esteemthem

selves ofgreat purity of race, so that in former days they consideredthe approach ofa Brahman to their dwell ings as conveying an impurityto the spot ; they are now

,however, somewhat less rigid on this

ground .

‘

The Uriyas of the hills, wh ile they regard the Kondhs as a

distinct and inferior race, assign to the Goods a common origin wi th

themselves . The tradition received at Sarangaddah is as fol lows

A certain raja, named Sobhajo i Singh, being unmarried, and

des irous of issue, called to his bed four parties in succession . Those

selected were the daughters of a washerman, a po tter, a distiller ofspirits, and a Brahman ; and the respective issue was a Doholo or Delo,

a Koboure, a Gond, and the Nolo Benso Patro—the progen itors ofthefour classes now met with in the male .

The Kondhs, as a race, are the owners and cultivators of the so il

and they inhabit vil lages scattered, or closely grouped, according to

the Opportun ities which present themselves for til lage .

The site of a vil lage is generally selected with reference to the

valley, on which l ife mainly depends, and is accord ingly to be seen

crowning a slope which rises gently from the irrigated land . Whena community is torn by feuds, such a site is abandoned, and a strong

THE (111e AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA . 7

position on a h i ll preferred , in which case the settlement is surroundedby a rude stone wall ; otherw1se, vil lages are wholly unprotected . The

streets generally run from east to west l ittle regulari ty is, however,observed in bu ilding . The houses are very sm

'

al l and low, but fi rmlyconstructed of planks, inserted horizontally into grooves cut in the

corner posts ; the whole surface is plastered with mud ; they are

thatched with the large strong grass wh ich abounds in the jungle .

They general ly contain three rooms : in the centre one the fami lydwells ; one is used for the purpose of cooking and the other as a

store room. There is but one door, which, during the cold season, is

fi rmly closed to ex clude the outer air while the fami ly sleep round

the wood fire, which is l ighted on the floor. In each village are houses

set apart for the,

youth of either se x , in one or o ther ofwhich theypass the n ight with as many of their own sex as the vi llage mayconta in . The symbo ls of human sacrifice, consisting of long bamboopo les, and posts rudely carved, are to be seen in the main streets of

every v i llage ; whi le outside, in an open place, similar posts are

observable, marking the Si te of a small mound ofstones, the place of

interment of the mangled remains of the victims . In the d istrict of

Suvaruagiri , a huge log, one end ofwhich is fashioned into a formresemb l ing an elephant’s head , is placed at right angles and at an

equ ipo ise, upon an upright post, on wh ich it revolves when propelled.

It appears to be in l ieu of the carved posts of the Mahasinghi

district. The usual place ofconcourse is the street, or the open spacesat ei ther end of the vil lage, where cattle also are tethered during the

n ight.

In the district ofMahasinghi , which is more isolated, wi ld, and

th inly populated than those to the south, the villages are sniall, rarelyex ceed ing one or two streets, and often comprising about as manyhouses. In Suvaruagiri they are large and substantial, some containing from200 to 300 fami lies . But the population everywhere is verythin .

The Uriyas generally add the afi x of “

gum to the difl'

erent

names of vi llages : as“ Diggogém,

”or

“ Sindragsm.

”

Amongst theKondhs, the village, or otherwise the main street, often bears thename of the founder, to which is affi x ed the word millaha

, or

“children, succeeding generations being esteemed h is offspring . Th

a vi llage is styled Diggo Millaka, as founded by Diggo. In l ike

manner, each street bears the name ofthe person who founded, or wasoriginally connected with i t ; to which are added the names of“ khanda,

”

or para,” a side, or quarter : as, Birisa Khanda,”

and

Dfi ta Para.”

8 ma earn AND KONDH POPULATION or omasa.

In personal appearance, the Urivas of this malo are far inferior to

their brethren in the plains, and wear the appearance of a gradual

degeneracy and assimilation to a lower stage of civil ization . This is

more perceptible in the north than in the south . In Mahasinghi , the

Patros are scarcely distinguishable from the Kondhs and the name

of Uriya Kondh, contemptuously appl ied to them by the people of

the plains, aptly describes their condition Amongst the Xoudha,

specimens are abundant ofagile manhood . In the young man, thewand s inew

,breadth of chest, and pleasing features are not wanting.

In some places, especially in the division ofP t’

tssangah, the stature is

commanding. Many bear a striking resemblance, in the facial angle,the retiring forehead, h igh cheek-bones, and aquiline nose, to the

American Indian. The females are low of stature, course in person ,and repulsive in feature. An appearance of unehasteness pervadesal l classes, and their habits are said to be filthy in the ex treme .

The Uriyas, when compared w i th Kondhs as a class, may be

esteemed the less degraded of a deeply debased people—regarding

themselves, and considered by the latter, ofa higher order ; and as therulers ofthe land, they are prevented by position from losing everytrace of d ifference in rape and creed . They are almost universallyi lli terate . In the district ofMahasiughi no one can read or write.

In the south, from intercourse wi th the plains, they stand out more

distinctly as members ofthe Uriya fami ly but, wi th few ex ceptions,

they are swayed by sympathy with, or fear of, the Kondhs, whom, at

the same time, they profess to regard as a very inferior race.

The Kondh is qu ite uncivil ized ignorance and superstition are

un iversalz’

.

The striking ofa clock produced the most l ively sensations

ofalarm the tell ing ofthe hours being esteeme da supernatural summons for the surrender of the Meriahs, whose numbers were thus

detailed . The deity in whose favour human sacrifice is ofi’

ered, was

always supposed to retire on the approach of the agency. In

some places, the simple curiosi ty of the savage was manifested . A t

one encampment a curious scene occurred the camp was fi x ed in a

small val ley ; a gentle slope on the one side, and an abrupt rockv

hill on the other, were respectively crowned by a vi llage . Groups ofeither sex were observed seated afar off, and looking on with fear and

astonishment. By degrees the men approached the camp, and curieasly ex amined the tents gradual ly they gained confidence, and sat

at the doors, when the offi cers of the esco rt ex cited their surprise byex h ibiting the mirror and the burn ing-glass. The wonders now seen

for the fi rst time were recoun ted in the vil lage and bands ofwomen,apparently unable to resist the opportun ity of seeing and comparing

THE URIYA AND KONDH serum-n os or mass . 9

the ir charms, took confidence . and, under the escort of one or two

aged men , made success ive rushes into the camp, so ught the ten ts,

and eage rly gazed into the mirror . Peals ofmerrimen t succee ded

the fi rs t emo tions of surprise, and van i ty , ex ci ted perhaps for the fi rsttime, led to comparisons of the beauty of each other

'

s ta ttooed and

d isfigured features . The females soon retired , but the men often spent

hours in the ado rnmen t oftheir persons.

The Uriya has n o right in the so il he is essent ial lv a trader, and

suppl ies the wan ts of the Kondhs by import ing commod it ies into the

b ills from the marts of the low country, or by purchasing them from

the merchants who periodical ly vis it the gddah . He a rries on a

petty traffic from v il lage to vi llage, rece iving i n ex change grain , or,

more rare ly, land . The cultivation around the godah does no t of

necessi ty belong to the Uriya population . The Patro and his depen

den ts purchase acco rd ing to the ir means, and ti ll the ground in person .

In the d ivision ofPussangah , the former owns four, and his fo llowers,

on an average, one or two fields each of the irrigation adjo in ing the

godah and, col lectively,

some ten or twelve fields ofthat attached to

Kondh vi llages. The amount of land in posses sion of the Uriyas

varies according to circumstances , the largest propo rt ion be ing held,in th e Mahas ingh i d istrict, by Gun i Patro , the eldest branch of the

d iv ided fami ly ruling in vario us parts of the district . But in no case

is it suffi c ien t fo r support, irrespective oftrade . Previous to the interven tion ofGovernment

,the sale of children for sacrifice was a lucra

tive source ofincome, land being frequently received in payment.The Kondh is a husbandman and a hunter. He knows no trade,

and has no ex traneous so urce ofsubsistence . H is means are the fru its

ofthe earth, and the products ofthe plains.

The right over the land is vested unreservedly in the ho lder, chil

dren having no power ofa veto up on i ts sale, as in the case ofances

trai property in the plains. On marriage, a son quits the paternal

roof and becomes a householder, receiving a share of the land at

the hands ofh is father . In the case ofmany sons, the d ivision is

equally made, there being no recogn it ion ofthe claimofprimogeniture .

In seasons of scarcity land is sold, and the family mainta in themselves by the culture of dhal and pulses on the h ill-sides . The buyerpays the value ofhis purchase in grain . When Kondhs are the con

tracting parties, the relatives on ei ther side are present as witnesses .

The se ller places some so il of the field in the hand of the purchaser,as a token ofh is right ofpossession the sel ler then declares that the

transfer has been efi'

ected for value received, and calls down a curse

1 0 THE URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA .

on h imself should he again claim the land th is compact is generallypreserved inviolate . Redemption is ofrare occurrence .

The Kondh divides the year into three seasons—namely, Peum,

the cold Harra,”the hot and Piju d ina,” the rainy season . He

further marks the seasons ofagriculture , as fo llows Irpi vela, the

time when the flowers ofthe Mahwa tree fall, or February and March

ofour year, when the ploughing commences ; Maha vela,”the period

ofripe mangoes, or May and June, when the rice crop is sewn and

Bikhu vela,”the season of harvest, or the months of October and

November . The rains commence in the end ofMay, or perhaps somewhat earl ier. At the commencement of the hot season, the youngpersons ofboth sex es go out in to the jungles in parties to gather theflowers ofthe Mahwa for d istillation . This is described as a season of

great l icence. Indeed, l ittle care‘

appears to be bestowed upon the

young ; though infidel i ty in the married woman is visited by a fine

levied on her paramour, mo re from mo tives of pol icy, i t may be con

ceived, than from a regard to propriety. During the same season the

main occupat ion is the chase . From the commencement of the rains

to the harvest, the Kondh is employed in agricul ture the in terven ingperiod is one of inaction, ex cepting during the orgies attendant uponthe rite of human sacrifice, to which his attention is directed wi th a

view to secure an abundant crop, and immunity from i ll during the

ensuing seasons . He occasionally visits the fairs in the low countries

during this period .

The produce of the val ley—an annual crop of coarse rice—istrodden out by the foot ofthe reaper, and generally secreted in h idingplaces in the hills a small quantity for immed iate consumption beingstored in large baskets, grouped on a platform at the head ofthe vil

lage, or placed wi thin the small enclosures in rear of the houses. On

higher ground, various smal l grains, common to the low country, arecultivated, and, when reaped, ex posed on h igh platforms until Februaryor March, when the seeds are threshed or trodden out, and stored in

the houses for present use . The hil l-sides produce dhal, and other

legumina. Mustard and o i l seeds are sown in November, and gatheredin February . The ginger plant is abundant, and turmeric is partiallycult ivated ; the roots are dug up in January and February . In the

enclosures adjo in ing a vi l lage, yams, beans, gour ds, pumpkins, sweetpotatoes, brinjal ls, plantains, tobacco , and the caster-o il tree are grown

in small quan tities . The mango and jack-fruit trees attain to a large

s ize . A species of ci tron is planted in vi llages . A variety ofpalm,

called in the Uriya “ Selepe ,” and in the Kondh tongue Sarta,”

TH! UBIYL AND KONDH POPULATION OP ORISSA . 1 1

wh ich furn ishes an intox icating beverage, is careful ly reared . The

Moholo,

"or Irpi, is a forest tree . The silk-cotton tree is abundant

and productive, but its value as an art icle ofex port is unknown . The

bamboo is rarely seen in the northern , though common in o ther parts

of the male . The plantain is met w ith in local it ies which seem to

indicate its being indigenous . The deep forest glen presents no traces

ofits cultivation and the plant seems as natural a tenant ofthe waste

as the fern or l ily which grows in its neighbourhood . The w ild plant

does not possess the same girth of stem as that under cultivat ion , not

being more than an inch in diameter. The orange and lime are said

to be indigenous in the western border ofthe male .

The weekly marts held at the Kashah ofSo uradah, and the vi llage

ofBallaguntah, in the Goomsur zemindary, are occas ionally attended

by the people of this male . The‘Kondhs ofSarangaddah and Bal le

gudah frequent the latter in perso n but for the most part the pettytrafi c is in the hands of the Uriyas and Panwahs, who repair th itherthree or four times in the year, chiefly during the cold seas on . Until

late ly, the people ofSuvaruagiri used to frequent a fair at Simpur ofGaddapur, but owing to i ll-blood between those districts, and the

consequent insecurity ofthe road , traders have ceased to repair thither.

The Panwahs of the western frontier divis ions, Lonkagodah ,Balle

gudah, Bimarmall ika, &c.,frequent a fair in Patna of Kalahandi .

In the two fi rst-named places, Uriyas are the ch ief inhab itants and

the vil lages are large, and comparatively wealthy, the Kondhs beingfew and poor .

The ex ports are turmeric , o i l-seeds, yams, and g inger . Some

part ies proceed d irect to Ballagun tah, wh ich mart is more frequentedthan that ofSouradah . Others sel l their produce at Porala, a v il lage

near Russellkondah, wheremerchants await their arrival , and then passon to Ballaguntah to make their purchases .

The imports are—cattle for the plough, metal cooking utensils,

ornaments, coarse cotton cloths, cotton, beads, iron bars, salt, salt fish,and occas ionally silks and fi ne clo ths fo r the use of the Patro . No

dues are levied upon this traffi c.

The value of the produce carried down to the marts by an indi

vidual is ex ceedingly small . It is enclosed in l ight baskets , formedof leaves sewed together, one or two ofwh ich form a burthen the

average value ofone such load of turmeric being abo ut 1 2 anas, and,

of other commod ities, l rupee . The total annual ex ports of one

ind ividual may amount to 4 or 5 rupees .

The averageprice of turmeric may be 20, g inger 12 vis, mustard

and sesame o i l-seeds 10 and 1 2 ghun is per rupee but it naturally

1 2 run 0mm AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA .

fluctuates. Bullocks are purchased at from 2 to 4, and bufl'

aloes from

3 to 4 rupees a pair ; they are o ld or worn-o ut beasts. Cotton cloth

is procured at 8 anas per piece, and heads at from 30 to 40 strings

per rupee. Three vis of turmeric are ex changed for two of salt, and

for salt fish at par .

The yokes ofplough ing cattle are ex changed in the Kondh vi llages

for rice, the rates ofwhich are nearly uniform throughout the male

the former averages 1 20, and the latter 60 score per rupee. The usual

ex change for a yoke of cattle is 600 seers of paddy, equ ivalent to

5 rupees. This produce is ei ther consumed or, of late, reserved for

sale, the periodical visit of the Agency having converted i t into an

article oftraffic.

A small and fluctuating trade is open between this male and the

zemindari of Daspal lah . Merchants by caste, or Oi l sellers, cross

the male of Bead, and proceed by Bondagodah into the northern

divisions, in parties ofthree or four men , with from twelve to fourteen

bullocks laden wi th cloth, sal t, and salt fish . To these, unt il lately,they added brass and copper vessels but owing to a decrease in the

demand for turmeric, wh ich is procurable in large quanti ties in the

more accessible malos ofBead and Goomsur, they have ceased to do

so, or to v isit the male so regularly as before .

On arrival, the mart is Opened in the verandah of the Patro’

s

house, when the Uriyas transfer to them,at an average rate of3 for l

of salt, or from 1 2 tO o l 6 vie for a piece Of clo th valued at 8 none,

the turmeric wh ich they have procured in the v illages at an average

rate Of6 vis for l ofsalt .

The'

above remarks primarily refer to the division ofPfissangah,

which is comparatively open, and, judging from a rough census of

population and produce which it was endeavoured to compi le . more

productive than most other parts ofthe male . Here, then, the annual

amount of turmeric sold to the merchant was estimated at 20 rupees,whi le that carried down to the markets was stated at the value of

10 rupees .

The average of trams will naturally depend upon the pro x imi tyor remoteness ofthe division from the marts of the low country, theabsence or prevalence of feud, and the facil ity or d iffi culty of inter

course . In Sarangaddah, bordered by the males of Bond and Goom

sur, whence a direct road leads through the comparatively weal thydivisions of the last~named tract to the mart of Ballaguntah, an

appearance of substance is perceptible . The sugar-cane, unknown in

o ther parts, is cultivated, and regular intercourse maintained w i th

the plains but in the interior, or western frontier of the malo , there

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1 4 was 1mm AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA .

unknown, and strips of paper sumced to procure fowls and grain .

The cars of either sex are weighed down with a profusion ofbrassrings ; the nostrils are also p ierced ; heavy brass armlets are worn

and necklaces of brass or glass beads. In the south , the hem of hair

is worn on the right side of the head, and broad leaden rings are

inserted in each nostril . The use ofcoarse brass ornaments is more

prevalent than in the north . The clo thing of the women is nearly as

l imited as that of the males the bosom is invariably ex posed, and

a single cloth is worn ro und the lo ins, which does no t reach below the

middle of the thigh . A dvanced pregnancy does not secure a greater

regard to decency .

The Uriya, as a trader, is well acquainted with the value ofmoney ;and be ing very poor, is proport ionably grasping. The Kondh gene

rally prefers barter, the most highly esteemed equivalent being a stripofred cloth . When money is required, the demand generally ex h ibi tsan ignorance of its relative value. In the more remote parts it isrefuse d or a copper co in , ifreceived, is regarded as an ornament, and

suspended to the necks ofthe children .

Independently ofthe ultimate advantages resulting from the abo l ition ofhuman sacrifice, i t is worthy ofremark, that the annual visits

ofthe Agency confer a direct benefi t upon this poverty-stricken land,by giving an impulse to trade, and creating a circulation ofmoney,which, if duly seconded by further beneficial measures, wi ll man ifestitself, on the ex change ofthe currentmediumfor the necessaries oflife ,

in the permanent amel ioration ofthe condition Ofthe people.

Without reference to the gratuities conferred upon those wi th

whom the Agent holds direct commun ication on the subject of h is

mission, the presence ofa large camp necessari ly causes a steadydemand for rice, otherwise unmarketable, and other commod i ties whichare procurable wi thout difficulty in every d ivis ion. Once on ly, on thefrontier ofKalahandi, in a sub-d ivision rarely visited by Uriyas, i twas found necessary to procure a supply fromMohangiri, with in the

Nagpur territory. The Uriyas were the ch ief purveyors, the grainbeing brought from the godah, where a rate, ensuring a considerableprofi t to the sel ler, was establ ished . The Kondhs also frequented the

camp, ofl‘

ering for sal e gourds, eggs, fowls, sheep, goats, pea-fowl ,

jungle-swine, and grain .

The food of the Kondh consists principally Of a kind of strong

broth made fromM ; also rice, bo i led the previous n ight and turnedinto a sort of sour gruel . They eat all animals killed in the chase,but are sparing in the use ofdomestic an imals. Should any be slain

by a beast ofprey, or ofl'

ered in sacrifice, the flesh is generally eaten .

THE UBIYA AND KONDH POPULATION OF ORISSA. 1 5

The Kondh is prone to into x ication. During the Meriah sacrifice,

in particular, they are so frenzied w ith deep indulgence as to be dan

gerons of approach . But, generally speaking, the vice is less preva

lent than in the males Of Goomsur and Bead, from the absence of

Opportun ity rather than want ofinclination . The people ofthe plainshave not begun to derive a nefarious profi t by pandering to this

depraved taste. The “ Saudi,”or sp irit

-seller, has not establ ished hissti ll ; and the people are dependent on their own resources for d istilla

tion . NO Opportun ity ofex cess is, however, permitted to pass by.

A rdent spiri ts are procured from rice and other grains, as also

from the flower Ofthe Mahwa tree, by a simple process ofd istillation .

The juice of the palm, called sarta,”

is drawn and drunk in a state

offermen tation . The use ofstrong tobacco is un ivern l : it is cut up,and inclosed in a pipe formed of a broad leaf, which is general lyinserted into the head-dress, or the clo th. Several are thus carried ,

lit as occasion requ ires. and then replaced for further use. A s the

Kondh never appears at ease ex cept when seated, so h is thoughts

appear to stagnate unless brought out under the influence Oftobacco .

Seated, or rather squatted in a circle , and smoking intensely, theelders discuss al l matters ofinterest.

The implemen ts Ofagricu lture are—a rude plough, a barrow with

adouble row Ofwooden teeth, a smal l narrow fell ing ax e, a sickle , and

awood-knife . With the ax e alone timber is fashioned into planks ,and laboriously planed, to form the walls ofhouses .

A hattlv ax e, the blade of which is divided into two po intsresemb l ing the rays of a star-fish, and a rude bow and arrow, appearto be the on ly weapons ofwar . In the north these are rarely seen

but the constant compan ion of the Kondh is a long stafl'

. This,

however, he lays aside when abo ut to pay his respects to the Agent ,

and presents himself unarmed . No d isplay attends the vis it Of

the Hahn inghi or Suvaruag iri Kondh but in Gaddapur, and

throughou t the Souradah Male , he approaches w ith mus ic and

dancing, armed, and heated wi th ardent spirits. The ax e is bran

diahed with shoo ts and cries, and the Object of the interview marredby noisy tumu lt. The war-dress of the Kondh consists ofa turban

,

adorned with a crest of feathers, and a strong cloth wound tightlyround the body. In l lahas ingh i , the broad ax e ofBead is general lycarried by the Patro and his reta iners. In the so uth, the match lock

and shield are their usual weapons .

The instrumen ts ofmusic amongst the Uriyas are simi lar to those

in use in the plains . Various kinds of drums, and the trumpet

furn ished by the Patro, are employed by the Kondhs during the Heriah

1 6 ms mun AND x enon Porot srron or 0 111385 .

sacrifice . The doka, a primiti ve spec ies oflute , having two strings

ofwire, and a sounding-board composed ofgourds, is pecul iar to the

h i lls . The shepherd’

s p ipe is also commonly heard, joined wi th shri l lsong, in the posturing grounds .

The dance is a principal amusement, though it is difi cult to conce ive anything more monotonous. It consists ofa kind of shaminggait on a straight l ine. The feet are scarcely raised from the ground,

on which the eyes are steadily fi x ed the arms are held close to the

body, the elbows at right angles w ith the clenched fist . The whole

body seems engaged in progression . t en the end of the l ine is

attained, the dancer raises his head, and assuming a triumphan t air,

wheels round, and recommcnces the laboured step at the point from

whence he started . A performer guides the measure on a lots, and

the spectators keep time by clapping the hands at times, twodancers advance abreast, and wheel outwards to resume the measure.

The battle-ax e, so adroi tly brand ished in the dances ofBead and

Goomsur, is no t used in this malo , ex cept perhaps in Gaddapur.The Patro and his fo l lowers speak the Uriya language. Their

pronunciation , however, is so different from that ofthe plains as to bescarcely intel l igible . The use of Sanscrit words, with which the

tongue of the educated is overladen, is rare, and i t is, consequently,more s imply an Indian language . The Kondh tongue is purely so, as

it does not supply its deficiencies from the Sanscrit . It is simi lar

in construction w ith the Telugu , Tamil, Uriya, and other cognate

languages ; ex hib iting their analogous pecul iarities of idiom with

singular fulness. In these, a grammat ical construction—the immed iate opposite of the Sanscrit—is discernible in various degrees . In

the Kondh language, this construction stands out d istinctly—pure and

unadulterated . It may therefore be regarded as a Specimen ofIndian

tongues in their integrity, before they yielded to the necessity of an

artifi cial med ium, to give ex pression to the abstruse dogmas of a

mystical creed. The language of the land, or the Indian tongue, is

still found in the speech of the ill iterate, in the names of physicalobjects, and the ordinary bod ily or men tal emotions of mankind,whi le the Hindu languages are debtors to the Sanscrit for copiousnessand embell ishment, in the same ratio as modern Engl ish ex presses theideas of civilization by enl isting the dead languages of the West into

i ts service. The Kondh tongue, I conceive, stands in an analogous

position with the primitive Sax on and the same dest iny attends it,

when civil ization and revealed truth succeed to the simplici ty and

ignorance of savage l ife. The medium through wh ich new ideas

should be conveyed is an interesting question .

THE URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION OF ORISSA. 1 7

The language is spoken with purity in this malo, remoteness

p reventing the ad option ofwords from the plains the Uriya tonguei s also spoken pure in and around this tract : the Kondh bears no

affi nity to i t while many words are identical with those ex pressive of

the same idea in Telugu and Tamil—tongues current amongst nations

whose centre of domin ion is considerably to the south of the male .

The numerals are almost the same with those of the former, while

the demonstrative pronoun closely resembles that of the latter

language. An investigation of the Gond language during the tour

es tablished i ts identity of id iom with the Kondh tongue, though

d istinct as regards words. The Saora speech is not sufiicientlyknown to authorize an Opin ion, though analogy of id iom may be

reasonably ex pected. On the western frontier, the Kondh and Gond

languages are so much mingled, as to render communication with the

people very diffi cult.Rapidity ofutterance and a natural eloquence is often displayed

one idea is dwelt upon, and ex emplified to its utmost l imit. Were it

necessary to allude to a state ofpoverty, everything connected with

Kondh life—crops, farming implements, household property, progeny,relatives, or whatsoever else there may he, would be enumerated with

great volubi lity. During a harangue, the voice is pecul iarly modulated. The heads oftwo subdivisions were

,on one occas ion , convened

to arrange a feud ; the leading Mall ike was cal led upon to open the

me. He was seated, and,directing h is eyes to the ground, com

weneed at the ordinary pitch of h is vo ice, wh ich gradual ly fell to a

very low tone. After a time, his vo ice suddenly resumed its natural

pitch ; a new point of the subject was entered upon, the speakerapparently absorbed in the question before h im. An un interruptedflow of rapid utterance lasted for some t ime, and was met by intenseattention in the parties interested. The general bearing only wouldbe caught by any other than a Kondh audience but it was clear, on

further inquiry, that he had advocated the cause of his party in full,and with much effect.

The poetry, as far as is yet known, is rythmical . In general, one

idea is conveyed in a stanza,the main word in the first l ine being

repeated by a synonyme in the last an analogy to th is construction

may be traced in the Hebrew lyrics . Poetry is employed to ex cite

themental agony of the Meriah on the eve of sacrifice, the ofii ciating

priest , the Kondh providing the sacrifice, and the victim, beingintroduced as speakers. There are also ploughing andmarriage songs,with amatory poems, and dirges used at the time of death . The

couplets vary from each other in the number offeet but ametre is

VOL .£XVII. C

1 8 ms mun AND KONDH POPULATION or omsss .

observed in each member of the stanza. Beyond the harmony, thereis noth ing attractive in the versifi cation and poverty of ideas is in

all cases perceptible.

The song is, more strictly speaking, a short and rapid recitat ive.

A t the commencement ofa couplet, the vo ice is pitched in a high shrill

key, and gradually falls towards i ts close, being again elevated at the

outset of a succeed ing distich or the whole poem is recited in a low

chant. There is a wildness about the notes, when heard at a l ittle

distance in the open air,wh ich is very plemiug. The singer is usuallyaccompan ied by a player on the lute.

Epidemic diseases are almost unknown . Cholera has never visi ted

the hil ls, though pecul iarly rapid and fatal in its course on°

those who

mayapproach the plains during its prevalence. Small po x occurs veryrarely. The system is hitherto unvi tiated by venereal disorder, though

intercourse wi th the plains has introduced this baneful attendant oncivi l ization into the Kondh tracts ofGoomsur. Fever, scrofula, bl indness, and various phases ofd isorders of the eye and spleen, appearto prevail and treatment at the hand of the European practi tioner iseagerly sought. The knowledge ofmedicine is l imited to the appl i

cation ofa few roots or leaves to wounds and sores.

The operations of the Agency bearing directly and almost ex clu

s ively on the suppression ofhuman sacrifice, it might be supposed thati ts communications would be addressed to the Kondh himself, wi thout

any other med ium but e x perience shows that he is inaccessible,un less through the in troduction ofthe Uriya chieftain, whomhe acknowledges as h is ruler by the payment ofdues and general obedience .

The godah, or v i llage in wh ich the chieftain and his fo llowers

reside, is the acknowledged seat ofpower within the l imi ts of the

division over which the former presides. To i t the Kondh subjectre pairs when summoned by the Patro, either to del iberate in council,

or jo in in war and in i t is centred all the power which he recogn izes

as superior to that which he ex ercises in h is own v illage.

A t the godah, therefore, the agent of the paramount power can,

with propriety and pursuant wi th usage, (the maintenance ofwhich

appears essential to success,) receive the visit ofthe Patro . Here also

the latter,having testified his feudal relations by presenting a nominal

tribute, can , wi thout loss ofpersonal influence, introduce his Kondhsubjects. It migh t appear, that the operations of the Agency wouldbe accelerated by a tour of visits to the Kondh vi llages, rather than

by one limi ted to the godah but such a. Procedure would be distaste

ful to both Uriya and Kondh—the one losing his position and

influence, and incurring the suspicion and displeasure ofhis subjects

run mum AND x enon POPULATION or omssa. 1 9

the other, with the conn ivance of his ruler, marrmg the proposedobject by taking to hiding-places in the hil ls, where stores ofgrain

render a lengthened stay a matter ofno inconvenience .

The godah, then, being selected as the halting-place

,the business

of the Agency is opened by a v isit of ceremony on the part of the

Uriya ch ieftain, attended by his relations and official servants . In

the conversation wh ich ensues, the orders of the Government and the

duties ofthe Patro are dilated upon. He is addressed as the ruler

h is division, and consequently interested in its welfare as an Uriya,and therefore separated by caste and creed from the rite which fi l ls

h is land with poverty. Hav ing no alternative but obed ience, he isd irected to in troduce his Kondhs, and del iver over the Meriahs

,who

would be retained or restored after due inqu iry; he himself being a

party to the del iberation .

It is wel l known that he is, defacto, the mainstay ofthe proh ib itedrite, pres id ing at its consummat ion, sharing in its supposed efli cacy,

and d irect ly in terested in its continuance as a source ofincome . But

the knowledge of these facts affords the surest ground for his employment in its abolition , as he can only avo id the displeasure of the

Governmen t by affo rding i t h is zealous aid,whi le he cannot incur

that ofthe Kondh, who well knows, that were it not for the pressurefrom w ithout, their custom would continue to be cherished by the

chief, who, equally w i th h imself, esteems i t essen tial to the wel l-beingof the land . Further, the necessity of the Uriya to the Kondh, as

purveyor of commod ities from the plains, and as a medium of com

mun ication,renders his position qu ite secure, wh i le carrying out

measures d istasteful to both parties. aware of this, a surrender

of themselves to the Government, as unable to control their people, isemployed by the Patros as the last argument, and never fai ls to ensure

the submission ofthe most reluctant .

The real state of fee l ing on the part of the ch ieftain and h is

followers was ev idenced everywhere, though in different degrees, byprocrastination , evasion, alleged want of power, and dread of retri

butive vengeance . These ex cuses were met by patience, furtherex planations, and a firm declaration that a great Government could

not forego i ts settled purpose, and that they were called upon to aid

from their known ab i l ity to do so .

When ex treme reluctance or subterfuge was ex hibited, the las talternative was offered to the Chief; i t was shown h im, that it would

be an easymatter for the Agent to employ troops to enforce obed ience,and the result of so ex treme a measure must be less ofposition and

ruin, as the Kondhs would not tolerate his rule when he proved h im

C 2

20 runmum AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA.

selfunequal to protect them from the direct interference of another

power. It was never found to be necessary to carry out this measure,as i ts proposal invariably el icited the re quisite energy.

On inqu iry into their creed, and the names of influence acknow

lodged amongst them, they are found to be summed up in the following

formulaMarrrkeswarrDevr,

Goujo Raja.,A thero Godoh Patro,Amonaieto Dole

by which is understood—1 st, Manikeswari Devi, a peculiar name

under wh ich the goddess Parvati, wife ofMahadeva, in her attributesas Durga or Kal i

,is worshipped as the “ Ishta Devi,

”or chosen deity

of the Gonje Bonso Rojas and their followers ; 2nd, Gonjo “ Raja,”or the anc ient house ofOrissa‘, represented by the Rajas of the threeKiru id is 3rd, A thero Godoh Patro, an officer ofrank who held th is

title, s ignifying Governor ofEighteen Forts,” previous to the diaper

s iou of the Gonjo Bonso House, and was invested with control over

tlroso erected in the Kimidi Male by Bhimo Devo, the ancestor of

the present Rajas of Sane and Bode Kimid i, on the occas ion of his

subjugating the male, and founding a dynas ty at its base and

4th, Amonaieto Dole, or the free army, representing the Patros, orfeudal barons ofthe male, and the ir fol lowers.

The nron tion of these names forms a ground-work of inquiry intothe previo us h istory and the settlemen t of the Uriyas in the male ;and, in prrrsuiug it, recourse must be had to oral trad ition ,which, with

certain admissions, appears to be in the main worthy ofcredit .

The ancestors ofthe dispersed branches ofthe Gonjo Bonso familywere the sovereigns ofOrissa, the seat of government being PuruslrottamaKhetro, or, as it is more commonly called, Jaganuatho Khetro,ordinari ly known as Pfrri .

The cause of dispersion is thus given by trad ition —A certa in

Raja, named Pratapa Rudra Devo, had one i l legitimate, and eighteen

legit imate sons. Hesitating in his selection from amongst those ofa

successor to the throne ofOrissa, he was revolving the matter in h isnriud, when the god Jagannatho appeared to him in a dream, and to ld

h iur that the son who should raise the skirt ofhis robe as he ascended

the steps of the temple should succeed him. The Raja accordinglywent to the shrine, att ended by his sons, when be perceived, on

rrrountirrg the steps, that his train was raised, and, looking back,This is u provincial ismfor Gaja, the Uriya Rojas being the

“ Gajapatis,or Lords ofthe Elephant.—See Stirling's Oria na—H. H. W.

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22 THE URIYA AND KONDII POPULATION or onlsss .

w idow fled and abandoned the image . One n ight, whi le the Rajawas lying outs ide wi th h is forces, the word Ma

"was heard, and on

sending to seek out the person who had uttered the cry, it was tnawd

to the image, which gave an account of her origin ; and on beingrequested to aecompany the camp

,stipulated that, at every inter

mediate halt, an animal, and at the fi nal one a human victim, should

be offered in her honour. These condi tions being subscribed to, thegoddess accompan ied the camp . On h is return from the conquest of

Kalahandi , the Raja sacrificed the man who had carried h im to his

tu telary goddess, and placed her in his original seat ofgovernment,the chief v i llage in the country of the Eight Mallikas. The name of

the man . sacrificed was Anaka, who requested, at the time of h is

death,that h is name shou ld precede that of the Raja and his sue

cessers, and that in every periodical ceremony in honour of deceasedancestors, a plate offood should be especial ly set apart for him. The

request was compl ied w ith, and at the present time, this man’

s name,conjo intly wi th that of the founder of the family, form a part ofthet itle ofthe Rajas ofthe Kimid ies.

Having reigned for some years over the conquered Raj of

Kalahandi , and the petty tract ofwhich he had been first nominated

the ruler, the Raja resolved on forming a dynasty in the low

co untry lying beyond the Kimidi Male . He accordingly bestowed

Kalahandi upon a scion of the Mago Bansa family, ru l ing in Jaypur,as h is daughter

’

s dower and was an x ious, under the auspices ofhis

tutelary goddess, to lead h is fol lowers to the subjuga tion of the inter

ven ing h il l-tracts ; but here he was met (according to tradition) by

opposi tion on the part of his chosen deity, the door ofwhose templeremained fi rmly closed against every effort, until recourse was had to

human sacri fice. A n adult was slain, when it turned on its hinges of

i ts own accord, and the propitiated deity accompan ied the enterprise.

The Kimidi Malo was at that time under the supreme control of

a Raja named Suva Chandra Deva, whose capital was Suvaruagiri,at present the seat ofgovernment ofBahadur Patro . Of the historyof the above Raja noth ing is certainly known but reference will be

made to h isprobable identity, when treating ofthe N0 10 Bonso Patros .

Traces of an anc ient temple, &e. , are stil l visible, i t is said, on the

high peak which bears his name.

The Raja Ehime Devo, with an army mainly composed ofmen

ofKalahandi and Bustar, wi th the fami lies who had followed his

fo rtunes from Purusho ttama Khetro, poured in upon the northern

part ofthe malo , and pursu ing h is co nquests , overthrew the previousdynasty, reduced the Kondhs to submission, and, for the consol ida

THE UBIYA AND KONDH POPULATION‘

OF ORISSA. 23

t ion of his power, distributed the country into a series of feudal

dependencies, in each ofwh ich he founded a godah, and invested some

chosen fo llowers w ith the powers ofgovernment, as Godiahs, on the

tenure Ofmi l itary service,payment of an annual tribute, and attend

ance, when necessary, at the Court of their lord paramount . This

arrangement, it is said, arose in part from the request of the van

qnished, who needed a medium of communication between themselvesand their Uriya conqueror . Certain i t is, that at the present day, thePatro urges the obedience ofthe Kondh

,on the ground ofhis share in

the investment ofhis ancestors with power.

The first godah so founded was Mahasinghi , and others followed

as the enterprise was successful ly pursued through the length and

breadth Ofthe male . In this manner the country was port ioned intoeighteen godahs, the masters ofwhich ruled over their Kondh subjectsas the vassals ofthe Raja.

With regard to the forts of the above-named malo, it is suflicientin this place to note that their establishment was ratified, ex ceptingperhaps in the case ofChandragiri, by human sacrifice, in propitiat ionof the tutelary deity wh ich accompan ied the arms of the conqueror,

the v ictims having been , accord ing to trad ition , the vanqu ished chief

tains of the country. Some of these godahs are now destroyed or

deserted ; but though the Patros are anx ious for their t e-establ ishment,and they have been urged to d isregard the pervad ing prejudice and

rebuild them w ithou t the wonted rite, they dare not face the ordeal .

They declare that they are places consecrated by sacrifice, and th'

at

they cannot presume to dwel l there wi tho ut a fresh propitiation .

They, however, make a compromise with their new somewhat shakenbelief, by promising to do so under the personal countenance ofthe

Agency. The Kondh, again , when pressed by the Borjiri Silo Patro ,the representat ive of the Raja, and the supreme authority in the

hills, to rel inquish the ri te, promptly refers to the direct countenance

afl'

orded to h is custom by the fi rst of the l ine to whom he paysallegiance ; and the words “ Gouge Raja tongo Projo,

"a kind of

bye-word in common use

,is intended to imply that he is only acting

upon ex ample as the king, so the people . Pecul iar reference is

made on such occasions to the immolation of the man to whom Bhimo

Raja owed his first prosperity. Such being the feel ing in the presentday, it seems ev ident that human sacrifice marked the progress of

Bhimo Devo through the h ill country.

The Raja, on the conquest of the malo , remai ned some time at

Udragiri, and from thence came down to Gopalpur, a Vi llage of the

Bodo Kimidi Zemindari . He subsequently establ ished h is capital at

24 THE URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA.

Vijayanagaro, regarding the selection and naming of which place,tradi tion asserts

.

that while he and his court were hunting, a hare was

seen to advance towards them, instead offleeing to a place ofconcealment. Much astonished, and attributing the circumstance to some

powerful influence of the earth, the Raja called a vi llage in the

vicinity by the name of Vijayanagaro,”

or the ci ty or palace of

conquest, and made it h is residence . The image of his] tutelarydeity

,under the name of Man ikeswari,

” mistress or proprietressofa jewel,” was there installed in a temple raised to its honour. The

goddess Kal i, or Di’

i rga, is worsh ipped under various names in the

zemindaris of the Sirkar ofGanjam. Thus, in A thogodah, she is

styled “ Bhorendi in Moheri, Kalna in Chikil i, Baraknari

in Surabdah Kondoni Devi in Darakot, Bodogodo and

Sorgodo ; Di’

i rga, in the Raj ofRayagodah. On the Bengal

frontier she is known as Bavorani”

(Bhavan i ?) while in the

Kimidies,“Man ikeswari

”is the chosen appellation , The Raja was

accompanied by a brother, who separated, and founded the elder

branch .Of the family, which has from that time reigned in PurlahKimidy. Ehime Devo reigned over that part of the country now

known as Bodo Kimidi wh ile Sane Kimidi remained in the possession ofa prince named Dharma Devo, regarding whose race or familytradition is si lent.

The further history of this fami ly, as confined to the descendants

ofBhimo Devo, is as fol lows —The founder was succeeded by his son,Ananta Padmanabha Devo . He bequeathed the throne to PitamboroDave, the eldest ofthree sons who conquered the present Sano KimidiDeso, and annex ed i t to his own possessions. The Kimidis werethen known as Kimidi and Poroloh Kimidi Rajro . Kamo Devo

, the

second, became a devotee and a pilgrim. Base Devo, the younger,had a son named Purushottama Devo

,who succeeded to the throne

on his uncle'

s decease, and had four sons—Padmanabho Devo,Jaggonatho Devo, Chaitanyah Devo, and Hari Krishna Devo . The

eighteen zemindaris contained in the Ganjam Sirkar having, ere th is,passed under the control of government, and Purushottama Devo

having incurred its displeasure, he was placed in confinement in

Ganjam ; and during that t ime, his second son, the elder having

refused to do so, was permi tted to visi t h im. On the death ofh is

father, Jagannatho Devo succeeded him, in supereession ofhis elder

brother, Padmanabho Devo , who, in consequence, formed a party, andraised the s tandard of revo lt. The right of the younger to reign

being proved, on investigation, to be untenable, it was thought best,in consideration of the strong party which supported h im, to quell so

THE URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA. 25

unhappy a feud by making a part ition of the country ; when the

elder received the original possession of the family, and resided at

V ijayanagaro, or, as it is more frequently named, Digapundi ; and the

younger established himself at Pratapagiri, or Puramari, the seat of

the vanquished Dharma Devo . Thus, the possession ofBh imo Devo’s

descendants was divided.

into Bodo and Sane Kimidi . At th is periodthe image of Manikeswari was surreptitiously removed from the

Temple ofVijayanagaro , where it had rested since its first dedication,

and was placed in a shrine at Puramari , under the care ofJagannatho

Devo . It remains there at present, an object of peculiar veneration

to the Gonjo Bonso family and their feudal descendants on the hills.

On the adjustment of the feud, the two youngest sons were placedunder the care of the reigning brothers respectively. Padmanabho

Devo breaking into revolt, was imprisoned, and died in confinement.

He was succeeded by h is brother, Chaitanyah Devo, whose son, Pi tamboro Dcvo, is the present Raja of Bode Kimidi . Jagannatho Devo,

who also died in confinement, was succeeded by his son, Chandra

mani Devo, who, under the influence offrenzy, induced, it is said, by

the use of violent medicines, committed a variety ofatrocities . He

summarily imprisoned two ofli cers of his Court, of the highest rank

and influence—namely, the supreme authorities of the hill tracts,

Nikananda Borj i ri Si lo Patro, the father, and Chaitanyah Hari

chandro Patro, the uncle of the present Lakshmano Borjiri Si loPatro, the representative of the A thoro Godah Patro family. More

over, the Raja’s family did not escape without i ll-treatment, his

wives, and his sons, Ardicondo Dcvo, Raghunath Dave, and Lakshimono

Devo, being subjected to great hardsh ip through his tyranny. The

resu l t was a general revolt, head ed by the members of the BorjiriSilo Patro’

s family, who were set at l iberty by the enraged people.

At the so l icitation of the Raja’

s wives, the insurgent leaders

surrounded his palace, carried off h is chi ldren, and kept them in

a vi llage called Bab iliboundo, at the foot of the h ills, which theyfortified. Two years subsequently, the same parties forced the Rajato invest h is eldest son with regal powers, when they retired to the

vil lage ofLukagodah, in the Bodo Godah Zemindari , and subsequentlyresided peacefully in the vi l lage ofSiddheswara, in Sane Kimidi . Aboutthis period, a revolt having broken out in Parlah Kimidi, two rebelleaders, Ramoraj and Js t ango Bissye, sought a harbour in the district

ofPanegunda ; and on Ardicondo Devo being called upon to efl'

ect

their capture, with a promise ofh is confi rmation as Raja on success,

he decl ined to act. To Chandraman i Devo, on the other hand, the

restoration ofhis sons to h is care was the reward attached to the due

26 Tm; UBIYA AND KONDH POPULATION or 03 18811.

performance of the task. He closed with the terms effected the

capture and received his sons . Ard icondo Devo refused to l ive with

his father, and retired to Chicacole, where he remained unti l the death

oftheRaja, whom he succeeded, and rules at present over Sane Kimid i .Neither the founder nor his successors appear to have been in the

habi t of visiting their h ill domains in person . They resided in the

plains, and confined their d irect administration to the Raja,receiving

a stated vis it from their vassals, who presented their tribute oftwelve

rupees each to the Suzerain and, after a reinvestment with the

insign ia of their power, returned to their fiefs, or remained, in their

turn of service, at the Court. A t first, doubtless, the authority ofthe

Raja was fully acknowledged, but of late years his name has becomealmost a shadow the attendance, visits, and tribute are alike discon

t inned, and in the northern part Ofthe male, independence everywhereprevails .

The Raja has been , from the first, the fountain ofhonour, and, as

such, directed the investiture with the sari, or turban, at the annual

visi ts ofthe Patros but the ceremony has now ceased for some years .

The power and duties ofthe lord paramount are now ex ercised by therepresentatives of the Government, in the annual tour of the Agency.

At the conclusion ofthe visit to each godah , the Borjiri Si lo Patro,who is the representative ofthe class at the Court of the Raja, andnow fi ll ing the same relation in that of the Agent, introduces the

Patro and as many ofh is relations and ofli cers as are entitled to the

mark ofhonour. and invests them with the sari, which he receives at

the hand ofthe Agent . In the present investiture, however, there isthis difference, aris ing from the necessity of employing their ser vices

in the suppress ion of sacrifices, that the Government confers pecu

niary rewards on the parties ; whereas, in the Court of the Raja, an

equivalent for the honour conferred was ex acted.

The e lttlm of the ltuja, as lord paramount, is acknowledged in

courtesy by the Go vernment, whose objects he is invited to aid, and

he is duly informed ofthe result ofoperations but d irect influence hehas "o ne .

A ltho ugh the envleut kingdom ofOrissa is shattered to pieces, andthe l ineal deseemhtl l ts of the ho use reduced to the condition of pettylandho lders, yet the puueti lio s of rank and birth are rigidly enforced .

The ltaja of lt'

urdu is regarded as the fo untain of honour by the

greater part ofthe Zemluduu ofthe Sirkar ofGanjam,whose ancestors

ho ld office in the Co urt of the Hul eruiu. and rece ived lands on the

tenure ofperforming speelllu duties, or us the time d"fpersonal valouror spec ial services.

'

l'

heue fami lies also acknowle dge the claim of

THE UnIrA AND KONDH POPULATION or osIssA. 27

royal blood on the part of the house ofKimid i,in common with that

of Kurda ; but the‘

formcr descendants of the branch regard them

selves as superi or in rank to the latter—the representative of the

i l legit imate branch of the fami ly of Orissa . In former days the

Zemindars used to v isit the Rajas of Kimidi,present a nuzzur of

si lk cloths, and make their obeisance ; when they would receive

marks of dist inction—as a banner an umbrel la,or a fan . But this

state has passed away, and the fami ly has sunk into insignificance.

Whilst the founder of the house and his heirs maintained supreme

control over the ferti le vall ies of the rap e, or zemindari, with the

ti tle of “ Pat Raja,

”or rul ing prince,

”a j un ior branch was located

at Gaddapur, on the verge of the male,with the title of “ Tat Raja,

or“commander of the forces . The Tat Raja acknow ledges his

position as vassal, by periodical visits ofhomage to V ijayanagaro , andpayment of tribute. It seems doubtful whether the Tat Rajas ever

enjoyed further influence over the inferior vassals than that derived

from birth since, while they remained in amity with the Suzerain,the godahs would not fai l to pay allegiance to the blood-royal . Be

th is as it may, the au thority of this branch has , since the time of the

grandfather of the presen t Raja, been l imited to Gaddapur and

Surampur. On a success ion , the ratification of the heir’

s au thorityby investiture with the sari, rests w ith the Raja ofSano Kimidi .

Fi rst in person and influence of the fo llowers who aided in the

subjugation of the Kimidis was the family whose representative wasformerly known by the title of A thero Godah,

”but now by that Of

Borjiri Si lo Patro .

The term Patro,

”corrupted into

“ Pater, is a Sanskrit word

signifying, in literature, a In the hi ll tracts, the title is

confined to the heads of the difl'

erent godahs in their relation to the

Raja, at whose Court they are requ ired to attend and take a part inpubl ic afl

'

airs .

The title ofBorj i ri Silo Patro was conferred on Bunko Patro , byPurushottama Devo, in consideration of his services in confin ing

in the hills his cousin, Ghon Devo, who was in arms against his

authority. From that time the head ofthe family has been known inthe raj io by th is t itle, derived from two Sanscrit words,

“ boryri ,”

an enemy, and silo,”

a trident’”but in the h ills he is acknow

ledged as the A thero Godah Patro .

It properly sign ifi es a vesse l, whence it comes to implyany fi t or capable

person.—H . H . W .

Borjiri is no t Sanskrit, unless it be a co rruption fo r“ bajra,

” “thunderb ol t

,

and“sula,

”

(not is“a stake, or

, as“trisula,

” “a trident. —H . H . W .

28 THE URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA.

Lakshmano Borjiri Silo Patro is the representative of the family.

He is the minister for the hi ll domains, and is equal in official rank,

but superior in hereditary permanency ofoffi ce, to theDeso Patro, theminister of the zemindari, whose tenure ofauthority rests entirely on

the wi ll or caprice Ofthe reigning prince. He rarely visi ts the godahsin person, and is therefore not known ex cept by report, as the representative ofthe family . His chiefresidence is at the palace in Puramari ,of the internal arrangements of wh ich he enjoys the entire control .

Chandragiri is, so to speak, the baron ial possess ion and residence of

the family, which also holds Berikote and Panigunda under i ts imme

diate contro l, the Oflicers entrusted with the management of afl'

airs

being appointed or removed at pleasure.

The rank of th is officer may best be estimated by his position on

various occasions ofstate and ceremony. For instance—at the annualinvestiture with the sacred cord, the Raja is seated on his throne,with his family ranged in order behind him while the Deso Patro,and Borjiri Silo Patro, the h ighest in rank of his subjects, sit, the one

on his right, the other on his left hand . The Raja is first invested ;then the members of h is family, in due succession after which a

family priest, standing before each min ister, simultaneously performthe ceremony . The Borjiri Silo Patro annually places the sari on the

head ofthe Raja, who, in return, invests his vassal with the emblemsof authority. In the chase, the Raja receives the thigh, the royalshare ; the Deso Patro is enti tled to a piece of the side and the

Borjiri Silo Patro to a portion of flesh. When travell ing in the raj io,his palanqu in is escorted by two men with torches.In former days, when the Godiahs regularly visited the Court of

the Raja, they fi rst repaired to the residence of their ch ief, wi th

whom rested the investigation and decision ofall matters of disputeor grievance, and were then escorted by him to the presence of the

Suzerain, who, on the presentation of the annual tribute, investedthem wi th the sari at his hands. The Raja had no power to takecogn izance ofanymatter connected with the Godiahs, or to interfere

with the award oftheir immed iate superior.In Chandragiri, considered as i t were the capital of the hill tracts,

the power of the family is absolute. The Patro receives the royal

share in the chase ; is the sovereign in his own petty court and

domain ; and now, as the subject of the Government, remits the

stipu lated assessment into the treasury at Ganjam. Narayana

Rajendra Patro , the younger brother of the Borjiri Si lo Patro,

whose duties detain h im at the Court ofPuramari, generally res ides

at the godah.

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30 THE URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION OF ORISSA.

to the weal th and influence ofthe Godiah, constitutes the low order in

the body under his control .

The jun ior branches ofthis family consist, at present, OfChaitanvah,Harichandono Patro, the uncle, and Narayana Rajendra Patro, theyounger brother ofBorjiri Silo Patro . On these devolves the duty Ofan annual visi to the godahs of the malo . The former of these is an

aged man, and well known in the hi lls ; the latter is young, and fulloffire and energy, whi le treated with marked distinction, and vestedw ith irresponsible powers at the Court of the Raja. As the reprosentative ofthe A thoro Godah Patro

,he is regarded by the Godiah as

his raja, and receives the homage conformable to the customs Ofso

rude a country .

On approaching the godah, he is met by the Godish and h is

Sariah followers, when the former salutes h imwith a low ob eisance,

presents the feudal tribute, washes h is feet, and escorts him w ith music

to his house, before wh ich a spot has been swept and purified . Here

are placed a lamp and a vessel full of water, in which a small branchofthe mango

-tree is immersed. The w ife of the Godish brings some

rice, and, showing i t to the A thoro Godah Patro, describes a circle

around his head with joined palms which done, she throws it away,and sprinkles the water on the roofofthe house. He is then escorted

to a house set apart for h im,where he resides, his charge being borne

by theGodiah. Matchlocks are fi red Offon h is arrival , and the Kondh

subjects of the godah assemble to give h im welcome. Should a beast

of the chase be presented, he receives it, and distributes it at his

pleasure.

He is entitled to a moiety Ofthe dues payable to the Godiah. On

the decease Of an Uriya without heirs, a mo iety of the propertyescheats to h im. He also receives a simi lar port ion of the mulot

levied on misdemeanours pun ishable by the Godiahs. Faults of a

graver nature, or committed by the former against the common good,come under h is immediate consideration . On the death Ofa Mall ika,

or Kondh head Ofa vi llage, the selection Ofa successor rests with h im,

when he receives the customary fees, ofwh ich he retains a mo iety,and d istributes the remainder to the Sarisha ofthe godah .

As the Godiahs have ceased to repair to the court ofPuramari,the adjustment ofdues and fines has taken place, oflate years, at theperiodical v isi t of supervision. On h is departure, presents in moneyare Offered according to the means of parties, and he is escorted withhonour to the nex t godah.

In the superscription Of letters he is styled Raja Sri and

the God ish, who receives h is commands with entire submission0

THE URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION OF onIssa. 31

employs the term of Obodhan signifying, l iterally, may yourattention be directed towards me, in addressing him while he, on

the o ther hand, uses towards the former language only appl icable toan inferior, and hesitates not, on occasions, to adopt that of anger,

reproach, and command .

We have seen how the founder of the house ofKimid i immolated

human beings in honour of Man ikeswari (Durga), on fi rst cominginto contact with the votaries ofMeriah sacrifice and, wi th reference

to the same rite, it is a curious fac t that the full ceremonial, savingthe efi

'

usion ofhuman blood, is maintained at the present t ime duringthe Durga PI

’

Ija at Puramat i . On the last day but one of that

festival, the image ofManikeswari is removed from i ts temple, underthe immediate superintendcnce of the Raja, to a temporary buildingconstructed of branches, cal led the Meriah Gborah, or Meriah

House,”where the rite ofMeriah sacrifice is duly performed, a goat

hoing substi tuted for the human victim. The Borjiri Silo Patropresides, a Brahman efiiciates, and a party designated Maj i

,

”slays

the animal. If to these facts be added the additional circumstance,that the ri te commences, as a rule

, at Gaddapur and the southern

p t ts ofthe male, and is taken up in succession from godah to godah,

until the obligation terminates on the northern boundary, i t may bereasonably inferred, not only that the in i tiat ive was, unti l of late .

given in the Court of the Raja (the substi tution of the an imal beingof recent origin), but also that the ri te Of the Xoudha—h ithertoinaccessible, and consequently not subjected to ex ternal influences

bears a close afiin ity to the early wo rsh ip ofDurga. These suppositions are further strengthened by the general Op in ion , that in parts of

the low country, general ly under control, human blood, under the

supposed warrant ofex treme distress, occas ionally flows in secret uponher altar. The conclusion can at least be drawn that the Meriah

sacrifice finds other advocates besides the rude Kondh, and that

nothing short ofd irect European intervention wi l l shake its hold on

the prejudices and affection ofmost classes ; i t being my conv ict ion

that the Hindu mind generally, but espec ial ly in the zemindaries

adjo ining or connected with th e hill tracts, views our intentions w ith

As the Godiahs became estranged from the Court of Puramari,

and establ ished in the north a virtual independence, the connex i on of

Avadhana,” Sanskrit,

“atte ntion .

” In th is , as in the proper name s, and

in all the other words of Sanela-it origin, we have the corruptions of vulgar

Bl ip ]! pronunciation : b substi'

uted for v, and o for a, as“ Eh ime Debt ) ” for

“ Bhima Deva,”

Patro” for Pe tra,

” & c .—H . H . W.

32 THE URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION or ORISSA.

the Athero Godah Patro with the male was weakened , and h is visits

became more and more rare, until they were confined to the south,

and almost ex clusively to Suvaruagiri, for many years past . Kurtal i

alone, ofthe northern godahs, had been occasional ly visited, when the

entrance of the Agency on the field restored the influence Of the

family. Summoned by the Agent to accompany him and aid his

Operations, Harichandono and Rajendra Patro have, during the las t

two years, visited every godah, and met with the honours sanctioned

by usage. Their authority, unhesitatingly acknowledged, has been

zealously employed in furthering the objects ofGovernment and the

untiring ex ertions OfRajendra Patro in urging the God iahs to prac

t ical co-operation, or, when the necessity ofthe case demanded i t,

performing the requ ired duty in person, cannot be over-estimated . To

those men the Meriah sacrifice is not a source Of advantage ; conse

quently, ex cepting from prejudice, its con tinuance is not an object ofinterest ; wh i le the Operations-of the Agency involve the restoration

oftheir authority, and its accompanying profi t. They may, therefore,be regarded as, in a measure, bound by interest to the suppression of

sacrifice, and already contemplate the advantages which must accrue to

themselves in the amel ioration Of the cond ition of the people throughour influence. Maintained in their right position, and regarded as theh ighest native authority in the land, only inferior to the Agent himselfin power

,their cO-Operat ion may be considered sure

,and, indeed,

i t is essential to success ; for, as the Kondh is inaccessible ex cept

through the Godish, so the latter will not counteract the wishes ofthe

A thero Godah Patro, whom he regards as, in a special sense, the

Male Raja, wh ile he acknowledges the nominal supremacy of the

Gonjo Bonso family. Harichondono Patro and Rajendra Patro, inthe suppression ofMeriah sacrifice, form the first l ink in the chain of

responsibil ity, within which it was endeavoured to enclose every partyofinfluence in the land. They consider themselves engaged to guard

against any infringement of the compact entered into by the Godiahsto discountenance the rite, and denounce those who perform i t as

disobeying the orders ofthe Government .The above allusion to the Borjiri Silo Patro, in his relations with

the male, naturally leads to the consideration Of the godahs over

wh ich he ex ercises control , and which may best be divided into thoseinstituted by Ehime Dave, and others subordinate to them,

which

derived their origin from motives Of convenience, or from familydissens ien .

Under the first head are the Godiahs ofSuvaruagiri and Mahasinghi, the Godiah of the former being superior in position, while

THE URlYA AND KONDH POPULATION OF ORISSA .

the representative of the latter takes the precedence in respect of

When Ehime Devo overthrew the dynasty ofSuva Chandro Deve,he selected the ancestor ofBahadur Patro , an armed retainer of the

Bonko caste, to rule over the country,and fil l the posi tion ofChief

Godiah, nex t in rank to the A thero Godah Patro and, wi th this view,

ennobled h im with the “ Chitta Po ito .

”Bahadur Patro, the repro

sentative of the fami ly, has , consequently, no claim to birth ; but hissuperiority as a Godish is acknowledged in the district ofMahasinghi ,where he is received with sui table honours .

The fol lowing anecdote is i llustrative of the manners of the

Godiahs, and accounts for the comparatively degraded condition of

those in the northern portion of the male. A Patro of the Mahasingh i house repaired—4 ays the tradi tion—to the Court of the Baja,leaving h is mother and wife at the godah. He remained in attendance

for twelve years and on his return, was unable to recogn ize the latter,

and gave her the salutation due to the former—a grievous ofl'

euce

against propriety. The unfortunate man was unmercifully assai led

by his cotemporaries ; and so chagrined was he at the breach of

decorum which he had unwittingly committed, that he refused to

attend at the Court, and prayed the ancestor ofBahadur Patro totake the post of honour, wh ich he was henceforth unworthy to fi ll .

From that time the duty devolved on the latter family, and the formerceased to visit the plains. This event occurred about seventy yearsago ; since wh ich time the Godiahs ofMahas ingh i have declined in

power and appearance, becoming dai ly more and more assimilated

with the Kondhs in sympathies and habit.With the ex ception ofh is two brothers—the elder ofwhom resides

at Suvaruagiri as the min ister of the Chief, and the younger is PatroofTumerebundo , where Bahadur Patro also resides—the subord inateGod iahs are in no way connected wi th himbeyond the relation of

h au lage, being of various famil ies and peoples, and placed over

portions of the country wi th a view to strength of control by thefamily, the authority ofwhich was formerly abso lute . But at presentthe sway of the Patro of Suvaruagiri over the front ier God iahs is

either rejected, or nul l ified by feud and intrigue . Of these—whichconsist ofGame. Godah, Bellagodah, and Lonkagodah

—the second

alone acknowledges the lordship of Bahadur Patro . The first is

independent ofany contro l, whi le the last leans towards the house of

Kalahandi . The sympathies ofGojindra Patro, the Godiah ofKolo

godah or Koshlogodah, who is descended from an i llegitimate branchof the Tova Mula fami ly, the head of which is a Tat Raja under

veL . x vn .D

34 THE URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION OP ORISSA .

Kalahandi , flow in the same direction whi le h is royal blood induceshim to range himself under the banner of the Tat Raja ofGaddapur,

rather than pay fealty to Bahadur Patro , whose personal influenceis thus circumscribed wi thin narrow limi ts . A reconci liation was

efl'

ected between Gojindra Patro and himself but there appears to bel ittle doubt, that their feuds are, in a great measure, ow ing to harsh

and Oppressive proceed ings on his own part, as he does not appearconspicuous for justice in the dec ision ofsuch matters as come with in

his jurisdict ion .

Bahadur Patro is un ited in sympathy and interest with the Kimidi

fami ly, by whom his ancestor was ennobled, rather than wi th the

godebe, or the countries lying to the westward of the male . Wh i leothers boast a royal, or even fabulous descent, and regard Kalahandi

or Bastar as the home oftheir fathers, he is, in feel ing and appearance,simply a Sirdar of Samasthanam Paiks, and a servant of the Raja.

He does not, as others, preside at the Meriah sacrifice, or regard it

with greater favour than the Hindu in general . But he is an enemyto innovation ; and the predominant feature Of his character . is, an

intense fear, real or assumed , of the enmity and vengeance of the

Kondhs . In former days, and under difl'

erent circumstances, be is said

to have done good service when the God iahs of the north were in

rebell ion but when he approaches the Meriah quest ion , his energies

seem paralysed . Urged almost to desperation , he makes a convulsive

efl'

ort,and afl

'

o rds a part ial aid to the Government. His offi cials and

paiks, the latter numbering about two hundred match locks, followingtheir ch ief

’

s ex ample, retard rather than further the good work of

suppression . These hindrances, however, must be met and overcome

by patience and judgment ; for it is by these instruments that the

work must be efl'

ected, ifwe wou ld desire to leave a. good impressionofour intervention upon the people at large.

The consideration of the fami ly Of Bahadur Patro is simple ; butthe origin of the dispersed branches of that now represented by Gun i

Patro , ofMahasinghi , is invo lved in obscuri ty . It is, however , clear

that Kalahand i was the bi rthplace of its members in t imes previous tothe invas ion of the Sane Kimid i Male by Ehime Devo . A fabulousas well as royal o rigin is claimed . A s regards soc ial rank, they are

Uriya Brahmans and the fami ly is known , until the present day, bythe ti tle of “ No lo Bonso,

”—also enjoyed, it is said, by the Rajas of

Kalahand i and Jaypur.

The fabulous origin of the family indicating an antiquity, which ,among a people so wholly i lliterate, may be confined within narrow

l imits, i n an article of faith generally received , and is described as

TIIn URIYA AND KONDH POPULATION OP ORISSA. 35

follows —A Brahman widow,who supported herself by begging alms

in the neighbouring v illages, lived at Amaravati , in Kalahandi . In

her wanderings she frequented two roads , on one ofwh ich she alwaysmet with success, and on the other returned empty-handed . Curious

to ascertain the cause ofsuccess, she remarked that a pigeon had bui lta nest, and was sitting on her eggs in a bamboo tree. She secured

the eggs and carried them home, when, in process of t ime, two maleinfants issued from the shell . Regardless of opprobrium, the widow

reared the chi ldren, whose names were Sava Chandra and Bahan

Chandra . The eldest received the daughter of the Raja of Sane

Kimid i in marriage, with the male as her dower. The issue Of this

marriage was the Nolo Bonso famil ly—“ Nolo signifying, in the

Uriya language, a tube” or pipe,”such as the stemof the bamboo .

With reference to the hold of th is tradition on the minds of the Nolo

Bonso Patros, it may he remarked, that the pigeon is regarded with

pecul iar veneration, and its flesh scrupulously avoided . The Raja of

Sane Kimidi belonged to that l ine of princes wh ich became ex tinct

when Dharma Devo was d ispossessed of his raj by Pitamboro Devo ,the grandson of Bhimo Devo , wh ile it is possible that Sava Chandra

Devo’

s invasion may be identical with, or at least that he may be a

descendant of, that Sava Chandra, who rece ived the male in dower.

Amaravati, li terally employed as the name ofthe palace ofIndra, is alsomentioned as the site of a temple, from which, propitiated by humansac rifice, the goddess Man ikeswari Devi came forth to accompany theen terprise ofEhime Devo .

The cause which led to the introduction of th is family into the

male is, as regards Mahas ingh i , given as follows, by a party residingon the borders of the Bead H ill Tracts . It is meagre in detail , and

similar in character, w ith the reas on assigned for the influence of the

Bissyes ofthe neighbouring male—the un ion ofthe priestly offi ce wi ththe regal power . Traces of a previous Uriya population are also

visible. The narrator, a member of the Rogo Patro of Barakommah,states as follows We are of the-No lo Bonso race, and formerlydwel t in Kalahand i and Bastar. A t the t ime of o ur first connex ion

w ith the Kimid i Male , people of the Uriya race, cal led ‘Kaunu

Baranga,’ Nakko Baranga,

’

Tomakanga,’

and Punp kinga,’

inhabited the male, as also that of Bead . By caste, they are

Amoniaete and Bakto . Though Uriyas, they were unfitted to

perform the worsh ip of their tutelary goddess, hav ing become eaters

offlesh and drinkers ofspirit, and have assimilated w ith the Kondhs .

They invited us into the coun try from Kalahand i and Bas tar, and

located us in Jaras ing i . In those days there was no Raja in the male ;D 2

36 THE cam AND KONDH POPULATION or omsss .

but, resolving to appo int one, they took us to Balskapah, ofthe Bead

Male, and there admin istered to us an oath offidel ity. In proceedingto the nomination ofa king , they made a hearth ofunbaked clay as

also an earthen vessel , in which they cooked rice. Then they cut openthe stomach ofa pregnant woman, and, tearing offthe skin, formed of

it the cover ofa drum to precede the Raja. They determined upon thefo llowing omen ifthey could spl it a bund le ofgreen bamboos with a

blow ofan ax e, they would elect a Raja. It was so done, and a personnominated to the d ign ity. They brought us from Balskapah , and

establ ished us at Mahasingi . Subsequently we d ivided, owing to

domestic dissensions, and settled in various parts ofthe country.

”

In regard to this tradit ion , i t will be borne in mind that the bodyofUriyas in the male is cal led collectively Amon iaete,

”and forms

the last clause in the formula quoted in page 20, and forming the

ground-work ofthe present inqu iry.

In censonance with this tradi tion , the worship of the tutelary

goddess of the v illage is thus given . The Jan i ,”a title common to

both Uriya and Kondh, holds a fast for two days. He then carries

the sword, wh ich is her symbo l, to her temple ; performs h is ablutionsand, clothed in wet garmen ts, besmears the shrine wi th cow dung ;

he then‘l ights a lamp, and pours milk and clarified butter over the

image. Nex t day the people, wi th drums and music,bring a goat for

sac rifice ; the head of the vict im is washed, and rice and turmericflour poured upon it. Seven l ines are then drawn on the ground wi th

the rice and turmeric, and twenty small portions of the former are

placed on leaves ; the vict im is then slain, and i ts head placed uponthe rice ; when the officiating priest thus addresses the goddess“ 0 great goddess ! the Kauna Baranga, and others, dwelt in the

land, and thou wouldst not eat rice at their hands. nor receive the

ofl'

eriug of blood thou causedst us to be brought h ither, to make us

rulers. We therefore offer this to thee wi th outstretched hand ; we

give thee the blood drink it, we pray thee l We sprinkle the imagewith water, ex claiming, Destroy us not ; deal not falsely wi th as 1

"

He then d istributes the flesh of the victim to al l present, saving thehead, which i t is un lawful for any but the priest to touch. Shoul d a

bufl'

alo be sacrificed , on the conclusion of the same ritual the carcass

is deposited without the temple, and devoured by the Kondhs . Whena perso

'

n sufl'

ers from fever, or is subject to adversity, fowls and eggs

are employed as ofl'

erings. In the outer portion of the temple is a

ddess styled Dua Suni,”at whose door three l ines, marke dby r ice

turmeric, are drawn and the offerings being presented to her,leveured by the De mba.

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blow ofan ax e

nominated to

establ ished us at Mahasingi .

domestic dissensions, and settled

In regard to this trad ition, i

ofUriyas in the male is called coll ecti

the last clause in the formula quoted

ground-work ofthe present inqu iry.

In censonance with this tradi tion,

goddess of the vi llage is thus given

bo th Uriya and Kondh, holds a fast

and, clothed i

he then‘

l ights a lamp,image. Nex t day the

sacrifice the head of

flour poured upon it.the rice and turmeric,

placed on

the rice

0 great goddess ! the Kauna

land, and thou wouldst not eat

ofl'

ering of blood ; thou causedst

ru lers. We therefore offer th is

g ive

with

He then d istributeshead, which it is no ]

bufl'

alo be sacrificed ,

is deposited wi thout

a perso’

n suflers from fever,

are employed as ofl'

erings.

goddess styled Dua Sun i,"

and tu rmeric, are drawn ;are devoured bythe Danube.

38 THE UBIYA AND x enon POPULATION or em s .

an i llegitimate channel and the “ Om itte,”which ti tle sign i fies

“steel,

”and indicates their profes ion.

A few art isans res ide at the godah. consis t in g of the Goroyi ,

or“ca rpenter

”

Loharo,” “ blacksmi th "

;“ Geode .

" “ herdsman ”°

Lambaro,” po tter” " Sandi .

"dist i l ler

'

and Bo ndari ,

banker.

"The Mal i, or worshipper of Siva ,

“

is occ asional lymet with and one family ofthe Brahm a a ste resides at Gaddap

The “ Domba ,

”

o r, as he is cal led in the plains“ Pane .

”

is an

outcast , and l ives outside the godah . He is by profes ion a trader,

frequenting the fairs, and supplying the wants ofthe Patro , who never

repairs there in person . He also manufactures rings and ornamentsofbrass, weaves strong cloths, and is the musician at the festivals of

the Uriya or Kondh . As in the Male of Bond and Gumsar,here

also his chiefprofi ts would spring, were i t not for our in terven ti on,

from the mle ofch ildren for sacri fice .

The “ Hadd i,”or as he is styled by the Kondhs “ Gahangn,

”

is the

same class as the Pariah of the plaina though he wi ll not partake of

food with them. He is by trade : basket maker, and also performmen ial ofi ces in the Uriya quarter ofthe godah.

A RT . II.—Chronologyofthe Medea

,from the Reign. ofDeieces tothe Reign ofDarius , the son of Hystasp es, or

‘

Darius the

Mede. By I. W . BOSANQ UET, Esq.

[Read J une 5,

Tan origin and duration of the empire of the Medes, which occupied

so important a position in early A siatic h istory, has been the subjectofattent ion to many recent writers. The Lectures ofNiebuhr on the

Modes and Persians are probably famil iar to us all . Dr . Leonard

Schmitz, the translato r ofN iebuhr’s works, has recently publ ished h ismatured views on the same subject‘. Mr. Johannes Von Gumpach2in 1 852 , Professor Brand is’ in 1853, and Jacob Kruger‘ in 1 856, havealso ex pressed their v iews upon Median history and chronology and

wi thin the last twelve months, the works of Marcus Von Niebuhr on

Assyrian and Babylon ian history, and the translat ion ofHerodotus bythe Rev . George Rawl inson, have appeared, embracing and commentingupon the early history ofthe Medes .

These writers have all treated the subject more or less upon the

me chrono logical outl ine, which has long been accepted as defin ing

the true l imits ofthe history ofthe Median empire and as they havealready ex plained in the most effi cient manner all that can be said in

the ir part icular view of the subject, it would be hopeless to attemptto add anyth ing new or interesting to what theyhave advanced, while

mere ly tread ing in the same track. Having, however, frequent lye x pressed my conviction that the commonly received chrono logy of

the Med ian empire is far from correct, and that al l these wri ters,

therefo re, must have bu i lt the ir scheme ofhistory upon a false founda

t ion and being persuaded that sufficien t data are in our possessionfor framing a far more correct system Of dates it wi ll be my objectto lay before you as briefly as possible, fi rst, a corrected outline of

the chrono logy Ofthe period, and then to po int out some new historical

comb inat ions which necessarily flow from the altered position of the

several contemporaneous kingdoms, which I trust may prove not

un in teresting.

It is not my intention to touch upon those ex tremely remote

Schmitz’s Anc ient History.

Die Ze itreeknung der Babyl. und Assyrer : Chrono logica l Tab le.

3 Rerum Assyriarum tempera emendata, pp. 1—10.

Geschichte der Assyrier und l ran ier.

40 CHRONOLOGY or THE a ns.

periods of Median history, referred to by Berosus and the later

A rabian historians, who speak of Median dynas ties wh ich would

carry us back to the time of N imrod in Assyria. Nor wi ll I detain

you by d iscussing the meri ts ofMedian h istory as del ivered to us byCtesias, from whom we have received an account wholly irrecon

cileab le w ith Herodotus, contrad icted by contemporaneous Hebrewwriters, and unsupported by recent monumental d isco veries. But

following the simple narrative of Herodotus, Iw i ll proceed at once to

fi x the chronology of those four kings ofMedia spoken of by that

historian as having reigned from the time of the revolt ofthe Medea

from the A ssyrians, down to

.

the conquest of the Modes by the

Persians. Accord ing to Herodotus

Deioces, the first king ofMed ia, reigned 53 yearsPhraortes h is sea 22

Cyax ares, his son 40

Astyages, his son 35

Making together a period of 1 50 years

Now,assuming the correctness ofthe length ofeach ofthese separate

reigns, i t wi l l be suffi cient, ifwe can determine with ex actness the

chronological l imits ofany one of them, to establ ish the correct position ofall four reigns throughout the hundred and fifty years . Let

us, then , select, for the purpose ofex amination, the reign ofCyax ares,

the third Median king.

In his reign a remarkable solar ecl ipse is spoken ofas having led

to important events in Median h istory, and this ecl ipse affords the

means of fi x ing the time of the events with ex treme accuracy.

Cyax ares had been at war for six years with Alyattes, king ofLyd ia,

during which no great advantage had been gained on ei ther side .

Wh i le they were engaged in fighting their last battle, sudden ly botharmies were involved in total darkness, or, as Herodotus describes i t,daywas sudden ly

‘turned into n ight

‘. Such sudden and total darkness

,

i t is well known, can only be produced by a total ecl ipse ofthe sun

a very rare occurrence at any part icular spot in the world . N0 partialecl ipse, however large, as instanced by the almost total eclipse which

s’

émrimr, suddenly.

” The sudden failure oflight on th is occasion forms an

important element in considering the natu re ofthe eclipse . An eye-witness ofthe

total ecli pse in Norway in 1853 observes As long as the least b it of the so lar

disk was visib le, there was a diminution of light, though not abso lute darknem;but, the moment the disk was completely covered by the moon , darkness was assuddenly produced, as when in a room the last cand le out ofseveral is put out.

”

3 Herodotus, L. i . 74.

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canonomer or run manna. 4 1

occurred in this country on the 1 5th ofMarch last, in any degree

approaches the awfulness ofa total so lar ecl ipse. as described by thosewho have witnessed the phenomenon‘. There was nothing in the

effect ofthe ecl ipse ofMarch last (though the apparent d iameters of

sun and moon were so nearly equal, that it was doubtful beforehandwhether the ecl ipse would be total or annular) which would haveattracted the attention of two contend ing armies. On the occasion,

however, of the battle between the Lydians and Medea, the armies

were so terrified that they desisted from fighting. Peace was forthwi th made between the two kings, and sealed by a matrimon ial

alliance between A styages, the son ofCyax ares, and A ryen is, the

daughter of A lyattes . Both the sudden darkness and the terror

created mark a total ecl ipse. Herodotus adds, that this eclipse hadbeen pred icted to the Ion ians by Thales, as about to happen in their

country in the very year in which it occurred .

If, then , we can fi x the date of this ecl ipse, we shal l of course

know the ex act date of this importan t battle, which, we are told,

preceded the fall ofNineveh’, and obtain one fi x ed point in the reign

of Cyax ares . We shal l also know the year of the marriage of

Astyages, grandfather of Cyrus, fromwhich to est imate the probabletime of the events which occurred in his grandson

’

s reign . Now,

there are only three ecl ipses which were total in that part ofthe worldduring the fifty years which elapsed between 630 and 580, within

which interval the battle must have been fought, which can possiblybe supposed to have occas ioned the awful darkness which led to such

results—via ,the ecl ipses of B.C .

, September 610, May 603, and

May 585 . The as tronomers Mayer, Costard, and Stukeley, in the

last century,calculated, accord ing to the imperfect knowledge of the

moon’

s mot ion oftheir day,that the eclipse of 603 was that which

put an end to the battle between the Medea and Lydians’ ; and Dr.

Hincks still endeavours to con tend for that date‘. The eminent German

chronologist Ideler‘,on the au thority of the as tronomer Oltmanns,

his countryman , fi x ed upon the year 61 0, which has since beengenerally received : and this is the date adopted by Mr. Grote‘. Bo th

these years well agree with the reckon ing of the common chronology .

They are both, however, at variance wi th the anc ient trad itional date,

“ The phenomenon , in fact, is one o £ the mo s t terrib le that man can witness ;

and no degree ofpartial eclipses gives any idea of its ho rror.

"—Airy’s Lecture at

Roy. Inst .

,Feb . 4, 1853.

Herod ,L . i . 103—136. Ph iloaOph ical Transaction s, 1754.

Athenwum,Aug. 16

,1856. Handbuch der Chron .

,vol . i. p. 209.

Grete’

s Histo ry ofG reece , vo l . i i i . , p. 3 14,note 2 .

42 caaos ow or or THE muons.

which , by Pliny‘, is fi x ed to the 4th year of the 48th Olympiad :

585 and Clemens Alex andrinus’ and Sol inus’, who speak of the

5oth and 49th Olympiad s, can on ly po int to the same ecl ipse.

You are, perhaps, aware, that from the year 1 852, when the

attention ofastronomers was recalled to th is subject‘, up to the presenttime, the determination of the true date of this eclipse has been a

matter of investigation with several eminent European astronomers,as being a question of great as tronomical importance in connex ion

with the lunar theory, independen tly of its h istorical interest . In

the course of their invest igation, the supposed position of the moon’

s

shadow during each of these three ecl ipses has come under considera

tion, and has been subjected to the test of its conformi ty with the

actual known position of the moon’

s shadow during several ecl ipsesofa later date . In the year 31 0, just three hundred years laterthan the eclipse of 6 10, we read, in Biederns

“and Justin‘, that

Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, while conducting h is fleet fromSyracuse to a spot near Cape Ban, on the coast ofAfrica’, fell in wi th

an ecl ipse . .His fleet had been chased by the Carthagenians on

leaving Syracuse the preced ing day, and is said to have escaped inthe darkness of n ight . On the fo llowing morn ing, about eight or

n ine o’

clock, a sudden darkness came on which greatly alarmed his

crew,and the stars appeared . On the morn ing ofth is ecl ipse, we are

certain that Agathocles must have been somewhere wi th in one hundred

mi les north or south ofSyracuse, and the shadow of the total ecl ipsewhich enveloped his fleet must, therefore, have fallen within those

l imits. Now it is found by calcu lation, that the same theory whichwould bring the moon

’

s shadow,in the year 61 0, so as to throw

the zone of total darkness any where over A sia Minor, would necos

sari ly so lower the position of the shadow of the ecl ipse in the year3 10, as to throw it over the continent ofAfrica far too much to

the south for any possible position of the fleet ofAgathocles to havebeen touched by i t : and the same theory which wou ld raise the

position of the shadow in 603, so as to cause the zone of total

darkness to pass anywhere near Asia Minor, would so raise the position ofthe shadow in the year 31 0, as to throw i t far too much

to the north for any posible position of Agathocles to have beenreached by it : while the theory which brings the shadow of the

eclipse of 585,where ancient h istory leads us to infer that it passed,

Hist. Nat , u. 12 .3 C lem. Ale x . Strom. 8 .

3 Se liana, cap. x v . p . 25. Athene um, Aug. 1852 .

5 D iodorus, L. x x . p . 735.6 J ustin . l l iat. , L. x x ii . e. v .

7 Mr. A iry’s paper, Ph il . Trans. , 1853.

caaos omer or was users. 43

—viz. ,through Ion ia, and therefore through the centre ofAsiaMinor,

and on the direct road leading from Lyd ia to Media, also throws theshadow of the moon in the time ofAgathocles not far from Syracuse,

where we are certain fromhistory that i t must have passed . Such is

the nature ofthe proof, the details ofwhich maybe seen in Mr. Airy’

s

valuable paper in the Phi lo30phical Transactions of 1853, that the

historical date 585, or 4th year of the 4sth Olympiad, is the truedate ofthis ecl ipsel and wi th the registered motions ofthe moon for

upwards ofone hundred years, before him, at Greenwich Observatory,and with a practical knowledge therefore of the laws which regulate

hermotions, he has ex pressed h is opinion , that the date 585 is

now establ ished for the eclipse of Thales beyond the possi bi l ity of

The new Lunar and Solar Tables of the German astronomer

Hansen, publ ished last year by our Board of Admiralty, lead to the

same result, as set forth in the accompanying maps since which,

Mr. A iry has publ ished another paper in the Memo irs of the RoyalA stronomical Society of 1 857, test ing his former conclusions with

regard to the ecl ipse ofThales, by the ecl ipse ofLarissa in 557, and

the ecl ipse ofStiklastad’ in a .3 . 1 030, and substantially confirmingthem. Thus the date ofthe ecl ipse now scientifically fix ed by the bestastronomical authorities, coincides with the date handed down by tradi.tion : and it would seem to be a mark of ex treme hardi hood to denythe result of this concurrent testimony . Nevertheless, some are sti ll

found warmly contending against i t, feeling that the current chrono

logy ofthe period is shaken to the foundation by this decision .

Thales is said to have pred icted a good olive crop, and Anax agorasto have foreto ld the fall ofan aerolite . In a note, with the ini tials

H. C . R. , to Rawl inson’

s Herodotus, it is observed : The predictionofthis ecl ipse by Thales mayfairly be classed with the pred iction of

See also Mr. H ind’

s Letter to the Athenaeum,28th August, 1852.

3 Lecture at the Royal Institution, Feb . 1853.

A translati on ofProfessor Hansteen’s paper on the Ec lipse ofStikla

'

stad wil l

be found in the Transactions of the Chronological Inst itute, vo l. i. p. 209. It is

clear, from the account of the battle fought near Stiklastad during this eclipse,that the line of shadow must have passed farther north than would appear fromHansen

’

s Tab les. It is also clear, that the shadow in the time ofAgathocles musthave passed much further north than the Tab les place it, from these words ofJustin Nul lo mi litam scieute quo vehere tur, cursum in Africam d irigit ; cumomnes ou t in Ital ian:preedatum so, cut in Sardinam itarca crederent.

”The correc

tion of the position of these two shadows wou ld have the effect of throwing the

shadow in 585 much farther north in Asia Minor, so as to bring it upon the

road leading from Sardis to Susa, so fu lly deséribed byHerodotus, L . v. 52 ; for

the shadows ofthe three eclipses are al l afl'

ected in the same direction, being all at

40 CHRGNOLOGY or THE users.

periods of Median history, referred to by Berosus and the later

A rabian historians, who speak of Median dynas ties wh ich would

carry us back to the time of N imrod in A ssyria. Nor wi l l I de tain

you by discussing the meri ts ofMedian h istory as del ivered to us byCtesias, from whom we have received an account who lly irrecon

c ileable with Herodotus, con trad icted by contemporaneous Hebrewwriters

,and unsupported by recen t monumental d iscoveries. But

following the simple narrative of Herodotus, Iw i l l proceed at once to

fi x the chronology of those four kings ofMedia spoken of by that

historian as having reigned from the time of the revolt of the Medea

from the Assyr ians, down to the conquest of the Medes by the

Persians. Accord ing to Herodotus

Deioees, the first king ofMed ia, reigned 53 yearsPhraortes. h is sea 22

Cyax ares, h is son 40

Astyages, his son 35

Making together a period of 1 50 years

Now,assuming the correctness of the length ofeach ofthese separate

reigns, i t wi ll be suflicient, ifwe can determine with ex actness the

chronological l imits ofany one of them, to establ ish the correct posit ion ofall four reigns throughout the hundred and fifty years . Let

us, then . select, for the purpose ofex amination, the reign ofCyax ares,

the third Median king.

In his reign a remarkable solar eclipse is spoken ofas having led

to important events in Median h istory, and this ecl ipse affords the

means of fi x ing the t ime of the events with ex treme accuracy.

Cyax ares had been at war for si x years w ith Alyattes, king ofLydia,during which no great advantage had been gained on either side .

While they were engaged in fighting their last battle, suddenly botham iss were involved in total darkness, or, as Herodotus describes i t,daywas smlden ly

‘turned into n igId

’. Such sudden and total darkness,

i t is well known, can only be produced by a total ecl ipse ofthe sun

a very rare occurrence at anyparticular spot in the world . N0 part ialecl ipse, however large, as instanced by the almost total ecl ipse which

(P

enn in g, suddenly.

” The sudden fai lure oflight on th is occasion forms animportant element in considering the nature ofthe eclipse . An eye-witness ofthe

total ec li pse in Norway in 1853 observes As long as the least b it of the so lar

disk was vis ib le, there was a diminution of l ight, though not abso lute darknem;but

, the moment the disk was complete ly covered by the moon , darkness was assuddenlyproduced , as when in a room the last candle out ofseveral is put out.

”

Herodo tus, L. i . 74.

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ensos omor or was manna. 45

of that early time, I assume it to be a fact established for ever, that

the bat tle between the Lyd ians and Medea was fought in the year585, and that Cyax ares , king of Med ia, was in that year in the

fu ll v igour ofhis power. This one fact, however, is subversive ofthewho le scheme of Median and Persian chro no logy adopted by the

authors to whom Ihave before alluded, who al l place the death of

Cyax ares in or about the year 595, ten years before the battlecou ld have been fought whereas i t is clear, from Herodotus, that hemust have lived several years after that event.

Another remarkable event connected wi th the reign ofCyax ares,from wh ich we are enabled to define stil l more closely the time ofhis

reign ,is the fi nal destruction ofN ineveh and the Assyrian empire by

the Medea under his command . The destruction ofN ineveh is the

last even t in the reign of Cyax ares mentioned by Herodotus, and

appears therefore to have happened after the conclusion ofthe Lydianwar in 585 . The Lyd ian war, he tells us, had been carried on bythe king ofMedia, in the time ofLabynetus, or Nabopalassar, ru ler of

Babylon, and somewhere within those twenty-eight years when the

Scyth ians held supreme power throughout all Asia. Fromwh ich we

may infer, that Labynetus was then merely local or tributary ruler of

Babylon under the Scyth ians‘. In the meanwhile, Cyax ares havinggrown powerful in Media, prepared to shake ofl

'

the yoke of the

Scythians . He had strengthened himselfalready by the marriage of

his son, Astyages, to the daughter of the king of Lydia in 585.

He now,as we learn from Abydenus

’,formed another all iance,

by marrying h is daughter, Amuhea, to Nebuchadnezzar, son of

Nabopalassar, or Labynetus, ru ler of Babylon, who was acting as

general ofthe armies ofthe king ofN ineveh .

The Babylon ians, probably headed by Nebuchadnezzar, and the

Medea under Cyax ares (the Nebuchadonosor and Ahasuerus of the

book of Tobit) , now besieged N ineveh, which fall after a long siege,

Sarsens, king ofN ineveb , (A ssaracus, Assarac, or Assarac -bal, son of

Esarhaddon ,) who had probably been set upon that throne by the

Scyth ian s, on the ex pulsion ofNabopalassar the usurper, perishing in

H erod otus does not speak of him as king of Babylon, but as Aagt'

mrror'

o

Bafi vkémo s’

,L . i . 74

Euseb . Chrou. Arm. Aucher. , Part 1 , p. 27. Abydenus here speaks of the

daugh ter ofAstyages, not ofCyax ares, having married Nebuchadnezzar . But he

has probab lywri tten Astyages, for Aatibares, who was Cyax ares, as we may inferfrom a fragment of Eupolemus (Mu ller

’s Frag. , vo l . ii i . p. who records an

e x ped ition ofNebuchadnezzar and Astibares against Syria and J udaan. The sameerro r may have led C icero and Sol inus t o have placed the eclipse ofThales in the

re ign ofAstyages , wh ich is c learly incorrect.

46 csaos ower or run users.

the flames . Ifwe allow three years for preparations and for the siegeofthat great c ity, after the termination of the Lydian war, we shal l

arrive at the year 58 1 as the date of the final destruct ion of

N ineveh, in which year I am disposed to place the event . But if

Cyax ares was living in the year 58 1 , and reigned only forty years,he could not have come to the throne earl ier than the year 620

and his father, Phraortes, who, we are told, was slain in battle by a

king ofNineveh, could not have d ied earli er than about the same year.

Who, then, was king ofNineveh in the year 620, who slew

Phraortes ? Undoubtedly Nabopalassar was then king ofBabylon, as

fi x ed by an eclipse registe red at Babylon in his 5th year, in the

1 27th year of the e ra ofNabonassar, or 62 1 and I have beforeshown , from the Chaldman h istorians, that Nabupalsar, or Nabo

palassar, was also king ofN ineveh as wel l as Babylon‘. Phraortes,

therefore, was slain by this king . This fact, thus ascertained, enablesus to fi x the precise year of the death ofPhraortes, and of the acces

sion ofCyax ares, with a great degree of certainty. For Phrao rtes,

king ofMedia, is the same as A rphax ad, king ofMedia, ofthe book

ofJ udith, who , according to the Vulgate ed ition of that book, was

slain in the twelfth year of the king ofNineveh. Now, the twelfth

year of the reign of Nab0palassar over Nineveh and Babylon was

61 4 . Phraortes, therefore , was slain in that year, and Cyax arescame to the throne ofthe Medea in the year 6 1 3 .

We thus obtain the dates ofthe accession ofeach ofthe four kings

ofMe dia as follows

Deioces 53 years from 688

22 635

Cyax ares 40 6 13

Astyages 35 573 to 539

Thus, the first year of the revo lt of the Medea under Deioces fell in

the year 688, and the death of A styages in the year 539.

Th is arrangement ofMed ian chronology is strongly confirmed by thefact , that it clears up one ofthe greatest perplex ities in the account whichHerodotus gives of these times”. Herodotus, as we have seen, counts

1 50 years from the first ofDeioces to the last ofAstyages . But when

he comes to speak of the conquest ofAstyages by Cyrus, he wri tesThe Medea thus lost the sovereign ty ofAsia, which they had heldfor 1 28 years, ex cepting only the time of the Scythian dominion .

"

Now,1 28 years and 150 years, calculated from the same point, cannot

both end in the last year of A styages . The ex planation of the

J ourn. R. A . S. ,vol . x v. part 2 , p. 420.

See a paper on th is subjec t in the Trans ofChron. l ust , vo l . i . p . 13 1 .

canonowor or run n uns . 47

difi culty is here perfectly simple. For A styages was conquered, as

all ancient authori ties agree, abou t the 55th Olympiad=3 .0 . 560.

Add 128 years to 560 . and we come to the year 688, as the fi rst

year ofthe domin ion ofthe Modes ; andcounting 1 50 years downwardsfrom that date, we come to the year 539, for the last ofAstyages .

But it may be asked, what authori ty is there for supposing that

the ancients placed the last year of Astyages so low as the year539 3 A reference to the Canon ofPtolemy wil l satisfy us that

thi s was a very early arrangement of the years ofthat king. It has

been before observed, that there are three versions ofwhat is called

the Canon of Ptolemy‘, each d iffering from the other, being, as I

conceive, three different attempts to reconcile the then recognized

chrono logy ofthe kings ofMed ia and Persia, with the fi x ed and unfi x edre igns of the kings of Babylon . In two of these copies, as stated

below’,we observe that Nabouad ius, the last king of Babylon, is

identified w ith Astyages ; and the last year of h is reign is placed in539. And one of the copies even assigns thirty-four years as

the length ofthe king’

s reign, which we know to be the length, wi thin

a year, ofthe re ign ofAstyages—not ofNabonadius, who only reigned

seventeen years. The years of the re ign begin in 572, and end

in 3 0 . 539, in accordance with the dates alrea dy ascertained.

We know, indeed, that the identification of Astyages wi th

Nabonad ius is incorrect . Nevertheless, the evidence of these two

early documents remains, in proof that the compilers considered the

re ign of A styages to have ended in the year 539. My own

conviction also is, that the third copy of the Canon was framed uponthe same princ iple . For the list of kings in this copy, ending withNabonadius, is headed

“ Assyrian and Medi an”kings

’, as distingu ished

See J our. R. A . S. ,vol . x v. part 2, p . 428 .

Canon ofP tolemy,2a a

0

Astronomi cal Cant u Ecc les iast ical Canonaccordmg to Theon .

a c . Yrs .

:ax . Yrs.

‘

a c.

ass Nabopa laasar, Nahnchodonnsor 43 604 N eheco lam r

who is Nabu 43 ichodo noso r

582 l l loarudamus 3 563 Eb idan Me rodac 5 56 1 Ilt arodamus 2

577 Ne ri gnso lasar 5 558 New -g le sar, 559 Nerecassolassar 4

who is

Be lsh azzar

572 Nabonad ius, 555 Nai-o uad ius ,to who is to who is

539 Astyages 539 A styages

538 Cyrus 9 538 Cvrus

Pe taviua Rat . Temp.,vo l. n p. 916.

701

CHRONOLOGY OF THE 313 038 .

from the Persian kings who follow. Unless, therefore, Nabonadius was

supposed to be Astyages, there would be no single Mode in the l ist.

Such is the well-defined outl ine of Median chronology, fromDeioces to Astyages, as deduced from Herodotus, and as I bel ieve it tohave been understood in ancient times ; which alone also is consistent

wi th the fundamental date 585, wh ich no ancient authority ever

d oubted was the date ofthe ecl ipse ofThales.

Let us, then , arrange th is Median chronology side by side wi th

the chrono logy of the kings of Lydia, Babylon, Nineveh, and Judma,and mark the results

Juda s. Nineveh. Babylon.

Belihoe

Hezekiah

Esarhaddon Saosduchinus,orSarchedon

Kini ladii

nus

Phraortes,

Nabupalsar, or Nabopalassar

Sar-nabupal‘, or

Sardanapalus,usurper

INVA SXON or

Saracus, or Ama Nabopalassar,rac-bal , son of governor nu

Esarhaddon, set der the Boyou the throneby th ians for 28

the Scythmns years

A lyattes

Ecm sn or Team

FALL or m vx n

This transposition of compound titles is very common in the Hebrew Scriptures. For instance Eli-um” for Ammi-el ,

” Ahaz-iah” for Jeho-ahaa,

”

Asah-e l ” for El-asah,”

El i-shu ns”for Id lma-e l .”—8ee Lord A. Hervey

on the Genealogies, p. "6.

CHRONOLOGY OF THE MBDES .

Nebuchadnezzsr Ex ruw on or ms Sorrmu s

Astyages

l l Zedckiah= 1 9 Nebuchad = 44 Alyattesnem r

Cyrus, father of

Cambyses

Cyrus,hushandofMandanc

1 2 Crcssus

9 Cyax ares

CambysesDarius,adopted

son of Aha

suerus, son of

Hyetaspes

Cyrus, son ofCambyses, deposes NebonadiusDarius, son ofAhasuerus, takes the kingdom, being abou t 62 years ofage

The chrono logy of each of these separate l ists of kings rests

upon its own independent foundat ion , the proofs of which are

elsewhere given‘, but into wh ich we shall not now enter. I wi ll

merely say a few words ex planatory of the grounds upon which

the important re ign of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, is fi x ed

to the forty-fi ve years running from 580 to 536 . Accord ing

to Berosus, this king reigned forty-three years . A ccording to the

Hebrew Scriptures, he reigned forty-five years. This d iscrepancyis ex plained by the fact, that he took command ofh is father

’

s armies

about two years before his father’s death’. His first year in Scriptureis counted from his association wi th h is father in 580, after the

capture ofNineveh . The first year of h is so le re ign is counted from

a c . 578 . The dates are thus ascertained

I. Nebuchadnezzar began to reign after the ecl ipse of 585 ;

Trans. Chron . Inst , vol. i. pp. 63, “ 3, 131 , 194, 270.

3 Josephus, Con .,Ap. i .

7 0 10. I ' l l .

50 as tronomer or run muss .

because Abydenus‘, copying from Chaldean sources, and writing in

the early age of the successors of A lex ander, tells us that he beganto reign soon after the fal l of N ineveh , wh ich event we have alreadyfi x ed at about the year s o . 58 1 , four years after the ecl ipse. H is

first year, therefore, could not be earl ier than 580 .

II. Demetrius”, a Hellen istic Jew, wri ting in the time ofPto lemyPhi lopator, states, that the Jews were carried captive to Babylon, byNebuchadnezzar, 338 years and 3months before the reign ofPhi lopater,who came to the throne in November, a s . 222 ,

—thus making the

n ineteenth year ofNebuchadnezzar,or year ofthe Captivity, D .C . 560,

and h is fi rst year, therefore, B .C . 578 . Demetrius, however, thus

places the Captiv ity in the n ineteenth year of the sole reign of

Nebuchadnezzar, instead of in the n ineteenth from association with

h is father .

III. St. Matthew counts fourteen generations from the captivityofthe Jews (in the n ineteenth year ofNebuchadnezzar) to the birth of

Christ. These generations are not generations in the ordinary sense,

from father to son,because we know from St . Luke that there were

no less than twenty-two generations in that period

“. They are gene

rations in the sense spoken of by Herodotus, when he coun ts five

generations from Semiramis to N itocris, and ex plains elsewhere that

three generations were counted to one hundred years‘. The Jewsappear to have calculated differently. With them forty years wascounted for a generation . Placing, therefore, the birth ofChrist in theyear 3, we have 40 x 562 for the n ineteenth

year ofNebuchadnezzar, and 580 for the fi rst year ofhis reign .

IV . The Chaldean h istorians compute eighty-eight years fromSennacherib to Nebuchadnezzar. I have before shown that the fi rst

year ofSenuacherib=36th year of Ilnlmus, was a c . 690 or 691 , and

that he ceased to reign about the year B.C . 668. Counting, therefore,

eighty-eight years from his death, we come to the year B.C . 580 for

the fi rst year ofNebuchadnezzar.

Let us now return to the l ist of the kings ofMedia. With thedeath ofAstyages, who is said to have left no male heir, Herodotus

terminates abruptly the empire of the Medea ; and from thenceforth

considers that the Pers ians, under Cyrus, the father of Cambyses ,king of Persia, became supreme and sole governors of the Medo

Pers ian empire. In this conclusion there can be l ittle doubt thatHerodo tus was incorrect This accompl ished Greek, travel l ing as a

stranger through Persia, has selected from the various trad itions

Baseh . Chron . Arm. , p . 27. Clem. Alex . Strom. , i .3 Trans . Ch ron . Inst ., vol . i . p. 63. Herod , i . 184 ; i . 142 .

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

52 CHRONOLOGY or m muons.

kingdoms, ofMedia and Persia. Noth ing can be more distinct and

dec isive than th is image, if Dan iel had not written another word .

He adds,however—while placing Media as the predominant kingdom

at the time of the fall ofBabylon , that the hem, or kingdom, wh ich

rose last—viz.,Persia, should afterwards become the prevailing power

—and this twofold, yet un ited empire, he describes as ex tending itselfwestward, and northward , and southward, from Susa, on the river

Ulai, in the province of Elam. Thus the kingdoms ofMedia and

Persia, in the days of Dan iel , were united into one sovereign head ;

neither of the two was looked upon as subject to the other, but bothcombined to form one federal State, and so remained for a wh ile, after

Susa had become a principal seat ofgovernment . In conformity withthis symbo l of federal un ion and equal ity, we read, therefore, in the

book ofEsther‘, written after the fall of Babylon , of the “

power ofP ersia and Media,

”as d istingu ished from

“ the nobles and princesof the prov inces,” and also of the book of the chron icles of the

kings of Media and P ersia .

”The Behistun inscription’, almost

in the same words as Esther,speaks frequently of P ersia and

Media, and the dependent provinces ; and Daniel refers to the“ laws of the Medea and P ersians,

”and declares that the kingdom

of Babylon shall be d ivided and given to the Medea and

The contemporary evidence of Dan iel,therefore, establ ishes the

accuracy of Xenophon, as regards the independence,and political

equal ity ofMedia and Persia at the time of the taking ofBabylon,and also as regards the titular precedence ofMed ia up to that t ime as

the superior power ; and as decidedly sets aside the opinion of

Herodotus, that Media had then become a subject province of thefull-grown Persian empire. The kingdom ofMedia did not cease to

ex ist with Astyages but some Median prince, we infer, must haveinherited the throne ofthat king. When Xenophon , therefore, afi rmsthat Cyax ares, son ofAstyages, was that prince, there is the strongestreason for believing that he has stated the truth , and that a fifth

Median king real ly reigned . I assume i t then to be a fact, that

Cyax ares II. succeeded h is father Astyages in Media.

Xenophon has been very particular in his account ofthe war w ithBabylon, and of the taking of that city by the Medes and Persians inthe reign ofCyax ares II. , and his account is found to be in remarkableagreement w ith what we collect from the Hebrew Scriptures ; buthaving affi x ed no dates to h is h istory, we are unable to collect from

Esther,i . 2 ; x . 2 .

J ournal ofthe Royal Asiatic Society, vol . x . p. x vi ii .3 Dan. v. 29.

cs sos owor or THE menus. 53

the narrative how long Cyax ares II. remained on the throne . All

we know is, that if his father Astyages ceased to reign in 539,

Cyax ares must have begun to reign in D .C . 538 . There is yet another

historian of these times, however, to be consulted, who rel ieves us

from th is difficulty. For at this po int an interesting historical com

bination arises out of the new arrangement of dates before us,lead ing

to the fact that Cyax ares must have re igned many years.

While Xenophon has preserved the h istory of this second Med ian

king bearing the title Cyax ares, a Hebrew writer—some sayJeho iakim,

son of Joshua the high priest—has preserved the record ofa second

king, bearing, in the Hebrew language, the t itle Ahasuerus,the fi rst

of that title having been king ofMedia. Now,there can be l ittle

doubt that Ahasuerus and Cyax ares are one and the same title, for

several cogent reasons

1. Because N ineveh was conquered, according to Herodotus, byCyax ares I. and the Median king who conquered Nineveh, accordingto the book ofTobit, was called by the Hebrews A hasuerus.

II. Because the Hebrew t itlemums ,without the vowel points ,

is A chshurush”or Achsurus, which, allowing for the difference of

languages, is the same as the Greek title Asap“ ,or A x ares,

”and the

Med ian title “Vakstarra”

as given in the Median transcript of theBehistun inscriptions, which represents Cyax ares. The fi rst syl lable“ Cy,

”in Cyax ares, we know,

is merely an am: sign ifying king,

as in the instances Ké-Cobab, Ké-Caus, Ké-Khosro, Ré-Lhorasp,

Ké-Gushtasp, in the Zendavesta’.

1 1 1 . Because, ifnot Cyax ares, Ahasuerus II. must represent eitherArtax erx es, or Xerx es, as many sti ll contend . But the Hebrews couldnot have written Wfi l ltfl

'm, or A chshurush,for either of the two

latter titles because we know that they wrote NHW T‘

UWWR, or

Artakshastha,for Artax erx es,

”and would therefore, we may

assume, have written a wn,o r Kshastha,

”

for Xerx es. More

over,the t itle Xerx es,

”as found on contemporary monuments

,was

wri tten “ Khshayarsha,”as in the Persian transcript of the Behistun

inscription , and Khshaarsha,

”or Khshirsha,

"in the Hieroglyphic,

without the distinguishing character ‘fAch”in the beginn ing, which

is found in Afaper, Achshurush, and Vaks tarra.

Cyax ares II. ofXenophon, therefore, is Ahasuerus II. of the bookofEsther ; and it immediately fol lows, from this identification

, thatCyax ares, fifth king ofMedia

, reigned not less than fourteen years ;

‘ Joumal ofthc Royal Asiatic Society, vol. x v. part I, p. 125.

c d , vol. i i . p. 422.

54 CHRONOLOGY or THE muons.

and that, ifhe came to the throne in D .C . 538, he must still have beenreign ing in the year D.C . 525, when Cambyses was on the throne of

Pers ia.

The reign of Ahasuerus has been so shifted from place to placeby interpreters of sacred h istory, ow ing to the difficulty ofarranging

i t in harmony wi th the common chronology, and the title has beeni dentified with so many different Median and Persian kings, that somehave been led to doubt whether the book of Esther, which contains

his h istory, is not altogether fi ct ion . But if the title is real ly—as Iam satisfied i t is—the same as Cyax ares, it occurs ex actly in the

periods where we should ex pect to fi nd it, and should be found to

represent those two kings of Med ia on ly who here that ti tle, and no

other kings whatsoever. When it is preposed to identify Ahasuerus,as in the common chronology,

first with Cyax ares, then with Astyages,

then with Cambyses, and aga in with Xerx es or Artax erx es, we maywell reject such suggestions as absurd and impossible . It is only tobe wondered at that such a series ofmisident ificat ions should have

passed current up to the present time as the true ex posi tion of this

part of sacred h istory. To accept such a string of contrad ictions, is

to assume that the Jews, who, throughout the period oftheir captivity,were in frequent contact and favour with the princes under whomtheyserved, and who wro te their histories while those princes were l iving,were either ignorant of their real titles, or that they have wilful lyand systemat ical ly misrepresented them. Such an idea is inconceiv

able ofany people, much less ofthe Jews.

I have observed that the title and reign of Ahasuerus when iden

tifi ed w ith the ti tle and reign ofCyax ares, fall in the periods where we

ex pect to find them. The events ofthe book ofEsthermust have taken

place wi thin fifty years after the eighth year ofNebuchadnezzar, whenJechon iah was carried captive to Babylon because Mordecai‘, one of

the chief actors in the scenes described in that book, was carried

captive with Jechon iah, that is to say, as already ascertained, in the

year 573 . The fi rst year of Cyax ares, or

wh ich is thirty-fi ve years later than the date ofJechon iah’

s captivi ty,well agrees therefore in po int oftime. As Ahas uerus I.

,who destroyed

N ineveh, falls in with the re ign of Cyax ares I.,who destroyed

N ineveh so Ahasuerus II. of the book ofEsther necessari ly fal ls inw ith the reign ofCyax ares II. , in whose reign Babylon was taken byCyrus. The reign ofth is king thus loses al l its vagueness and uncer

tainty ofposition and character its limits become fi x ed between the

1 Esther, ch . i i. 5,6 .

CHRONOLOGY or THE menus . 55

years 538 and some year later than 525 and two historians,

o ne a Greek, the other a Hebrew,are found, when compared together,

to have noted the events of all but the few last years of h is reign,each taking up the history when dropped by the other, and each

portraying his character with remarkable consistency, as a weak,

hasty, capricious, self-indulgent, and lux urious prince in all his ways.It is from Xenophon only that we learn anyth ing concern ing the

two first years of this king’

s reign . On the death ofAstyagesl in

Med ia, he tel ls us that Cyax ares, brother to the mother ofCyrus, tookthe throne that the reign ing king ofAssyria and Babylon was thenhe who had conquered the Symans, the A rabians, and Hyrcanians,and was about to invade Bactria, a port ion ofthe Median dominions,who could be no other than Nebuchadnezzar’, under whom the kingdom ofBabylon reached its fullest ex tent that Cruasus was the allyofthis king ofBabylon in the proposed invasion, which we know fromHerodotus took place about three years before his fall ; that Abradateswas at the time king of Susa, an al ly of the king ofBabylon, andprobably a tributary king and that

,when the war broke out,

Cambyses, husband ofMandans, was on the throne of Persia, and

Cyrus, his son , not yet a king. A ccordingly we find in the table ofchrono logy before us, that the year 537, or second year ofCyax ares,

was the last year but one of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar that

537 was the las t year but two of the reign ofCrmsus and, from

one ofthe very few dates fi x ed by Herodotus,we know that Cambyseshad

,in the same year 537, just taken the reigns ofgovernment

in Persia for he tells us, that it was in the year that Darius, the sonofHystaspes, entered his twentieth year, that Cyrus his father placedh im on the throne, that is to say, in 537

3.

I will now establ ish beyond doubt, from a passage in Megasthenes,that such must have been the ex act relative position of the several

re igns ofCyax ares, Crmsus, Cyrus, and Nebuchadnezzar, at the time

of the death of the latter king. Megasthenes thus writes :“ It is

related by the Chaldeans, that as he (Nebuchadnezzar) went up upon

1 Xenophon, v. 2 .

3 Herodotus affi rms, that it was against Labynetus, son of Labynetm and

Nitocris who were l iving at the time of the eclipse in 585,that Cyrus made

war, i .e. , against Nehuchadnezzar, son ofNabopalassar, wh ich latter was living ti ll

the destruction ofN ineveh after the ec l ipse .—L . i. , 1 88 and 74.

3 Darius had entered his seventy-second year, in the year n o. 485

,when he

died , according to C tesias . H e had en tered,therefore, h is twenty

-second in

a c. 535, and his twenti eth in 537. H erodotus, in the confusion of his

chronology, places on the throne ofPersia, Cambyses, grandson ofthis Cambyses,instead ofCambyses, son ofCyrus, who married Mundane.

56 cnaonower or ms menus.

his palace, he was possessed by some god and he cried out, Oh

Babylon ians, I, Nebuchadnezzar, foretel l un to you a calami ty whichmust shortly come to pass, which neither Belus

,my ancestor, nor his

queen , Beltis, have power to persuade the Fates to avert . A P ersian

mule shall come, and by the assistance ofyour gods, shal l impose upon

you the yoke ofslavery, the author ofwh ich shal l be aMede, the vain

glory ofAssyria,’ &c. ,when he thus prophesied, he

Now we know from Herodo tus, that about three years before thefall ofCrmsus, that king had consu l ted the oracle at Delp hi concern ing

his prospect ofsuccess in the event ofhis invading the Persian empire.

The response ofthe oracle was, that when a mu le should rule over the

Medes, then might Crmsus ex pect to be put to fl ight. Crmsus, as we

have seen, was the al ly ofNebuchadnezzar and though Megasthenes

does not name Crcssus, who can doubt that these last words of

the king of Babylon, concern ing the coming ofa Persian mule, referto the response of the Delphic oracle which had been commun icated

to him by Crcnsus. The Lydian king, in h is eagerness to overthrow

the Persians, had interpreted the oracle as favourable to his ex pe

di tion . The o ld Babylon ian king, more wary, had probably referred

the interpretation to the Chaldeemagicians and astro logers at Babylon,as we know he had formerly done on the occas ion of his own two

porten tous dreams . Over these magicians, we are informed, that

Dan iel then presided ”; and from such a source he would doubtlesslearn that evil had long since been decreed against Babylon , and that

the evi l foreto ld was to be infl icted upon his coun try by the hands ofthe Medes. Nebuchadnezzar was thus enabled to utter, without

hesitation,these remarkable words preserved by Megasthenes con

cern ing the fate of his kingdom. Cyrus,son ofMandane the Mede,

and also ofCambyses the Persian, was undoubtedly the mule here

referred to ; and Cyax ares, or Ahasuerus, who , as brother-in-law of

Nebuchadnezzar, ought to have been the glory and support of h iskingdom,

was the Mede, the vain glory ofAssyria . Thus we collect

by impl ication from Megasthenes, in corroboration of Xenophon,

and also of our arrangement of dates, that it was in the last year of

Bebuchadnezzar that the young prince Cyrus was beginn ing to rise

into notice ; that Crmsus was approaching towards the close of his

reign ; and that Cyax ares, king ofMedia, was raising that confederacyagainst Babylon wh ich ended in its downfall . Let us here step out of

our way for one moment to observe, how efficient an answer is thus

afforded to the Cheval ier Bunsen“ and other writers, who have

Euseb . Pmp. Evan. ,l. 10 .

3 Dan ., iv. 9.

3 Philos. ofUniversal H istory, vol. i . p. 2 17.

os aox owev or run users . 57

attempted to throw doubt on the authority of the book ofDaniel, on

the ground ofthe occurrence ofGreek appellations for musical instruments in that book, which they afli rm could not have been in use so

early as the reign ofNebuchadnezzar. For,if that king could have

received, either directly or indirectly, a commun icat ion from the Greek

oracle at Delphi, where can be the d iffi cul ty in bel ieving that the

Greek 1 :00pm oun¢ou a, andM mpwv. together with the names

of these instruments, may have reached Babylon in the reign of

Nebuchadnezmr ? Far more difi culty is there in admitting the

correctness ofthe chrono logy adopted by these writers, which suppows

that Nebuchadnezzar died in the year B.O. 56 1 , and that Crcesus ceased

to reign in 548, by wh ich it would appear that Crmsus received

the response concern ing the mule in Persia long after the utterance of

these words concern ing Cyrus, the mule, by Nebuchadnezzar.

Such, then, was the position of the kingdom of the Medes duringthe two first years of the reign of Cyax ares, or Ahasuerus. A con

federacy had been formed between Med ia and Persia against Babylon ;the war had commenced soon after the accession of Cyax ares in

n o . 537 or 536 Media was, as Dan iel and Xenophon attest, st ill

nominal ly in the ascendant, whi le we cannot but infer that the warlike

Persians under Cyrus must de facto have been gain ing the predomi

nance over the Medes from day to day. It must have been duringthe few following years ofcontinued conquest, that the horn ofPersiabecame ex al ted over that ofMedia, and that the whole northern and

western provinces ofAsia became subject to the Persians.

We now turn to the book of Esther, wh ich opens with an account

ofa magn ificent banquet given by Ahasuerus, on setting up his throne

at Susa, in his third year, 536, when,”as it is there ex pressed,

“ he sat on the throne of his kingdom which was at Shushan . This

movement of the court and seat ofgovernment ofAhasuerus to Susa

would appear to have been the first result of the successful operationsofthe open ing campaign . when Armen ia, and probably the province ofElam,

were wrested from the hands ofthe Babylon ians. A new parti

tion ofthe empire now became necessary, owing to the rapid acquisi tionof large provinces ; and it was l iterally soon after this time that the

kingdom ofBabylon began to be d ivided, accord ing to the words of

Daniel , between the Medes and Persians. To the unwarlike Cyax ares

and the more pol ished Medes were now assigned the one hundred and

twenty-seven comparatively peaceful prov inces, reaching from Ind ia

to Ethiopia, wi th Susa as the capital, that is to say, the whole of the

eastern and southern provinces (for the Ethiopia here spoken ofwas,

Iw e, Asiatic, not African Ethiopia) , whi le Cyrus and his father

58 cusox onoer or was l anes.

Cambyses would naturally have seated themselves in themore northernprov inces, with a view to mi l itary operations in Babylonia and A s ia

Minor . Consistently with th is parti tion of territo ries, which rests

primari ly on the authority ofDan iel, we learn from Herodotus the

fact, that Cambyses, who came into power in a c . 537, placed the seatof h is government at Ecbatana—Xenophon records the fact, that the

province of Med ia was, soon after the fall of Babylon, ceded byCyax ares to Cyrus as a dowry w ith his daughter, which seems to

imply that this province was not then immed iately under his special

government—and from the book of Ezra we know, that Cyrus issued

h is decree for the rebui lding of the Temple from Acmetha in the

province ofthe Medes‘.

In this same third year of Ahas uerus, Vasht i, his queen, was

repudiated and deposed and command was given to seek for a queen

amongst the fairest virgins throughout the king’

s dominions. From

wh ich incident, though related by the Hebrew historian merely withreference to the ex altation of a Jewess to the throne, we may perhapstrace the anx iety of Ahasuerus for male issue to succeed him, and a

corroboration of the fact mentioned by Xenophon, that he had no

male heir ; for had such been the case, he would hardly have repudiated so has tily the mother of the future reigning prince. The bookof Esther now drops the history ofAhasuerus til l his seventh year ;

and we again refer to Xenophon, from whom we collect that Cyax ares

was probably engaged wi th the army during the following campaignsw i th h is nephew Cyrus. In the fifth year of his reign he appears tohave been present when a pitched battle was fought wi th the Babylon ians, in which the Babylon ian king, who, together with Camus,headed the army, was slain . This Babylon ian king could have beenno other than Evilmerodac’, son ofNebuchadnezzar, who re igned on lytwo years, and died in the year 534=sth ofCyax ares. In the

nex t battle described by Xenophon, that is to say, in the following

year, 533, when another Babylon ian king (Neregl issar‘) had come

to the throne, and when Abra-dates . ex -king of Susa, was slain‘,

Cyax ares was not present. Nor was he present at the taking of

Sardis in the same campaign“. He had quitted the fi eld and returned

to his own dominions“. He was ful l ofjealousy. as Xenophon re lates,

at the superior talents ex hibited by his nephew Cyrus, and at the

greater deference consequently shown by the army to that youngEzra, vi. 2 .

C ompare Xenophon III. , ch . i ii . 43, and IV., ch . i . 8.

3 Xenophon IV. ,ch. vi. 3. Ibid. VIL , ch. i . 32 .

6 Ibid . vn . , eh. ii. 3 .

0 ma. vr , oh. iii . a.

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Xenophon’

s assertion , that what he related concern ing Cyrus he

considered that he had ascertained and believed to be true‘.The last event in the reign ofCyax ares, mentioned by the Greek

h istorian, is the marriage of Cyrus to the daughter of the Med ian

king“,wh ile Cambyses still continued on the throne ofPersia. The

nuptials, we may presume, were celebrated by another great feast

such as A hasuerus del ighted to indulge in, and this event probablymarks the tenth year ofhis reign , B .C. 529 . Xenophon now ceases

to guide us, and we again take up the history ofAhasuerus from the

Hebrew h istorian, by whomwe are carried on to the twelfth, thirteenth,

and fourteenth years ofh is reign .

We now read ofone ofmost cruel outbursts ofrel igious fanaticismever recorded in history. A t the inst igation of h is minister, Haman,in his twelfth year, a decree went forth, under the seal ofAhasuerus,

to slaughter the who le Jewish people scattered throughout his domi

nions, on the 1 3th day of the month Adar in the fol lowing year,that is to say, in the th irteenth year ofthe king

’

s reign, from

which perilous position we know that the Jews were rescued by the

intercession of queen Esther . The weak, hasty, and vac il lating

character of Cyax ares here well accords w ith what is related of

Ahasuerus. Niebuhr indeed has not hesitated to pronounce this bookof Esther to be of no historical value. When, however, we consider

that the day ofthis great deliverance of the Jews had been kept inmemory by an annual festival, observed down to the time ofJosephus,as he h imself relates and that the feast ofPurim, or casting of lots,

on the 1 4th day of the month A dar, is one of the most importantfestivals in the Jewish calendar, even to the presen t day, i t is hardlyreasonable to doubt the substantial truth of this narrative, or to doubtthat the Jews were objects ofhatred to theMedea and Persians in thisreign . Nevertheless, it is hard to account for the idea ofan ind iscrimi

nate slaughter ofa whole nation as the result merely ofsudden impulseor caprice on the part ofany prince, however cruel or unwise . Someprevious preparation for such an event must, we should ex pect, havetaken place throughout the domin ions of this despot . The rel igious

tenets and doctrines ofthe Jews must have become general ly obnox iousto the people among whom they dwelt, before such a widely operatingdecree could have been carried into practical ex ecution. Now we

know that a state ofrel igious ferment had arisen throughout the whole

empire about this time, wh ich might readi ly account for the violent

and un iversal feeling thus ex cited against the Jews . It was about

Xen. L , oh. i. o. Ibid. a , ch. v. 20.

onaos onoev or was mass. 61

th is very period that the great spi ritual revolution in the East, which,under the influence of the Magi , ultimately prevailed , and broughtlack the Medea and Persians from the ido latrous worship of the

heavenly host to the worship of the one God,began to agitate the

minds ofthinking men throughout these coun tries‘. Much such a state

of ferment then ex isted , as when Mahomet, in after days, forced hisreligion, sword in hand, upon the nations of the East . Now the

rel igion of the Magi as now purified and enforced, we have everyreason to bel ieve, was indebted for some of its noblest sentiments

to Jewish sources, and contained many of the lead ing doctrines

of the holy people. Zoroaster is said to have been the disciple of

a Jew ish prophet’. If the book entitled “ Zendavesta,”

now ex tant,

in any way represents the doctrines of this great reformer, it

would appear that he taught the ex istence of one Eternal Being the

immorta lity ofthe sou l the resurrection of the body the reward of

the v irtuous in a future state ; and he is said to have spoken of the

coming ofthat great Prince whose appearance was looked forward tothro ughout the East, and at whose birth the Magi , his followers, cameto pay their adoration at Jerusalem. It was the increas ing prevalenceofthese religious doctrines, so nearly allied to those held by the Jews,which had now st irred up the deepest passions of the Medes and

Persians in defence of their accustomed worship and as it was in the

re ign of Darius, the son ofHystaspes, that Zoroaster’

s doctrines ulti

mately prevailed, we may presume that the struggle between re ligious

part ies was at the highest during the preced ing reign, and in the

beginn ing of the reign of Darius. The decreed massacre of the

Jews in 526, in the re ign ofAhasuerus, well accords therefore

w ith the rel igious temper of the times, as also does that general

slaughter of the Magi in the early part ofthe reign ofDarius, occa

sioned , as I conce ive, by a premature attempt of the followers of

Zoroaster to overthrow the corrupt rel igion ofthe State, and to set up

the reformed doctrines ofthe Magi in its place, together w ith a Magian

ruler on the throne . All which maybe collected from the tenor ofthe

Beh istun inscriptions . This slaughter of the Magi , l ike the deliver

This was an age of deep rel igious and philosophical speculation throughout

the East—the age ofDan iel , of Pythagoras, and, accord ing to Persian trad i tion,

of Zoroaster, the two latter of whom are said to have sought the banks of the

Euphrates, to drink the cup ofwisdom from the hands of the wise men and

astro logers ofBabylon3 Prideau x argues, from his thorough knowledge of the J ewish rel igion and

the sacred writings of the Old Testament, that prohahlv he was ofJ ewish origin .

—Frid. Con ., vo l . i . , p . 300 .

62 cs aonomcr or ms unnss.

ance ofthe Jews, was celebrated by an annual festival for some years

after, called the festival ofthe Magophon ia‘.

It was in the mon th Adar, the last Jewish month of the year

B.C . 526, that the Jews were al lowed by decree to stand on the defeu

s ive against their enemies, after which we read that Mordecai was

raised to great power by Ahasuerus that tribute was laid upon the

isles ofthe sea, that is, upon the isles ofthe Persian Gulf, and perhapsbeyond it, lately subject to the k ing of Babylon, but now wi thin the

domin ions ofAhasuerus ofthe seed ofthe Medes and that all these

things were recorded in the book of the Chronicles of the kings of

Media and Persia. It may be observed, that the precedence is givenindiscriminately either to the Medes or the Persians in the book of

Esther, which agrees not inaptly w ith the time of transition ofpowerfrom the hands ofthe Medes to the Persians . In the beginning ofthe

re ign ofAhasuerus, the Medes, as we have seen , were wi thout doubtallowed nominal precedence. Towards the end of that re ign circumstances were entirely reversed . And when the book of Esther was

written,probably in the reign of Darius, the son of Hystaspes, the

common order ofprecedence in everybody’

s mouth was, w ithout doubt,Persia and Med ia . How long Ahasuerus continued to reign after the

triumph ofthe Jews over their persecutors, or to whom he bequeathedh is domin ions, we are not told in the book of Esther. That he died

without male issue we know from Xenophon . Yet we read in the

book ofDan iel ofa certa in Darius , who styled h imselfson ofAhasuerus,and who , we shal l find, ru led over these same hundred and twentyseven provinces, and at Susa

,who w il l nex t come under our considers

tion . Let us close this sketch of the reign of Ahasuerus with the

observation, that wh i le the h istory of th is king, and the history of

Cyax ares, when read separately, as referr ing to two d ifferent kings,and according to the common arrangement ofdates, have always bornea vague, unfi x cd, and almost fabulous character ; when thus v iewed

in connex ion w ith each other, as the history ofone king in the mannerproposed, assume a substantial and well-defined pos ition in history

, and

form together a most interesting reign . full of leading and importantevents.

We now come to consider the reign of the last king under whomthe Medes set up any claim to independence before their final absorption in the empire ofPersia. and one who has caused as much troubleand perplex ity as Ahasuerus, in the endeavour to fi x h is t ime in con

formity w ith the common chrono logy. He is mentioned, as we have

See some ex cellent remarks ofMr. Rawlinson on this subject—Rawlinson ’s

Herodotus,vo l . i i. p. 648.

cnaonow cr or THE muss. 63

o bserved, in the book ofDan iel under the t itle, Darius, the son of

A hasuerus, of the seed of the Medes,

and also “ Darius the Mede.

”

He is usually supposed, though contrary to al l Chaldee au thority, to

have reigned over Babylon during the years B.C . 538 and 537 ; and ,

though Dan iel, h is min ister, cal ls him Darius, son ofAhasuerus, that

he was really Cyax ares, son ofAstyages . This do uble contrad iction

in tit le is suffi cient to set. aside such an idea, though it has long

prevai led . His name was Darius, and for that name alone must

we look in secular h istory for h is representative . Now,there is no

trace to be found in any original h istory of these times ofany kingbearing the t itle Darius, before the reign ofDarius, son ofHystaspes

—no record has been found of any such k ing, ei ther upon bricks ormonuments, in course of the recent researches made in the countries

over wh ich he must have reigned—nor can h is name be found in any

l ist ofkings ofBabylon which has come down to us,unless he was the

son ofHystaspes, though we are ex pressly to ld that he was “set over

the realm of the Chaldeans . Marcus von N iebuhr in his perplex ityhas argued , that the Dari us of Dan iel must have been Astyages, son

of Cyax ares, or Ahasuerus and Mr. Rawl inson , though more doubtingly, is inclined to adopt the same opin ion . But if Astyages came

to the throne ofBabylon in the year 538, as supposed, and at the

age of six ty-two

,as we are to ld by Dan iel, then must he have been

born in the year 600, the very year i n which h is grandson Cyrus

is assumed to have been born, according to the common reckon ing of

h is age, as seventy at the t ime of h is death , in n o . 530 . A styages

also having married in the year ofthe ecl ipse in his si x teenth

year , must thus be supposed to have been conquered by his grandson

Cyrus twenty-fi ve years after h is marriage, which is impossible. From

all wh ich i t wou ld appear, that according to the common mode of

arrang ing the h isto ry and chrono logy of this period, the time, place ,and person ofDarius the Mede are matters, to this day, as l ittle

ascertained as of some of the kings of the most fabulous t imes of

anc ien t history.

Under the scheme before us, no doubt or perplex ity can arise in

fi x ing the ex act t ime at which Darius the Mede must have reigned .

We have seen that his reputed father, Ahasuerus, must have d ied afterthe year D . C . 525 o r 526, and that he left no male heir to succeed him

on the throne. We know that it has always been the practice of

despo tic princes to appo int or adopt their successors ; and any one

styl ing h imself son of Ahasuerus , cou ld therefore only have becomeen titled to do so by the law ofadoption, so common and sacred in the

East, and so frequently had recourse to in those countries in our own

64 cnaononocr or was usnss.

days, on the failure ofmale heirs. It is the violation of this ancient

law which, in great measure, has been the origin of the presenttroubles in our Eastern domin ions. It is this which has caused the

bi tter enmity ofNana Sahib, the most active and cruel of the insur

gents whilst, on the other hand, the recogn ition ofthe law ofadoptionhas secured to us the steady support ofBolkar and Sciud ia, our two

most faithful adherents‘. If Ahasuerus died without male issue, we

maybe certain that he did not fai l to ex ercise th is power ofappointment and Darius, who called h imself son of Ahasuerus,

”must in

fact have been the son ofany one but that prince. Now Darius, the

son ofHystaspes, who, even at the age of twenty, had been accused

of amb itious designs upon the throne, and whose talents for govern

ment were afterwards so fully ex hibited, would seem to be a l ikelyprince to have been selected by Ahasuerus as his successor, consideringhis known jealousy ofCyrus, his son-in-law . But when we know the

fact, that Darius, the son ofHystaspes, actual ly came to the throne

in the year 52 1 , as certified by two lunar ecl ipses observed

at Babylon'

in his reign, and that this was just about the time whenAhasuerus may be supposed to have died, it amounts almost tocertainty that the son ofHystaspes was he who was cal led, at h is

accession, Darius the Mode.

”The seat ofgovernment ofthis Darius

we know was at Susa and both Josephus and the first bo ok of15dspeak ofDarius who decreed the rebu i lding of the Temple ofJcrusalaw,

who was, w ithout d ispute, the son ofHystaspes, as having re igned

over one hundred and twentyo seven provinces’. The evidence of the

book ofDan iel wi ll lead us wi th equal distinctness to the same conclu

sion . In the n in th chapter ofDan iel we read, that in the first yearofDarius, the son ofAhasuerus, ofthe seed of the Modes

,

”

that is, in

the fi rst year ofh is reign, what time he was set over the realm ofthe

Chaldeans,”Dan iel knew by books that the seventy years’ desolat ion

decreed upon the city ofJerusalemwere just coming to an end. That

he so interpreted the duration of the seventy years we may conclude

from the fact, that he then prayed that Jerusalem and the Temple

1 This pract ice of adoption is referred to in the modern Persian historyofCyrus, though not ex act lyin accordance with our views ofthat history. Sir J ohn

Malcolmwrites : Kai-Khosro resolved to devote the remainder of his l ife to

religious retirement. He delivered over Cabul, Zabul istan, and Neemroa to

Roostum as hereditarypossessions ; and resigned his throne to Lohrasp , the soin-law ofKai-Kaoos, and h is own son of adoption and afl

'

ection .

”—H istory ofi . p . 68 .

ieptuagint translation of Daniel makes Darius the Mode also to have127 provinces.

cssosomcr or run muss. 65

might immediately be restored. This “ desolation"of the city of

J erusalem,we col lect from the 2 Chron . x x x vi ., 1 9—2 1 , was counted

fromthe time of the burn ing of the house ofGod, and the destructionofthe city : so that, the first year ofDarius, son ofAhasuerus, spokenofby Daniel, was about seventy years after the fall ofthat city, in thenineteenth year ofNebuchadnezzar, the date ofwhich we have alreadyfi x ed to the year no . 562 . Counting, therefore, seventy years downwards from that date, we come to the year 493, which falls

with in the latter part of the reign ofDarius, the son ofHystaspes.

According to this computat ion, therefore, there can be no question

that Darius, the son ofHystaspes, is the king referred to byDaniel.

as the son ofAhasuerus. That this computation is correct, even to a

sing le year, is confirmed by another equal ly distinct mark of time

men tioned by Dan iel—viz ., that Darius was about threp score and

two years old when he came to the throne of the Chaldeans . Now

Dar ius, the son of Hystaspes, died in the vear 485, having, as

Ctesias relates, entered h is seventy-second year for he says that hedied at the age of seventy-two . Darius, therefore, would thus have

completed his si x ty-second year in 494, and from his birth-dayin that year to his birth-day in 493, would have been properlyspoken of as about three score and two years o ld . The coincidence

of these two independent modes of computation, bringing us to the

same year 493) as the first year ofDarius, the son ofAhasuerus,

is sufi iciently conclusive that Darius the Mede, and Darius, the son of

Hystaspes, were one and the same prince .

To those who have faith in the prophetic call ing ofDan iel, there

is a st ill further mark oftime, pointing to the very same year, B.C . 493,

as the fi rst year ofDarius, wh ich is too remarkable to be passed byin si lence, though not of the same purely logical character as the

preceding. It was in the first year ofDarius that the famous pro

phecy of the seventy weeks, or 490 years, was delivered, predictingthe coming of the Messiah at the ex piration of that period. Th is

phophecy, therefore, was l iterally accomplished by the birth ofChrist

in the year 3 or 2, ex actly 490 years after the prediction, as thusplaced in 493.

From the ex act concurrence of these three difi'

erent modes of

computation, leading to the same year in the reign ofDarius, the

son ofHystaspes, I look upon i t as a point as clearly and absolutelydetermined, even as the date of the eclipse ofThales, that Darius theMede of the book of Daniel was the same as Darius the son of

Hystaspes and that the Modes in the beginn ing ofhis reign yet still

endeavoured to maintain their independence of the power ofPersia.

von. x vrr.

62 cnaononocr or was usnss.

ance ofthe Jews, was celebrated by an annual festival for some yearsafter, called the festival ofthe Magophon ia

‘.

It was in the month Adar, the last Jewish month of the year

526, that the Jews were al lowed by decree to stand on the defeu

sive against their enemies, after which we read that Mordecai was

raised to great power by A hasuerus that tribute was laid upon the

isles ofthe sea, that is, upon the isles ofthe Persian Gulf, and perhapsbeyond it, lately subject to the k ing of Babylon, but now within the

domin ions ofAhasuerus ofthe seed ofthe Merles and that al l these

things were recorded in the “ book of the Chron icles of the kings of

Med ia and Persia. It may be observed, that the precedence is gi venindiscriminately either to the Medes or the Persians in the book of

Esther, wh ich agrees not inaptly w i th the time of transition ofpowerfrom the hands ofthe Medea to the Persians . In the beginn ing ofthe

reign ofAhasuerus, the Medes, as we have seen , were wi thout doubtallowed nominal precedence . Towards the end of that reign circum

stances were entirely reversed . And when the book of Esther was

written, probably in the reign of Darius, the son of Hystaspes, the

common order ofprecedence in everybody’

s mouth was, w ithout doubt,Persia and Media . How long Ahasuerus continued to reign after the

triumph ofthe Jews over their persecutors, or to whom he bequeathedhis domin ions, we are not to ld in the book of Esther. That he died

w ithout male issue we know from Xenophon . Yet we read in the

book ofDaniel ofa certain Darius , who styled himselfson ofAhasuerus,

and who , we shal l find, ruled over these same hundred and twentyseven prov inces, and at Susa, who w ill nex t come under our considera

tion . Let us close th is sketch of the reign of Ahasuerus w ith the

observation, that whi le the h istory of this king, and the h istory of

Cyax ares, when read separately, as referring to two d ifferent kings,and according to the common arrangement ofdates, have always bornea vague, uufi x cd, and almost fabulous character ; when thus viewed

in connex ion with each other, as the history ofone king in the manner

proposed, assume a substantial and well-defined position in history, and

form together a most interesting reign , ful l of leading and important

events.

We now come to consider the re ign of the last king under whom

the Medes set up any claim to independence before their final absorption in the empire ofPersia. and one who has caused as much troubleand perplex ity as Ahasuerus, in the endeavour to fi x his t ime in con

formity with the common chrono logy. He is mentioned, as we have

See some ex cellent remarks ofMr. Rawlinson on this subject—Rawlinson ’s

H erodotus,vo l . ii . p. 648.

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66 cnx os ouocr or run users.

If so, an entirely new arrangement of the history of the Medea and

Persians between the years 585 and 493 becomes absolutelynecessary. We have already seen how the hi therto unfi x ed reign of

Ahasuerus assumes a definite pos ition in history, under the proposedarrangemen t ofdates, and proves to have been recorded in secular as

well as in sacred history . It wi ll now appear, that the re ign of

Darius, the son of Ahasuerus of the seed of the Medea, wh ich has

h itherto held an equally unstable footing, is, in fact, one ofthe reigns

most clearly defined in ancient h istory , and that it is i llustrated byabundance of h istorical facts contained in the book of Daniel, in

Herodotus, and in other Greek historians .

It. wi ll require much more time and consideration than we have

now to bestow, to ex plain how the events of the reign ofDarius maybe arranged in conformity with these several sources ofhis history.

This is a subject into which Iprepose to enter at some future time.

I wi ll now conclude by drawing your attention to a very familiarchapter in the book of Dan iel, which, according to the view here

taken, will assume a new and very prominent posit ion in the life of

Darius. We al l remember the story of Dan iel and the den of l ions .

We read it, and admire the constancy and piety of the Hebrewprophet. We lay down the story, however, in uncertainty as to who

was the king spoken of we know not where the event took placeand we do no t real ize the state of the kingdoms ofMed ia and Persiawhen the confederacy of princes and rulers spoken of was formed

against the prophet.IfDarius the Med ian , however, was Darius the son ofHystaspes,

ofwh ich Irepeat there can be no reasonable doubt, this scene is clearlyfi x ed to about the year 493, when the king was about six ty-twoyears o ld, and to the twenty-ninth year of his reign and we shall

find that i t marks the t ime of the final struggle of the great men of

Media and Persia then in power against the introduction ofthe refer

mation ofZoroaster or h is fo llowers, and ofthe ul timate tr iumph over

ido latry ofthe worship ofthe one Supreme Being . The Magians, we

know, had at th is time attained to great power and influence inBactria and other parts of the Persian domin ions, under the fosteringsuperintendence of Hystaspes, the father ofDarius . Dan iel, w ith his

pecu l iar tenets, had acquired so powerful an influence over the mind

ofDarius, that the king, we read, now sought to set him over the

who le realm.

”

Such a proposal could not fail to rouse the an imosityof the o ld rel igious party to the highest pitch. The pres idents, andprinces, and governors, who had hitherto swayed the counci ls of

Darius. became alarmed , and resolved to overthrow the favoured

cnaonowor or THE MEDES. 67

min ister and the rising party, by ex posing their apparent d isloyaltyin setting their rel igious Opinions above the wi l l of the king . Theyinduced Darius to pass a decree, by which he ex alted himselffor

thirty days above all gods and probably persuaded him thus to test

the disloyal tendency of the new doctrines before he ventured to

proclaim them in his domin ions . We know that the result of th is

plo t against the l ife ofDan iel, was the destruct ion ofthe who le ofthe

great party thus combined against h im. Dan iel becamemore powerfulthan ever, and a proclamation now went forth under his direction as

chiefminister ofthe State, to all people, nations, and languages thatdwell in al l the earth. Peace be mul tipl ied unto you . Imake a

decree, says the king, that in every domin ion ofmy kingdom men

tremble and fear before the God of &c. This proclamat ionwas i ssued about the year 493 , in the twenty-n inth year of the

reign of Darius, in the fi rst year of his taking the kingdom,

”

or

being“set over the realm of the Chaldeans. and after which he

appears to have been styled king of

In the fol lowing year, 492 , in the second year ofhis reign so

compu ted, which b y tradit ion was a year ofjubilee, and wh ich was ,aw ard ing to our r eckon ing, a year ofjubilee in regular successio n .

accord ing to the L evitical institution, the Jews began to rebu ild the irta uple for the worship ofthe great God and Darius soon after issue d

another proclamat ion confirming their proceed ings. How aptly, it“.

may be observe d, does al l this agree in po int of t ime w ith what had

taken place in P ers ia in the fi rst year of the king, as regards the

worsh ip ofDan iel. and his people and how inaptly does the suspen

sion of the bui ld ing of the Temple of Jerusalem come in after the

first proclamation of Darius in favour of the worship of Dan iel,

when placed as usual in the year a c . 538 . But how d id it fare

with the Magiams at this t ime ? If we are right in trac ing a

connex ion between the reformed rel igion ofZ oroaster and that of the

Jews—and if any sympathy ex isted between the great Magian

reformer and the king’

s most favoured min ister, once the master ofthe

magicians and as trologers of Babylon, now was the t ime when we

might lookfor tine triumph ofthose rel igious opinions wh ich had so longagitated h i domin ions. Now

,what do we read in the l ife ofZ oroaster

concern ing the t ime ofthe adopt ion ofthe rel igion ofthe Magi through

the Persian domi n ions ? Iw i l l quo te a pas sage fromHyde’

s“ Rel igio n

of the Ancient .Persians"" When Zerdnsht proposed to h imself to

Dan. vi 25 . Ezra, v i.

3 Ilyde’s Religio Vo terum Persarum, p . 3 l 7

Aa'

r. III. The Indian Travels of Ap ollonius of Tyana. By

Osn o x n Ds Bmwvom PRIAULX, Esq.

[Read 1 9th February,

Pa l t osra n us, in h is l ife of Apo l lonius Tyanensis, has given an

account of that ph i losopher’s visit to India ; and as he professes tohave drawn h is materials from the note-book ofDamis, Apo llon ius

’

s

fellow traveller and friend, as indeed he professes to have ed ited that

note-book much as Hawkesworth edited the journals ofCook, we mayfairly assume that he has given an original and authentic account of

Ind ia, and the only one that has come down to us from the olden

world in a complete state . Again, as Apollon ius was the only Greekwho up to th is time had v isi ted Ind ia for other purposes than those of

war,negotiation, or commerce ; as he visited it to make h imself

acquainted w ith its ri tes, discipline, and doctrines ; and as he travelledun incumbered by a retinue, and was welcomed by its kings, and was.w ith Damis, for four months the guest of its Brahmans he

,and

Damis wi th h im,had every opportun ity offami l iar intercourse with

al l classes ofits population , and of thus acquiring much and accurate

information on matters beyond the reach of ordinary travel lers .

Philostratus’

s account, then , is full ofpromise 3 and Ipropose to givea condensed translation of it, and afterwards to ex amine into its

authori ty and value.

Towards the close of the first half century ofour era,Apol lon ius

being then upwards of 40 years of age‘and resident at Antioch, set

out to visit India, its Brahmans and Sramana (Peppers ) . He took

wi th him only two family slaves, to act apparently as his secretaries”

arrived at N ineveh, he met with and was jo ined by Damis, a native

of the place, who recommended himself to his notice by a practicalknow ledge of the road to Babylon, and an acquaintance with the

Persian, Armen ian, and Cadusian languages. Together they journey

Yet he speaks ofh imselfas ayoungman, r poanrew yap amp awdpc arrodqpewI. B. 1 8 c.

2 I presume th is from their qualifications ; the one is a good , the other a quick

penman : p era dvow Oepawovrow , o i r ep a vrcp warptt w qornv , d pew cc rax oc

ypapwv, (i 6'

cc raM oc.- ib.

moms TRAVELS or APOLLONIUB or ru n . 71

on to Babylon, but warned by a dream fi rst turn aside to visit

Cassia and those Eretrians, whom Darius, 500 years before,had

settled there, and whom they find still speaking Greek, and still, as

theyheard, usingGreek letters‘, and sti ll dwel ling near that wondrous

fountain Herodotus so carefully described.

A t Babylon, Apollon ius and his friend and attendants remain 1 8

months and then, in the beginn ing of summer, proceed for India on

camels, and wi th a gu ide furn ished by the Parthian king Bardanes .

Of the ir route we know only that it lay through a rich and pleasantcountry, and that the v i l lages they passed hurried to do them honourand to supply their wants for a gold plate on their leading camel

announced them guests of the king. We now hear of them enjoyingthe perfumed air’ at the foot of Caucasus, the H indu-huh, which,

whi le it separates India fromMedia, ex tends by one'

of i ts branchesto the Red Sea’. Of this mountain, they heard from the barbariansmyths l ike those of the Greek. They were to ld of Prometheus and

Hercules, not the Theban, and of the eagle ; some po inted to a

cavern, others to the mountain’

s two peaks, a stadium apart, as theplace where Prometheus was bo und, and his chains

,though ofwhat

made it is not easy to guess‘,still hung, Damis says, from the rocks .

His memory too is still dear to the mountaineers, who for his sake

still pursue the eagle with hate and now lay snares for i t, and now

with fiery javel ins destroy its nest“. On the mounta in they fi nd the

The Germans whom Theodoric in the si x th century located in the mountainsof the Vicentino, and who are known as the “ Sette Communi ,

"are to this day

Germans ; and the French refugees after the Edict ofNan tes, who settled at

Fricdrichsdorf in Hesse Homburg, are still French ; that these Ere trians then

should during so manyyears have retained the ir language and customs is noth ingvery ex traord inary. But is it not strange that from the day of the ir ex puls ion

fromG reece their vo ice has never been heard save in these pages of Philostratus

and almost incred ible, that, though so near to Babylon, they escaped the notice of

Alex ander and his histo rians, who the one so signal lypun ished, and the other so

” d o lly recorded the punishment of the perfidious and self-ex iled Branchidm

l trabo l. x i . x i i . c. 49.

So Bums describes the plain ofPeshawar, thyme and violets perfumed the

air,

”

(Cabool, i i . A t Muchnee “a sweet aromatic smell was e x haled from

the grass and plants,”(ih .

Wilford says“the Indian ocean is cal led An noda

,or the Red Sea.

”(As.

Rea vi ii. p. 318 )0 Kat deep er 6 Aap tc a vmpfla t fur wsrpmr key“ , on padre cv ahhew n yr

thym—II. B. 3 c .

The same tale is in Arrian and Strabo . W i lford thus accounts for it : notfar fromBanyam is the den of Garuda, the b ird-god ; he devoured some servants

ofMaha Deva, and this drew upon h im the resentment of that irascib le deity,whose assu me are cal led Pramat’haa - As. Res. vii i. 259 .

72 INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TYANA.

people already inclined to black‘, and the men four cubits high : on

the other side the Indus the men reached five cubits“. On their way

to the river, as they were going along in the bright moonsh ine, anEmpusa met them,

who now in this form now in that, pursued thembut Apollon ius, and his compan ions at h is instigation, rai led at it, the

only safeguard against it, till it fled away jabbering’.

A s they approached the summit of the mountain,—the dwell ingof the Gods as their guide told them,

—they found the road so steepthat they were obl iged to go on foot. On the other side, in the

country between Caucasus and the Cephen‘, they met men riding on

elephants, but they were only elephant herdsmen others on

dromedaries, which can run 1 000 stadia in a daywithout rest“. Here

an Indian on a dromedary rode up to them and asked their gu ide

whither they were going ; and when he heard the object of their

journey he told the herdsmen, who shouted for joy, called to them to

come near, and gave themwine and honey, both got from the palm;and also sl ices of lion and panther flesh, just ki lled“. They acceptedeverything but the flesh, and rode onward in an easterly direction.

A t a fountain they sat down to dine and, in the course of

conversation, Apollon ius observed that they had met many Indianssinging, dancing, and rolling about, drunk with palm-wine"

,and that

the Indian money was of orichalcum and bronze—purely Indian,

and not stamped l ike the Roman and Median coins“.

1 Strabo x v. 1. c. § l 3. Arrisa, Indica, c . vi.

Ones icritus Frag. H ist. Al ex . D idot., p. 55, 25. Lord Cornwallis (Corres

pondence) remarks on the great height of the Bengal Sepoys ; Sir C . Napier (Life)thinks our infantryaverage two inches below them, but covermore ground. Tall

men therefore ; but five cub itsAt the foot ofthe Indus and Cabool river an ignis fatuus shows its elf

every evening.

”—Burnes, II p. 68 .

Cophen , the Cabool. Caucasus Grtvaktsas, the bright rock mountai n,Bohlen , Das Al ta Indien,

" I. p. 12.

5 Elphinstone says An elderlyminister of the Raja ofBikaneer had

just come on a camel 175miles in three days. (Caubul, Introduction , p. 230, I. x . )Sir C. Napier mentions a march of 80 or 90 miles by h is camel corps without ahalt Life ofSir Ch . Napier,

” II., and has no doubt with riding camelsofmarching 200 mi les in 48 hours .

- III. , 78.

An ex aggeration ofa remark ofArrian’s, probably Etfooayot dc Ivdot

stow ,bo otys p t) opstot avrow

'

curet dc ra Onpu a apea atrsovra . x v n. 5)e . g. bears

’

flesh and anyth ing else they can get (Elph instone of Caufiristann, 65.

IL ,

“theyal l eat flesh half raw,

”—t°b. 438.7 Of the same mountaineers, E lph instone they drink wine to e x cess (ih. )

E lian, I. 61 , speaks of the Indian drinking bouts ; Plinyof the wine : Rel iques

vinum ut Indos palmis ex primere”

(Hist. Nat . , vi, The Vishnu Parana of

wine from the Kadamba tree, p. 571, note 2.9 The Indian money is 3 15h») reroydzwyt vn, metal refined, prepared the

INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TYANA. 73

Theycrossed the Cophen, here not very broad or deep, themselvesin boats , their camels on foot, and now entered a country subject to a

king. Here they saw Mount Nysa it rises up to a peak, likeTmolns‘ in Lydia. It is cultivated , and i ts ascent has thus beenmade practicable. On its summi t they found a moderate sized templeofBacchus ; this temple was a circular plot ofground, enclosed bya hedgerow of laurels, vines, and ivy

’, al l ofwhich had been p lanted

by Bacchus h imself, and had so grown and intertwined their branchestogether as to form a roofand wal ls impervious to the wind and rain .

In the interior Bacchus had placed h is own statue—in form an Indian

youth, but ofwhite stone . About and around it lay crooked knives,

baskets, wine-vats in gold and si lver, as if ready for the vintage.

Aye, and the cities at the foot of the mountain hear and join in hisorgies, and Nyaa itselfquakes wi th them.

A bout Bacchus’, Ph ilostratus goes on to say—whether Speaking in

his own person or from the journal ofDamis Iknow not—Greeks andHindus are not agreed ; for the former assert that the Theban Bacchuswith h is bacchanals conquered and overran India

,and they cite, among

other proofs, a discus ofIndian si lver in the treasury at Delphi, withthis inscription Bacchus, Jove and Semele

’

s son, from Ind ia to the

Delphian Apollo . But of the latter, the Ind ians of the Caucasus

bel ieve that he was an Assyrian stranger, not unacquainted however

wi th h im of Thebes ; whi le those ofthe Indus and Ganges declare

that he was the son of the Indus‘, and that the Theban Bacchus washis disc iple and imitator

,though he cal led h imself the son of Jove,

Roman ssx apaypwn stamped. InMenu’s time gold and si lver co ins were probably

unknown , for he gives (vi ii , l 3l ,) the name of copper, si lver, and go ld weights

common lyused among men TM) x ex opgbetvp svn probab lya b ut when Apollonius

vi i tcd India we know that money, go ld and silver co ins were current , issued bythe

Indo-G reek and Indo-Scythic kings ,—vide Lassen , Baktrisehe Kon ige ,

"passim.

Nhhadha, probab ly, to the south ofMeru (Vishnu Purana, Arriau

similarlyconnects Tmo lus wi th Nysa (E x ped. A lex . v.

h urels and ivyAl ex ander fi nds onMeru ; vines, too , by implication (Arrian

Ex psd. v. i i. Burnes says that in Cabool the vines are so plentiful that the

grapes are given for three months in the year to cattle (at sup . i i. 131 . See also

Wilson’s Ariana Antiq . p .

Charm H ist. Alex ,

”p. 1 17, § l3) one of the h istorians of A lex ander,

l pu h ofan Indian god Eopoadu oc, wh ich in G reek means ow on'

owg, the wine

u sher, Sanscrit, Suradevas (von Bohlen ) , but the V ishnu Purana knows ofno

wine god , onlyofa wine goddess (vide p . In general , however, Bacchus maybe identified wi th Siva, and Hercu les with Vishnu and Krishna.

For the [ ado-Bacchus myth sec Arrian , v. 1 , who receives it with hesitation ;

and Strabo, x v. l , 0, who rejects i t ; Lassen , Ind. A lt. II. 133 von Bohlen ,

s l a p , I. 142 and Schwanbeck on Megasthenes, Frag. H ist ," II. 420, D idot.

62 CHRONOLOGY or THE muons.

ance ofthe Jews, was celebrated by an annual festival for some yearsafter, called the festival ofthe Magopbon ia

‘.

It was in the month Adar, the last Jewish month of the year526, that the Jews were al lowed by decree to stand on the defeu

sive against their enemies, after wh ich we read that Mordecai was

raised to great power by Ahasuerus that tribute was laid upon the

isles ofthe sea, that is, upon the isles ofthe Persian Gulf, and perhapsbeyond it, lately subject to the king of Babylon, but now wi thin the

domin ions ofAhasuerus ofthe seed ofthe Medes and that all these

things were recorded in the “ book of the Chronicles of the kings of

Med ia and Persia. It may be observed, that the precedence is givenindiscriminately either to the Medes or the Persians in the book of

Esther, which agrees not inaptly with the time oftransition ofpowerfrom the hands ofthe Medes to the Persians . In the beginn ing ofthe

reign ofAhasuerus, the Medes, as we have seen , were without doubtal lowed nominal precedence. Towards the end of that re ign circum

stances were en tirely reversed . And when the book of Esther was

wri tten, probably in the reign of Darius, the son of Hystaspes, the

common order ofprecedence in everybody’

s mouth was, without doubt,Persia and Media . How long Ahasuerus continued to re ign after the

triumph ofthe Jews over their persecutors, or to whom he bequeathedh is dominions, we are not to ld in the book of Esther. That he died

w ithout male issue we know from Xenophon . Yet we read in the

book ofDan iel ofa certain Darius , who styled himselfson ofAhas uerus,and who, we shal l find, ruled over these same hundred and twentyseven provinces, and at Susa, who w il l nex t come under our considera

tion . Let us close this sketch of the reign of Ahasuerus w ith the

observation, that whi le the h istory of th is king, and the history of

Cyax ares, when read separately, as referring to two different kings,

and accord ing to the common arrangement ofdates, have always bornea vague, unfi x ed, and almost fabulous character ; when thus viewed

in connex ion with each other, as the history ofone king in the mannerpreposed, assume a substantial and well-defined position in history, andform together a most interesting reign . full of leading and importantevents.

We now come to consider the reign of the last king under whom

the Medea set up any claim to independence before their final absorption in the empire ofPersia. and one who has caused as much troubleand perplex ity as Ahasuerus, in the endeavour to fi x h is time in con

formity w ith the common chrono logy. He is mentioned, as we have

See some ex cellent remarks ofMr. Rawlinson on this subject—Rawlinson ’s

H erodotus,vo l . i i. p. 648.

https://www.forgottenbooks.com/join

76 INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TYANA.

many navigable rivers. Like the N ile it overflows the country, and

deposits a mud ; and thus, as in Egypt, prepares the land for thehusbandman . It abounds, l ike the Nile, with sea-horses and croco

di les ‘, as they themselves witnessed in crossing it (nomfopem be 8u rov

M oo) and it produces too the same flowers. In India the winter is

warm, the summer stifling ; but the heat, providentially, is moderatedby‘

frequent rains. The natives told h im,that when the season for

the rise of the river was at band, the king sacrifices on its banksblack bulls and horses (black, among them, because of their com

plex ion being the nobler colour), and, after the sacrifice, throws into

the river a gold measure, l ike a corn measure,—why, the peoplethemselves knew not 3 but probably, as Apollon ius conjectured, for anabundant harvest, or for such a moderate’ rise of the river as would

benefi t the land.

The Indus passed, their new gu ide led them straight to Tax ila,

where was the palace of the Ind ian king . The people now were

co tton, the produce of the country, and sandals made of the fibre of

the papyrus‘ (w odwafaBvflkov), and a leather cap when i t rained .

The better classes were clad in byssus, a stufl'

w ith which Apol lonius,who afl

'

ected a yellowish colour in his dress, was much pleased. This

byssus grows on a tree, l ike the poplar in its stem,but with leaves

l ike the wi llow it is ex ported into Egypt for sacred uses.Tax i la‘was about the size ofNineveh, walled l ike a Greek city,

and was the residence ofa sovereign who ruled over what ofold was

the kingdom ofPores. Just outside the wal ls“ was a temple ofneara hundred feet, of porphyry’ (New x oyx vllmrou) , and in it a shrine,

sow the land.” Barnes, I think, shows that it carries a greater bodyofwater than

the Ganges.

Eratosthenes gives it the same animals as the Nile, ex cept the sea-horse.

Onesicritus the sea-horse also ; Strabo, x v. l , 13.

3 Sir C . Napier attributed a fever wh ich prostrated h is armyand the natives,

to an ex traordinaryrise ofthe Indua—Q uarterlyReview, Oct. 1868, p. 499 .

Arrian’s Indies :

“ Their dress is of cotton, their sandals of leather 3” but

Herodotus gives the Egyptian priests furodrmta fivflhw a, II. 37.

4 W ilford (As. Res . vi ii . 349)§speaks ofTacshaila and its ruins ; Wilson identifies Tax i la with Taksha-si la of the H indus between the Indus and Hydaspes , in

the vic ini ty ofManikyala—Ar. Ant , 196. Arrisa celebrates its size and wealth

the largest c ity between the Indus and the Hydaspes. V . 8 c . Ex ped. Alex .

5 Ram Ru , (Arch itecture of the H indus , p. ofthe temples ofVishnu and

Siva, says, that the latter should be wi thout the village . B ienen-Thsang (I. 16 1)describes Tax i la, and speaks ofa steps and convent outside the walls, bui lt byAsoka.

The tops ofMauikyala, described byE lphinstone . is 100 feet in circumsnce , a nd 70 feet high (Ari . Ant. Lassen (II. 514 and 1 151 ) speaks of the

tence ofGreek art on Indian arch itecture ; but adds, that the Indians bui lt

INDIAN rsavsns or APOLLONIUS or ru n . 77

small, considering the size of the temple and its many columns, but

sti ll very beautiful . Round the shrine were hung pictures on coppertab lets, representing the feats of A lex ander and Porus. In these

tablets the elephants, horses, soldiers, and armour, were portrayed ina mosaic‘ oforichalcum, si lver, gold, and tinted copper (when x ahmp)the spears, javel ins, and swords in iron but the several metals were

al l worked into one another with so n ice a gradation of tints, that the

pictures they formed, in correctness ofdrawing, vivacity ofex pression:and truthfulness ofperspective”, reminded one of the productions ofZeux is, Polygnotus and Euphranor. They told too of the noblecharacter ofPorus, for it was not ti ll after the death ofA lex ander

that he placed them in the temple,—and this, though they representedA lex ander as a conqueror, and h imself as conquered and wounded

,

and receiv ing fromA lex ander the kingdom ofIndia.

In this temple they wait until the king can be apprised of their

arrival . Apollon ius wh i les away the time with a conversation uponpain ting, in the course ofwhich he remarks that colour is not neces

sary to a picture ; that an Indian drawn in chalk would be known

as an Ind ian, and black ofcolour, by his somewhat flat nose, his crisphair, his large jaws, and wi ld eyes’. While they are thus talking, a

messenger and interpreter arrive from the king, w ith a permit forthem to enter the ci ty, and to stay in it three days, beyond whichtime no strangers are allowed in Tax i la.

They are taken to the palace. They found the city divided bynarrow streets, well-arranged, and reminding them ofAthens. From

the streets, the houses seemed of only one story, but they all had an

underground floor‘. They saw the Temple ofthe Sun, and in i t statuesofA lex ander and Porus, in gold, si lver, and copper ; its wal ls wereof red marble, but glittering with gold ; the image of the god was

ofpearls“, having, as is usual wi th the barbarians in sacred things, a

symbolical meaning.

with brick. Theymay, however, have faced their buildings with stone : and themog royx vl ua rocmayhave been of that porphyry, or red marb le, used in thetombs at Tattah .

-Life ofSir C . Napier. iv. 38.

Lassen (6 13-4) states, on Singhalese authority, that the H indus were ski lled

in mosaics ; and (II. 426-7) he describes a casket the figures on which he supposes

were ofamosaic ofprecious stones.

To w a x wv , ro sparr ow , m i ro swex ov rs, m i sEsx ov.

3 Arrian,Indica vi. , and compare with it Vishnu Purana, note 4, p. 100,

where is a description ofthe barbarous races ofIndia.

Lassen, at mp . 5 14. The underground floor, E lphinstone says, even the poor

have at Peshawar.—Caubul, Introdnc., p. 74

On represents ls soleil la face rouge sesmembres sont pronoucés, il

74 INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TYANA.

and pretended to have been born of his thigh (pqpor), fromMeros, a

mountain near to Nysa . They add,that in honour of the Indian

Bacchus, he planted Nysa wi th vines brought from Thebes. And

here, according to h is historians, A lex ander celebrated his orgies ;

whi le, according to the mountaineers, notwithstanding h is love of

glory and ofant iqui ty, he never ascended the mountain‘, but satisfied

himselfwith prayer and sacrifice at its foot : he so feared lest the

sight of the v ines should raise in h is so ldiers, long accustomed to

water, a longing for wine and the ease and pleasures ofhome.

The rock Aornus,’ though at no great distance fromNysa, Damis

says he did not v isit, as it was somewhat out oftheir way. He heard,

however, that it had been taken by A lex ander ; and was fifteen stad ia

in height ; and that i t was cal led Aornus, not because no bird cou ld flyover it, but because there was a chasm on its summi t which drew

down to i t all birds, much l ike the Parthenon at Athens, and several

places in Phrygia and Lydia.

On their way to the Indus, they fel l in wi th a lad about thirteenyears old , riding an elephant and urging h im on with a crooked rod

,

wh ich he thrust into the elephant l ike an anchor. On the Indus

i tself they watched a troop ofabout thirty elephants, whom some

huntsmen were pursuing’; and Apol lonius admired the sagacity theydisplayed in cross ing the river, for the smal lest and l ightest of them

led the way, then fo l lowed the mothers holding up their cubs withtheir tusks and trunks, whi le the largest ofthem brought up the rear .

He spoke of their doci l ity ; their love for their keeper, how theywould eat out ofh is hand like dogs, coax himwith their trunks

,and

,

as he had seen among the nomads, open wide their months for him to

thrust his head down their throats. He told too, how during the

n ight they would bewail their slavery, not wi th their usual roar butwi th piteous moans ; and bow, out ofre spect for man, they would at

h is approach stay their wailing ; and he referred their docility and

ready obedience more to their own self-command and tractable nature,than to the ski ll or power oftheir guide and rider .

From the people they heard that elephants were found in the

marsh,the mountain

, and the plain . According to the Indians, the

According to Arrisa , ut rup . and II. 5, it was Meru that Alex ander ascended ,

and on Meru that he feasted and sacrifi ced to Bacchus.

Aornus ; Awara, Awarana, a Sto ckada—Wi lson Ariana Antiqua , p. 192

but Renae according to v. Bohlen , and Rani-garb according to Lassen, Indische

Alte rthums 140, note 7.3 J ust in the same locali ty (see Art ian , IV . x x x . 7) Alex ander first see 8

troop ofelephants, and afterwards joins in an elephant hunt.

INDIAN rsAvs or APOLLONIUS or TYANA. 75

marsh elephant is stupid and idle ; its teeth are few and black, andoften porous or knotted, and wi ll not bear the kn ife. The mountain

elephants are treacherous and mal ignant, and, save for their own

ends, little attached to man ; their teeth are small , but tolerablywhite, and not hard to work. The elephants of the plain are useful

animals, tractable and imitative ; they may be taught to wri te, and

to dance and jump to the sound ofthe pipe ; their teeth are very longand white, and the ivory-cutter can do wi th them just what hepleases. The Indians use the elephant in war ; they fight from i t inturrets, large enough for ten or fifteen archers or spearmon and theymy that i t wi ll i tself join in the fight, holding and throwing the

spear with its trunk as w i th a hand . The Indian elephant is of a

large size, as much larger than the Libyan as th is than the N isman

horse. It lives to a great age, and A pol lon ius saw one in Tax ila

which had fought against A lex ander about 350 years before, and

which Alex ander had honoured wi th the name ofAjax . On its tusks

were golden bracelets, w ith this inscription : Ajax to the sun, from

A le x ander, Jove’s son .

”The people were accustomed to anoint i t

with unguents, and ornament i t with garlands‘.

When about to cross the Indus, their Babylon ian gu ide, who wasunacquainted wi th the river, presented to the Satrap of the Indus a

letter from Bardanes . And the Satrap, out of regard to the king,

though no offi cer of his, suppl ied them w ith his own barge for themselves, boats for their camels, and a guide to the Hydraotis. He also

wrote to his sovereign , to beg him that, in his treatment ofthis Greek,and truly divine man , he would emulate the generosi ty ofBardanes .

Where they crossed, the Indus was forty stadi a in bread th’. It

takes its rise in the Caucasus’ and, from its very fountain, is larger(p u b aw oflev) than any other river in Asia‘. In i ts course i t receives

Pliny(vi ii . v. ) descri bes the elephant as crossing rivers in the same way he

speaks of th eir wonderful self-respect, mirus pudor ,”

and of one cal led Ajax ;A rrian (Indics, c . 14 and 15) oftheir griefat being captured , oftheir attachment totheir keepers, their love ofmusic, and their long l ife ex tending though to but 200

years (Onesicritus gives them300 , and sometimes 500 yeara—Strabo , x v. ) E lian

(x iii. and Pl iny (vi i i ), state that they carry three warriors only, and aremuchlarger than the African . The d ivision into marsh and plain, &c. , I suspect, is

from Jabs.Ctd as (58 says the Indus is 40 stad ia where narrowest. See Lassen,

at supra, II. 637, who accounts for Ctesias'

ex aggerat ion (his reasons do not applyto Damis), and Wi lson

’s Notes on the Indica ofC tesias, who ex cuses it (p.

“ Iudm in jugo Caucaq i montis efl'

usns undeviginti acc ipit

an us nusquam Iatior q uinquayi n la stadi is .—PlinyH ist . Nat vi . 23.

80 Ctesias, so Ibn Batnta :“ The Sc inde is the greatest river in the worid ,

and overflows during the hot weather just as the Ni le does ; and at this time they

76 mon s TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TYANA.

many navigable rivers. Like the Ni le i t overflows the country, and

depos its a mud ; and thus, as in Egypt, prepares the land for the

husbandman . It abounds, l ike the N ile, with sea-horses and croco

diles ‘, as they themselves wi tnessed in crossing it (Komfopwoc be 8m rov

M ow) and i t produces too the same flowers. In India the win ter is

warm, the summer stifl ing ; but the heat, providential ly, is moderatedby frequent rains. The natives told h im

,that when the season for

the rise of the river was at hand, the king sacrifices on i ts banksblack bulls and horses (black, among them

, because of their com

plex ion being the nobler colour), and, after the sacrifice, throws into

the river a gold measure, l ike a corn measure,—why, the peoplethemselves knew not but probably, as Apollon ius conjectured, for anabundant harvest, or for such a moderate’ rise of the river as would

benefit the land.

The Indus passed, their new gu ide led them straight to Tax ila,

where was the palace of the Indian king. The people now were

cotton, the produce of the country, and sandals made of the fibre of

the papyrus' (w odqpa‘mv ov), and a leather cap when i t rained .

The better classes were clad in byssus, a stuffwith which Apol lonius,who affected a yellowish colour in his dress, was much pleased . This

byssns grows on a tree, l ike the poplar in i ts stem, but wi th leaves

l ike the wil low it is ex ported into Egypt for sacred uses.

Tax i la‘ was about the size ofNineveh, walled like a Greek city,and was the residence ofa sovereign who ruled over what ofo ld was

the kingdomofPorns. Just outs ide the wal ls“ was a temple of nearit hundred feet, ofporphyry‘

(New x oyk tavov), and in it a shrine,

sawthe land." Barnes, I think, shows that it carries a greater bodyofwater than

the flanges.

Brutusthenes gives it the same animals as the Nile, ex cept the sea-horse.

tinu iurltnu the sea-horse also ; Strabo, x v. l , 13.

l it 0 . Naples attributed a fever wh ich prostrated his armyand the natives,

t nan ex traordinaryrise ofthe Indus—Q uarterlyReview, Oct. 1868 , p. 499.

Arriun‘e Indies : Their dress is of cotton, their sandals of leath er but

“N odal“! gives the Egyptian priests nr odnp ta fivfikwa, II. 37.

i t hml (AI l tes . viii . 349)§speaks ofTaeshaila and its ruins ; Wilson iden

title! Tat tle with'l‘

aliabe-alla of the H indus between the Indus and Hydaspes, in

the new“) at Mw lkyaIa—Ar. Ant , 196. Arrian celebrates its size and wealth

themus-it city between the Indus and the Hydaspes. V . 8 c . E x ped . Alex .

it “an; “at , (Awhltooturo of the Hindus , p. ofthe temwes ofVishnu and

film. eu n tlm the hi tter should be wi thout the vi llage . B ienen-Thsang (I.

d.up ;WM l awn,and speak ofa steps and convent outside the walls , buil t byAsoka.

t u at ”Mi lltyala. described byE lphinstone . is 100 feet in circum

“was“ and st that hil l! (Ari. Ant. 3 l ). Ia ssen (II. 5 14 and HM ) speaks of the

“News: N “M it“ on India n arch itecture ; but adds, that the Indians bui lt

moms TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TYANA . 77

small, considering the size of the temple and its many columns, but

sti ll very beautiful . Round the shrine were hung pictures on coppertab lets, representing the feats of A lex ander and Porns. In these

tab lets the elephants, horses, soldiers, and armour, were portrayed ina mosaic 1 oforichalcum

,si lver, gold, and tinted copper (when x akmp)

the spears, javel ins, and swords in iron but the several metals were

all worked into one another with so n ice a gradation of tints, that the

pictures they formed, in correctness ofdrawing, v ivacity ofex pression,and tru thful ness ofperspective “, reminded one of the productions ofZeux is, Polygnotus and Euphranor. They to ld too of the noblecharacter ofForce, for it was not ti ll after the death ofA lex ander

that he placed them in the temple,—and this, though they representedAlex ander as a conqueror, and h imself as conquered and wounded,

and receiving fromA lex ander the kingdom ofIndia.

In th is temple they wait un ti l the king can be apprised of their

arrival . Apollon ius wh iles away the t ime with a conversation uponpainting, in the course ofwhich he remarks that colour is no t neces

u ry to a p icture ; that an Indian drawn in chalk would be known

as an Indian, and black ofco lour,by his somewhat flat nose, his crisp

hair, his large jaws, and wi ld eyes’. While they are thus talking, a

messenger and interpreter arrive from the king, w i th a permit forthem to enter the city, and to stay in it three days, beyond whichtime no strangers are allowed in Tax i la.

They are taken to the palace. They found the city divide d bynarrow streets, well-arranged, and reminding them ofAthens. From

the streets, the houses seemed of only one story, but they al l had an

underground floor‘. They saw the Temple ofthe Sun, and in i t statuesofA lex ander and Porns, in gold, silver, and copper ; its wal ls wereof red marble, but gl ittering w ith gold ; the image of the god was

ofpearls“,having, as is usual wi th the barbarians in sacred things, a

symbo l ical meaning.

with brick. Theymay, however, have faced their buildings with stone ; and the

M00: r oyk ta rocmay have been of that porphyry, or red marble, used in thetombs at Tattah .

-L ife ofSir C . Napier. iv. 38.

Lamen (5 13-4) states , on Singhalese authori ty, that the H indus were skilled

in mon ies ; and (II. 426-7) he describes a casket the figures on which he supposes

were ofamosaic ofprecious stones.To svo

'

x tov, re rim-vow , ra i ro umx ov rr, ra i (Erx ov.

Arrian, Indica vi. , and compare with it V ishnu Parana, note 4, p. 100,where is a description ofthe barbarous races ofIndia.

Lassen, u t cup . 514. The underground floor, E lphinstone says, even the poor

have at Peshawur.—Caubul, Introduc. , p. 74.

On represents le soleil la face rouge sesmembres sont prononcés, il

78 moms TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or ru n .

The palace was distingu ished by no ex traordinary magn ificence,and was just l ike the house of any ci tizen of the better class . There

were no sentinels or body guards, and but few servants about, andperhaps three or four persons who were waiting to talk wi th the

king. The same simpl icity was observable in the courts, hal ls,

waiting and inner rooms ; and it pleased Apollon ius more than all

the pomp ofBabylon . When admitted to the king’

s presence, A pollonius, through the i nterpreter, addressed the king as a philosopher,and compl imented him on h is moderation . The king, Phraotes, in

answer, said that he was moderate because his wants were few,and

that as he was wealthy, be employed his weal th in do ing good to hisfriends, and in subsidizing the barbarians, h is neighbours, to preventthemfrom themselves ravaging, or al lowing other barbarians to ravage

h is terri tories . Here one ofhis courtiers ofl'

ered to crown h imwith a

jewelled mitre, but he refused It as well because al l pomp was hatefulto him, as because ofApol lon ius 9 presence . Apollon ius now enqu ired

into his mode of life. The king to ld him that he drank but l ittle

wine,as much as he usual ly poured out in l ibation to the son ; that

be hunted for ex ercise ‘, and gave away what he ki lled ; that, forhimself, he l ived on vegetables and herbs, and the head and fru it of

the palm, and other fruits which he cultivated w ith his own hands.

’

W ith this account of his kingly tastes and occupations Apo lloni uswas del ighted, and be frequently looked at Damis. They then talkedtogether a long time about the road to the Brahmans and when theyhad done, the king ordered the Babylonian gu ide to be treated withthe hospitality wont to be shown to travellers fromBabylon, and thesatrap gu ide to be sent back home w ith the usual travel ling allowance ;and then taking Apol lon ius by the hand, and ordering the interpreterto leave them, he asked him,

in G reek, to receive him, the king, as a

table compan ion . Apol lon ius, surprised, enqu ired why he had not

spoken Greek from the fi rst. Because.

”answered the king, I

wou ld not seem bold, or to forget that Iam, after all, only a barbarian ;but your kindness, and the pleasure you take in myconversation, havegot the better ofme, and I can no longer conceal myselffromyou .

And how Ibecame thus acquainted with Greek I wi ll presently show

you at large.

”But why,

”again asked Apo ll on ius, “ instead of

invit ing me, did you beg me to invite you to dinner ?” “ Because,

”

porte des pendants asea ore i lles. Un col lier de perles lui descend do con su r la

po itrine.

”Re inand, Mem. snr l

'

Inde, p. l 2 I.

1 Drinking, d ice, women and hun ting, let the king consider as the four most

pern icious vices .

”—Menu,vi i . 60.

9 A rrian, Ind ica, x i . c. ,

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80 INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or ru m.

not properly time his somersault indeed the weapon was carried

round, and the guests tested i ts sharpness. One man also was so

sure ofhis aim, that he set up his own son against a board, and thenthrew darts at the board, so aiming them that, fi x ed in the board,they traced out his son

'

s outline‘.

Damis and the others were much amused with these entertain

ments but Apollonius, who was at the king'

s table, paid l ittle attentionto them; and

, taming to the King, asked him,how he came to know

Greek, and where he acquired his philosophy. The king, smi ling,answered, In old times when a ship put into port, the people used toask its crew if they were pirates”, piracy was then so . common . But

now, though philosophy is God’

s most precious gift to man, the fi rstquestion you Greeks put to a stranger, even of the lowest rabble,is ‘Are you a phi losopher ? And in very truth with you Greeks,I speak not of you, Apollon ius, philosophy is much the same as

piracy, for to the many who profess it, it is l ike an ill-fitting garment

which they have stolen, and in which they strut about awkwardly,trai ling it on the ground. And l ike thieves, on whom the fear

ofjustice presses, they hurry to enjoy the present hour, and give

themselves up to gluttony, debauchery, and efi'

eminacy and no

wonder, for while your laws pun ish coiners ofhad money, they takeno cogn izance ofthe authors and utterers ofa false phi losophy. Here,

on the other hand, philosophy is a high honour, and before we allow

any one to study it, we fi rst send h im to the home of the Brahmans,who inqu ire into his character and parentage.

,He

,must shew that

h is progenitors, for three generations, have been without stain or

reproach, and that he h imself is of pure morals and of a retentive

intellect . The character ofhis progenitors,”the king went on to say,

“ if of l iving men, was ascertained from witnesses ; and if of dead,

was known from the public records”. For when an Indian died, a

legally appo inted ofiicer repaired to his house, and inqu ired into, and

set down in writing his mode ofl ife, and truly, under the penalty of

being declared incapable of holding any publ ic offi ce. As to the

youth himself, they judged h imworthy or otherwise from his eyes,eye

-brows,and checks, which as in a mirror reflect the mind and

disposition .

A Chinese juggler late lyperformed the same feat in London.

3 Allusion to Thucydides, I.3 Strabo ofthe Indian cityadi les says a part took note ofthe b irths and deaths,

that the b irth or death ofgood or had men maybe known pa acavu c mv a i

rpm-ow ; sa i x u povc youn t ca l Gavarct (x v. l , from Megasthenes, Frag.

H ist,II. p. 43 1, g37, and consu lt Bardesanestos’ account of the Eapavawc in

1. iv. c. 17 of Porphyry de Abstinentifi.

mums TRAVELS or Aronnomus or TYANA. 81

The king then told how h is father, the son ofa king, had beenleft very young an orphan ; and how during his minority two

of his relatives according to Indian custom acted as regents, but

with so l ittle regard to law, that some nobles conspired against

them, and slew them as they were sacrificing to the Indus, and

seized upon the government —how on this his father, then s ix teen

years of age, fled to the king beyond the Hydaspcs, a greater

king than himself, who received him kindly, and offered either

to adopt him, or to replace him on his throne ; and how,declin ing

th is offer,he requested to be sent to the Brahmans ; and how the

Brahmans educated him ; and how in time he married the daughter

of the Hydaspian king, and received with her seven villages as

pin-money (sis and had issue one son,—himself, Phractes .

Phraotes told ofhimself, that he was educated by h is father in the

Greek fashion till the age of twelve ; that he was then sent to the

Brahmans, and treated by them as a son,for he observed, They

especially love those who know and speak Greek, as akin to them in

mind and disposition that his parents d ied ; and that in his nine

teenth year, just as , by the advice ofthe Brahmans, he was beginning

to take into his own hands the management of h is estates, he was

deprived of them by the king, his uncle and was supported withfour servants by wi l ling contributions from his mother’s freedmen

And now, as he was one day reading the Hera

cl idm, he hears from a friend ofhis father’

s, that ifhe will return,

he may recover the kingdom of his fami ly, but he must be quick.

The tragedy he was reading he accepts as an omen, and goes on to

any When Icrossed the Hydraotis, I heard that, ofthe usurpers,one was already dead, and the o ther besieged in this very palace so

I hurried on, proclaiming to the vi llages I passed through who Iwas,

and what were my rights : and the people received me gladly ; anddeclaring I was the very picture ofmyfather and grandfather, theyaccompan ied me, many of them armed with swords and bows, and ournumbers increased dai ly ; and when we reached this city, the inhabitants, with torches l it at the altar of the Sun, and singing the praisesofmyfather and grandfather, came out and welcomed me, and broughtme hither. But they bu ilt up the drone within

,though I begged

themnot to put him to so cruel a death .

”

Apollonius thcn enquired whether the Sophoi ofAlex ander and

tha n Brahmans were the same people. The king told h im they werenot ; that A lex ander

’

s Sophoi were the Ox ydracte‘, a free and warl ike

Strabo, x v. I. 33, connects themwith the Malli . Burnes identifies themwiththe people ofOoch, the Malli with those ofMooltan .

—Utmp . I. , p. 99.

vom. x vn .G

82 INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TYANA.

0

race, but rather dabblers in ph i losophy than philosophers‘ ; that theBrahman country lay between the Hyphasis and the Ganges ; and

that Al ex ander never invaded it—not through fear, but d issuaded bythe appearance ofthe sacrificial victims. And though ,

”said Phraotes,

it is true he might have crossed the Hyphasis and occupied the neighbearing lands, yet the stronghold ofthe Brahman he never could have

taken—no,not though everyman in his army had been an Ajax or an

Achilles. For these sacred and God-loved men would have driven

him back—not with human weapons, but with thunders and light

niugs, and tempests , as they had rented the Egyptian Hercules and

Bacchus, who thought w ith un ited arms to have stormed their fort

and so rou ted them, that Hercules it is said threw away his goldenshield, wh ich, because of its owner

’

s renown and its own embossments’, theythen set up as an offering in their temple.

”

While theywere thus conversing,music and a song were introduced,on which Apo llon ius enquired what the festal procession meant. The

king ex plained to him that it was usual wi th the Ind ians to sing to the

king, before he retired to rest , songs ofgood counsel, wishing him

good dreams , and that he may rise in the morning a good man and a

wise counseller for his people’. And so talking, they went to bed .

The nex t morn ing, Apol lon ius discourses upon sleep and dreams, and

the king d isplays h is knowledge ofGreek legends. They then separate—the king to transact the business of his kingdom and to decide

some laws u its—Apo llon ius to offer his prayers to the Sun . When theyagain meet, the king tel ls A pollon ius that the state ofthe victims had

not permitted the Court to sit on that day, and he lays before him a

case in dispute—one of treasure-trove, and in land which has justchanged hands, the buyer and seller both claiming the treasure . The

king is in much perplex ity, and states the reasons on both sides and

the su i t might have been drawn out to the same length, and become ascelebrated as that of the ass and shadow at Abdera, had not Apollon ius come to his assistance. He inqu ires into the l ife and character

ofthe litigants ; finds that the sel ler is a bad, and the purchaser a

good man and to the last therefore awards the treasure.

When the three days oftheir sojourn have ex pired, and the king1 Eoecav dc p cra x stpwacfi a t

,ofnlw x pnar ov t idorac.

—Philost. II. c . 33.

2 These embossments represented, the king goes on to say, Hercules setting uph is pillars at Gades, and driving back the ocean

—proof, he asserts, that it was the

Egyptian . and not the Theban , Hercules who was at Gades .

3 Menu , among the vices the king is to shun, names dancing and instrumentalmusic (vii. but afterwards advises tha in the inmost recesses ofhis mansion ,

having been recreated bymus ical strains , he should take rest early.

”—vii. 224-5 ;

see , however, As. Rea ,ix . p . 76.

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84 INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TYANA .

are dedicated, as also i ts fish, confi ned to one sort, the peacock, so

called from their cerulean crest, their spotted scales, and go lden tails,

which they can open out at pleasure . In this river is also found a

sort ofwhite worm, the property of the king, which is melted into an

o il so inflammable, that nothing but glass wil l hold it. This o il is usedin sieges, and when thrown on the battlements, it burns so fiercely,that its fire, so far as yet known, is inex tinguishable‘.In the

.

marshes, w i ld asses are caught, with a horn on their fore

heads“, wi th which they fight, bull-fash ion . From th is horn is made a

cup, of such virtue that if any one drinks out of i t, he need for that

day fear no sickness, nor wounds,nor fire, nor po ison . It is the

king'

s, who also reserves to himself the right of hunting the ass .

Apol lon ius saw the animal, and admired i t ; bu t when Damis asked

him ifhe could bel ieve all that was said of the virtue of the cup, he

answered, Yes, when I see any Ind ian king immet ta

Here they met with a woman black to her breas ts, wh ite from herbreas ts downwards. She was sacred to the Indian Venus, and to this

goddess piebald women are sacred from their birth, as Apis among theEgyptians. Thence they crossed that part ofCaucasus which stretches

down towards the Red Sea i t was full of all sorts of aromatic

plants . The headlands produced c innamon ’, a shrub very l ike a young

v ine (ve’

au x kfipac t), and so grateful to goats, that if you hold i t in

your hands, they wi l l follow you, and whine after you l ike dogs .

On the clifi'

s grow the tall and all other sorts offrankincense, and

pepper-trees. The pepper-tree resembles the dyvor both in i ts leavesand the clustered form ofits fru it. It grows on precipices inaccessibleto man, but frequented by apes, which, as they gather for them the

pepper-fruit, the Indians make much of, and protect with arms and

dogs against the l ien ; for the l ion w ill l ie in wait for the ape, and eat

i ts fiesh as medicine when he is sick, and as food when he is old and

no longer able to hunt the stag and wild hear. The pepper harvest isgathered in this wayz

—Directly'

under the cl ifi'

s where the peppersgrow, the people dig smal l trenches, into which they throw as some

1 Th is worm is mentioned and described byCtesias, but he places it in the

Indua—Frag. C tes. Ed . D idot, 27, p . 85.

3 Th is ass and its hem,with some slight d ifference, are also in C tesias (ih.,

p . W i lson sees in th is horned ass two an imals rolled into one,

”the gorkhar,

or wild horse , found north of the H indu-Koh, and the rhinoceros, whose horn has

to this day, in the East, a high reputation as an antidote .—Notes on C tesias, 53

and 49.

3 Strabo, x v. I. 22, but in the south of India. I bel ieve it is indigenousttoCeylon , and is not found in Ind ia at all.

INDIAN TRAVELS or AROLLONIUS or TYANA . 85

thing worthless the frui t of the neighbouring trees‘. The monkeysfrom the heights watch them, and as soon as it is nigh t, begin l ikethem, to tear the clustered fru its from the pepper, and l ike them to

fl ing it into the trenches. In the morn ing the people come back and

carry offthe pepper, wh ich they thus obtain without any labour.

On the other side of the mountain was a large plain—the largestin India, being fifteen days

’ journey to the Gauges, and eighteen days’to the Red Sea. It was intersected w ith dykes running in d ifferent

d irections, and commun icating wi th the Gauges, and serving the

double purpose oflandmarks and canals for irrigation . The land here

is the best in India, black and very productive ; i ts wheat-stalks are

l ike reeds’, and i ts beans three times as large as the Egyptian i ts

sesame and mi llet are also ex traordinari ly fine. Here, too, grow

those nuts, which for their rarity and size are, as a sort ofwonder

often found as offerings in Greek temples. The grapes ofthe country,

however, are small, l ike the Lydian and Maon ian, and with an agree

able bouquet so soon as gathered (far 86 dam'

hour trot-move r t Kat

m m. 0pm) rap afl orpv'

yav.) A tree is also found here l ike the laurel

but with a fru it like a large pomegranate, w ithin the husk ofwhich is

an apple of the colour of a fine hyacinth , and the very best flavouredfruit they ever ate’.

As they came down the mountain, they witnessed a dragon-hunt .India, i ts marshes , plains, and mountains are full of dragons

‘. Of

these they tel l us that the marsh-dragon is thirty cubits long, sluggish,and without a crest ; the male very l ike the female (aM

’

twat rate

Bpu aumr o'

pow t). Its back is black, and i t has fewer scales than

Strabo (ih . ,29) describes a simi lar trick

,bymeans of wh ich the people

watch the monkeys. Wi th regard to that described in the tex t,“f

aterton has

observed, that the monkey never throws, only lets fal l .

Elphinstone, describ ing th is bank of the Hyphas is, tel ls only of sand-hi lls,

and hard clay, and tufts of grass, and l ittle bushes of rue. Of the right bank,

however, he says : There wer e so many large and deep watercou rses throughout

the journey, that, judging from them alone , the countrymust be h igh lycultivated .

”

- Introd . Barnes, too , observes ofBalkh : The creps are good , and the wheat

sta lks grow as high as in England, and do not present the stunted stubble ofInd ia.

”

—Ut u p ,IL ,

206.

Can th is be the purple mangosteen, such as it migh t be described bythose who

on lv knew ofi t from hearsay?

Almost all that is here said of serpents wi ll b e found in P l iny (v i i i . , l l , 13)the ir s ize, though scarcely so large as those of Phi loS tratus

,is no ticed by Oues i

c ritua and Nearchus (Frg. H ist . A le x ., p . 50 and 105

,the ir boards by

E lian (x i ., c. the beard and the stone in the ir heads , wi th some d ifference

(the stones are avroyhvpm) byTzetzes from Poseidippus. Chih , vi i. , 653, 669 ;

the magic power ofthe ir eyes by Lucau (\i i .

86 INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TrANA .

the o ther kinds . Homer, when he speaks of the dragon at the fount

in Aul is as ofblood-red back, describes the marsh-dragon better thanthe o ther poets, who make the Nomzsan dragon crested ; for crested

you wil l hardly fi nd anymarsh-dragon .

The plain and hill-dragons are superior to, and larger than , the

marsh kind . They move along more swiftly than the swiftest rivers,

and no th ing can escape them. They are crested ; and though in

the young the crest is small (pérpcov), when they are full-grown , it

reaches to a conspicuous height . They are of a fiery colour, with

serrated backs , and bearded ; their necks are erect, and their scales

shine l ike silver. The pupils oftheir eyes are a fiery stone ofwonderful and myst ic properties. They are hunted for the sake oftheir eyes,

skin, and teeth . A dragon of this kind wil l sometimes attack an

elephant both then perish, and are a fi nd”for the huntsmen . They

resemble the largest fi sh, but are more l ithe and active; their teeth

are hard as those ofthe whale.

The mountain dragons are larger than those ofthe plain, and witha fiercer look; the ir scales are golden, their beard too, which hangs inclusters ; they glide on the earth with a sound as of brass ; their fierycrests throw out a l ight brighter than that of a torch. They over

power the elephant, but become themselves the prey of the Indian .

They are killed in this fashion —the Indians spread out befo re theserpent’s hiding-place a scarlet carpet, w i th golden characters which,

when the dragon rests hi s head upon them, charm him to sleep . Theythen, with incantations

‘, cal l h im out of his hole; and, if everything

goes well—for often he gets the better of them and their gramary

”

—as soon as, with outstretched neck,he is lulled in magic sleep, they

rush on h imwith hatchets and cut off his head , and ex tract from i t

bright-coloured stones, flashing w ith every hue, and of powers won

derfu l as those ofGyges’

ring. These dragons are also found in the

mountains bordering the Red Sea. They are said to l ive an incredibleage, but ofthis nothing certain is known .

A t the foot of the mountain was situated Paraka, a very largecity. Its inhab itants are , from their youth , trained to hunt the

dragon , and it is ful l of their trophies—the heads ofdragons. Theyeat the hearts and l ivers, as by thismeans, as was proved by Apolloniush imself’, they acqu ire a knowledge of the language and thoughts of

animals.

1 The snake charmer st ill ex ists in India. Boehart (s tems, cvi. III., II. v. )

gives all the passages in ancient authors bearing on the subject.3 At Ephesus (L . iv.

,c. where be displayed h is knowledge ofthe language

ofsparrows .

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88 INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TYANA.

men. And they heard that when Bacchus and Hercules attemptedthe place, Bacchus ordered his Pans, as able to shake it to its founda

t ion (havens rrpds for (n ames), to storm it, but thunderstruck by the

Sophoi, they fell headlong one upon the other, and so left these

marks upon the stones . They said also, that about and around this

hill a cloud hung with in which the Sephoi dwell , Visible and invisibleat will, but that there were no gates to their stronghold, so that one

could not call it either enclosed or open .

Apollon ius and his guide ascended the hill on the south side. He

saw a well four fathoms deep, and over i ts mouth a dark vapourrising

‘ with the heat, and giving out at midday all the colours of

the rainbow. He was told that here the subsoil was cinnabar(c avdapdxm) W): and that the water ofthe well was sacred, and never

used, and that all the people about swore by it. Near this was a

crater, which throw out a lead-coloured flame without smell or smoke,and which bubbled up with a volcanic matter that rose to i ts brim,

but never overflowed : here the Ind ians purified themselves from al l

involuntary sins. Thewell, the Sephoi called thewell ofthe test; the

crater, the ti re ofpardon'. Here were also seen two casks ofblackstone—the oasks ofthe winds and ofthe rain’; and the one is openedor shot as the rain is wanted or otherwise ; similarly the other, as

wind. Here too theyfound statues ofthe most ancient Greek gods,

and worshipped in the Greek manner of the Polian Minerva, and of

l ineobns, and of the Del iau and Amycheau Apollo‘. The Sophoi look

upon their stronghold as the very navel ofIndia. They hero worshiplir e obtained from the sun

’

s rays, and daily hymn its praises at

midday.

Apo liouius, in an address to the Egyptians, somewhat en igmaticallydescribes the l ife ofthe Sophoi

—“ Ihave soon,”he says, Brahmans

who dwell on the earth, and yet not on the earth ; in places fortified,

i n the morning. vapours or clouds ofsmoke ascended from the wells till the

atmosphere was anilinientiyheated to h ide it,” between the Ravi and the Chenab.

i inrncm, l l .,With the W0“ of the tex t compare the test fountain in Ctesias ; its water

burdens into a choom i iko substanc e,which , rubbed into a powder and mi x ed wi th

water. administered to suspected criminals makes them tell all they ever d id

(it H . p. inn. also the water ofprobation mentioned by Porphyry. With the fi reofpardon compare that other water, in some cave temple seemingly, which puritimi fromvoluntaryand involuntaryofl

'

enccs (Porphyryde Styge) ."luarlnn, b . i., suggests that these may have been barometers ; and then

l ialala. like the astronomer in Rasselas, merely confounds the power offerotellingwith the power ofproducing.

u “mmunrnc echos oomc t'i'

i’

w Ivdoc Ot ovc N an sen: wpoc x vvovca

i’inturab do Fortnnt Alex . 0 p. Var“ I. p. 585.

INDIAN rnavsLs or APOLLONIUS or ru n . 89

and yet without wal ls ; and who possess nothing, and yet all things.

According to Damis they used the earth as a couch , but first strewed

it with choice grasses they walked , too , the air‘—Damis h imselfsawthem, and th is not to ex cite wonder—all ostentation is abhorrent totheir nature,—bnt in imitation of and as a more fi tting service to the

son . He saw,too, the firewhich they drew down from the sun

’

s rays,—not flaming on an altar, nor kept on a hearth though it is material,but flickering in mid-air’; and wh ile in the day time they worship thesun, beseeching him to order the seasons for India

’

s benefi t, in the

night they worship this fi re, lest oppressed by the darkness i t shouldleave them. And in this way is to be understood Apollonius

’

s fi rst

assertion : The Brahmans l ive on the earth, and yet not on the

earth .

”

His second, Damis refers to that covering of clouds which

they draw over themselves at pleasure, and which no rain can

penetrate. His th ird, to those foun tains which bubble up for his

Bacchauals when Bacchus shakes the earth and them, and from

which the Indians themselves drink and give to others to drink.

Well therefore may Apollonius say, that men, who at a moment’

s

notice and without preparation can get whatever they want, possessnothing and yet al l things

’. They wear their hair long‘, like the old

Macedonians, and on their head a whi te mi trc'. They go bare-foot ;and their coats have no sleeves, and are ofwi ld cotton, of an o ilynature, and white as Pamphyl ian woo l, but softer“. Of this cotton

1 Ar e rm: ac 1u ;q dvo (Philos. III. , c. two cub its from the ground,no great height, but cc n

'

est que lo premier pence qu i coute.

Sir C. Napier says, ofTrukkee, On reach ing the top, where we remainedduring the ni ght, everyman

’s bayonet had a bright flame on the po in t. A l ike

appa rance had also been observed going fromOoch to Shapoor.

”—L ife, III.

,272.

Maynot the night light ofthe Sepho i be referred to some similar phenomenonCompare wi th these fountains those ofmi lk, wine, &c. , ofwhich Calanus

Speaks in h is interview with Onesicritus (Strabo, at sup . , and that happyIndia, a real pays de Cocagne, which Dio Chrysostom ironically describes in

Celnnis Phrygise Orat. , x x x v., IL , p. 70.

Hardy, Easte rn Monach ism (p. by wh ich it would seem that the

Brahmans wear long hair ; the Buddhist priest, on the other hand, shaves h is head ;so also Bardesanes describes

'

the newly-elected Samantean : Evpapw oc i t ran

“ pares ra mpcrra kapfiavrt erohnv amw t re 1rpoc Sapavawvc.—Porphyry, at

Still worn bysome of the mountain tribes about Cabool. E lphinstone says

Ofthe Bikaneers,“ theywear loomclothes ofwhi te cotton, and a remarkable turban

‘hich rises high over the head. ”—Cabool, I. 18.

Hierocles speaks of the Brahman garments as made from a soft and hairy

(afflic t-rd") fi laments obtained from stones (asbesto s ).—Frag. H ist , iv. p . 430.

Barnes u ys of the Nawab ofCabool, he produced some asbestos, here calledcotton-stone, found near Jelalabad

”

(i i.

90 moms TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TYANA .

the sacred vestments are made ; and the earth refuses to give i t up if

any but themselves attempt to gather i t. They carry a stick‘, and

wear a ring, both ofinfin ite and magic power.

Apol lon ius found the Sepho i seated on brazen stoo ls ; their chief,

Iarchas , on a raised throne ofbronze, ornamented wi th go lden images.

They saluted him w ith their hands, but Iarches welcomed him in

Greek, asked h im for the King'

s letter, and added, that i t wanted a 8.

As soon as he had read i t, he asked Apol lon ius, “ What do you th inkofus 7

”Oh i said Apol lon ius, the very Journey Ihave undertaken

-nnd I am the fi rst ofmy countrymen who has undertaken i t

answers that question .

“ In what, then,”enqu ired Iarchas, do you

think us wiser than you ? I think your views wiser, more divine,”answered Apollon ius ; “

and should Ifind that you know no more than

I, this at least I shal l have learned—that I have nothing more to

learn .

” Well , said the Indian, other people usually ask ofthose

who visit them,whence they come and who they are ; butwe,as a first

proof of our knowledge, show strangers that we know them and

so saying, he to ld Apollon ius who h is father was, who his mother, al lthat happened to h imat E gan, and how Damis joined him,

and all theyhad said and done in the journey ; and this so distinctly and fluently,that he might have been a compan ion of their route. Apollonius,greatly astonished

,asked h im how he knew all this.

“ In this know

ledge,”he answered,

“

you are not wholly wanting , and where you

are deficient we w i ll instruct you“,for we think it not well to keep

secret what is so worthy of being known , espec ially fromyou, Apol

The three fi rst classes ought to carrystavea”—Menu

,i . 45. The priest

’

s

should reach to his hair.”—Ih. , 46 .

3 When Damis speaks ofhis knowledge oflanguages to Apollon ius, Apollon iusmerely observes that he himselfunderstands all languages, and thatwithout havinglearned them ; and more—that he knows not onlywhat men speak, but their secre t

thoughts (L . I. , cx i x . ) But as in India he is accompan ied by, and frequentlymakes use ofan interpreter ; this pretension ofh is has, from the time ofEm bius

(in H ieroclem, x iv. been frequently rid iculed as an idle boast. Philostratus

however was too practised a writer to have left h is hero open to such a charge.

H is fau lts are of another kind. H is facts and statements too often, and with a

certain air of des ign . confi rm and illustrate each other thus, with regard to this

very power claimed by Apo llon ius, observe that he professes not to speak, but to

know al l languages and men ’s thoughts

—a difference intell igible to all who are

fami l iar with the alleged facts ofmesmerism ; and look at him in his first inter.

view with Phraotes ; watch h im listen ing to , and understanding the talk of the

king and the sages , and only then asking Iarchas to interpret for him when he

would himself speak. Observe also that Iarchas admits only to a certain ex tent

the power of Apo llon ius, and remember his surprise when he finds that Phraotes

knows and speaks G reek.

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92 INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or TYANA.

Euphorbus, so Iarchas cou ld speak of some one ofh is previous l ives,

either as Greek or Trojan , or any other man ? Iarchas,first re

proving the Greeks for the ir reverence for Trojan heroes and for

Ach illes as the greatest of them,to the neglect ofbetter men , Greek,

Egyptian, and Indian, related how years long ago he had been one

Ganges, king of the Indian people, of whom the Ethiopians, thenInd ians, formed a part ; how this Ganges, ten cubits in stature and the

most comely ofmen, bu i lt many cities, and drove back the Scythianswho invaded h is territories ; and how, though robbed of his wife bythe then king of Phraotes

’

s country, he had unlike Achi lles keptsacred h is all iance with h im; how too he had rendered his father

,

the Ganges1river, propitious to India, by inducing it to keep within

i ts banks, and to divert its course to the Red Sea“; how,nothwith

standing al l this, the Ethiopians murdered him, and were driven bythe hate of the Indians, and the now steri le earth, and the abortive

births of their wives, to leave their native land and how,pursued

by his ghost, and sti ll suffering the same i lls, they wandered fromplace to place, ti ll having at length pun ished his murderers theysettled in that part ofAfrica from them called Ethiopia. He told

,

too, how Ganges had thrust seven adamantine swords deep into the

ground in some unknown spot, which when the oracles declared it

sacred, he then a child offour years old immediately pointed out .

But ceasing to speak ofhimself, he directed Apo llonius'

s attention to

a youth in the company of about twenty, whom he described as

pat ient under al l suffering, and by nature espec ially fi tted for phi losophy, but beyond measure averse to it ; and whose aversion was the

consequence of the i l l-treatment and injustice he had received from

Ulysses and Homer in a former l ife. He had been Palamedes.

While they were thus talking, a messenger came from the king to

announce his approach, and that he would be with them towards

evening, to consult on h is private affairs. Iarchas answered that he

should be welcome, and that he wo uld leave them a better man forhaving known this Greek. He then resumed his conversation wi th

Apollonius, and asked h im to tel l something ofhis previous ex istence.

Apollon ius ex cuses h imself, because as i t was undistinguished he

didn’

t care to remember it. But surely,” observed Iarchas, to be

the pilot ofan Egyptian sh ip is no such ignoble occupation, and such

Isee you once were.

”True,

”repl ied Apollon ius, but a position

a—Visbnu l’urans.l ni fl Bh atha,

“ who led the Ganges to thes a“ fumwg which were to ba the

INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or N ANA. 93

which should stand on a par wi th that ofthe statesman or the general

has by the fault of sailors themselves,become contemptible and

degraded . Besides the best ofmy acts in that l ife no one then

thought worthy even ofpraise.

”

But what great deed did you then

perform?”asked Iarchas . Idon

’

t speak ofdoubl ing with slackenedsai l Malea and Sunium, or of carefully observing the course of the

w inds, or of carrying your sh ip over the reefs and swell of the

Enbcsen coast .” Well, said Apollon ius, “ ifyou wi ll compel me to

speak ofmy sai lor l ife, listen to an act ofmine in it which seems to

me a right one. In those days pirates infested the Phwn ician Sea.

A nd some of their spies, seeing that my ship was richly freighted,came to me and sounded me, and asked me what would be my share

of the freight. I to ld them a thousand drachmas, for we were four

p i lots.

‘And what sort ofa home have you 1'

they asked. A hut

on Pharos, where Proteus used to l ive,’

I answered.

‘Well,’

theywent on,

‘would you l ike to change the sea for land—a but for a

house, and, wh i le you receive ten t imes the profi t you ex pect, to rid

yourselfat the same time ofthe thousand i lls ofthe tempestuous sea ‘l’

‘Aye, that Iwould,’

I said . So they to ld me who they were, and

promised me ten thousand drachmas, and that neither myselfnor anyofmy crew should suffer injury, if I gave them an opportun ity of

taking my ship. It was then agreed that I should set sail in the

n igh t, but lie-to under the promontory ; and that the pirates, who

were at anchor on the other side, should then come out and seize myship and cargo . A s all this took place in a temple, Imade them

swear to fulfi l their promises ; and I agreed, on my part, to do as

they wished . But instead of lying-to, Imade sail for the open sea,

and so escaped“ And this, observed Iarchas, you think an act

ofjust ice 1” Yes,”

said Apol lon ius “and ofhuman ity for to save

the l ives ofmymen, and the property ofmy employers, and to be

above a bribe,though a sai lor, Ihold to be a proofofmany virtues .

Iarchas smi led, and remarked : You, Greeks, seem to think that

not to do wrong is to be just. Only the other day, an Egyptian toldus ofthe Roman proconsuls how,

without knowing the people, theyentered their provinces wi th naked ax es ; and ofthe people, how theypraised their governors if they du ly were not venal, just like slave

dealers who, to vaunt their wares, warrant that their Carians are no t

th ieves ! Your poets, too, scarcely al low you to he just and good.

For Mines,the most cruel ofmen, and who with his fleets reduced his

neighbours to slavery, they honour with the sceptre ofjustice, and as

the judge of the dead . But Tantalus , a good man, who made his

friends partakers of immortal ity, they deprive of food and drink.

”

94 INDIAN TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or ru n .

And he po inted to a status on the left inscribed Tantalus. It was

four cnhi ts high , and ofa man of about fifty, dressed in the Argol ic

fash ion , w i th a Thessalian chlamys. He was drinking from a cup as

large as wou ld suffice for a th irsty man , and a pure draught bubbledup in i t w i thout overflowing.

Their conversation was here interrupted by the no ise and tumul tin the village occasioned by the king

’

s arrival ; and Iarchas angrilyobserved, Had i t been Phraotes, not the mysteries had been morequiet .

”Apo l lonius, seeing no preparations, inquired whether they

intended offering the king a banquet ? “ Aye, and a rich one,

for we have plenty of everyth ing here ,”

they said,“and he is a

gross feeder. But we al low no an imal food , only sweetmeats, roots,

and fru its, such as India and the season afford . But here he comes .

”

The king, gl ittering with gold and jewels, now approached . At

this interview Damis was not present, for he spent the whole of

this day in the village, but Apol lon ius gave himan account of i t, and

he wrote it in h is diary. He says then that the king approachedwith outstretched hands as a supplicant, and that the sages from their

seats no dded , as if granting h is petition, at which he rejoiced greatly,as at the oracle ofa god ; but ofh is son and brother they took no

more not ice than of the slaves who accompanied him. Iarchas then

rose and asked h im if he would eat. The king assented, and four

tripods, l ike those in Homer’

s Olympus, rolled themselves in, fol

lowed by hronze cup-hearers. The earth strewed itselfwith gran ,

softer than any couch ; and sweets and bread, fruits and vegetab les,

all e x cellently well prepared, moved up and down in order before

the guests . Ofthe tripods, two flowed with wine, two with water, hot

and co ld. The cups, each large enough for four thirsty souls, and the

wine coo lers, were each ofa single stone, and ofa stone in Greece so

prec ious, as to he set in rings and necklaces. The bronze cup-bearerspo ured o ut the wine and water in due proport ions, as usual in drink

ing he e l s. They all lay down to the feast, the king with the rest,

lo r No place ofhonour was ass igned hinI.

l o the co urse of the d inner Iarchas said to the king,“ I pledge

you the health of“asman, po inting to Apollonius, and with hishands ignifying that he was II. just and

'divine man. On this the king

o hmrvml, Iunderstand that he, and some others who have put up in

tlm village. are friends ofPhraotes.

”You understand rightly.” a id

larehns, fo r even here he is Phraotes’

guest.” “ But what are his

pursuhs'

l asked the king. Those ofPhraotes, answered Iarchas.

Worthless guest worthless pursu its, they prevent even Phraotes

fromlmmnuiug am a indee d,’

said the king.

“ Speakmore modestly

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96 INDIAN TRAVELS or ApoLLONIus or TYANA.

elected the Olympic dikasts by lot, and thus left to chance what

should be the reward ofmerit and that they always elected the same

number,—never more, never less ; and that they thus sometimes excluded good men and sometimes were obl iged to choose bad ones.

Better, he said, it had been if the El ians had allowed the number ofthe dikasts to vary wi th circumstances, but had always required in

them the same qual ifications.

The king here rudely interrupted them, and ex pressed his d isl ikeof the Greeks, and spoke of the Athen ians as the slaves ofXerx es

Apollonius, turn ing to him,asked if he had any slaves of his own ?

“ Twenty thousand,” he answered, “and born in my “ Wel l ,

then,”said Apollonius (always through Iarchas ), as they run away

fromyou, not you fromthem,so Xerx es, conquered at Salamis

,fled l ike

a worthless slave frombefore the A then ians .

” “ But surely,” observedthe king, Xerx es, with h is own hands set fire to A thens 1

”Yes,

said Apollon ius, but how fearful was his punishment l He became a

fugitive before those whomhe had hoped to destroy ; and in that flightwas most unhappy, for bad he died by the hands ofthe Greeks, what

a tomb would they not have bui lt for him—what games not institutedin his memory l—as knowing that they honoured themselves whenthey honoured those whom they had subdued .

”On this the king

burst into tears, and ex cused himself, and attributed his prejudicesagainst the Greeks to the tales and falsehoods ofEgyptian travellers,who , whi le they boasted of their nation as w ise and holy, and authorof those laws relating to sacrifices and mysteries wh ich obtain inGreece, described the Greeks as men of unsound judgment, the scumof men, m skvdac, insolent and lawless, romancers, and miracle

mongers, poor, and parading their poverty—not as someth ing honour

able, but as an ex cuse for theft. But now, he went on to say, that I

know them to be full ofgoodness and honour, I hold them as myfriends, and as myfriends praise them, and wish them all the good I

can,and I wi l l no longer give cred it to these Egyptians. Iarchas

here observed that he had long perceived that the Egyptians had gotthe ear of the king, but that he said noth ing, waiting till the king

should meet with such a counsel lor as Apollonius. But now that you

are better taught, let us, he said. drink together the loving-cup of

Tantalus and then to sleep, for we have business to transact to-night .Iwill however, as occasion ofl

'

ers, indoctrinate you in Greek wisdom,

the fullest in the world . And so steeping to the cup, he drank first,

1 According to Megasthenes, swaI 65 I?, rode peya w rp Ivdwv 7p wavrac

Imi ovc mIaI thwfltpovg.—Art ian Indica, x i . ové

‘

s IIIdOIc ahhoc dcvhoc can .

Onesicritus l imits this to the subjects ofMnsicanua—Strabo, u l mp . , 54.

INDIAN TEAVEIs or ApoLLoNIus or TrANA . 97

and then handed it to the other guests and there was enough for all,for it bubbled up as iffrom a fountain .

They lay down to rest, and at midnight they rose, and aloft in the

air hymned the praises ofthe sun’

s ray; the Sepho i then gave privateaudience to the king. Nex t morn ing early, after the sacred rites, the

king having vainly pressed Apol lonius to visit him retired to the

vi l lage for by law he could not remain more than one day at the

college. The Sophoi now sent for Damis, whom they admitted as a

guest. The conversation then commenced, and Iarchas d iscoursed on

the world ; how it is composed offi ve elements—water, fi re, ai r, earth,and mther’; and how theyare al l co-ord inate, but that from author the

Gods, from air mortals, are generated ; how moreover the world is

an an imal, and hermaphrod ite and how as hermaphrodi te i t reproducesby itselfand of itselfall creatures and how as intel ligent it providesfor their wants, and with scorching heats pun ishes their wrong-do ing.

An d th is world Iarchas further l ikened to one of those Egyptianships

' which navigate the Red Sea. By an o ld law,no galley is

al lowed there but only vessels round fore and aft (ova-n ukm), fi tted

for trade. Well, these vessels the Egyptians have enlarged by bu ilding up their sides, and fi tting themwith several decks and they havemanned them with pilots at the prow seamen for the masts and

nails ; and marines, as a guard against the barbarians ; and over and

above them all, one pi lot, who ru les and directs the rest. So, in the

world, there is the first God, i ts creator ; nex t h im, the gods who rule

its several parts—sung by the poets, as gods of rivers, groves, and

streams ; gods above the earth, and gods under the earth ; and,

perchance too there is below the earth, but distinct from i t, a place

terrible and deadly.

”Here, unable to contain himself, Damis cried

out, in admiration : Never could I have believed that any Indian

was so thoroughly couvem nt with the Greek language, and could

speak i t wi th such fluency and eloquence l”

A messenger now announced and introduced several Indian sup

plicants—a child possessed, a lame and bl ind man, &c.,

—all ofwhomwere cured.

account of

ths Brnhmnnieal doctrines, that the world has a beginning, and wil l have an end t

M M h n Iu mAm , pem ae-mthat besides the four elements there inl imb-fi ler ; and Alen nder Pclyhistor a-erts that thagoras m a disciple Of

the Brahmans ; Ff; Bi“ , 138, 9 239, nnd p. 24 1 mentions u ther as one Ofthe Pytbagen an elemenh .

98 moms rs AVELS or APOLLONIUS or ru n .

Iarchas further in i tiated Apol lon ius, but not Damis, in astrologyand d ivinat ion, and in those sacrifices and invocations in wh ich the

gods del igh t. He spoke ofthe divining power, as raising a man to an

equal i ty w ith the Delphian Apol lo, and as requ iring a pure heart anda stainless l ife, and as therefore readi ly apprehensible by the wtherialsoul of Apollon ius . He ex to lled i t as a source of immense good to

mankind, and referred to it the physi cian

’

s art—for was not E scula

pins the son ofApo l lo ? and was it not through his orac les that he

d iscovered the several remedies for d iseases, herbs for wounds, &c . i

Then turn ing, in a pleasant way, to Damis, And you, Assyrian .

he said, do you never foresee anyth ing—you, the compan ion ofsuch

a man ? Yes, by J ove,” answered Damis, matters that concern

myself; for when I first met with th is Apo llonius, he seemed to me a

man ful l of wisdom and gravi ty and modesty and patience and

when I saw his memory and great learn ing and love of learn ing, I

looked upon h imas a sort ofDamon; and I though t ifIkept with him,

that instead of a simple and ignorant man , I shou ld be though t wise,—learned , instead of a barbarian ; and that if I fol lowed h im and

stud ied wi th him,I shou ld see the Ind ians, and see you ; and that

through h is means I should mi x with the Greeks, a Greek . As to

you then you are occupied with great things, and think Delph i andDodona or what you wi ll . As for me, when Damis pred icts, hepredicts for himselfon ly, like an o ld witch .

”A t these words al l the

Sopho i laughed .

A po llon ius inqu ired about the Martichora ‘, an an imal the size of

a l ion, four-footed, with the head ofman, i ts tail long with thorns for

hairs, wh ich it shoo ts out at those who pursue i t ; —about the goldenfountain ’ too ; and the men who use their feet for umbrel las, the sciapods’. Of the golden fountain and Mart ichora, Iarchas had never

heard ; but he told Apol lon ius of the Pentarba, and showed him the

stone and i ts effects . It is a wonderful gem, about the s ize ofa man’s

thumb-nai l, and is found in the earth at a depth offour fathoms; butthough it makes the ground to swell and crack

,it can only be got at

by the use of certain ceremon ies and incantations. It is ofa fieryco lour and ofe x traordinary bri l liancy, and ofsuch power, that throwni nto a stream i t draws to it and clusters round it all precious stones

1 Ctesias, p. 80, g 7 ; D idot.

hid , p. 73. g 4 . W ilson, Notes on Ctesias, ex plains and accounts for thu s

m”3 Id . 104 and 84 . Among the people ofIndia, fromH indu authorityquoted

byW ilford, are the Ecapada, one-footed . Monoeceli singulia crnribnl , eod smqua

Sciapods should be two different races.

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1 00 m u s m n ts or arommus or ru m .

To Iarchas and the o ther Sopho i from Apo l lon ius, greeting

Im e to vou bv land through you I can now return by sea. You

have communicated to me your w isdom, and through you I can now

walk the air . I shall no t forget these things even among the Greeks ,unles s, indeed, I have va inlv drunk ofthe cup ofTantalus . Farewel l,

ye best philos ophers.Apo llonius then embarked , and set sai l wi th a fa ir and gentle

breeze . He admired the Hyphasis, wh ich at its mouth narrow and

rocky hurries, through beet li ng clifl'

s, into the sea, w ith some danger

to those who hug the land. He saw too the month of the Indus,

and Pau la, a ci ty bui l t on an island formed by the Indus, whereA lex ander co llected his fieet . And Damis confirms what Orthagorashas re lated of the Red Sea—that the Great Bear is not there visible ;that at noon there is no shadow ; and that the stars hold a different

posi tion in the heavens.

He speaks ofByblus with its large mussels, and of Pagala of the

Oritmwhere the reeks and the sands are of copper ; of the Ichthyophagi and their city Stobera, where the people clothe themselves in

fish-skins, and feed their cattle on fish ; of the Carmen, an Indian

race and civil ized, who of the fish they catch keep only what theycan eat, and throw the rest, living, back into the sea ; and ofBalara,

where they anchored, a mart. for myrrh and palms. He tells too of

the mode in which the people get their pearls. In this sea, which is

very deep, the oyster of a whi te shel l is fat, but natural ly producesno pearls. When however the weather is very calm and the sea

smooth, and made still smoother by pouring oi l upon it, the Indiand iver, equipped as a sponge-cutter, with the addition ofan iron plateand a box ofmyrrh

, goes down to hunt for oysters. As soon as he

has found one, he seats h imselfbeside i t, and wi th hismyrrh stupefies

i t and makes i t open its shell. The moment it does this, he strikes

i t with a skewer, and receives on his iron plate cut into shapes theichor which is discharged from its wound . In these shapes the ichorhardens, and the pearls thus made difi

'

er in nothing from real pearl .‘This sea, he adds

, is full ofmonsters, fromwhich the sailors protectthemselves by bel ls at the poop and prow. Thus sailing, they at last

reach the Euphrates, and so up to Babylon, and again meet Bardanes.

In reviewing this account of India, our first enquiry is into theauthority on which it rests. Damiswas the companion ofApollonius,

Is this an indistinct and garbled account ofthe Chinese mode ofmakingpearls dsssribed in a lste Journal ofthe Society?

mmm TRAVELS or APOLLONIUS or arms . 1 01

so Phi lostratus and not improbably publ ic rumour aflirmsd. Damiswro te a journal , and, though no scho lar

,was according to Philostratus

as capable as any man of correctly noting down what he saw and

heard‘. But Damis d ied, and h is journal, ifjournal he kept, lay

b uried wi th h im for upwards ofa century, til l one ofhis fami ly pre

sented i t to the Empress Ju lia Domna, the wife ofSeverus, curious insuch matters—But in what state i—untouched l—with no additions

to su it the Empress’s taste ? Who shall tell ? Again, the Empressd id not order this journal to be publ ished, but gave i t to Phi lostratus,a sophist and a rhetorician, w ith instructions to re-write and edit it ;and so re-written and edited he at length publ ished i t, but not tillafter the death ofhis patroness, the Empress. Weigh ing then these

c ircumstances, all open to grave suspicion, every one must admi t that

the journal ofDamis gives no authori ty to Ph ilostratus’s work ; butthat th is last, and more especial ly the books which relate to India,

may give authority to the journal and history. By their contents

then they must be judged .

That Apol lon ius should pay l ittle attention to, and not very

accurately describe, ex ternal objects, might be ex pected . One can

understand that, occup ied with the soul and the gods, he should to il upthe H indu-kush without one remark on its snow-covered peaks—o neplaint on the difli culties and dangers of i ts ascent

’. But how ex plain

these lengthy descriptions ofan imals and natural wonders that never

had ex istence ? Ifyou put forward Damis—ofthe earth, earthy—aneager and credulous l istener, you have sti ll to show how i t is, that

these descriptions so ex actly tal ly with those ofCtesias and the h istorians ofA lex ander ; how it is they are never original, ex cept to add to

our l ist of errors, or to ex aggerate errors already ex isting. Thus, on

Caucas us, more fortunate than the soldiers ofA lex ander, he not onlyhears ofPrometheus, but sees his chains. He cl imbs Mount Nysa,and has to tel l ofBacchus and his orgies,

—now no longer the inventions

offlattery as Eratosthenes so shrewdly suspected,—for did not Damis

there find h is temple and his status‘

l—In general terms Seleucus

N icator and Onesicritus had vaunted the long l ife of elephants ; butin Tax ila, Damis admired the elephant ofPorus, and on its golden

bracelets read its name and age. Copying Ctesias, he speaks of the

1 Agarptfinv avaypad/a t , é, 3,fl nsovcw n adsv avark cat—cpodpa asavoc

rwt r tdw s rouro apw‘ra avOpmrwv.

—I., c. 19.

Dangers wh ich not even Hiouen-Theang was indifl'

erent to ; but Apollonius’s

indifference we mayaccount for by an observation ofCicero z In India, qui

sapientes habentur, nudi estatem agunt, et Caucasi nives hyemalemque vim

perferunt sine dolore.”—Tusc. Q ue st. L. v.

102 mmmmu ms or APOLLONIUS or M AM .

Indus, forty stadia broad where narrowest‘; ofgiant Indians, five cubitshigh ; ofworms, with an inex tinguishable o i l ; ofwinged griflins, butinstead of large as wolves, he makes them large as l ions and of the

swift one-horned ass, and the jewel Pantarbas, both ofwhich he and

Apollon ius saw. Similarly of two serpents or dragons, 80 and 1 40

cubi ts respectively, pets of Aposeisares, Onesicritus had heard, but

Damis was present at a dragon-hunt, and had seen dragons

’

heads

hanging as troph ies in the streets of Paraka. Surely such informa

tion, not put forward as mere reports, but solemnly vouched for, can

never have come from a man who has really visi ted India, or theycame from one ofas l ittle authori ty as Mendez Pinto, when he givesan account of h is ex pedi tion to and a description of the imperialtombs ofChina.

But, it wil l be said, these wonders were the common stock in trade

ofInd ian travellers ; every man bel ieved in them, and every man whowent to Ind ia and wrote ofIndia, was ashamed of not seeing at least

as much as h is predecessors . Leaving then these common-places,e x amine Damis where he is original, or nearly so . To h im we owe

the porphyry temple and the metal mosaics at Tax ila ; to him,that

spur of Caucasus, stretch ing down from the Ind ian side of the

Hyphasis to the Indian Ocean ; to h im, its pepper-forests, and its

monkeys,so usefu l in gathering the pepper-harvests. Through him

we know ofthe groves sacred to Venus and the unguent so necessaryto an Indian marriage. He alone tells of the wondrous hi ll ; i ts

crater-fi re ofpardon , i ts rain-cask, and i ts brimming-cup ofTantalus

and though of casks ofthe w inds, and of self-acting tripods, Homerhad already written ; and though of a wel l of the test, Ctesias had

vaguely heard, and i ts qual ities Bardasanes had described, to Damisbelongs th is meri t, he gave them local habitation, made them facts.

With the Sophoi he l ived four months in closest intimacy, and yetfrom h is description ofthem,

who shall say, who and what they were ?

To the powers he ascribes to them both Buddhists and Brahmanspretend . But wh i le their mode ofelection, determined by ancestral

and personal character, po ints them out as Buddhists, their name,their long ha ir, their worsh ip of the sun

,declare themBrahmans’.

But Buddhist or Brahman, at their feet after a long and weary travelApollon ius sits a d isc iple, and they instruct h im—ia doctrines and

P hilostratus scarcely so strong, ro yap wkwtnov avrov rocovrov, its bread that the ferrywhere people usual ly emu —l l ., 17 and 18.

3 Bardasancs, who knew ofBrahmans and Buddhists only from report, has

given a very clear and inte lligible account ofboth. Ihave already referred to i t.fry, iv. 17.

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1 04 mmm TRAVELS or u onnonws or ru n .

he does not name the Indians in enumerating the great deeds ofAlex

ander, narrates that by h is means Asia was civil ised and Homer read

there, and that the ch ildren ‘of Persians, Susians, and Gedrosians

sang the tragedies of Euripides and Sophocles. Dio Chrysostom',

(cotemporary with Plutarch, and a friend of Apol lonius) , in a panegyric upon Homer, insists upon h is wide-spread reputation ; that hel ived in the memory, not only ofGreeks, but ofmany ofthe barbarians;“ for his poems, it is said, are sung by the Indians, who have translated them into their own language ; so that a people who do not con

template the same stars as onrselves,—ia whose heaven our po lar staris not visible,—are not unacquainted with the griefofPrism, and the

tears and wail ings of Hecuba and Andromache, and the courage of

Achi lles and Hector. E lian, of abou t the same age as Philostratus,tells us that not only the Indians, but the kings ofPersia also, have

translated and sung the poems ofHomer, if one can cred it those who

write on these On such vague authority, coupled doubtlesswith thefact that an Indo-Greek kingdomhad formerly ex isted, and hadat one time ex tended to the Jumna, and that barbaric kings so honouredGreece, that on their coins they entitled themselves Philhellene‘, Damisbui lt up this part ofhis romance, which flattered Greek prejudices andsoothed Greek vanity, and was wi llingly received by that influentialand educated class to whom itwas addressed, and who were strugglingto give new l ife and energy to the perish ing religion ofGreece.

OfDamis’

s geography, I can only say that i t reminds me ofa

fairy tale. As soon as he leaves the wel l-known scene ofA lex ander'

s

ex plo its, he crossesmountains unknown to anymap, and then describesan immense plain offifteen days’ journey to the Ganges, and eighteen

days to the Red Sea, but wh ich he himself travels over in fourteen

days ; for in four days he reaches the hill of the Sophoi, and thence,

in ten days, arrives at the one month of the Hyphasis . Who shal lex plain these discrepancies, account for these mistakes, and fi x local it ies thus vaguely described ?

Reviewing the whole work of Philostratus, it seems to me thatApollon ius certainly pretended to have travel led through, and madesome stay in India, but that very possibly he d id not real ly visit it ;

and that ifhe did visit it, our Damis never accompanied him; but, ifwemayjudge fromthe cinnamon and pepper-trees, themangosteen, the

Km Hepawv R, Eovmavwv é, Pedpu o'w v wacdcc rag Evpun doo aSupomw c

rpaywdcac ndov, at supra.

De Hemero Oratio, LIII., 277 ; II. Reiske.

3 VarimHist , L . x ii ., c. 48.

Bayer Reg. Gme. Bactriani H ist., p. 1 17.

mom ru vat s or aront omus or ru n . 1 05

trade in pearls, and the frequent.

reference to Egypt and Egyptiantravellers, fabricated this journal perhaps from books written uponIndia, and tales ‘ current about Ind ia, which he easily collected at

that great mart for Indian commodities, and resort for Indian mer

Traceable to the same sources as those fromwh ich Dio Chrysostom obtained

bk stories about India. In his oration to the people ofA lex andria, he speaks of

Bactrians, Scythians, Persians, and a few Indians (l vdwv fa me), as frequen tingtheir cityflb . I, p. and as authorityfor h is Indian tale to the Celaani, he gives :

rwsc row aptm vp rvwv cpacav'

acwwovvrm 6: on «on e; rwtc rpwoptag iwraw .

cum 8: ci rquyw vra t rocc wpoc Oakar rp'

rovro 8s arcpov w rey Ivdow ro 70 mg,oi rs N ot dosyovcw avrovc.

—II., 72, p. 3.

An'r. IV .—SummaryReview of the Travels ofHiouen Theang

‘

,

from the Translation of the S i -yu-Ici by M . JULIEN, and

the Mémoire A nalytique ofM . V l vrnx DE Sr . MARTIN . By

Professor H . H . Wrnso n,Director ofthe Society.

[Read 8th and 22nd January. and 5th February,

IN an append ix to the publ ication of the translation ofthe Travels of

Fa H ian ,the Foe Koae Ki , was added an i tinerary professing to be

that ofanother Chinese traveller, H iouen Theang, who v isited India

in the fi rst halfof the seventh century.

' A s i t was an ex tract from a

geographical Encyclopaadia of comparatively recent comp ilation,some doubt was suggested as to the degree ofconfidence to which it

was entitled, although enough of interest was obviously attached to

the account, and it was most desirable that we should have access to

the original through the medium of a translation into some fami liar

id iom. The eyes ofEuropean scholars were natural ly directed to the

most eminent of sinologues, M. Stanislas Jul ien, who, in compliancewith their wishes, undertook and has now completed the task. Some

notice of the result of h is labours wi ll be, no doubt, acceptable to theRoyal Asiatic Society, although the l imited space that is compatiblewith the ex tent ofthe Journal compels me to amore summary review

than a careful and minute analysis would require .

It appears, however, that no account of his travels written byhimselfwas ever prepared by H iouen Theang . M. Jul ien has trans

lated two works relating to these travels, but neither is the performease ofH ionen Thsang h imself. The fi rst is a biograph ical notice of

him,in which his travels form a princ ipal feature : this was com

posed by two of his scholars, Hoei-l i and Tsang-yan, and publ ished

1 I have re tained, in regard to the name of the travel ler, the spelling of

M. Jul ien, H icaca Thsang, although, in fo llowing the French pronunciation, it is

necessary to render an by a or co ; preferring the former, the fi rst name should be

wri tten therefore Angl ice, Il iuen , or perhaps even Hwen ifit be a monosyllab le,Engl ish sinologues write Fee

-koue-ki,

“ Foc-kwe-ki . Ihave thought it righ t, how.

ever, to leave the name as It is wri tten in French, as l ikely to be more general lyknown under that form ; in al l other instances I have represented on by u

, as in

the frequently recurring term P aulo,“ P al e

,

” from the Sanskri t Para,“a c ity.

"

I have also made a few other necessary adaptations, as ch for lab,and sh for ch,

as in Kua-cheu for Koaa-tcheou, and Sha-cheu for Cha-tcheou, and some others of

obvious necessity, with reference to French and English pronunciation.

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1 08 TRAVELS IN INDIA or moons meme.

wheat, fragrant jujubes, grapes, pears, and plums, and so on to the

end ofthe description when the i tinerary begins in these termsDepart ing from th is country, he made about 200 li to the south

west, cleared a small mountain, and crossed two large rivers ; to the

west he found a narrow valley . After having made (ap réaavoirfa it)about 700 li, he arrived at the kingdom of Kin-chi .

”After which

the language of description is resumed ; then we again have the

itinerary in the same style.

“ After qu itting this country he madeabout 600 l i west, crossed a small sandy desert, and arrived at the

kingdom ofPa-lu-kia.

”Then again follows description 3 the descrip

tion, mix ed up with legends and anecdotes, is no doubt the wri ting of

H iouen Theang ; but the i tinerary in wh ich he is spoken of only as

He,

"is of course the work of the redacteur Pica-h i , and is possibly

less detailed, and so far less serviceable than the original . Whatevermay be i ts defects, however, they are remedied by a very carefullyelaborated analysis of Hiouen Thsaug

’

s travels, by M. Vivien de

St.Martin, according to both the biographical memoir and the S i-yu

ki , in wh ich he has fol lowed the route of the traveller, and traced h is

course with all the precision that was practicable ; col lecting, in i llustration, a variety of interesting notices from Chinese and Arabiangeographers .

‘ According to these authori ties, then, Hiouen Thsang

commenced h is travels A d ) . 629 from L iang-cheu, a commercial ci ty in

the north-west ofCh ina, fromwhich he proceeded to Kua-chen, beyondthe western ex tremity ofthe Great Wal l 5 both this place and Liangchen are sti ll ex tant, and bear the same appel lations . After crossingthe river Hu-lu (the Bulungh ir ofthe Mongols), he came to the desertknown to the Ch inese as Shep ho (the Mongol Gobi), or the “ River of

Sand.

”Hiouen Thsang cal ls it Me kia—yeu, wh ich is evidently the

Chinese representation of the name i t sti l l bears among some of the

Mongols—Ma-kha-i . A long the route were Ch inese watch-towers at

the distance of 1 00 l i fromeach other, the last placed on the Chinesefrontier, at 500 li from the river . M. de St . Martin has prefaced his

Something of th is had been effected by the translators of the Foe-Kne-Ki,

and byM. Reinaud, with the assistance, as he acknowledges, ofM. Jalien, in his

Mémoire G éograph ique H istorique et Scientifique dc l’Inde ; but the former verifi

cations aro not always correct, and the latter are of limited ex tent. A more

copious verifi cation of H iouen Thsang's route , as laid down in the appendix to

Fa-h ian’s , was pub l ished byCaptain Cunn ingham in the J ournal of the Asiatic

Society ofBengal , vol . x vnn, containing much accurate and valuab le i llustration, to

which M. St. Martin makes frequent reference . M. St. Martin has, of course,

for the basis of h is identifi cations, the results ofM. J alien’s scholarsh ip in both

Chinese and Sanskrit, and the complete and systematic concurrence he has been

ab le to establish between the nomenclature ofboth languages.

man n a IN INDIA or HIOUEN mew s . 1 09

analysis by a determination of the value of the li in the days of thetraveller, and fi x es it at 329 metres, which are equal to feet .

An English mile, therefore, contains 4 l i and 8-1 0ths 5 or we may say

roughly, that 5 l i make a mile. The distances specified by HiouenThsang could not have been the resul t of actual measurement

, and

must be taken at best as approx imations from his own estimates and

collateral information .

On leaving China the route enters the kingdom ofI-gu, with a

capital of the same name, now known as Hami, the capital of theEigur Turks, who, under the Chinese designation ofHoei-hu, occu

p ied those countries from the second century before our era, accord ingto the Chinese annals.

The nex t country is that of the king of the Kao-chang, another

Eigur tribe, who, a few years subsequently, conquered the I-gu country,and gave their name to the whole of the Eigur tribes. The capitalwas Pe-li at the time of the journey (or the Ch inese Pi-jan), about75 leagues from Hami . Thence Hiouen Thsang goes west to

Vu-pu-an, and thence to To-tsin , wh ich M. de St. Martin considers to

be the same as the sti ll ex isting ci ty Toksfi n, about 1 90 l i south,or 38 mi les, south-west from Turfan .

From this place Hiouen Thsang comes to the kingdom ofAkini or

Okini, which M. de St . Martin says is ind isputably, from the bearingand distance, themodern Kara-shahr. Akin i, M. J ol ien considers, maybe identical wi th Agn i . M. de St.Mart in suggests its being possibly a

mod ification ofthe ancient Chinese name Yenki . We should scarcelyex pect to meet with Agn i so far to the north-east un less the termwere used by Bienen Theang with some l i ttle inaccuracy, to denotethe bearing of his route ; Agn i designat ing the south-east, his course

lying to the south-west. It is rather remarkable, however, that thetravel ler states that the written characters are borrowed from Ind iawith very sl ight modifications ; but th is may be accounted for by thepresence of some ten Buddhist convents, the members ofwh ich , 2000in number, learn their doctrines and i nstitutions from books broughtfromIndia. The country is of no great ex tent, or about 600 l i (120miles) from eas t to west, and 400 l i (80 miles) from north to south .

It is a table land shut in by mountains.

Two hundred l i from hence Hiouen Thsang passed two great

rivers ; and at 700 l i further—altogether 180 miles, -he came to thekingdom ofKi-u-chi or Ku-ché. The country on the west ofK:

Shahar is still called Ku-che. According to the traveller’

s ace t

i t, it is rich in mines of gold, copper, iron, and lead :we 0

1 1 0 TRAVELS IN INDIA or mom msANG.

about 1 00 convents, with 5000 members, whose writings, doctrines,and books are al l from India. Statues of Buddha, some of them of

colossal size, and impressions of his feet on blocks ofjade are also

met with .

Fromhence 600 l i (120mi les)bring h imto Po-ln-kia. The kingdom,

accord ing to M. de St . Martin , is represented by the present provinceofAk-su but he th inks the name ofPo-lu-kia may be referred to a

tribe ofTurks who , before the Thang dynasty, ruled in the north

western ex tremity ofChina, named Pu-lo-ki . North from hence abouttwenty leagues occurred lofty mountains covered with snow—theMusur-aola oftheMongols,andLing-shan ofthe Chinese—both meaningMounta ins ofIce : a d iffi cult journey ofabout eightymi les layacross

these mountains, on wh ich, it is stated, that no traveller should wear

red garments, nor carry gourds—probably as water-bottles,—nor talk

loud, under the penalty of bringing on a violent hurricane, by whichhe wi ll probably be overwhelmed . A t the end of th is distance a

large lake 1 000 i i (200 mi les) in circuit presents itself. The description of this

, which H iouen Thsang calls Thsing-ch i , leaves no doubt

ofits identity with the Lake Temurtn or Issikul .

The journeywestward from the lake ofIssikul presents, as noticedby M. de St. Martin

,some important variations from the account

given of i t in the “ Mémo ires de la Vie,”which he ascribes to the

employment ofadditional materials fromHiouen Thsang’

s notes by h isbiographer. Both descriptions, however, are unsatisfactory as to the

intermed iate stages between the lake and the c ity ofTa-lu-se, and the

to tal d istance ofabout 1 000 l i, wh ich , accord ing to M . de St. Martin,leaves wze lac unacons iderable . The two ex treme po ints are, however,unquestionable ; and the city ofTa-ln-se is recogn isable in the importan t and ancient city of Talas or Taras, in the middle of the valleyof the Jax artes. Some of the d ifli cnlty of a more ex act adjustment of the stages may arise from the repetition and confound ingof names which are given to different places upon the authority of

Chinese geographers . From Taras forwards, valuable elucidation is

derivable from Arab ic and Persian sources.

Taras , which Bash id-ud-d in mentions is cal led Talas by the Turks,

is the modern city ofTurkestan . FromthenceH iouen Thaeng turned

from west to south, following the valley of the Sir-darya, or Jax artes.

The stages given are Pcshu i, 200 l i (40 mi les), Kong-ya, the same,NuclIi-kien , 50 l i Che-ch i, 40 mi les towards the west, Fei-han,1000 l i or 200 miles : al l these are identifiable. Pe-shui means

Whi te Water,”—the translation ofSafid-ab—a ci ty named by Ibn

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1 1 2 TRAVELS IN INDIA OF HIOU'

EN THSANG .

Tokharistan, occupied at this period, by the Ye-tha or Yue-chi, a

tribe of Tibetan origin that invaded Transox iana, and overturned the

e co—Bactrian kingdom about and, under their celebratedsovereign Kan ishka, had spread into the Punjab shortly before our

era. When visited by H iouen Theang, they had been driven south

wards by the Turks, aud had become tributaries of the Grand Khandivided into twenty-seven petty and feeble principalities.After crossing the Ox us to Tami or Termez, the travel ler came to

the territory ofHu-o, which M. de St. Martin considers identical with

Ghaur ; but from hence he was called back to Po-ho-lo or Balkh .

Between these two points he enumerates several states, some ofwhich

are eas i ly verifiable, as Po—kia-lang, or Baghelan, He-lu-si-mur-kien,Semenghan, and Ho-lin or Khulm. OfBalkb, he says that “ i t is

strongly fortified, but of l imited ex tent and scanty population. In

al l these he reports the ex istence of Buddhist monasteries. Balkh

contains 1 00, and 3000 occupants. A t one of them, south-east ofthe

town, were sundry precious rel ics—as the wash-hand basin ofBuddha,

one ofh is teeth, and his broom, the latter set with precious stones.

North of the monastery was a sthfipa 200 feet high. There were

others in that part ofthe country .

During h is residence at Balkh,Hiouen Theang received invitations

from several of the neighbouring princes, and visited them in conse

quence, giving short descriptions of their principalities. The mostremote was Ta-la kien,:or Talokan, on the confines ofPo-la-se or Persia.

The particulars of these journeys are apparently undetai led, as the

i tinerary is resumed fromBalkh ; fromwhence, at a distance of900 l i

(1 80 miles) to the south, he comes to Fan-yen-na, an ex tensive ci ty in

a val ley surrounded by mountains, and remarkable for colossal statuesofBuddha cut in the rock

,and still ex tant in fact at Bamian. In

the neighbourhood of the city were various rel igious establishments,with relics and marvels which i t is not material to particularise.

We may notice one—the garment ofa saint named Sanaka-Vasa, orthe Hemp-clad,” from the can, of which his garment was manufactured . The saint wore it through 500 successive ex istences ; and,on the occasion ofhis last birth, he was born with it. It grew as he

grew ; and,when he obtained N irvana, he ex pressed a pious wish thatit might endure as long as the law of Buddha. Hiouen Theangremarks it was somewhat the worse for wear.

Go ing eastwards, through passes in the snowy mountains, theroute comes to the kingdom ofKia-pi

-shi, or Kapisa, -a name withwh ich Pliny and Ptolemy havemade us familiar as Kapissamurbem

quamKapisene habuit,”or, as sometimes read, Cephuss or Caphisa.

rnAvsLs IN INDIA or nIousN meme. 1 13

It is somewhat singular that with this positive indication of a cityand state among the Paropamisadan mountains in the beginn ing of

the Christian era, and i ts actual recogn ition by the Chinese traveller

in the 7th century, the name should not occur in anyHindu authority.

The word Kapisa is Sanskrit, meaning “ brown,” or“ tawny,” but we do

not find i t appl ied to anyknown local ity. The position ofKia-pi-shi,

although not determinable with precision, is evidently to the north

east of Kabul, and M. de St. Martin has good reason for placing itwest ofLamghan , and, consequently, as corresponding with the dis

tricts ofNijrao and Panjshir,—a tract which, as he observes, althoughclose to Kabul, is yet very imperfectly known . IfHiouen Thsang

at all approaches to accuracy in giving a circuit of4000 i i (800 mi les)to the kingdom ofKia-p i

-sh i, the local ities indicated could scarcelyinclude such an ex tent ofterritory .

The Prince ofKapisa is describedas a patron ofBuddh ism, and the

principal city contained 1 00 monasteries, wi th numerous stbfipas.

The heretics—that is to say, the H indus—are also numerous ; and

there are different orders ofmendicants—some who go naked, some

who smear themselves with ashes, and some who wear chaplets of

skul ls. Their appel lations—N irgranthas, the Free from bonds,”Pansupatas or Khakis (perhaps i t should be Pafiupatas), and Kapiladhéris) are all genuine Sanskri t appellations, and show that these

ascetics were all fol lowers ofSiva. At the time ofKan ishka, Kia-u i

se-kia, who was raja ofKien-tho-lo, Gandhara, Kapisa was subject tohim. A variety ofmarvels are narrated by the credulous traveller ofthe convents and sthfipas in the neighbourhood, to which no interest

attaches, ex cept that it maybe worth wh ile to notice that he speaks ofchambers ex cavated in the mountains, and often quotes his narrations

from ancient descriptions ofthe country.

Six hundred l i (1 20 miles) to the east, Hiouen Thaeng came to theprincipal i ty of Lan-po, the Lampaka or Iampaga of Sanskrit, the

country of the Lampagw ofPtolemy, corrupted by the Mohammadans

into Laghman the distance, however, implies that the travellermusthave made a circuitous detour.

The itinerary is here interrupted by a general description ofTien~

chu, or India, which comprises some interesting notices. It wi ll,

however, be more conveniently adverted to when we have finished the

journey, and are enabled to add such further historical particulars as

the travels may offer .

Lan-po is bounded on the north by the snowy mountains, and on

the other three sides by the black mountains, the Siah-koh . The

cl imate is mild, and, although hoar frost occurs, it never snows, parti

von. v r. I

1 1 2 raAvsIs IN INDIA or HIOUIIN TESANG .

Tokharistan, occupied at this period, by the Ye-tha or Yue-chi, a

tribe ofTibetan origin that invaded Transox iana, and overturned the

Gra ce-Bactrian kingdom about and, under their celebratedsovereign Kan ishka, had spread into the Punjab shortly before our

era. When visited by Bienen Theang, they had been driven south

wards by the Turks, and had become tributaries of the Grand Khan

divided into twenty-seven petty and feeble principal ities.After crossing the Ox us to Tami or Termez, the travel ler came to

the territory ofHu-o , which M. de St. Mart in considers identical with

Ghaur ; but from hence he was cal led back to Po-ho-lo or Balkh .

Between these two points he enumerates several states, some ofwhich

are eas ily verifiable, as Po-kia-lang, or Baghelan, He-lu-si-mur-kien,

Semeughan, and Ho-lin or Khulm. OfBalkh, he says that “ i t is

strongly fortified, but of limited ex tent and scanty population. In

all these he reports the ex istence of Buddhist monasteries. Balkh

contains 1 00, and 3000 occupants. A t one of them, south-east ofthe

town, were sundry precious rel ics—as the wash-hand basin ofBuddha,

one of h is teeth, and h is broom,the latter set with precious stones.

North of the monastery was a sthfipa 200 feet high. There were

others in that part ofthe country .

During his residence at Balkh,Hiouen Thsang received invitations

from several of the neighbouring princes, and visited them in conse

quence, gIvIng short descriptions of their principal ities. The mostremote was Ta-la kien,:or Talekan, on the confines ofPo-la-se or Persia.

The particulars of these journeys are apparently undetai led, as the

i tinerary is resumed fromBalkh ; fromwhence, at a distance of800 li

(1 80 miles) to the south, he comes to Fan-yen-na, an ex tensive ci ty in

a valley surrounded by mountains, and remarkable for colossal statuesofBuddha cut in the rock

,and still ex tant in fact at Bamian. In

the neighbourhood of the city were various religious establ ishments,with relics and marvels which i t is not material to particularise.

We may notice one—the garment ofa saint named Sanaka-Vasa, orthe Hemp-clad,” from the ran, of which h is garment was manufactured . The saint wore it through 500 successive ex istences ; and,

on the occasion ofhis last birth, he was born wi th it. It grew as he

grew ; and,when he obtained Nirvana, he ex pressed a pious wish thati t might endure as long as the law of Buddha. Hiouen Thsangremarks it was somewhat the worse for wear.

Going eastwards, through passes in the snowy mountains, theroute comes to the kingdom ofKia-pi

-shi, or Kapisa, -a name with

which Pl iny and Ptolemy have made as famil iar as Kapissamurben

quamKapisene habuit,”or, as sometimes read, Caphusa or Caphisa.

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1 1 4 TRAVELS IN mmor mourn THSANG.

culars that can scarcelybe qu ite true of Laghman. Rice and sugar

cane are cultivated . The country was in a state of anarchy, but wasbeginn ing to acknowledge subjection to Ka-pi

-sa. The route then

proceeds south-east, through a pass in themountains and across a river,identified by M. de St. Martin with the Kabul river, the Kophes or

Kepheus of classical writers, the Kubha of the Vedas, where a

remarkable bend of the mountains al lows it to pass from the val ley of

Laghman to the plain of Jelalabad. The fi rst stage is Nakie-lo-ho,

the Nangen-har ofBaber, orNagara harda ofthe Hindus the Nagara

also ofPtolemy, wh ich he also calls Dionysopol is . Properly speakingNagara, accord ing to Hiouen Theang, is the name ofthe province, thatofthe capital being Udyanapura, wh ich M. de St. Martin supposes theGreeks, with their usual national bias, transformed to Dionysopol is, orci ty of Dionysus or Bacchus. Professor Lassen thinks that there wassuch a city indicated by the monogram on the co ins ofDionysius, oneof the Grmco-Bactrian kings, subsequent to Apol lodotus, and conse

quently much later than the invas ion of A lex ander, though not later

than Ptolemy . Captain Cunningham(Journal Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 17, 482) quotes Abn Rihan for a city named Dinus, halfwaybetween Kabul and Peshawar, wh ich bears the abbreviated name of

the city. There are some d iffi cul t ies in the way of this identification,

however, and more posi tive indications fi x it at Begram, or about twomiles west ofJelalabad, where, accord ing to Masson, tradition records

that there was a c ity named Adjuna, a possible corruption ofUdyana,or Ujana . There is also a vil lage named Nagarak, and the Udyana

pura, the city of gardens, has been poss ibly perpetuated in the neigh

bourhood under the designations of Balabagh and Chaharbagh .

Again at thirty l i south-east from Nakie -ho-lo was a place ofgreat

sanctity, named H i-lo, where were several sthhpas. The tape of

Hidda wel l known to us by Masson’

s ex plorations, is no doubt one ofthe ancient groupes. From Begram, representing Nakie-ho-lo, toHidda is ex actly thirty l i

,or si x mi les.

From Nakie-ho-lo Hiouen Thsang proceeds 500 l i (100 mi les)south-east

, to Pu-lu-sha-pu-lo, the Sanskrit Pnrusha-pura, the modern

Peshawar, the capi tal ofKien-tho-lo, or Gandhara. The distance fromBegram,

on our maps, is [03 miles, which is a curiously close approximation . Gandhara ex tended, according to the traveller, to the Indus.

P nrushapura had been the capital ofKan ishka,b ut the country was

now subject to Kapisa . Notwithstand ing the number ofconvents and

sthfipas, to which there was great resort, at so short a distance as

R i-lo the people were mostly ofthe Brahmanical belief, and there werebut few who had faith in the true Law, i l y en a pen qui avaient foi

rnAvsLs IN INDIA or mourn wan ts . 1 1 5

dans la dro ite lo i .”There were about a thousand monasteries, but

deserted and in ru ins, overrun wi th wild plants, and offering only a

melancholy soli tude the greate r number of the stht’

Ipas were also in

ruins.

From hence the traveller proceeded north-east, about six ty li

(twelve mi les) to the c ity of Pu-se-kia-lo—fa-t i, the Hindu Pushkala

vati , the Pcukelao tis ofA lex ander’

s h istorians. a city ofwhich no trace

remains, but wh ich was poss ibly si tuated, in M. de St . Martin’

s opinion,where a town called in themaps N icetta, orN isatha ex ists, on the northbank of the Kabul river, a l ittle below the confluence of the river

Lund i, or ofSwat. It has been identified with Hashtnagar, but there is

perhaps l i ttle or no d ifi‘

erence. Hashtnagar is properly the name of

the d istrict, that ofthe eight cities ; correctly speaking there is no suchtown, but, according to Captain Haverty (Transactions Bombay Geographical Soc iety, Vo l . X ) i t is made up ofthree small adjacent towns,Char, Luddha, and Pranj, close together, and not more than five mi lesfromNisatha, or fifteen from Peshawar, so that the local ity is muchthe same, and Pcukelaotis probably comprised the whole of the vici

n ity. Ex tensive ru ins are found throughout the neighbourhood . The

territory ofGandhara abound ing in objects ofinterest to the Buddhist

ascetic, i t. is not wonderful that Hiouen Thsang spent some time in

visiting d ifferent places, some ofwh ich he names, as Pu-ln-sha, U-tu

kia-han-cha, and Po-lo-tu-lo . The fi rst of these is identifiable with a

place cal led Baroch , the second with Uttakhanda, or the Uay-h ind of

A lbiruni,the Chind of the maps, a v il lage on the right bank of the

Indus , about twelve miles above Attok, one of the most ancient

places in the country, accord ing to Major Cunn ingham. Mr. Court

speaks ofi t as Hund , and observes that the ru ins are very remarkable,and mentions inscriptions in characters unknown to the peop le.

Transcripts oftwo ofthese were procured by Captain Burnes they arereferred , by J . Prinsep, to the seven th or eighth century, but they are

defective and apparently i ll copied , so that no satisfactory interpretation can be attempted but, as the marbles were sent to the Asiatic

Society of Calcutta,a further ex aminat ion migh t be more successful .

It may be admitted,however, that Prinsep

’

s estimate of the ir date is

correct. Po-lo-tu-lo is signal ised by H iouen Theang as the birth placeof the grammarian Po -n i-u i . or Pen in i : the place of his nat ivi ty isusually cal led, by native authorities, Salatura, but one or other of the

names may be wrongly read, in the first syllable the identity of the

individual is indisputable,by the espec ial notice ofhis grammar and

its currency. It is observable, also , that Hiouen Thsang repeats the

legend ofPanin i’

s being indebted for assistance to

1 1 6 rBAvsLs IN INDIA or HIOUEN rnsANc .

whence his fi rst rules, those ofthe alphabet, are called the MdheswaraSutrdn i, the Sutras or precepts ofMaheswara.

Before crossing the Indus the traveller visits the countries lyingmore northerly on its western bank, that ofU-chang

-na, orUdyfina, the

garden, the coun try at present occupied by the Yusef-zis, and watered

by the Swat river, the Suastos ofA rrien, the Subhavastu ofSanskrit,

abbreviated to Suvastu, but l iterally rendered by the Chinese Su-pafa-ao-tu. Bienen Theang here devoted some time to various peregrinations to monasteries and stht

'

Ipas, the site ofmany miraculousappearances of the Tathagata himself

,according to the pi lgrim

whether remains of these monumen ts still ex ist has yet to be ascer

tained, as the habits and temper of the people are l ittle favourable tointimate intercourse . They must have been ofa very d ifferent race

in the seventh century from what they are now,for Hiouen Theang

describes them as gentle and pusi llan imous, incl ined to cunn ing and

dishonesty, fond of study but not pursu ing it with energy : he also

states that the population was very numerous, which is not the case

at present the cap ital city he cal ls Mong—kie-l i, Manglavor, or

Mangalapur, a town on the left bank of the Swat, and which the

natives affi rmed had been for a long time the capital the people musthave been of Ind ian origin, if the traveller

’

s statement be credited

that their language difi'

ered but l ittle from that spoken in India.

The course nex t followed led the traveller more to the north, alongthe upper course of the Indus, over diffi cult mountain passes and

across rivers, over which rude suspension bridges were thrown. It is

not easy to attempt to trace his route here, not only because the

country is yet unvisited by Europeans, but because it is not always

clear that Hiouen Thsang h imself travelled over the ground. As far

as it is safe to come to any conclusion, it appears that he crossed the

tracts occupied by the Datadas or Dards to Po-lu-lo, Bo lor or Balti

he then returned southwards to Uta-khanda, and there crossed the

Indus to Ta-cha-shi-lo, the Indian Takshasila, the Tax i les of the

Greeks.

Notwithstanding the celebrity of the name, the si te ofTakshas ila

is matter ofdispute . M. de St . Martin, trusting to the mensuration of

A lex ander’

s surveyors, in th is place preserved by Pl iny,places it at

Hasan Abdal, or at least at a spot about six or seven mi les east

or south-east of it, where ex tensive ruins still ex ist, and numerous

coins have been found . Bienen Theang notices several sthfipas or

topes in the vicin ity of the city, ofwhich more than one is said to

have been erected by Wai-yeu, the Chinese translation ofAsoka.

One of themmarked the site where Kunala, or Keo‘ lang-na, the

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1 20 TRAVELS IN INDIA or mousN rnsANe .

well enough, as fromPo-l i-ye-to-lo, Bienen Theang comes, at adistance

of500 l i (100 mi les) east to Mo—thu-lo orMathura. The principal itycontains about twenty convents and a number of sthI

'

Ipas, seven of

which enshrine the remains ofas many of the most celebrated d isciples ofsakya, or Sariputra, Mudgalaputra, Pfirna Maitrfiyan iputra,

Upal i,Ananta, Réhula, and Manjusri . These were the objects ofan

annual pilgrimage.

The route ofBienen Theang then again assumes a northern direc

tion, and in various respects of detai l is more than usually diffi cult tofollow . FromMathura he goes to Sa

-ta-n i-shi-fa-lo, Sthaneswara, or

Thaneswara, 500 l i north-east, when i t should be at least double thatd istance, and is rather to the north-west than north-east . It is some

what singular, too, that he takes no notice of ancient Dehl i on h is

way it must have been in ex istence, and his passing i t by in silence

can only be accounted for by supposing, either that there is a h iatus in

his journal, or that there was nothing in the city ofBuddhist interest ;

yet this were scarcely possible, as the Lat was there, and the edicts ofPiyadasi or it might have been that the ruling authori ties were

actively hostile towards Buddhism, for the Rajas ofDelhi were at

this date Rajputs, and the Rajputs of Central India at least seem to

have always been supporters ofBrahman ism. That by Sthaneswaraweare to understand Thanesar, or Kurukshetra, there is not onlythe evi

dence ofthe name and bearing, but H iouen Theang describes it as thescene of a fi erce battle between two kings disputing the supremeauthori ty, wh ich had taken place in very remote ages, as was evi

dent from the size of the human bones wh ich were found in the soi l,

alluding obviously, though in a most meagre manner, to the war of

the Mahabharata.

The movements ofHiouen Thsang are here again erratic, but it is

to be recollected that we are not to look upon his journey as one and

continuous ; it is a series of ex cursions in various directions, inter

rupted by temporary halts of shorter or longer duration, fromwhencehe starts upon a different and occas ionally reversed route ; thus he

now proceeds north-east about eightymi les to the principal ityofSa-lokin-na, bounded by the Ganges on the eas t, the mountains on the

north , the Yamuna fiowed through the centre the capital is said tobe mostly in ru ins

,but the remains are substantial the name repre

sents Srughna or Sughna, wh ich is enumerated in original Sanskrit

l ists amongst the countries ofthe north the local ity is not improbablythat ofSaharanpur . East of the Yamuna 800 l i (160 miles) H iouenThsang comes to the banks of the Ganges, the biography says to

the sources, wh ich is not very l ikely. The circumstances be relates of

rnAvsLs IN INDIA or HIOUEN THSANG. 1 21

the sanctity ofthe river are quite in harmonywith native superstitions—bathing in the river efi

'

aces al l sin drowning in it secures heaven

and the defunct whose bones are cas t into it, revive to worldly enjoyment. After crossing the river, the traveller comes to Mo-ti-pu

-lo,

Matipura, the situation ofwh ich is questionable. M. de St . Martin

endeavours to determine i t by reckon ing backwards from the places towhich Hiouen Theang subsequently proceeds, unti l he reaches a defin itepoint. Thus, fromMo-ti-pu-lo to Kia-pi-shoang-na, 400 l i south-east

O-hi-chi-to-lo, 4 ] l i south-east ; Pi-lo-shan-na, 265 l i south-west Kie

p i-tha, or Seng

-kia—she, 200 l i south-east ; and Kie-jo-kio-she, 200l i also to the south-east, or altogether 1 1 00 l i (220 mi les) in a gene

rally south-east bearing, the last name read ily reso lving i tself into

Kanyakubja, or Kanoj, which gives the po int desired . Seng-kia

she is also obviously Sankasya, a city named in the Ramayana, theex istence of the ruins of which to the present daywe learn fromMajor Cunn ingham,

who has described it in the Society’s Journal it

is 54 leagues north-west ofKanoj on the left bank of the Kalinad i,which agrees well enough with the distance of the Chinese traveller .

It is mentioned also by the elder traveller, Fa H ian, as noticed in

mysummary ofhis travels (J vol . v . p. Pi -lo—shan-na,M. de St. Martin th inks, may be the Karsana of the maps, judgingfrom d istance and d irection and O-hi-chi-to-lo, no doubt, repre.

sents Ahichchatra and north-west from th is is Matipara. M. de St .

Martin thinks i t possible that some ind ication of it may be afforded

by the ru ins of a place called by Tiefi'

enthaler Madawar, three

leagues from Sahanpur, and an hour’

s jour ney from the east bank of

the Ganges the whole d istance, 1 100 l i, or 220 mi les, would bringus to the northern portion ofRohikhand . Again, fromMatipur, thetraveller goes 300 l i, six ty mi les north, to Po

-lo-hi-mo-pu-lo, or Brah

mapur, which has been conjectured, by Major Cunn ingham, to applySrinagar, a conjecture in wh ich M. de St . Martin concurs. He would

also identify the word Mati w ith Madhu, or Mathu, and the peoplecal led Madhavas, or Mathavas, who founded Mathura, and whose pos

sessions ex tended east ofthe Gandaki , into Videha, termed after themMithi la. This locality, however, is very d ifferent from that ofSrina

gar, even ifthe reading ofMathava for Madhava be correct,which is

questionable, depending upon a passage cited by Weber from the

Yajush, which says, the Sadan ira is the boundary ofKosala and

Videha. occupied by the descendants of Mathava.

” Megasthenes

mentions a people called Mathp , whose country is watered by the

Erinesss, which M. de St . Martin thinks may be the river ofBenares,Vari nasi . We can scarcely, however, elevate the conjoined rivulets,

1 22 TRAVELS IN INDIA or menu mama.

the Barna and Asi, to the dign ity ofa feeder ofthe Ganges. A l ist of

Buddhist patriarchs, publ ished by M . Bewusst, mentions, also, thatone of them, on h is decease, named, as his successor, Gayasata, in the

country ofMati, he himself dying at Sravasti . This does not help us

much to the position ofMatipur, although it is considered as confirm

ing, with the other circumstances, i ts identi ty w ith a part, at leas t, of

the ancient principali ty ofKosala, or Oude. That i t laymore to the

north is, however, further proved by B ienen Thsang'

s mention of the

city Mo-yen-lo, on the north

-west ofMo-t i-pu-lo . near the east bank

of the Ganges, not far from wh ich is a. temple of the gods, which is

called the Gate of the Ganges, the Gangadwara, or, subsequently,Haridwaru, the Haridwar of the H indus, to which they repair byhundreds and thousands to bathe . The city ofMatipur has not

left any traces . North ofBrahmapur, amongst the mountains, was

a principal ity named Su-fo -la-na-kiu-to-lo, Suvarnagotra, from i ts

yielding go ld, tauarua. It is also cal led the female kingdom,being

ruled over by a woman . Bienen Thsang does not visi t i t, and we have

only the popular notion ofa Stri-rajya in themounta ins, spoken of in

the Puranas, and originating, perhaps, in the Polyandrism of the

Bhotiyas . It is bordered on the east by Tu -fan, Tibet ; north byYu-t ien. Khoten, and west by Chamha . The first and last are not far

from the truth . Khoten is inaccurately placed .

Ofthe places passed on his way, fromMatipura to Kanoj, the onlyone of note is Sankasya, where are some remarkable and ex tensive

Buddh ist conven ts, al though there are also a number of temples of

Siva. One object worthy of notice was a pillar, seventy feet high,erected by Asoka : perhaps a search among the ruins of Sankasya

might d iscover some vestiges of th is column. The nex t stage,

Kie-jo-kio-she is not only identified with Kanyakubja, by similarityof name, but IIiouen Thsang repeats, wi th very sl ight modification,the legendary origin of the appellation, as related in the Ramfiyana,the crookedness (hubja) of the princesses (kanya) , in consequence

of the imprecation of a Bish i, whom they had refused to marry.

Hence the ci ty was cal led Khiu-na-cheris, c’ed ti d ire la vil le dc:fi l ls:bou nce. Some interesting c ircumstances, ofa poli tical character, are

related of th is c i ty, in which Buddhismwas flourishing. but we mayreserve these for an ex amination of the historical portion of the

Si -yu-ki .

Resuming his journey from Kanoj, Hiouen Thsang comes, at adistance ofabout 100 l i (20 miles) south-west, to the town ofNa-po

-ti

po-ku-lo, which represents in Sanskri t Navadevakula, on the east

bank of the Ganges. There is a town in such a position, but i t now

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1 1 6 TRAVELS IN INDIA or HIOUEN THSANG.

whence his fi rst rules, those ofthe alphabet, are called the l l dSutrdn i , the Sutras or precepts ofMaheswara.

Before crossing the Indus the traveller visits the countries lyingmore northerly on its western bank, that ofU-chang

-na, orUdyana, the

garden, the coun try at present occupied by the Yusef-zis, and watered

by the Swat river, the Suastos ofA rrian, the Subhavastu ofSanskri t,

abbreviated to Suvastu, but l iteral ly rendered by the Ch inese Su—pafa-se-tu. Bienen Theang here devoted some time to various peregrinations to monasteries and sthp as, the site ofmany miraculousappearances of the Tathagata himself

,according to the pi lgrim

whether remains of these monuments sti ll ex ist has yet to be ascer

tained, as the hab its and temper of the people are l ittle favourable tointimate intercourse . They must have been of a very d ifferent race

in the seventh century from what they are now,for Hiouen Theang

describes them as gentle and pusi llan imous, incl ined to cunning and

dishonesty, fond of study but not pursu ing it wi th energy : he also

states that the population was very numerous, which is not the case

at present : the capital city he calls Mong-kie-l i, Manglavor, or

Mangalapnr, a town on the left bank of the Swat, and wh ich the

natives afi rmed had been for a long time the capi tal the people musthave been of Indian origin, if the traveller

’

s statement be cred ited

that their language differed but l ittle from that spoken in Ind ia.

The course nex t followed led the traveller more to the north, along

the upper course of the Indus, over d iffi cult mountain passes and

across rivers, over which rude suspension bridges were thrown . It is

not easy to attempt to trace his route here, not only because thecountry is yet unvisited by Europeans, but because it is not always

clear that H iouen Theang himself travelled over the ground. As far

as it is safe to come to any conclusion, it appears that he crossed the

tracts occupied by the Daradas or Dards to Po-lu-lo, Bo lor or Balti

he then returned southwards to Uta-khanda, and there crossed the

Indus to Ta-eha-shi-lo, the Indian Takshasila, the Tax i les of the

Greeks.

Notwithstanding the celebri ty of the name, the site ofTakshasila

is matter ofdispute. M. de St . Mart in, trusting to the mensuration of

A lex ander’

s surveyors, in this place preserved by Pl iny, places it at

Hasan Abdal, or at least at a spot about six or seven miles east

or south-east of it, where ex tensive ruins still ex ist, and numerous

co ins have been found. Hiouen Theang notices several sthupas or

topes in the vicin ity of the c ity, ofwhich more than one is said to

have been erected by Wai-yeu, the Chinese translation ofAsoka.

One of themmarked the site where Kunala, or Koo-lang-na, the

rmvnns IN INDIA or menu THSANG. 1 1 7

son of that prince, unjustly accused by his stepmother, was blinded.

The story wh ich Hiouen Thsang relates of the cause ofh is having his

eyes put out, and ofthe restoration ofhis sight, is essential ly the sameas that found in the Life ofBuddha, which has been in part translatedfrom the Sanskrit by the late M. Burnouf.

Seven hundred l i (1 40 mi les) to the south-east brings the travel lerto the capital ofthe kingdom ofSeng

-ho-pu-lo, evidently the Sanskrit

Sinhapnra, although no city ofthat name makes any figure among theprincipal ities noticed in original authorities. The name occurs in the

Dig-vijaya ofArjuna, in the Sabhé Parva ofthe Mahabharat, as lyingnear to Abhisara and Uraga. The first of these is well known as

contiguous to Kashmir, and, in fact, a part of it, pol itically, if notgeographically, and we have, therefore, original authority for plac ingSinhapnra h igh up in the north-west portion of the Punjab. Accord

ing to Kionon Theang it was near the Indus, on the west, and M. St .

Martin thinks it probable that traces of Sinhapnra are to be found in

a place called Sangohi, in the map given by Captain Cunn ingham, in

his Ladakh, about 130 miles from the Indus, and a short distance

from the Jhelum. Many sthfipas are mentioned, the remains ofwhich

may perhaps sti ll be recogn ised . A t any rate Sinhapnra may beplaced between the Indus and the Jhelum, although Sangoh i seems to

l ie rather too much to the south. It is worthy of remark that the

country, as well as Taksh i la. was subject to Kashmir and although

there are some chronological diffi culties in the way, yet there seems

good reason to infer, from the statements of the Raja Tarangini , that,at the beginn ing ofthe seventh century, Kashmir had established a predominant authority ofconsiderable ex tent over the adjacent countries.Some curious particulars are here mentioned of a heretical sect,

wh ich have verv much the appearance ofapplying to the Jains. The

figure they worship is said to resemble that ofBuddha, and their

doctrines are asserted to be borrowed from the Buddh ist scriptures.Their rel igious teachers are div ided, also, into two parties, one goingnaked, the o ther wearing whi te vestments, in whom, therefore, we

have the Digambaras and Swetambaras ofthe Jains.

From Sinhapnra Hiouen Thsang returned to Takshila, and then

spent some time in visiting the neighbouring countries to the north

and east. One ofthese, U-la—shi

, is the Urasa ofthe Raja Tarangini ,and may be the Uraga ofthe Mahabharata the bearing g iven by thetraveller always to the south-east seems at variancewith i ts position inany part of the Punjab, and we should rather look for it more to thenorth or in the district ofG i lgit, especial ly as sti ll in the d irection

south-east, about 1 000 1i, or 200 miles across mountains, he comes

1 26 TRAVELS IN INDIA or IIIounN rnsANe.

temples. Fa-H ian speaks ofVaisél i as being in a ruinous condition

la cap itals n’

ofrc parlout qzw des m ines.

Before crossing the Ganges, H iouen Thsang makes a diversion to

the north, and visits the countries of the Fo-l i-sh i and ofN i-po-lo .

The former represents the Sanskrit Vrijis, a name, however, unknown

to Brahman ical l iterature, although i t occurs as Vaddhis in that ofthe

Buddhists, as is mentioned both by Turnour and Burnouf, a powerfultribe, situated between the Gauges and the mountains, on the east of

the Gandak river . A t this time they must have been compel led tofall back from the Ganges, and the bearing and distance would placethemabout Janakapur, in Chinese Che-shu -na-pu

-lo , the ancient capitalofMithi la

, under Janaka, the father of Sita . In N i-po—lo we haveobviously Nepal, and the ident ity is confi rmed by the traveller

’

s

description ofit, as situated among the snowy mountains.

Return ing to Vaisal i, Hiouen Thsang there crossed the Ganges and

proceeded to the kingdom ofMo-kie-to , Magadha, or South Bahar, the

scene ofBuddha’

s fi rst teach ing. On the south bank ofthe river was

an anc ient city, which we are rather surprised to learn had long beendeserted. This

,it is said

,was called, in very remote times, Ken-su

mo-pu-lo

,the Kusuma-pura ofSanskrit traditional history, and after

wards Po-to-l i-tseu-ch ing, or Patal iputra-pura. The story he tells,

to ac

coun t for the mean ing of the name, the c ity of the son of the

Patal i flower, bears some affi n ity to the legend narrated in the Bt ibat

Katha and he also mentions that it was the capital ofAsoka, whotransferred to it h is royal residence fromRajagriha. It is difi cult to

understand how Patal iputra shou ld have fal len so soon into such

decay as Hiouen Thsang ascribes to i t, so shortly after Fa H ian’

s visi t,

or only 23 1 years before,as he describes i t as flourishing, en pleine

A t present, he says (the later pilgrim) there remain onlythe o ld foundations the monasteries, temples ofthe gods, and sthflpas

ofwhich the ru ins are visible may be counted by hundreds : thereare not above two or three still standing, only on the north of the

ancient palace and close to the Ganges, there is a small town, wh ich

contains about 1000 houses .

After visiting the remains ofa number ofBuddhist monuments in

this part ofthe country H iouen Thsang proceeded to Kia-

ye, or Gaya,at a d istance of 485 l i

,or 97 miles from the Ganges, the actual

d istance being between si x ty and seventy,but Il iouen Thsang

’

s route

in vo lves , apparently, sundry deviat ions from the d irect road, wh ich

may account for the d ifl'

erence. The description given by bo th the

Chinese p ilgrims ofthe objects in the vicin ity of the place, as well as

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TRAVELS IN INDIA OF KIOUEN THSAKG .

Subanrika river ofthe maps, watering the country ofSinh-bhfim he

then comes back a li ttle distance to the south-east, and is now in the

kingdom of U-cha, Udra, Odra, or Orissa he does not name the

cap ital, but we know from Stirling’

s History of Orissa, that princesof the Kesari dynas ty were rul ing in the seventh century at Jajpur,wh ich still ex ists .

Travel ling 1 200 l i (240miles) through thick forests, Hiouen Thsangarrives at a kingdom called Kong-yu

-tho, the identification ofwhich is

not very obvious 1 400 or 1 500 l i (300 miles) further south we more

read ily recogn ise in Ki-l ing

-kia, Kal inga, the name given by Sanskritand classical wri ters, and by the people of the Eastern A rchipelago,to the upper part of the Coromandel coas t, usually including Orissathe who le d istance would bring us near to the mouths ofthe Godavery.

Go ing now north-wept 1 900 l i (nearly 400 miles) , Bienen Thsangcomes to the kingdom ofKiao-sa-lo, Kesala, surrounded by mountains and forests. Kosala must here be appl ied to a part of Berar,

and is known in H indu geography as Dakshina-Kesala, South Kosala,the northern being the same as Oudh . Travell ing south about 900 l i(nearly 200 miles), Bienen Theang comes to Ping-ki-lo, orWarangal,

the capital ofAn-ta-lo, or Andhra, the ancient , and indeed the actual

name of the kingdom of Telingana. The people, he says,are fierce

and barbarous 5 their language is difl'

erent from that ofCentral Ind ia,

but the form ofthe letters is much the same . There are about twentymonasteries and thirty temples.

A thousand l i south travelling through forests, which, i t may henoticed , are everywhere abundant in this part of the Dakhin, the

travel ler comes to To-na-kie-tse-kia, equivalent to Dhanuka-cheka, aname which is not now recogn isable ; but Hiouen Thsang says the

country is also called Great A ndhra, which would be in Sanskri t

Mahandhra, and which M. de St . Mart in would identify therefore withRajamahendri he is obl iged however, to admit that this is south-cast,no t south ofWarangal, and we have already brought the traveller tothis position on his way fromOrissa. There is also a description of

ex cavations, to which noth ing in the neighbourhood ofRajamahendricorresponds . West of the city, says Hiouen Theang, is a monasterycalled O-fa-lo-sh i-lo Sengh ialan (or the convent ofAvanasi la) : thefi rst king of this country construc ted it, it is said

, in honour ofBuddha. He hol lowed out the valley, made a road through it, openedthe s ides of the mountains, and erected pavil ions : long galleries and

great lateral chambers rested on the grottoes, and communicatedwith the ex cavations : for a thousand years after Buddha

'

s Nirvana,these caves were frequented by sages and saints after that time the

vet . v I. K

130 TRAVELS IN INDIA OF HIOUEN THSANG.

inhabitants were mi x ed up w ith low people, and the monastery had

been abandoned for a century. Th is account would rather relate to

some of the earl iest Buddh ist ex cavations. such as those of Ellora,

and the bearing and distance would not be very d ifl'erent from those

spec ified .

A t a distance of1 000 l i (200miles) lay the kingdom ofChau-l i-ye,the Chaula ofthe Bhagavat, Chola ofMenu it appears higher up in

the Dakhin than it should be placed accord ing to local trad ition, but

the termwas used w ith some latitude, as I have had former occasionto observe. Buddhism was here nearly ex tinct, and the naked fol

lowers ofSiva were in great numbers.

The nex t kingdom is that ofTa-lo-p i-cha, or Dravira, at a d istance

of1500 or 1 600 li miles) . Properly speaking, we should have

come to Dravira before or on the north ofChola, but the two are to a

certain degree the same, and the former is apparently more in land,whi lst Chola is the coas t ; for the capi tal ofDravira is called Kien-chipu

-lo—almost a l iteral transcript of the ancient Sanskrit name Kanchipura, modern ised as Conjeveram. Although Brahman ism boastedof eighty temples and numerous naked mend icants, Buddh ism was

more flourishing here than in most ci ties, as Bienen Theang says thec ity contains 100 monasteries and ascetics.

M. de St. Martin l imitsH iouen Thsang’

s southern travels to Kdnchi,

and conceives the nex t country he notices, Mo-lo-kiu-cha, Malakuta,

to have been known to h im only by report . The tex t, however, says,

En partant de ce pays i l fi t environ trois mille l i au sud, et

arriva eu royaume de Mo-lo kiu-cha.

”A t the same time further on

i t is said that on leaving the kingdom ofDravira, he travel led north,

and passing through forests and unoccupied plains as wel l as severalsmall towns, he came to the Konkan . A t any rate the distance ofthe

route Mo-la-k iu-cha is much ex aggerated ; for, instead of 600 miles,half that quanti ty from Kanchi reaches the ex treme po int of the

peninsula. There is also some confusion as to the characteristics of

the local ity, or i t comprises a w ider ex tent than the identity of the

name with Ma—la-ya wou ld usually denote. It is bounded on the

south by the sea. This appl ies to the whole ex tremi ty of the pen insula . Thence rise the mountains on which grows the sandal-tree

Chen-ta-u i-po, Chaudana, wh ich carries us over the IVesteru Ghats

in to Travancore. Accord ing to Hiouen Thsang, the camphor-tree al sogrows in these Inountains,

-Kie-pu-lo

,Karpura. Leaving Mulakuta

in the d irect ion of the north-east a town on the sea-coast is reached

named ClIe-li-to, Charitrapura a town of departure,”as from hence

vessels sai l to Seng-kia-lo . Sinhala or Ceylon.

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1 32 TRAVELS IN INDIA or HIOUEN THSANG .

monasteries here, but the heretics had an equal number of temples,and were very numerous.

Two thousand four or five hundred li (500 miles) south-west wecome to the kingdom ofO-cha-l i , at the confluence of two seas

the hearing would bring us to the ex tremi ty of the peninsula of

Kattiwar, and the distance from Ujayin or Dhar would not be much

in ex cess . By the confluence ofthe two seas we mayalso understand

the mouth of the Gu lfofCutch . We have no help, however, in thename ; but the nex t move, 300 Ii (60 mi les) to the north-west, bringsus to the province ofKie-cha and here, name

,bearing, and d istance

place us confidently in Cutch, the Sanskrit Kachcha, or mari time

region .

B ienen Thsang now proceeded, i t is said, 1 000 II (200 mi les)north, to Fa-la-pi, in wh ich we recognise Val labhi . The d istance is

not far out, but the bearing is most indub itably altogether wrongfrom no part ofCutch could the city of Vallahhi l ie north

, be ing inthe Gujerat pen insula, whi le, ifthe kingdom said to be 6000 Ii, or

1 200 miles in circu it be carried into Rajputana and Malwa, we have

more of an easterly than westerly d irection . The bearing of the

capital, however, was south-east. M. de St. Martin says that the

k ingdom ofVal labhi was also called Pe-lo-lo, or Lolo ofthe north, and

Lo-lo he identifies wi th the Sanskrit Lata, appl ied to this part of

India, the Lar of the H indus and Larike of the Greeks . The appl i

cation of the term is correct, in part, but neither in the Si-yu-ki norin the memo ir do I find any such name as Lo-lo given by H iouen

Thsang. It appears to be derived from some other version ofh is

travels, c ited by M . Jacquet (Jour . Asiatic Soc iety ofBengal, v.

From Vallabhi an ex cursion apparently takes place to a state

dependent on Malwa, cal led O-non-to-pu-lo

, Anandapura, 700 l i north

west ; but he again sets out from Vallabhi, and, proceeding 500 l i

west, comes to the kingdom ofSu-la-cha, or Surashtra. The d istance

is sufliciently ex act, but the bearing again is entirely wrong, and i tshould be cast, not west. The country is dependent on Val labhi ; it

contains 50 monas teries and 1 00 temples . The c ity is a great emporiam of trade . Near the capital is the mountain cal led Yeou chen-ta

Ujayanta, in which there are ex cavations. Although the name is

identifiable there is considerable perplex ity as to the position . It is

not, according to M. do St. Martin,either the Surastrene ofthe Greeks

nor the Surath ofmodern times, but part ofGujerat or Kattiwar, thecapital being Junagarh, in the v icinity of-the mountain Ujayanta. It

i s d ifi cult to reconcile this with the relative position of Vallabhi and

TRAVELS IN INDIA or HIOUEN THSANG. 1 33

wi th the statement ofHiouen Thsang, that the capital touches theMahi river on the west, which places i t on the east of the Gulf of

Cambay or the Mahi-kanta, a posi tion qu ite incompatible with that of

Junagarh.

From Su-la-cha i t would seem that H iouen Thsang returned to

Vallabh i, for he again starts from that ci ty and travels about 1 300 li(260 mi les) north, to the kingdom ofKiu-che-lo, Gurjara, the capitalof which he calls Pi-lo-mo-lo . Supposing the bearing and distance

correc tly given, or nearly so, we come far into Rajputana, near toJ esalmer. We h ave no authority for applying Gurjara to any countryin this d irection; but the name is not uncommon, and we have a

Gurjara stil l more to the north . Pi -lo—mo-lo has been identified, byM. Beinand, wi th the Pahlmahl of A lbirun i, an important ci ty,between Multan and A nhilwara, the Balmair or Bharmair ofMarwar

,

accord ing to M. de St. Martin, about th irty leagues south-west of

Jesalmer,a not improbable identification .

A sudden return to the south-east brings B ienen Thsang, after a

journey of 2800 l i (560 mi les) to U-che-yen-na, which is clearly Uj.

jayin i or Ougein, the king ofwhich was a Brahman, and consequentlyBuddhism was at a low ebb . He then goes to Chi

-ki-to, north-east

1000 1i,considered to be the modern Khaj uri, twenty-fi ve leagues south

west ofGwal ior thence, in the same d irection 900 l i, to Mo-hi-ch i

fa-lo-pu-lo

,which M. de St. Martin identifies with Macheri, perhaps

Matsyavara, in support ofwhich conjecture it is to be remembered thatthis part ofIndia is known, in Sanskri t geography, as the Matsyadesa.

Little is said of these two principal it ies . as they were both ruled byBrahman princes, and did not follow the fai th ofBuddha.

Depart ing from hence Bienen Thsang returned to Gurjara,whence he again set 03 towards the north, and, after passing, for1 900 1i, through wi ld plains and dangerous deserts, he crossed the

river Sin-tu, the Sindhu or Indus, and entered the kingdom so called .

The capital is named Pi-shen-

po-pulo

,which M. de St. Martin thinks

may be identical with A lore, notwithstanding the d issimi larity ofthe

appellations. Accord ing to Captain Burton, Middle Sindh is called

Vicholo, wh ich offers some resemblance to the Chinese. Sindh,

according to Bienen Theang, was an eminently Buddhist country,having several hundred monasteries, with ten thousand monks. He

does not give the bulk of them,however, a very good character, for

he says en général i ls sont indolents et adonnés ala débauche.

”The

predominance ofBuddhism in Sindh, in the beginning ofthe eighth

century, is no ticed by the Mohammedans.

FromSindh Hiouen Theang makes an ex cursion to a country he

1 34 raAvsLs IN INDIA or menu msANG.

cal ls Po—fo-to , Sanskrit Parvata. It is said to be subject to Chekia,which we have seen is in the vicin ity ofLahore, so that Po-fo-to w il l

be in the Punjab. This posi tion is confi rmed by the intervention of

the kingdom of Meu-lo-san-

pu-lo

,Mulasthana-pura, or Multan .

Besides the co incidence of the name the city is particularised as the

site ofa magn ificent temple of the sun, having an image of the sun in

gold . This entirely agrees with the notice Ihave translated from the

Bhavishyat Parana, and all Hindu tradition, wh ich records the

foundation of the temple and the consecration of a golden image of

Aditya, by Samba, the son ofKrishna, in gratitude for his being cured

by h im ofthe leprosy.

A lthough i t is not so stated, Bienen Thsang must have returned

from the Punjab to Sindh, as he departs from thence, and go ing 1 500

or 1 600 l i south-west, comes to A -tien-po-chi-lo

, wh ich is equivalent,

in M. Jul ien’

s system, to Adhyavaki la, the capital ofwhich is Khie

tsi -sh i -fa-lo, Khajiswara. It is situated near the sea, and the d irection

and distance would bring i t wel l enough to Karachi . How that name

shou ld properly be written or what it means we have not learned, and

the verificat ion ofthe names must be left in doubt . The same appliesto the adjacent kingdom,

Lang-kie-lo and its capital, Su-neu-l i-shi

fa-lo, Sunuriswara. The country, it is said,is subject to Po—lo-sse or

Persia. Lang-kie, M. de St . Martin thinks, maybe traced in the tribe

ofthe Langas or Langhé ii , sti ll in the no rth-east ofBaluchistan . The

Laugalas are also named in the Mahabharata, but, asM . de St. Mart in

observes, we know nothing of the pas t and not much of the presentcondition of the countries west of the Indus, and should scarcely beable to fo l low the traveller, even if h is steps were more preciselymarked, but this part ofhis journey is very meagre and confused , andthe accoun ts given of it in the biography and the Si-yu

-ki irrecon

c i leably at variance .

Hiouen Thsang’

s account of the nex t kingdom, Po-se, Po-lo-se, or

Persia, is not from personal observation 5 the ex pression is not it arr ive,but on arrive ; he calls the capital Su -la—sang-ten-na, Surasthana. He

is correct in giving a good ex tent—several tens of thousands ofl i—toi ts confines, and representing it as a wealthy and prosperous countryhe speaks also oftheir irrigation by canals

, the kariz of Persian agri

culture, and, curiously enough, mentions that they use large pieces ofsilver money, a not incorrect description of the broad silver co ins

of the Sassanides. He calls their chief deity Ti-na-po, which mighthe intended for Dina-pé . the guardian ofthe day, the Sun .

Ve cannot identify his steps as he advances from Sindh to the-first, 700 II(140 miles) to Pi-to-shi-lo 3 300 1i north-east to

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1 36 raAvsLs IN INDIA or mourn rusANG.

across snow-clad mountains to the valley ofPo-miu-lo ofgreat ex tent,

the centre of which is occupied by a spacious lake, the table-land of

Pamir, and the Sir-i-kol ; thence over simi lar country the travel ler

comes to the kingdomKh ie-pan—to, ofwh ich the di rection and distance

correspond with the site of a c ity cal led, by the Kirghis, Kar-chu 5from thence he proceeds to Kie-sha, or Kashgar 5 the nex t stage

U-sha corresponds as to direction, distance, and its position at the

descent from the mountain region , with the present city of Ingashar

500 l i from hence south-east he comes to Cho-kia-kia, agreeing in

position as well as appellation with Yar-kiang, or Yarkand ; a sti ll

closer affi n i ty identifies h is nex t advance, as Kin-sa-tan-na, the

Sanskri t Ku-stana, is no doubt intended for Khoten.

Khoten was , from a remote period, a celebrated seat of Buddhism,

and H iouen Thsang has many sacred shrines to visit and marvellous

legends to relate. One ofthese, the destruction of the weapons ofaninvading host, by a colony of rats, whom the king ofKhoten had pro

pitiated, is similar, as remarked by M. de St . Martin , to the story toldbyHerodotus, in his second book. Another story narrates the surreptit ious introduction ofmulberry plants and silk worms into Khoten, bya Chinese princess married to the king, and the consequent celebrityofKhoten for its silk manufactures.

FromKhoten, Hiouen Thsang pursues his homeward route, across

territories which be merely names, as Tu-ho—lo or Tukhara, Ni-mo and

Na-po-

po, or Leti-lan 5 the latter, accord ing to Ch inese authority

,cor

responding with the direction of Makai, on the south-west of the

province ofSha-cheu. He was rece ived, on his return, with especial

honours, by order of the emperor, to whomhe was presented at Lo

yang, and by whom he was ever afterwards treated with marked vene

ration, having accomplished a wonderful journey of at least

mi les out and home, besides the digressions which he so frequentlyinterposed .

Kionon Thsang rarely indulges us with any personal adventureshe never complains of any i ll

-treatment or obstruction . The onlyimpediments he encounters are those of country and climate, mountains, deserts, forests, cold and heat 5 and it is remarkable how li ttleinconven ience he seems to have ex perienced . He speaks of robbers,but does not seem to have fal len in with them5 and it is worthy of

not ice that they appear most frequently in India, not in Mongol ia or

Turkestan . In no part ofh is route does he seem to have sufl'

ered fromany deficiency of suppl ies. Apparently he travelled alone or with a

few occas ional companions 5 he never speaks ofcaravans. Much of

m enu] immunity from danger and facil ity ofmovement was no

raavms IN INDIA or BIODEN TESANG. 1 37

doubt attributable, at least in his outward journey, to his appearanceas a religiousmendicant, wi th nothing but his staff, wal let, andwater

pot to be deprived of, and he obtained provisions and frequent restingplaces at the Buddhist monasteries on h is route, which, although

sometimes few and in decay, were never total ly wanting wherever hewent. On his return, however, he could not have travelled in so

nnnoticeable a condi tion, for he brought back wi th him five hundred

packages ofbooks, besides images ofBuddha and various sacred rel ics

constituting the burthen, i t is said, oftwenty-two horses,—a suffi cientlyimposing cavalcade . By what means and at whose ex pense be

effected th is conveyance is not mentioned 5 but it affords a remarkableproofofthe civi l ized condition and orderly government ofthe countrieswh ich he traversed, that he should have passed over so long and

arduous a route thus heavi ly incumbered without incurring, as far asappears from h is narration , any sort ofimpediment or ill-usage .

It ismuch to be regretted that our enterprising pi lgrim should have

devoted his inquiries so almost ex clusively to the objects ofhis supersti tious veneration, ;and have entered so l ittle into detai ls we should

have infin itely preferred, respecting the social and pol itical conditionofIndia. H is notices of th is nature are rare, scattered , and meagre,but there are a few wh ich are not without interest, and there is a

general description wh ich is in the main correct . I purpose a furtherinvestigation ofthis part of h is travels when I have leisure, and shallsubmit the result to the Society at some future opportuni ty.

Aa'r. V .—Supp lementaryContributions to the Seri es ofthe Coins

ofthe Kings ofGhaznt. ByEDWARD Tauru s, Esq ., Benga l

Civi l Service.

[P resented 1 9th March,

In the volume of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Societyfor theyear 1 848 . is to be found a paper descriptive of such coins of the

Sultans ofGhazni as chanced to form part of the varied numismat ic

accumulations ofMr. Masson , gleaned, under h is personal superintendence, chiefly to the northward of the metropol itan province fromwh ich the dynasty takes its name.

Since the date of the publ ication in question, political events, inplacing our Government in possession of the entire Indian section of

the dominions ofthe successors ofMahmud, have necessari ly fac il itatedthe acquis ition ofspecimens of their local currencies by the civil and

mi l itary ofi cers stationed in those parts . The opportunities thusoffered , though but moderately taken advantage of,

‘ have been the

means ofbringing to l ight several novel and interesting accessions tothe general series, a record ofwhich may be appropriately inserted inth is Journal, in supplementary continuation ofthe previous memoir.

In add ition to a description: of the more prominent recent acquisit ions ofMr. E. C . Bayley, Col . T . Bush, and others , there wi ll be

found embod ied in the following pages full references to the Ghaznavico ins of the late Co l . Stacy, a notice ofwh ich appeared in the Jour.

As . Soc . Bengal for

The Roman numerals, prefi x ed to the ordinary consecutive numbersin the subjo ined catalogue, serve to ind icate the class, in the original

series, to which each new specimen belongs . Where the words to

fo llow or precede are added, it is to be understood that the coins so

marked are novel ties, ofwh ich ex tant ex ampleswere unavai lable at theperiod ofthe publ ication ofthe earliermemo ir. A t the conclusion ofthe

Ghaznav i p roper suite, a list ofthe various dates and places ofmintagereferred to in ei ther paper has been incorporated in a tabular form5 and,fo llowing out the plan a dopted on the previous occasion, a briefappendixhas been devoted to the i llus trat ion of such pieces of the Ghorl and

o ther succeed ing dynast ies as circumstances have intermediately placedwithin reach.

1 IfCol. J . Abbott’s collection—formed on the eminen tlyfavourab le soil ofthe

Hazarah country—prove as rich in Ghaznavi treasures as the choice specimens of

h is Bactrian series may lead us to ex pect, the numismatic historyof the house ofSubuktagfn will be greatly enriched .

3 Vol. x x i. p. 1 16 .

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1 32 TRAVELS IN INDIA or mourn THSANG .

monasteries here, but the heretics had an equal number of temples,and were very numerous.

Two thousand four or five hundred li (500 mi les) south-west wecome to the kingdom ofO-cha-l i , at the confluence of two seas

the bearing would bring us to the ex tremity of the pen insula of

Kattiwar, and the distance from Ujayin or Dhar would not be much

in ex cess. By the confluence ofthe two seas we mayalso understand

the mouth of the GulfofCutch . We have no help , however, in thename5 but the nex t move, 300 l i (60 miles) to the north-west, bringsus to the province ofKie-cha 5and here, name

,bearing, and distance

place us confidently in Catch, the Sanskrit Kachcha, or maritime

region .

Hicasu Thsang now proceeded, i t is said, 1 000 l i (200 mi les)north, to Fa-la-pi, in wh ich we recogn ise Val labhi . The distance is

not far out, but the bearing is most indubitably altogether wrongfrom no part ofCutch could the c ity of Vallabh i l ie north

,be ing in

the Gujerat pen insula, while, ifthe kingdom said to be 6000 Ii, or

1 200 miles in circuit be carried into Rajputana and Malwa, we have

more of an easterly than westerly d irection . The bearing of the

capital, however, was south-east. M. de St. Martin says that the

k ingdom ofVal labhi was also called Pe-lo-lo, or Lolo ofthe north, and

Lo-lo he identifies wi th the Sanskrit Lata, appl ied to this part of

India, the Lar of the Hindus and Larike of the Greeks . The appl i

cation of the term is correct, in part, but neither in the Si-yn-ki norin the memoir do I find any such name as Lo-lo given by HiouenTheang. It appears to be derived from some other version of h is

travels, cited by M . Jacquet (Jour . Asiatic Society ofBengal, v.

From Vallabhi an ex cursion apparently takes place to a state

dependent on Malwa, cal led O-non-to-pu

-lo, Anandapura, 700 i i north

west 5 but he again sets out from Vallabh i, and, proceeding 500 l i

west, comes to the kingdom ofSu-la-cha, or Surashtra. The d istance

is sufliciently ex act, but the bearing again is entirely wrong, and i tshould be cast, not west. The country is dependent on Val labhi ; it

contains 50 monas teries and 1 00 temples . The c ity is a great emporiam of trade . Near the capital is the moun tain cal led Yeou chen-ta

Ujayanta, in which there are ex cavations. Although the name is

identifiable there is considerable perplex ity as to the posi tion . It is

not, accordi ng to M. dc St. Martin, either the Surastrene ofthe Greeks

nor the Surath ofmodern times, but part ofGujerat or Kattiwar, thecapital being Junagarh, in the v icinity of-the mounta in Ujayanta. It

is difi cult to reconcile this with the relative position of Vallabhi and

rnAvuIs IN INDIA or HIOUEN rusANe. 1 33

wi th the statement ofHiouen Thsang, that the capital touches theMahi river on the west, which places it on the east of the Gulf of

Cambay or the Mab i-kanta, a posi tion quite incompatible with that of

Junagarh.

From Su-la-cha i t would seem that Hiouen Theang returned to

Val labhi, for he again starts from that city and travels about 1 300 i i(260 miles) north, to the kingdom ofKin-che-lo, Gurjara, the capitalof wh ich he calls Pi-lo-mo-lo . Supposing the bearing and distance

correctly given, or nearly so, we come far into Rajputana, near toJ esalmer. We have no authori ty for applying Gurjara to any countryin this d irection}:but the name is not uncommon, and we have a

Gurjara still more to the north . Pi-lo-mo-lo has been identified, byM. Reinaud, with the Pahlmahl of A lbiruni, an important city,between Multan and Anhilwara, the Balmair or Bharmair ofMarwar,accord ing to M. de St. Mart in, about th irty leagues south-west of

Jesalmer, a not improbable identification .

A sudden return to the south-east brings Hiouen Thsang, after a

journey of 2800 i i (560 miles) to U-che-yen-na, which is clearly Uj.

jayin i or Ougein, the king ofwhich was a Brahman, and consequentlyBuddh ism was at a low ebb . He then goes to Chi

-ki-to, north-east

1000 l i, considered to be themodern Khajuri, twenty-fi ve leagues southwest ofGwal ior thence, in the same d irection 900 l l, to Mo-hi-ch i

fa-lo-pn-lo

,which M. de St. Martin identifies with Macheri, perhaps

Matsyavara, in support ofwh ich conjecture it is to be remembered thatthis part ofIndia is known, in Sanskri t geography, as the Matsyadesa.

L ittle is said of these two principal ities , as they were both ruled byBrahman princes, and did not follow the faith ofBuddha.

Departing from hence Bienen Thsang returned to Gurjara,whence he again set 03 towards the north, and, after passing, for1 900 1i, through wi ld plains and dangerous deserts, he crossed the

river Sin-tn, the Sindhu or Indus, and entered the kingdom so called .

The capital is named Pi-shen-

po-pulo, which M. de St. Martin thinks

may be identical with Alore, no twithstanding the d issimilarity ofthe

appellations. According to Captain Burton, Middle Sindh is called

Vicholo, wh ich offers some resemblance to the Chinese. Sindh,

accord ing to Hiouen Thsang, was an eminently Buddhist country,having several hundred monasteries, with ten thousand monks. He

does not give the bulk of them, however, a very good character, for

he says “en général i ls sont indolents et adonnés ala débauche.

”The

predominance ofBuddhism in Sindh, in the beginn ing ofthe eighth

century, is noticed by the Mohammedans.FromSindh Hiouen Theang makes an ex cursion to a country he

ON THE COINS OF THE

earl iest novelty, among the more recent acquisitions, is h ighlyinteresting in an histo rical po in t of v iew, as i t illustrates an introduc

tory phase ofthe Ghaznavi independence, regardingwhich the record s

of the house ofSubuktag in are usually defective ; and though it maybe d iffi cu lt to reconcile the c ircumstances under which the piece purports to have been issued , w i th the imperfect materials preserved bywri tten testimony, yet the numismat ic appearance of the name of the

chieftain Bulkatagin , in accord wi th the circumstantial mention of

h is elevation to power by so trustworthy an authority as Abt'

Il Fal l

l lai lIaki‘, g ives weight to a pas sage previously quoted, and for which

i had already claimed mature attent ion’, w ithout at the moment beingful ly aware of the meri ts and singularly favourable opportuni ties of

the writer fromwhose more voluminous works i t had been abstractedand inco rpo rated into the pages ofthe Tabakat-i-Nasiri '.

'

l'

Itri lIlIA'

ISula-IItcg i II, 11 isto riamagna Ghaznavidarumpluribus voluminibusAur ium Abu'l Fudhl A l Be ihncki .

”—Flugel's H‘ji Ki l l"; See

tt lan no t ices o fth is autho r in my earlier paper, J ix . pp. 277, 33 1, 878.

III quo ting the Pers ian te x t of the o riginal passage in 1847. I remarked'

I‘

IIII IIIIhjo inI-Il account of the succession to Alptagin

'

e ch ieftain-hip is givent‘l l i l l t l IIo nI tho

“

I‘

IIlIIIlInt-i-Ntts iri , as offering a version of the question to which i t

IIII'

IIrII II l IlI‘l) Ili ll'

o ring fr om that to be found in the wri tings ofthe more generallykno wn IIIIIIIIII-II ; and although there are many objections to the unqual ified admisIIIIIII III III. I I IItI , II t the Nun irI

‘

II undoub ted an tiqu ityand usual accuracy entitle

i ltt uh t l t lu t u l i n fu ll co ns ideration. (J .Ru th.S. ,ix . At “10 period when

the. I \| H\t I IIas made , l was igno rant of the remarkable facilities and advantagesI-IIIIIII-IIb y the au tho r from“ l ltIM ‘ wo rks the TnlIakdt-i-Nasiri reproduces the state

IIII-III I-IIIlIIIIlIe-i i n the to“ . We sti ll onlyknow Abul Fazl Daibaki by one of

lIl II IIIn II_I II IIIha ; the o i being the onlyone Ofthe series which

no . I“ ! III II.II I be e n pre served to us ; but taking that production as a specimen of

tho II lII-iII. IIII lInIII Ii IIlI-I-Ii reaso n to regre t the ion of the remainder. Oriental

n i IIIlI-IIl a II IIIbe glad i n learn. that the Pers ian te x t ofthe Mm 'fidi " il Already

IIII IIIIII II M | IIIlIlIeIItIIIII, and in ex pected to appear under the editorship of

MI. II II Nu l lo ) .

rlh ‘ -t Nua irt was t‘mnple l etl in Ad i . 658. The author

, Minhtj IllNIII.I| .

IIIu .IIIt . I'IIIIIpIIaI

IIl h is wo rk at Dehli , ded icat ing it to Ni ai t ud din Mahmud,th e h II-IIIIII; l

'l IIIpI'

rIIr III H indus tan. See ante, J ournal, ix . pp . 377, 304. H‘jflIha l l I II . p . Inn) has the fo llowing no t e regard ing this work :

N f )“ é f u l a “ V i rA

we a n}; ;JI amgab ? “

Nu. Tobakal I-l Naairi clon es Nasirifi r Auctore Minhfij J orjtni fi lio

In n.I| III MIIIIIlietnn eat aIIIIII—Inortuo : l l istoria Persica, quamde ex pedi

II.IIIIl IIIa he llo-Ia Naalr IIIl Ilini Mahmud Shah hen [ Irkutsk DehleWi compu ni t.”

-.I al s o M . IIart

‘

a Catalogue , No. x i . p. 7 5 and Mr. Hurley'

s Catalogue of the

l i n I h h oe . Mi l-i .

, l M i. II.

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ON THE COINS THE

abstract ofDaibakIs narrative, given by Minhaj us Sirij, wi ll be seen

to be meagre and unsat isfactory in the ex treme and although we

gain references to events, ofwh ich we had previously no knowledge ,

yet they are so imperfectly described, that we are but l ittle advanced

in ex act h istory by the information thus contributed. The ex tremeperiod to be fi lled in with the details furn ished by our author, may be

taken broadly as the fifteen or six teen years, from350—1 to 366 x .x .,

often erroneously assigned by later compilers‘ as the duration of the

sway ofAlptagin . The fi rst point towards the arrangement of the

dates ofaccession of the succeed ing potentates that it is necessary todetermine is, fromwhat epoch Minhaj us Siraj calculates the eight

years’ reign of tho ch ieftain in quest ion. It can scarcely have beendesigned that any portion ofthe period ofhis submissive governmentofKhorasan should be included in this term; nor does i t seem needful

to infer that h is quasi-independence should date only from the moment

of his gain ing possession of the city ofGhazni ’, which however cele

brated in after times as the capita l ofa powerful empire, could havebeen of l ittle note or importance on i ts fi rst capture from the local

princes. In the absence ofanyth ing positive on this head, i t may be

assumed that the early portion of the year A J I. 351 witnessed the

See the various authorities quoted at the foot ofp. 298, Jour. 3 . A. 8. vol. ix .

A lso Mirkhond, H istoire des Samanides, edi ted and translated byM. Defremm,

Paris, 1845, pp. 164, 166, and note, p. 263 ; l ikewise Price, quoting the Khan-tal A lthbt r, i i . 277.

Ibn l l aukal, who had everymeans ofknowing the facts connected with the

early conquest of th is city, wou ld seem to imply that'

it was not occupied as a

capi tal by the Muhammadans ti l l 366 a n . Bee St. Martin, Men ti on snr

l'A rInénie, i i . 2 1 . Reinaud

, Mémoire sur l’Inde, p. 244 ; and i x .

p. 288 . note 2.

3 Ferishtah definitively places this revolt in a n. 361 ; the'

ex pren’unl made

use ofare

See p. BombayL ithographed Edition.

The Tt rikh-i-Guzfdah gives si x years as the interval that elapsed between

MausI'

Ir'

s aceeu ion and Alptngtn's revo lt ; ifwe correct the years into month we

ob tain a more probable period. (SecMSS. Tarikh o i-Guaidah, E. I. HouseLibrary,Nee S0 and

[S ince the above note has been set up in type, Ihave had an opportunity

ofex amin ing Colonel Sir II. C. Rawliuson’s MS. copyof the da gL

“

of Ibn Atb i t . Under the IIIisce llaucous heading of the year 36 1, appears, seemingly, the fi rst mention ofAlptagin , as reproduced in the subjoined pas-gs,whence it will b e seen that Mauser d id not call upon Alptagtn to appear at

l lulIlIarIi t il l the th ir d month of am. 36 1 . It is a matter of regret to me that

KINGS OF GHAZNI.

estrangemcnt ofA lptagin from the newly-elevated successor ofA'

bd

ul-Malik‘. Under such a scheme of computation, A lptagi u’

s death

maybe placed early in a .n . 359, or in the very year, a record ofwhichappears on the co in ofBulkatagin

’. Our tex t, in the form in wh ich it

at present ex ists, certainly does:not support the conclusion that Bul

katagin arrived at regal power so speedily as th is but circumstances

stated by other authors—though with far less clearness than might

be desired,—seem to suggest a poss ible so lution of the d iffi culty.

Abu Ishak’

s own position at the moment of the death ofh is father,

is not wel l ascertained if, as is stated by some wri ters, he was then

employed in Khorasan ’,Bulkatagiu maywel l have taken temporary

Co lonel Rawlinson’s copy of this rare work ends with the annals of a n. 363,

whi le the pub lished ed ition ofThornberg (186 1—63) commences only with the

year 627, (being continued on to a n .

J“ ) i)”

d9 [wbu .b

J M I d ea l] M i t he9:

sc ljj u

p . »U‘I

‘JHvia l)» w ig

( j)?p/W fl l l

Haji Khalfa notices the Kami l ul Tawarikh to the effec t No. 9733. Kamil

el tewarfkh , liber h istoriarum perfectus. Tredecim volumina, auctors Shaikh

In -cd-dfn A’l i hen Mohammed J ezeri , vu lgo Ibn-elath ir dicto et anuo 630

(inc . Isa. Oct ., 1232 ) mortuo . Incepit ib i a rerum in itio, at as m m 628

“

(inc. 9th Nov. 1230) progressas est ." V .

A’bd-ui-Malik d ied in Shawal, or the tenth month of A J I. 360. Ab l Fida

,

Annalee Muslemici , Be ishe (1790) i i. 470 . l l th Shawl ], 360.—Kitab Yamfni ,

p. 270.

3 In this red istribution of the intervening epoch, it is of course necessary to

reject all notion of the Ferwan Toghrd co ins, Nos . B, C ,

D (Jour. i x . 20 1 of

the years 366 and 366, having formed part of the Mint issues ofA lptagfn ; nevertheless theymaysti ll be taken to have constituted a portion ofa serial co inage , based

upon models ofearlier in troduction , cont inued under his auspices and retained byhis successors after him. Such an amended theory is l ikewise demanded by thenumismatic evidence recently b rough t to light, wh ich e x plains satisfacto ri ly the

otherwise anomalous reiteration of the name of Nasr b in Ahmad throughout theseries. As he is shown byM . Dorn

's co ins (Saman iden-M iinzen von P. Saweljew,

St . Petersbourg, 1 866 , Nos. 1 1 , 12, 13) to have been the fi rst to adopt and

introduce into Mint use the distinctive motto of Al luf

'im

on the occasi on of the victory of h is army over the Delemitee at Muhammad ia

(Rai ) in a n.

Ibn Khaldun, as quoted byM . Defrémery (p . 263 ) affi rms Alptegu in é tait

au nombre des afl'

ranchis Iles Saman ides et go uverneur de Ghaznah et de Khoraqan .

Son fi ls . Abo u-Ishac , é tai t son lieutenan t dans cette derniere pro vince, et comptai t

Sébucteguiu parmi sea serviteurs . l l l’investi t du pos ts de chamb el lan . A bou

Ishac so rend it it Bokhara sons 10 regue d'

A lsési d-Mancour, fi ll dc NN th .

VOL . v I. L

1 46 on was some or THE

possession of the government ofGhazn i , and in virtue of his otfi os

avai led himselffor a time of the kingly prerogative to co in money,rel inqu ishing both power and place on Abfi Ishak

’

s formal invest itureby the court ofBokhéré, to whom, strange to say, his own co in provesthe local authorities ofGhazni sti l l continued to profess allegiance

‘.

Bulkzi tagin’

s status as chiefofthe Turks, which subsequently avai led

him on a l ike occasion,may reas onably have simpl ified this earl ier

Sébuctégu in remplissait alors les functions de chamhellan supres d'

Ahou-Ishac.

Alptéguin mourut a Ghaznah , et son fi ls Abou-Ishac fut envoyé'

dans cette ville

pour le remp lacer . Il mourut pen do temps apres son arrives .

” U’tb i

, in h is

K itab i Yamin i , under the authority of Abul Hasan Khazin, also mentions AhaIshak as commandan t of the forces in Khorasan

,from wh ich post, the tex t wou ld

seem to implythat he was promoted d irect to the government ofGhazni . SeeM. de

Sacy. Notices and E x tracts, iv. 330, and translation of the same work, likewisefrom the P ersian version

,bythe Rev. J . Reynolds . 0 . T. F . , London, 1858 , p. 22.

As there was some discrepancy to be detected between the French and English

vers ions ofth is important quotation, and as each pretended to be no more than a

mere translation of a translation , I though t i t worth wh ile to refer to the original

Arab ic tex t ; and , having collated the ex cellen tly written M.S. in the British

Museum,with a very elaborately commentated lithographed edition, printed at the

Delh i Madrissa, I sought the assistance ofMr. H . T. Prinsep in securing an accu

rate and independent rendering of the somewhat obscure passage. The resul t is

appended below.

Th is account ofhim [Subuktagin ] was related to me by Abel Hasan Ja'far,son ofMuhammad the Treasurer, That he [Subuktagin ] came to Buhhara inthe days of the good Amir Mansfi r Bin N ti h

,in the su ite of Ab li Ishak, son of

A lptagi n, who was commandan t of the armies of Khorasan. Then (literal ly,when he, Ab ii Ishak, was that)—he [Suhuktagin ] was his [Ishak's] Hajib Kab ir,

or Master of the Ceremon ies. And he had a noble countenance, and the hurthen

ofIshak’s affa irs was on h im, and the management of all his bueinos was in his

hands . The nob les of that state (al e. Bukhara) remarked in h im the qual ities of

h igh courage and kindness of dispos ition and generosity, with energyan prompti

tude, and antic ipated for h im a career of e x altation because ofhis h igh aspirations

and acuteness. At the time ofAbu Iabsk'

e return to Ghazni , as van and chiefin

h is father'

s place, he [Suhulttagi n ] returned with h im in the su ite,—that is, in

commanrl of his troops, and discharging the duties of the chamberlain ’

s offi ce.

But Ishak, very soon after h is return , fi n ished his career and lost his life, leavingnone of h is race or kin fi t for h is posi tion and place. Then a number of his

[ l shak’s] servants and of those of his father were in great anx ietyand trouble as

to the succession to the ch iefsh ip and [the cho ice of a person in whose good

management ofal l part ies they could confi de ; and they did not cease difi'

eringabout the ch iefsh ip and quarreling about relative fi tness

,until at last, bythe assent

ofal l voices, it was agreed to make him [Subnktagin] the Ami r ; and al l opinionscomb ined to approve his arrangements and to obeyhi s orders for bringing forward

or postpon ing.

As I have already remarked in my first paper, a paral lel system of recog .

n ition of the Sdmfini lords ofBukhfi rfi was seeminglymaintained on the Ghaznavi

currency Up to the date of the ex tinct ion of the suzerain dynasty. See

i x . 268,and co ins Nos. 9 . IO, 22 . 23, & c.

,o ld series.

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1 50 ON THE cows or THE

paign and on the final defeat ofAbfi A’

l i and Fai l: at Tfi s in 385mm,

Subuktag in sends back the Seistan force with honour and com

mendation . Khalat’

s intrigu ing d isposi tion again developes i tself on

Subuktagin’

s proceeding to the northward against A ileh Khan, though

any posi tive rupture seems to have been averted till after the death

ofthe Ghaznavi monarch , when Khalaf sends h is son Tahir to annex

certain dependencies of Bagrachak‘, Mahmfid

’

s uncle, at this time

ruler ofBeritt, &c . In an action which ensued, Bagrachak was ki lled ;

and even tually in A J I. Mahmud himselfadvanced into Seistan ,where, however, he contented h imselfwi th receiving Khalaf

’

a some

what abject submission and a money fine’.

About the year A .H . 392 Khalaf abd icated in favour ofhis son

Tah ir. Subsequently, thinking better of this act, he treacherouslyi nve igled his son into h is power‘, who thereupon meets a speedy end inh is father

’

s prison . The feelings ofthe nobles ofthe land at this inci

den t are developed in a rebel l ion,end ing in the deposition ofKhalaf

and the submission of the conspirators, in a n . 393, to Mahmud

wh i le Khalaf, after stand ing a siege in h is last refuge“, surrenders to

Mahmud “ with an ostentatious amo unt ofself-humi liation suffi cient to

secure h im once again the mercy of the conqueror, who provides h imwi th an honourable ex i lc"

,wh ich , after four years duration and the

discovery ofin trigues with A ilek Khan, is converted into close confine

ment, in which the volume of h is l ife received its last seal”in

Rajah A .H .

Dow l 6 1 . Bujerac, Not. at E x . Bagrachak. Arab ic te x t, Tarikh Yamini

a n . 390 . T. Y. p . 279.

Not. et E x . p . 739. T . Y. 280.

T. Y. 286. Mirkhond does not adopt this prel iminary statement ofU’tb t a

but he is qu ite c lear as to the treachery, and adds

R. 8. Tel:all: So also Price, K. A. 282.

Price dates th is ex pedi tion ofMahmud in 394 (p. 282, vol . n .) D’Herbelot

in voce,393 a s . p. 633. De Gnignes, i i . 165, M l . 393.

7 as . eJSl xl g

db p a; ma in

).

. , J

H .S .

dig-j ?

De Sacy proposes to amend this to Dhous djml . Not. at

E x t. iv. p. 353.

9 The Khalasat ul Akhbar sums up his character thus Th isKholf, the son

of Ahmad , is represented , at the same time, as equal ly adorned and distingu ished

by h is acquirements in al l the learn ing ofh is age and country, by the liberalityand benevolence ofh is mind, and by his unbounded patronage of genius and

sc ience , however e x h ibited .

" Price, vol . ii . 243.

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x mos or (mu m. 155

No. 6. follow XVII., Old Series, p .

Go ld . Weight 52 gr. Horst. A . n . 413. New Type—Colonel Stacy.

Obv. Marg . Int . as. Jl) W d a b " J “A‘Jf r

m :

Ex t. Surab x x x . 4, 5.

Reverse Margin . Surah'

1x . 33, and l x i . 9.

No . 7.—{ To fol low Old Series, p.

Gold . Weight 62 gr. Ghazni . A .H . 41 5. Unique—Colonel Stacy.

Bsv . Onv.

ra d

-mfi xObv. Marg. Int.

Q LM -fj‘)

31am:

Ex t. Surab , x x x . 4, 5.

Reverse Margi n . Surab , i x . 33, and l x i . 9.

No . 7 a.

Mr. B. El liot pou esses a somewhat simi lar co in ofthe Oh m! mintage, dated

1 56 ON THE co i ns or THE

No . 7 5.

Gold . Weight gr. Ghazni . ax . 41 8.—BritisltMuseum(Rawh

'

nm Collectim )

Coin varying fromNo. 7, only in the change ofdate, and the substitution of

the name ofAM for thers li llfi l on the reverse.

No. 8.- (To precede No. XIX Old Series, p .

Gold . Weight 70 gr. Nishapfir. A . B. 405. Museum.

Similar legends to No. XIX., Old Series ; varying only in the omission of the

J » , and the insertion ofthe ti tle 7511‘l on the sides of the obverse

fi eld .

No. 9. followNo . XX., Old Series, Journal i x ., p.

Aur. one. in N isabur a 421 . A . i . a sin . et dex t Ar. Al l; s unJ

Margin . Int.

.

‘

otwj l, “was , Lia/ ”w p alm

A . 11 . All JH J

“ l

QMt u

,Bu l letin de la Classe H istorico-Phi lologique de St. Petersbourg, tome iv.

(1 846) p. 45 ; and Opuse. Postum., ed id it B. Dorn , p . 251 .

No. l o.-(No. XXVIL, Old Series, p .

Si lver. Weight 44 gr. Ghazni .

si—J/h all M 63 3

w

Reverse Margin. Surab , x x x . 4, 5.

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1 58 on THE some or run

No. 1 1 . (No . XLII Old Series, Journal i x . p .

Si lver. Size 44. Weight 45'

4 gr. 41 2.—Br itish Museum.

Osv. (Revised Read ing )

aldb

an ill

W 1 !

Obv. Marg. W a W WTh is Taka (of) Mahmud — Su nvat . 412.

Reverse Margin . LLWJl)

No . 1 2.

Si lver. Size 4 . Weight 36‘5 gr. a n . 41 2.

—Colonel T. Bush. Plate,fig . 2.

A reas as in No . 1 1 .

Obv. Mars W a s fl— _

afi1 r( m 8“

Reverse Margin . s s s s “ us-b efau na” ; Al l

No . 1 3 .

Si lver. Size 44. Weight 41 gr. a n . 419.—Br i tish Museum, Plate, fig. 3.

Obversc Area as in No . 1 1 .

Margin. w r— w t waft ate.

Reverse Area as above, No . 1 1 , wi th the ex ception that theJd laill is placed

at the top, and the All; on the lefl. side ofthe field .

Margin . Zabuag) , gr i t: t “. e e s 0”l Al l

r» )

160 on rm:cents or THE

No. 1 6 (Variety ofNo . LIV, Old Series, Journal ix . p.

Copper. Ghazni , a n . 405.

Simi lar, in the typical arrangement of the intricately in terlaced legends, to

No. LIV., Old Series ; but presenting the novel ty of the use of the word a) ;

(city) as a prefi x to the name of the place ofmintage. This is the only instance,

wi th in my knowledge, of the use ofa simi lar specificati on in the Ghaznavi series ;

the synonymous word mlu wil l be seen to have been occasi onal ly employed bythe succeed ing monarchs ofthe Ghori race.

Having concluded the description of the co ins ofMahmud, i t may

be appropriate to complete the archmological records of h is rule bya notice of the ex tant monumental inscriptions preserved in h is

ancient capital . These co nsist,l st

, of the writing that ad orns and

ex plains the object of the erection of the Miner,which stands to this

day near his burial place 1

; 2nd, ofthe Katie and Neskh scrolls on his

marble tombstone and , 3rd, of the brief inscription on the Deodwdr,

or H imalayan pine-wood portals of h is sepulchre’, which trad ition

has associated , on very insuffi cient grounds, with the gates of

Somnath’. I do not consider that there is any reason to doubt theantiqu ity of these monuments, or the authentici ty of the records

they bear, though it is a matter ofregret that the minaret should havesuffered so much from time, ex posure, and possibly violence, as to

leave i ts commemorative legend difficult to decipher or restore .

1 An engraving and description of the fel lowminar wi ll be found at the endofthe coins ofMasalfid .

This quasi shrine seems to have been respected from the very fi rst ; and

even the al l-destroying A'

la-ud-d in Jehansoz withheld his hand from the tomb of

Mahmud .

3 These gates are now preserved in the fort ofAgra. Elaborate drawings of

them have been pub l ished in the Jour. As. Soc . Bengal , vol . x i i . and

reduced facs imi le models are to be seen in the Crystal Palace at Sydenham.

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1 62 on me some or us e

ud din Abul KasimMahmud, son of Subuktagin. MayGod have mercy upon

MEM. On the reverse ofthe Sarcophagus, there is an inscript ionin the Neskh character, recording the date of the decease of Sultan

Mahmud, as Thursday, the 7th’, remain ing day the 22nd or

23rd) of the mouth ofRabi al Akh ir, A .H . (H. C. Rawl inson .)Jour. As . Soc . Bengal, x i i . 76 .

Inscr ip ti on No. 3 .

Inscription in Kufic on the upper portion of the framing of the

ao-cal led Gates ofSomnath, once forming the portals of the TombofMahmud, at Ghazn i

M a l l k il lJ am i l All

u”ulji éfab)”W )

“All

a «ne w Mi “r‘as awl i

ts “M s at o ut

Translat ion .

In the name ofthe mostmerciful God—(may there be) forgiveness fromGodfor the Ami r, the most Illustrious, the Lord, the Victorious King, Right Hand ofthe State, and Custod ian of the Fai th, Abul Kasim Mahmud, son ofSubuktagin,may the mercy ofGod be upon him [remaining phrase i l legible] .

I have reproduced the Arabic tex t given above from the Kufi e facsimileof L ieut. Studdart. The more minute Kufic legend on the band below the

main inscription is too imperfectly rendered in that offi cer’

s l i thograph to be

susceptible ofdecipherment. It appears , however, to commence wi th the usual

i

It wil l be seen that a counterpart defi ni tion ofthe date ofMahmud’

s decease

is given byDaibaki .—Jour. Royal Asiatic Society, i x . 331 .

x mos or cmzm. 1 63

MUHAMMAD BIN MAHMUD.

THE three novel accessions to the heretofore un ique specimen of the

co inage of Muhammad b in Mahmud, apart from their claims on the

ground of numismatic rarity, deserve attention for the several i tems

of h istoric in terest which they ex empl ify by the tenor of their

legends .

The fi rst in order, No . 17, w il l be seen to be dated in A .H . 4 14 ,

and presents the pecul iarity of an apparent fabrication from one of

Mahmt’

id’

s own reverse dies, assoc iated with an obverse engraved to

bear testimony to Muhammad’

s local kingship, and to d isplay the

mint—impress of J(nzjan, the Governmen t specially assigned to him byh i? father shortly after A J I. Mr. Masson

’

s co llection had pre

v iously contributed a. somewhat parallel piece, in the jo int names of

Mahmud and his son Masat’

id, the i l lustrative value however ofwhich

was considerably dimin ished by the obl iteration ofboth date and placeof min tage

’. The present ex emplar, supported as it is by No . 1 8,

defin itively shows that these young princes, in add ition to the other

insign ia of royal ty somewhat guarded ly apportioned to them,were

both permitted -to ex ercise, under due restrictions, the privilege so

highly prized among Oriental nations, ofco ining money’.

This nomination is deposed to in h is brother Massude own words

L')4->lJ d

b l wa g}, J d l. ) Lu sift: MS. Tarikh-i -Massadi .

I observe that Muhammad was at his seat of government at the moment ofh is

father’

s death . One copy of the Massadi inserts the following passage to this

PUTPOl‘t, after the word Ad s

)in the ex tract alreadygiven froma less perfect

MS., at p. 331 , vol . i x . line 4, note 1

t i m w u sé j , a,ly g aggm j eew wwjfi

See Journal , vol . i x p. 312 .

3 The jealousy ex isting between these twin brothers, as wel l as the subject ofOriental pomps and ceremonies, is amusingly i l lustrated in the fol lowing speech

ofMasafid

bfi m fi j b

pb j i & u? fi b b m )

d lj j

T. Masa(1di .bf) f

'b “5i M); L.

re l} m i

M l?

1 64 ON THE COINS OF THE

The second specimen , in seeming order of time, for the date is not

fully preserved‘, in l ike manner bears the conjo int designations offatherand son 5 but in this instance, the former

’

s t itles ofhonour are alto

, gether omitted, as was the case in many ofhis own later currencies of

northern fabric“, and otherwise the co in has the appearance of the

consistent design attending a serial currency, as contrasted with the

hasty combination to be detected in the earl ier p iece . The name of

the place ofmintage is, in this case, singularly wel l defined, read ingobviously Wiiwal in

, a city regard ing wh ich I have elsewhere

entered into minute enqu iries“,but whose ex act posi tion it is diffi cult

to fi x , owing to intermediate changes of urban sites and attendant

mod ifications of nomenclature ; it w i ll be enough to indicate that it

was si tuated between Khulnm and Talikan, somewhere near the

modern Kundfiz .

No . 1 9, in its own degree, illustrates another sect ion of the annals

of its day, in the insert ion of the name of Ahmad, under the ow l

Arab form ofsurname‘, where the father’

s designation is derived backfrom the son . Here Muhammad is found call ing himself a.»

the father of the son under whose gu idance he had

eventually, in the days of his bl indness, to rule the kingdom once

again restored to h im on the deposition ofhis brother Masafi d.

1 There are traces only of the commencement of the un it number (h i )Iadept 421 AB . as the more probable date, in preference to 41 1 A .H .

2 Nos. 50, 53, Old Series, and No . 21 . New Series, p . 1 56 .

3 See Journal , i x . p . 31 6 ; also geograph ical notes immediatelyfol lowing theTable ofdates, i nfra .

4 (h as.

“a patronymic , or a fi l ionymic.

”

5 The legible legends on co in No . 1 9 now enable me to ex plain the imperfectlyformed monogrammatic head ing on the reverse of Coin LVII., which proves to

be the identical designation ofm i f l

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1 64 ON THE COINS OF THE

The second specimen, in seeming order of time, for the date is not

fully preserved‘, in l ike manner bears the conjo int designations offatherand son but in this instance, the former

'

s titles ofhonour are alto

, gether omitted, as was the case in many ofhis own later currencies of

northern fabric“, and otherwise the co in has the appearance of the

consistent design attending a serial currency, as contrasted with the

hasty combination to be detected in the earl ier p iece. The name of

the place ofmin tage is, in this case, singularly wel l defined, read ingobviously

cfidljl}Wiiwal in

, a city regarding wh ich I have elsewhere

entered into minute enquiries“,but whose ex act position it is difficult

to fi x , owing to intermediate changes of urban sites and attendant

modifications of nomenclature ; it w ill be enough to indicate that it

was situated between Khulum and Talikan, somewhere near the

modern Kundfiz.

No . 1 9, in its own degree, illustrates another section of the annals

of its day, in the insert ion of the name of Ahmad, under the uml

Arab form ofsurname‘, where the father’

s designation is derived backfrom the son . Here Muhammad is found cal ling himself

the father of Ahmad 5,”the son under whose gu idance he had

eventual ly, in the days of h is bl indness, to rule the kingdom once

again restored to him on the deposition ofh is brother Masaud .

1 There are traces only of the commencement of the un it number (b i )Iadopt 421 a n . as the more probable date, in preference to 41 1 A .H.

2 Nos. 50, 53, Old Series, and No . 21 . New Series, p. 1 56 .

3 See Journal, i x . p. 31 6 ; also geographical notes immediatelyfollowing theTable ofdates, i nfra .

4 b us.

a patronymic , or a fi l ionymic.

”

5 The legib le legends on co in No. 19 now enableme to ex plain the imperfectlyformed monogrammatic head ing on the reverse of Co in LVII., whi ch proves to

be the identical designation ofm i fi i

KINGS or omzm. 1 63

MUHAMMAD BIN MAHMUD.

THE three novel accessions to the heretofore un ique spec imen of the

co inage of Muhamma db in Mahmud, apart from their claims on the

ground of numismatic rari ty, deserve attention for the several i tems

of historic interest wh ich they ex empl ify by the tenor of their

legends .

The fi rst in order, No . 17, w il l be seen to be dated in A .H . 4 14 .

and pres ents the pecul iarity of an apparen t fabrication from one of

Mahmnd’

s own reverse d ies, as sociated with an obverse engraved to

bear testimony to Muhammad’

s local kingship, and to display the

mint-impress of J li zjau , the Governmen t spec ially assigned to him by

hi? father shortly after a n . Mr. Masson’

s co llection had pre

v iously contributed a somewhat parallel piece, in the jo int names of

Mahmud and his son Masai'

id, the i l lustrative value however ofwhich

was considerably dimin ished by the obl iterat ion ofboth date and placeof min tage

’. The presen t ex emplar, supported as i t is by No . 1 8

,

defi n it ively shows that these young princes, in add ition to the other

insign ia of royal ty somewhat guarded ly apportioned to them,were

both permitted t o ex ercise,under due restrictions, the privilege so

h ighly prized among Oriental nations, ofco ining money’

.

Th is nomination is deposed to in h is brother Massada own words

may,» QUE) ; M !

) Jo i.» Lu at

)» c an. 1, ms. Tarikh-i -Massadi .

Iobserve that Muhammad was at h is seat of government at the moment ofhis

father’

s death . One copy of the Masaadi inserts the following passage to th is

PW “, after the word A4 13

)in the ex tract alreadygiven froma less perfect

MS., at p. 331 , vol . i x . line 4, note 1

d oze -sa s u fi a l b'

umsjfi

See Journal, vol . i x p . 31 2 .

The jealousy ex isting between these twin brothers, as wel l as the subject ofOriental pomps and ceremonies, is amusingly i l lustrated in the fol lowing speech

ofMasafid

lsfi masn -rb j ua j w

‘

i l u x brw w ,

mm "n u b

1 64 on THE ooms orms

The second specimen, in seeming order of time, for the date is not

fully preserved‘, in like manner bears the conjoint designations offatherand son ; but in this instance, the former

’

s titles of honour are alto

, gether omitted, as was the case in many ofhis own later currencies of

northern fabric”, and otherwise the co in has the appearance of the

consistent design attend ing a serial currency, as contrasted with the

hasty combination to be detected in the earl ier piece . The name of

the place ofmin tage is, in this case, singularly wel l defined, read ingobviously

wfld‘fi‘fiWawal in

, a city regarding which I have elsewhere

en tered into minute enqu iries“,bu t whose ex act position it is difi eult

to fi x ,owing to intermediate changes of urban sites and attendant

mod ifications of nomenclature ; it w ill be enough to indicate that i t

was situated between Khulum and Tal ikan, somewhere near the

modern Kundfiz.

No . 1 9, in its own degree, il lustrates another section of the annals

of its day, in the insert ion of the name of Ahmad, under the um]

Arab form ofsurname‘, where the father'

s designation is derived backfrom the son . Here Muhammad is found call ing himself a.»

the father of the son under whose gu idance he had

eventually, in the days of his blindness, to rule the kingdom once

again restored to h im on the deposition ofhis brother Masaud.

There are traces only of the commencement of the unit number (sa i )Iadept 421 a n . as the more probab le date, in preference to 41 1 a n .

2 Nos. 50, 53, Old Series, and No . 21 . New Series, p. 156 .

3 See Jonrnal, i x . p. 31 6 ; also geographical notes immediatelyfollowing theTable ofdates, i nfra .

4 a"

a415 a patronymic , or a fi l ionymic.

”

5 The legible legends on coin No. 1 9 now enableme to ex plain the imperfectlyformed monogrammatic head ing on the reverse of Coin LVII., whi ch proves to

be the identical designation ofm i x i

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1 70 ON rs s COINS or Th e

ofthe adjacent coun try .

‘ In add ition to this, i t appeared, during the

course of the enqu iry regard ing the prec ise local i ty of the seat of

governmen t of the H ind i’

i or,as the early Moslem wri ters have

designated it, the Brahman —dynasty, that the so vere igns of this race

had ceased to res ide at the old cap ital so early as the commencement

of the fourth century, A .H .

2 Whether they subsequen tly returned for

a briefspace, or merely visited the revered si te for the requisite pur

poses ofinauguration (wh ich the canon declared could not rightly be

effected elsewhere“) we need not now pause to decide . It wi l l -be

sufii cien t to conclude that in their migrati ons eas tward, they carried

w ith them the convent ional dies of the kingdom,and cont inued to

co in money after the same stamp , if no t even in the name of the most

prominent monarch of their race‘,un t il the growing power of the

Mohammedans drove them towards the Sutlege, and even the Labor

co inage yielded to Kufic influences 5; wh i le the original Bu l l and Horse

man device , wi th its legends in the loca l chara cter, took refuge, though

but for a briefseason, in Delh i and Ajmir .

The novel ties I am about to describe, however, form the earl iest

spec imens ex tant of the adaptation by the Mohammedans of the local

money of the H ind ti s, in the fu ll acceptance of the prevai l ing

ido latrous symbo ls ,—a concessio n they were seemingly unwill ing to

make in the fi rst instance, when they adopted only the weights and

standard ofthe currency ofKabul , in the issues from the Petwan mint“.

The new p ieces w i ll be seen to have been produced from designs butl it tle changed from the earl ier style of the money of the Brahman

kings, and retain the dynastie"t itle ofi } Um $3 ,

“ Sri Samanta

J ou r.,i x . p. 282 . J our. , p. 286 .

J our i x . p . 284,foot n o te .

C o ins of the Kings ofKabul . J our. i x . 177.

5 J ournal, i x . 349.

J onrual, i t . p. 303 . (‘

o ius 2, 810 . See a lso general remarks on the subjec t.

p. 288 , ib id .

7 As I have lately had occas ion to review the (l) nastic bearing ofthis name in

connectio n with the employment ofanother ti tle on one ofthe numerous offshoots from

the standard type of co in, Imay as wel l e x tract my observations on the subject :I do no t know that there are anymore e x c lusive lyH indu novelties in t his sec

t ion ofnumismatics that I can usefu lly refer to ; bu t, before I leave the subject, Imay be pe rmitted to make some observations in reference to an original suggestion

ofmy own,that the a

?) “ ll on the reverse ofthe immed iately succeed ing

Moslem co ins , “ as designed to co nvey the title ofthe spiri tual represen tative ofthe

Arab ian Pmphe t o n earth,embod ied for the t ime be ing in the KhallfofBaghdad .

S ir II M . Ellio t, plac ing h imselfunder the gu idance of Captain C unn ingham, has

c on tested th is in lere nee (E l lio t's Muhammada n l l is torians of India, I

am no t onlv prepared to concede the fact that Muhammad-b in-Samuses this termi n connecti on m th h is own name on the lower Kanauj co ins , b ut Ican supply

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170 ON res cow s or Ti l l-J

of the adjacent coun try.

‘ In add it ion to this, i t appeared , during theco urse of the enqu iry regard ing the prec ise local ity of the seat of

go vernmen t of the H indu o r, as the early Moslem wri ters have

des ignated it, the Brahman- dynasty, that the sovereigns of th is race

had ceased to res ide at the o ld cap ital so early as the commencemen t

of the fourth century, a nd Whether they subsequen tly returned fo r

t briefspace, or merely visited the revered s ite for the requisi te pur

po ses ofinaugurat ion (wh ich the canon declared could not rightly be

effec ted elsewhere“) we need no t now pause to decide. It wi ll ' besuffi c ien t to conclude that in their migrations eastward

,they carried

w ith them the conven t io nal dies of the kingdom,and cont inued to

c o in mo ney after the same stamp, if no t even in the name of the mo st

prominen t mo narch of their race‘,unt il the growing power of the

Mohammedans drove them towards the Sutlege, and even the Laho'

r

co inage yielded to Katie influences 5, whi le the original Bul l and Horse

man device , w i th i ts legends in the loca l character, took refuge, though

but fo r a briefseason,in Delh i and Ajmir .

The novel ties I am about to describe,however, form the earl iest

spec imens e x tant of the adaptat ion by the Mohammedans of the local

mo ney of the H indus in the ful l acceptance of the prevail ingido latrous symbo ls ,— t co ncess io n they were seemingly unwi l l ing to

make in the first instance, when they adopted only the weights and

s tandard ofthe currency ofKabu l , in the issues from the Ferwan mint‘.

The new pieces w i l l be seen to have been produced from designs butl i t tle changed from the earl ier style of the money of the Brahman

kings, and retain the dynast ic"t itle ofw

e

}”

Gm Q3 , Sri Samant a

J o n r. , p . 282 . J ena , 286.

J our i x . p . 284,foo t n o te.

C o ins of the K ings ofKabu l . J o ur. i x . 1775 J ournal, ix . 349 .

J o urnal, i x . p. 303 . (‘

o ius 2, 840 . See a lso general remarks on the subjec t ,238

, ib id .

7 As I have late ly had occas ion to rev iew the d) nastic bearing ofthis name inconnection with the employment ofano ther t itle on one ofthe numerous offshoots fromthe standard type of co in ,

Imay as wel l e x tract my observations on the subject :I do n o t know that there are anymore e x c lus ive lyH indu novelties in th is sec

t ion ofnumismat ics that I can usefu l ly refer to ; bu t, before I leave the subject, Imay be pe rmit te d to make some observat ions in reference to an original suggesti on

ofmy own,th at the 35a “ Id on the reverse ofthe immed iately succeeding

Moslem co ins,“ as des igned to co nvey the ti tle ofthe spiritual represen tative ofthe

A rab ian P rophe t o n earth,embod ie d for the t ime be ing in the Khal ifofBaghdad.

S ir II. M. E l lio t, p lac ing h imse lfunde r the gu idance of Capta in C unn ingham, has

c on tested this u n c rence (E l lio t’

s Muhammadan H is to rians of India, I

m no t only prepared to co ncede the fact that Muhatnmad-b in-Sam uses th is termm connection Wi th h is own name on the lowt r Kanauj co ins , b ut I can supply

KINGS or onx zm. 1 7 1

Deva on the obverse, over the figure of the recumbent bull while

o n the reverse, in front of the horseman , are intro duced , in Ku lic

le tters, the names several ly of Muhammad and Masai’

i d . I have

reserved the more ex tended no tice ofthe so le e x emplar ofthis mintage

perta in ing to the forme r sultan ,wh ich is in ba d preservation , ti l l I

cou ld il lustrate i t by the mo re perfec t spec imen bearing the name of

his brother and successor, a wood-cut of the reverse

o f which I now insert . Bo th these co ins are in the

po ssession of Mr. E . C . Bayley, Bengal C ivi l Service .

The cut as it now appears was engraved for Mr .

A ustin’

s ed it ion of Prin sep'

s Essays ‘, and has been

o bl ig ing ly placed at my d ispo sal for use on the presen t

occas io n .

Having e x hau s ted the newly d isco ve red co in s o fMasa i'

i d,Ifo l low

further independen t evidence , that myoppo nen ts co u ld no t the n c i te against me , inthe asso c iation of th is title with the names of the early Su ltans of D ib l i in the

l’alam Inscription (x . 1333,Vikraniaditya) ; but on the o ther hand . I ca n c laim a

s t i ll more defi n i tive suppo rt in an i tem oftest imony contribu ted by the consecu tive

su i te of the se lfsani e fabric of co ins, where the i fi tt i s replaced by the word

Tfl m Khalifa . As far as I have yet been ab le to ascerta in . th is trans ition

rim take s l i lace o n ni t money of n it -use s.Mm'

ad (639-644 M L ) : and here

aga in I can affo rd , in ah frankness . to c ite further d ata that may even tual ly bear

agains t myse lf, in record i ng that th is re ve rse of 35a Eli a“ is comb ined in

o ther cases w i th a b roken o bve rse legend of Wfi l l I“

b e ing in terpreted to stand for the3A"

fifl of the Arab ic sys tem, may

l i tl i cr be accepted as the Sanscri t counterpart lege nd ofAl ta mah'

aanonymo us coinsin the Pe rs ian characte r, or be converted into a po ss ib le argumen t against mytheory. ifsupposed to represent the independent spiri tual supr

emacy c laimed bys u bsequen t Su ltans ofD ihli ; wh ich las t ass ignment . however. wi ll sca rce ly carrywe ight in the presen t state of our knowledge . A s regards the d itli cultv raised

re spec t ing the co nven tional acceptance of the fi m { a "f the co ins “3

t l l h is to rical , rather than an individual ly t itu lar, impress , I have always been fu llv

prepared to r ecogn ise the lingu istic value of the wor d Samanta , and ye t claim to

re ta in the S r i’

Samanta-d cva—wh ich c omes down to us , in numismati c sequence, in

t he place o f ho nou r o n so manymin t issues-as an independent name or ti tle , to

wh ich some spec ia l pre s t ige at tached , rathe r than to look upon it as an o rd inary

prefi x to the des ignat ion of each poten tatc upon whose money i t appears . And

s uch a dec ision ,in paralle l appo sit ion to the s ucc t s s ion of the tit les of Sri Hani i

'

ra

and Khal ifa jus t no ticed, wo u ld M N 'l n-t0 be s trikingly confi rmed by the replace

mu tt of th is same lege nd of Sri Samanta-de va . on the lo ca l co ins ofC l iahad-deva,

h v the s tyle and t i tle of the Mos lem suze rain to whom that i aja had eventually to

co n cede a lleg i.t i i ce .

"l’ri i i s i p

'

s Es s ays J o hn Murray. Lo n i lo i i , l r 58 332.

E s e ntu al ly pub l i shed under the i tUr lDRCL'

a ofMr. Murrhs .

1 72 ON THE eoms or THE

the arrangement adopted in the ease ofMahmud, and append , infurther i l lustrat ion of the re ign ofthe former, the incomplete i nscript ion from the so l itary metropol i tan monument associated w i th h is

name, that appears to have escaped the e x terminating vengeance of

A'

lti ud d i n Jeliansoz‘.

The .\l i i i areta at G liari i i . from u Sketch byG . J . VignC, Esq .

f’

ci g iwson’

: l l amlbool ofArchi tecture, p . $1 5, vol. i .

On th is o ccas ion—thanks to Mr . Fergusson’

s l iberal ity—I am

enabled to introduce an e x act sketch of the picturesque minaret upon

See infra, under the G l iori dynas ty.

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1 78 ON Tun cows or me

IBRAHlM.

No . 29 fol lowNo. CIX Old Seri es, Journal, p .

S ilver. Weight 48 g in—Colonel Stacy.

Rsv .

Margins i llegib le.

SO—Q'

arietv ofNo . CXIV Old Series, p.

Wezght‘29 g in

—Colonel T. Bush.

Obverse.

flu

fjl Q fi fl Al l Jr .)

Hewm l'

sual type ofNo . 1 1 6, O. S.

No . 81 ofNo. CXX., p.

$8 e Weight 35 gin—Co lonel T. Bush.

l ‘bwm . «LN/vo l; d w i d1.“d M A til-lib”All

o

t tL Il LflJn

Rmone as in No. 1 20, O. 8 .

Na —\To fol low Old Series, Journal, p .

S i lver Su e l l . Weight 9 gnu—Man on Collect ion,Obverse. The Ral imah

,in three lines .

Reverse.

P4

5

7 9)th e El

um )

KINGS OF GHAZNI.

No . 33.

S i lver. Size 1 . Weight 5 gr.—M¢mon

Obverse as No. 32. (No margin. )

Reverse.

tMI)‘ Byfll fi Je o

Margin i l leg ible.

MASAUD Il l .

No . 34 ofNo. CXXXIV., Old Series, Journal, p.

S i lver and Cepper mi x ed. Weight gr.—

.ll assoa

Osv.

k .

u mSl g . “1

1 .fu rl

OWOhverse Margin fi lled in with triangular points.

Reverse. N0 margin.

N.B.—'l‘he third line in the Reverse legend is onlypart ially legib le.

No . 35—(To followNo. CXXXVI Old Series, Journal, p.

S ilver. Size Weight 5 gin—MassesObverse. The Kal imah, in three l ines.

Reverse. Q’s-w e

th e-l l wild-a ll

1 79

1 78 on THE cows or was

IBRAHlM.

No. 29—(To follow No. OIX Old Series, Journal, p.

Si lver. Weight 48 g in—Colonel Stacy.

Bsv.

Margins i llegible.

No . 30—(Variety ofNo . CXIV Old Series, p.

Silver. Weight 29 gr.—Coloncl T. Bush .

Obverse.

Fmfi ‘ ar til fi aa i Al l Jr .)

Reverse. Usual type ofNo. 1 1 6, O. S.

No. 81—(Variety ofNo. CXX., p.

Si lver. Weight 85 gr.—C'olonel T. Bush.

Obverse. «i ll/AgJ anel anJr vm «mmm

ul;

o h i l t—U“Reverse as in No. 120, O. S.

t f.

No. 82 fol low CXXVII., Old Series, Journal , p .

Silver. Size Weight 9 gr.—M¢mon Collection,

Obverse. The Kalimah, in three lines .

Reverse.

tgtbfgl t

h e “ wilau l

Osv.

I

u . “tan

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1 70 ON THE COINS or THE

ofthe adjacent country.

‘ In a dd ition to this, i t appeared, during thecourse of the enqu iry regard ing the precise locali ty of the seat of

government of the Hindu—e r,as the early Moslem wri ters have

designated it, the Brahman—dynasty, that the sovereigns of this race

had ceased to reside at the o ld capi tal so early as the commencement

of the fourth century, A .II.2 Whether they subsequen tly returned fo r

a briefspace, or merely visited the revered s ite for the requ isi te pur

poses ofinauguration (which the canon declared could not rightly be

effected elsewhere") we need not now pause to decide. It wi ll ' besutfi c ient to conclude that in their migrations eastward, they carried

wi th them the convent ional dies of the kingdom, and continued to

co in money after the same stamp, if no t even in the name of the most

prominent monarch of their race‘,until the growing power of the

Mohammedans drove them towards the Sutlege, and even the Labor

co inage yielded to Kufic influences 5; whi le the original Bu l l and Horse

man device , w i th its legends in the loca l character, took refuge, though

but for a briefseason, in Delh i and Ajmir .

The novel ties I am about to describe, however, form the earl iest

specimens ex tant of the adaptation by the Mohammedans of the local

money of the H indti s, in the fu ll acceptance of the prevai l ingido latrous symbols,—a concess ion they were seemingly unwi ll ing to

make in the fi rst instance, when they adopted on ly the weights and

standard ofthe currency ofKabu l, in the issues from the Ferwzin mint‘.

The new pieces will be seen to have been produced from designs butl ittle changed from the earl ier style of the money of the Brahman

kings, and retain the dynastic’ ti tle ofSfi“

8 11771 23 , Sri Samant a

J our.,i x . p. 282 . J our. , p. 280.

3.l ou r .

,i x . p. 284

,foo t no te.

C o ins of the Kings ofKabu l . J our. i x . 177. J ournal, i x . 349.

J ournal, i x . p. 303 . (‘

o ius 2, &c . See a lso general remarks on the subject .288 , ibid .

7 As I have lately had occas ion to r eview the dynastic bearing ofthis name inconnec tion with the employment ofanother t itle on one ofthe numerous offshoots fromthe standard type of co in, Imayas wel l ex trac t my observations on the subje ct :

I do no t know that ther e are anymore ex clusivelyIl indti novelties in this sec

t ion ofnumismaties that I can usefu l ly refer to ; but, befor e I leave the subjec t, Imay be pe rmitted to make some observations in reference to an original suggestion

ofmy own,t hat the inW on the reverse ofthe immediately succeed ing

Mos lem co ins . “ as des igned to convey the title ofthe spiritual re

presentative ofthe

Arab ian P rophe t on earth,embod ied fo r the t ime be ing in the Khal ifofBaghdad .

S ir l l . M. E llio t, plac ing h imse lfunder the gu idance o f Captain C unn ingham,has

t'

fl l l l t‘St l 't l th is inference (El lio t‘

s Muhannnathtn His torians of India, I

m no t ou lv prepared to concede the fact that Mnhnlnmad-b in-Sam uses th is termm co nnecti on with h is own name on the lOWt I‘ Kanauj co ins , b ut I can supply

«was or cs szs t . 1 83

BAHRAM swim.

l

No. 39. fol lowNo. CXLVI., Old Series, Journal, vol . ix . p.

Si lver. Size Weight 7 gr. (damaged coin).—.l! amn (E. I. II.)

Obverse .

a rig s-l l

u‘hl—w l l

Reverse.a

shad /y fu l l wilaL-dl

Ornamen tal Margins.

I do not defin it ivelyassign the coin from wh ich the subjoined legends are

taken to Bahrfim Shah , for several reasons, without, however, having much doubtofits having issued from h is mint. It wil l be seen that the legends are very im

perfect. The fi rst title of {Grai l

QMis most crudely formed ; the second.

not used on his o ther co ins ; and, fi nal ly, his name is onlyconjectural ly

dec iphered .

As regards the obverse surface, the designation of the Khal lf creates no d imcu lty, but the absence of the name ofSanjar, wh i le suggesting a grave doub t as to

the due attribut ion of th is piece, in i tselfconstitutes its interest in the question it

gives rise to , as to whether it may not have been struck during a period when

Bahrain had temporarilyfailed in his allegiance to that potentate.

No . 39 a.

Si lver. Weight gr.—

.l! assoa

as Jb

l lQW \ l l 1

L l a. “ —’J M ».

Margins fi lled in wi th dots.

1 72 on THE coms or THE

the arrangement adopted in the ease ofMahmud, and append , infurther i llustration of the reign ofthe former, the incomplete inscript ion from the so l itary metropol itan monument associated with his

name, that appears to have escaped the ex terminating vengeance of

A’

lé ud din Jehansoz‘.

The hl tuarcts at Ghaznl, froma Sketch byG . J . Vigue, Esq .

Fergu son’s Handbook ofArchi tecture, p. 415, vo l. 1.

On this occasion—thanks to Mr. Fergusson’

s liberality—I am

enabled to introduce an ex act sketch of the picturesque minaret upon

See infra, under the Ghori dynasty.

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1 86 o x run coms or rm:

GEOGRAPHICAL SUMMARY.

8 as it is written, or Parwdn, as i t is indigeno usly pronounced . In add itio n to the copio us references by wri ters ofvario usepochs embod ied in the no te at p . 297 . vo l . i x . , i t may be.

in te res t ing to comple te the more anc ien t n o tices ofth is town as traced

byM S t . Mart in ,from the data affo rded by Pto lemy.

No ns rt tro uvons ic i Kapisa , et Kaboura (appelée aussi Ortospana) qu i n oussont dcjit co nnues . l

’armi les autres locali te

’

s énumérées, i l en est encore un certa in

nomb re quo no us po uvo ns ident ifi er d’

une man iere nu mo ins tree-probab le , gri ce

au x deta i ls que les recen tes e x plorations Anglaises nous out procurés sur la topo

graph ic de cc canton . l l a pn u i r o , nu p ied méme du I’aropan isumet dans la pal

-ti e

la plus hau te do pay Ve rs lo nord,est indub itab lement Parouan, a la téte de la

val lec dc l 'c ndjeh i r, no n lo in dc la passe de Khévak, qu i déhouche nu nord sur la

\al lec Au -dc s s o us de I’arouau . dans la meme vallée, un lieu do n om

de l lo u i ro k,o n i l y a de s ves t ige s d

'

an t iqu itc’

,nous ind ique le s ite de Barn um

,

l l t tp a u t 'pu . No us re tro uvons egalcmcn t Bu é’

op ri r a dans Parvan, lieu no table da

meme can to n , s itue'

do ns 1c do nah qne fe rment les riv i eres de Pendjchi r et de

( l b o t‘

trb e n ul , e t qu i do nne son uom it uuc des passes de l’H iudou-koh . Parwan

,comma

l lamruk. garde lc s traces d’

u n s ite anc icn . E tude sur la G e’

ograph ie Grecque et

Latinc dc l‘

l nde , Par i s (1858 1 p . (37.

Fo r Inte r no t ices of th is s ite , see also Kanuu-i-H assudi“MSJ, l 0 b} ;

and Ibn l ln to u tab . l’aris ed i t vo l. i i i . p . 87.

H ll'

mcu l in .—l n my earl ier paper I had assembled under one

v iew a s e rie s of e x trac ts i llus trative of the nomenclature and true

po s i t io n o f this min t . Tho ugh in default of any very defin ite ortho

graphy o n the then ava ilable co ins,added to the d iscrepancies to be

de te c ted in the me thod of e x press ing the name in the geograph icalMSS . of the pe r io d , l was compel led to leave the deter mination of

the s i te a s ome u hut open questio n , and even to offer for considera

t io n to o a l te t native read ings and attributions, which had other data.

to l t ‘t‘

n l l t l l tt ‘tt t l ”10 111 .

The o t i l ing o n c o in 7 , N . S . now enables me to revert with

tttu l'

n c o o lidc ne c to the iden t ificat ion fi rst proposed, and in spite of

M i l l tw e-t i n n n' ia t io n s in the spe ll ing of the name on the d ifferent

rum “. l " n i t w i th —the favou ri te orthography in the

o i l

to o-d o u t ln l l l l t‘ .\lSS and which may be taken to represent a city of

I

l'

lm L i th i um -t l l-l l l l .l l l has transfo rmed th is name into g

Q tI ] ,

t . t i Mi l le t -om”! pape r. J e u r hoe . b e ngal , x an p . l o 2 .

to nes or smzm. 1 87

some impo rtance, no t far removed from the posit ion of the modern

Knnd tiz ‘, which, in the process of t ime and intermed iate changes

of si te, may be assumed to have eventually replaced the o lder city as

the d istrict metropo l is.

L JIa/nnfidsar .—'

1'

he read ing ofthe name ofth ismint asr

aw “

is so purelyeonjectural , that l refrain fromspeculat ing at anylength uponi ts correctness, further than paus ing a moment to j ustify the proposedtermination ,

which, though unusual, is not by anymeans improbableas instances occur of a somewhat simi lar combinat ion in the earlier

nomenclature of a town not very distantly removed from the poss iblesi te here ind icated where the cap ital ofKarman is defined in the o ld

Pehlvi as la wfl , 1.“c

I

f

It is true that this form alternates

with pug , di g/S w‘n‘l, wish} , and "our“ ,

2:1l S (as it is dubiously figured) , but I suppose the mean ing of

the three leading terms to be identical , as referring to the provinc ial

capital , to the fi rst of wh ich the more defini te addition ofJ" would

scarcely be inappropriate . See Jour. R L S.,x ii i . 404, P1. i .

M J tizja'

n .—The mint which figures under the Arabic form ofthe

name of indicates the then capital of the subd ivision of the

province ofKhortisti n, known local ly as fi ts) ; orUUKyf

. The desig

nation is familiar to us fromthe days ofthe early A rab conquest’, when

See note upon Kundt’

tz. M. St. Martin, Mem. Analytique (H iouen Thsang),n . p. 288 . Major Cunningham identifi es the O-l i-n i of l i nen Thsang with the

Val t’

n of the Arab c graphe t-s x vi i. M. St. Martin is not satis

fi ed with the conclusiveness ofthis ass ig nment (Mem. Anah , p.

See J ournal R. A . S x i i. p. 299. Tabari here notices i t in association

with Merv

alrud and Toma. It is indifferentlywritten aswas) ; or

k9 L}K

];f

The government is also prominent lyment ioned by the same author so earlyas

A .H . 3 1 (a n . 65 1 on A’bdu llah bin A

’mar’s reconquest, when the new d iatriba

t ion ofA ’mar’s l ieutenancies on th is occas ion is detai led as fo llows

47 9kh i e,-l

,a; ab le-i

ltfi h

‘z

‘ajfi DM 4 All“ :u as

“ litres-9 9 ) fi s h-s an d e rs“ : a

ltos : ale U

ab F u fi

l i nen Thsang. who visited these countries at a still earlier period (Circa,A n. refers to the provi nce of J uzjtin ; though the deta ils and particulars of

its then e x isting governmen t furn ished to h is b iographers have not been preserved

to us , the fo l lowing is M. St. Mart in’

s note on the subject

Pendant son séjour i Balkh , B ienen Thsang vi t arriver plusieurs pcrsonagcs

envo) cs par les ro is dc J ou‘

i-mo-tho et dc Hou-chi-kicn, pour obten ir de lui qu’

i l

1 88 on ran coms or THE

the dependency seems to have been held in higher consideration than i tretained in after times . Inew recogn ise its denomination in the Peh lviform of

a“ , which occurs on the coins ofU

'

baidullah

b in Z iad of the year A n . The A rab geographers ofpro x imatedate to the Ghaznavi dynasty refer on ly irregularly to the local ity,but from their statements we gather the names ofthe principal towns,wh ich suffi ciently determine the general position ofthe province. Of

the leading cities the modern maps sti l l display the representativesofMaimunah and Sh ibbergan , and the ancient positions ofTti lakanand Fériab are suffi c iently determined the smaller urban subd ivisionsare mo re d iffi cult to define. Alb irt

’

tn i’

s l ist embraces the follow inglocali ties, to wh ich I have appended the latitudes and longitudes as

given, under the A rab system,in the tex t ofhis Kan t

'

tn .

’

1 . b u tu,

’

M t (34°

30' 88°

(34 55'

88°

3 . U L, i f.“ (36’

45’

89°

ub fl z

’. j

:J.M t (36

°

5' 89

°

v int a leur cour. I] so rendit, quoique aregret, aces invi tations honorab les , et ea

fut pour lui une occas ion de recue i l lcr sur ces pays des renae ignements qu’i l a

cons ignee dans sesMémo ires (Ho c’

i -l i les a supprimtis l . Jou

'

i-mo-tho é’

tait nu pe tit

tué dans la montagne . vers le sud-Q uest de Balkh ; Hou-ch i-kien ,

état beaueoup plus important (500 l i tle l’est it l

’

oucet,1000 li du sud nu nerd ),

était an sud-o nest dc J ou'

i-mo-tho .

H ou-ch i-kien nous parai t devo ir se rappo rter an d istrict dc Djouzdjdn (nom

que les l’ersans prononcen t aussi Djonzltan) . en tre Balkh et ls district deMérou-er

rottd . On pent vo ir lcs éc lairéissements instruc tifs que S ilvestre de Sacya donuts

sur lo nom ct la situation de ee d istrict dans son Memo irs sur deux provinces de

la Perse orientale .

’

(Tire des Mines d'

Orient c t reprodu it dans les Annalee den

Voyages, 1 8 l3) . Nous ne trouvons n i duns les auteurs Musulmans, ui daus leesources plus modernes, aucune ind icat ion qu i no us pnisse fourn ir la synonymie danom de J ou

'

i-mo-tho .

"—St. Martin , Mém. Analyt ique ; B ienen Theang, ii . 280.

See also H isto ire de la vie dc H iouen Thsang (Stan is las J u lien) . Paris , 1853, p. 67.

See Co in No . 14, p . 291 , vo l . x i i . J . R . A . S. ; and also mint No. 65, p. 404 ,

and l’late I. No . 14

,Vo l . x i i i .

These figures with all the ir imperfec tions shou ld be reasonab ly valid in ter or.

I may note that Mervalrud is placed in 34"30

'—86° Bami tin in 34° 65'

92°50

’

g and Balkh in 36° «l b—9 1°3 The Mi n is id u l Ittil t

'

t has t he fo l lowing no te on J t’

tzjan

Obj}

‘l . ill

L5" AP “5L

.”M eta -ll. La b

dig Lib

b l

w J ib ). 4

. fa b Obi t b

ogs} 0 43-4 S a t aw lI

. S) ; re lk

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1 90 run 00 t or THE

A P P E N D I X.

c uoni DYNASTY.

l s in tro duc ing the fo l low ing detached notices of the co ins of the

t i be ri and o the r dynast ies . immed iately succeed ing the Ghaznav is, I

lun e pre pared fo r the be tter i llustration of the ex tan t ex amples of

the s e mo re than o rd inari ly rare local currenc ies, a fu l l l ist of the

It ing s and s ub kings of the d ifferen t branches of the Ghori race, who

ru led s ewn-al ly at Firtiz-ko lt . Ghazn i , and Bti ll l i li n .

The s e rie s of these names and t itles have been ex tracted from the

Tnha lo t t i a iri . a wo rk 1 have previously had occasion to commend ,b u t l l it ‘l l . in th is sec tio n of its histo ry, is far less complete and luc id

than Ic o u ld have de s ired .

‘ The l ists ofdes ignat ions have been retained

in the i r o rig ina l O rien ta l fo rm. w ith a v iew to the more ready identifit‘l t l tn l l o t the co rrespo nd ing no tnenc latpre in the legends ofthe co ins.

No t “ i ths tand ing that. the statemen t of the family successions and

the g e o g raphica l d is tribu t io n of the several kingdoms is somewhatc ompl i c a ted and invo lved , 1 have. cons idered it best to fol low the tex t

o f ow au tho ri tv. even in i ts defective integrity ; endeavouring at the

ntt tttn t ime to co nnect and systemize, in some measure, the orig inal

arrang eme n t which adhe res nei ther to the order of time nor to the

d i\i t t iu l t o f lt ingdoms n bv interpo lating additional letter references to

the name s o f the monarchs who often figure in two or more ofmy“M hm

'

fl ‘h‘tur hcd l is t:l add ing to the whole a runn ing commentaryto the fo rm o ffo o t no tes , co rresponding to the numbers in the leadingnn t

'ien o fname s .

In ad d i t i o n to the Pe rs ian te \t o fto o MSS . ofth is work (No . 1952, andNH H . N. l. l have ava i le d myse lfof M. Do rn

'

s translat ion of th is di vision ofMtre h o nd '

s lta tw tt-as -Snfa . appended to the h isto ry of the Afghdns (London ,U .

'

I‘

. Fund , and M. de Fremery‘

s Il isto ire dos Su ltans Ghouridea, fromthe Pe rs i an “w t ofthe same au tho r, il lustrated by valuab le notes, wh ich appearedIl l the Parts J o urnal As iatique fo r 1343

1 90 ON THE coms or THE

A P P E N D I X.

GHORl DYNASTY.

IN introducing the following detached notices of the co ins of the

Ghori and o ther dynasties, immed iately succeed ing the Ghaznavis, I

have prepared for the better i llustration of the ex tant ex amples of

these more than ordinarily rare local currencies, a ful l l ist of the

kings and sub-kings of the difl'

erent branches ofthe Ghori race,who

ruled several ly at Firéz-koh, Ghazni, and Bamirin .

The series of these names and titles have been ex tracted from the

Tabakat-i-Nasiri, a work I have previously had occas ion to commend,but which , in this section of its history, is far less complete and lucid

than I could have desired .

‘ The l ists ofdesignat ions have been retained

in their original Oriental form,with a view to the more ready identificat ion ofthe correspond ing nomenclat ure in the legends ofthe co ins.

Notwithstand ing that the statement of the family successions and

the geographical d istribution of the several kingdoms is somewhat

complicated and involved, Ihave considered it best to fo llow the tex t

ofmyauthority, even in i ts defective integrity ; endeavouring at the

same time to connect and systemize, in some measure, the original

arrangement—which a dheres nei ther to the order of time nor to the

division ofkingdoms—by interpo lating additional letter references to

the names of the monarchs who often figure in two or more ofmyauthor

’

s detached l ists adding to the whole a runn ing commentaryin the form offoot notes, corresponding to the numbers in the lead ingseries ofnames.

In addition to the Pers ian te x t ofte eMSS. ofth is work (No . 1962, and

No . 12, I have avai led myselfof M. Dorn’

s translation of this division of

Mirchond’s Rausat-as-Safa, appended to the history of the Afghans (London,

0 . T . Fund, and M. de Frémery’s H isto ire des Su ltans Ghourides, from

the Persian t ex t ofthe same author, i llustrated by valuab le notes

,which appeared

in the Paris J ournal Asiatique for 1843 .

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1 92 on THE cows or run

9 a s

QM

u ?

9 . I have retained the orthography of these names as given by the author fromwhom I quote, though I am ab le to set h im r ight in the true designation ofthe

father of A ’la-ud-di n Jahansoz. The attempted determination of this po int, as

well as the doub t ex isting as to A’la-ud-din's own name , has given rise to much

debate and d iscussion among Oriental wri ters (Dorn quoting Mirchond, p . 83 3

De F rémery, citing various authori ties , p. The co in ofFahr-ud-d in Masati d

(No . 5 1 , i nfra ) distinctly proves that the father of the seven br others was called

Hasan ,

”and not

“ Husain.

” Minhaj b in Siraj quotes the following tabular formofthe territorial possessions assigned to the seven sons ofA

’

iz-ud-din Hanan :

Name. Rank. Kingdom.

A 1 2 M S “ :un ti l g al—5 L

’Jl m ” e, d d be

s . I

C 1 3 '

J)“ W “?

D ‘4 W“J as

”? ) J )‘é

J )“

b ug-511

F 1 1 .

re l-3

b”J A

l l L’)

G 1 0 M u s. J .h

i l v i i-3

Mirchond raises doubts as to the re lative pos itions of Saif-ud-d in Sdri and

A la-ud-d in J ehansoz (De F . 24, Born ,83

,Minhaj

’s ex pressions are

defi nite enough as to the farmer’s succession to the supremacyamong the bro thers,and Ibn Ath ir (Def. 24, note) is d ist inct as to his independent action from the

t ime ofh is conquest of Ghazn i . in Jumad u l Awal, A .u . 543, up to h is defeat and

destruct ion by Bahram Shah in Muharr im, A .H. 544.

9a. Saif-ud-d in St’

i ri (E. ) succeeds h is father A‘iz-ud-d in Harem (No. and

d istributes the local sovereignties among h is b r others ; P iniz-kdh fal ls to the share

ofM y, ‘ J; l l w ,

who . in M inhaj’

a general list, is placed tenth m the

o rder of success ion, and a spec ial series of access ions at Fi rdz-koh is hereupon

in troduced into the body ofthe tex t in the fo l lowing o rder

l s ki lle d at G ltazui byBahri m Shah. T . N .1 0 G . m ud ?

‘All 5a lso h e F. p. l s ; and the same author (quoting

Ibn A th ir) p. 24 . Dom, p . 82.

l lnew “

U ? fL‘

h‘f-fl

l l l. Access ion at F irdaok6h, A J I. 644 . T .N.

l,Succeeds to the kingdom ofmomand a portionii ; ofG hor.

mass or GHAZNI. 1 93

Names . Ti tles

1 4 D .

1 5 . Interregnum.

(Muiz-ud-din Muhammad b in Stim,-see p .

1 8 . (Son of No .

L5);

v ie”{E L-

“

o d ir eU4

M e

1 9. (Son ofNo .

ugall u n i

u.) oboe-S he

2 1 . (Son ofNo .

22 . (No . 1 8 . Reaccession . )

14 D. Alfi-ud-din’s destructive ex pedit ion against Ghazni is preferab lydated in

A .n . 550. I. A . ,106 ; Dom,

80 ; De G u ignes, i i . 184. Other authors ass ign th is

event to the year 547. De F .

, p . 2 5. H is death took place in Rahi’

nl-Akh ir

A . H. 556,I. A . ,

1 89 ; De F 32 ; Dorn,86.

15. In terregnum while A ’la-ud-di n is with Sanjar.

16. Succeeds h is father A’la-ud-d ln Jahansoz ,—a short re ign of li ttle more

than one year. H e is ki l led in Rajah 558 . LA. See also Lubb u l Tawarikh

and Jshi n-firs, quoted by Elliot, H istorians ofIndia.

a

17. Takes Ghazn i from the Ghuzz (J an)in A .H. 569 ; captures H irat in 571

d ies on 7th of J umad-nl-Awal, A .H . 599 ; Tabekat Nas iri also, I. A . p. 1 17,J ahan-ara, & c . Minhaj-os-s iraj states that he reigned 43 years, but this seems to

be two years too much , unless h is accession is dated from A ’la-ud-d in Jeltansoz

’

s

death , and before he himselfadopted the style and ti tle of Sultan, in illustration of

which see Co in No. 1, Supplement, 0 . S .,J our .

, p . 377. (Abul fida, i ii .

18. On Ghlas-nd-din’s death, his b rother Mu iz-ud-din distributes the local

governments as fol lows1 . Fi roz-koh and Ghor to A

’lti -ud-d in, No. 18.

2. Bust, Furrah , and Isfarat to Mahmud b in Ghifis-ud-din .

3. B irat to Nasi r-ud-din Ghazi .

This prince (No. who had previously been called Z ia-ud-din, was entitled A la

ud-din on h is accession ; after re ign ing four years he was displaced byMahmud.

19. Ki lled 7th Safar, A.H . 607, T . N . and R. S.

20. Reigned about three months. Fires-11611 is stated to have been taken byNo . 2 1 . in Jumad-u l-awal, A .a. 607.

22 . After a second reign of little more than one year, final lysurrenders Ghor

to the Khwarizmis, in A .u . 6 12.

VOL . XVII.

1 94 on THE coms or THE

TA BLE 11 ,—Guam“ PROPER .

Names .

“(sh awl

I. x . Takes Ghazni from Bahrain Shah in the fifth mont h of a n . 543, and

holds i t unti l its recapture by the latter, in Muharrim,ant . 544, on wh ich occasion

he is put to death byBahrai n .

I. n. A’

laud-d in Jehfinséz captures and pil lages Ghazn i in Ad i . 550, but does

not subsequently occupy or reta in the territory.

II. Muiz ud-din Muhammad b in Sam is inducted into the government ofthis

kingdom by h is brother Gh ias-ud-din (No . 17. of the G hori line), on i ts conquest

in a n . 569 , fromwhence h is e x ped itions into India commence ; in A .H. 571 , against

Multan ; in 572, against Uch and Nahrwalla, where , in A .n . 575, he suffers a

defeat . The ne x t conquest is Pershawar, and two seasons are devoted to

operations against Lah6r. In a n . 577 Khusru Mal ik makes terms ; Ju l . 578

wi tnesses Mu iz-ml-d in ’

s ex ped ition against Daibal : and Lahor is occupied by h is

forces,who are

,however. attacked by Khusru Mal ik ; and fi nally, in am. 582 ,

Khusru surrenders.

Muiz-ud-d in was ki lled on the 3rd ofShaban am. 602 .

III. Ala-ud-di n , the son ofBaht -ud-d in ofthe Bamian line, ob tained temporarypossess ion of G hazn i shortly after the death ofMuiz-ud-d in. Afte r various alter

nations offortune in his repeated con tests wi th Taj-ud-d in Ilduz, he was fi nallyd ispossessed by the latter in A d i . 603.

IV . Taj-ud-d in Ilduz was the slave,and subsequently the trusted general of

Mu iz-ud-din. H e seems to have been inves ted at an early period with the charge

ofthe impo rtant frontie r pos ition ofKarman, wi th wh ich was at times associatedthe govemorsh ip of the metropo lis i tse lf. These posts he held, with not unvaried

fi deli ty, ti ll the death of his sovere ign ,when h is own power, a nd the weakness of

the d ivided sections of the regal line , enab led h im to advance pretensions which

ended in h is eject ing the Bamian branch ofthe G horis fromG hazn i , and eventual lyob tain ing a fu ll recogn it ion of h is own kingsh ip from Gh ias-ud-d in Mahmud, whohad succeeded to the fami ly honours at F iroz-koh . G hazni was taken byA la

-ud

din Muhammad Khwarizmi in A .n . 6 12.

The two co ins wh ich head the present l ist are remarkable (independen t of the unusual s ize and weight ofNo . in their beingm posthumous medals of the great conqueror, whose name

truck most probably by his anc ient servitor and latterly

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KINGS or GHAZNI. 1 93

Names . Titles.

1 4 D .

1 5 . In terregnnm.

L539? “ M e s

UM

q lg‘vLaé

(Muiz-ud-din Muhammad bin Stim,-see p .

of No .

2 1 . (Son ofNo .

1 8 . Reaccession . )

14 n . A la-ud-din’s destructive ex pe dit ion against Ghazni is preferab lydated in

A d i . 550. I. A . , 106 ; Dorn,80 ; De G u ignes, i i . 184 . Other authors assign th is

event to the year 547. De R, p . 25. H is death took place in Rahi

’

ni-Akhir

A d i . 556,I. A . ,

1 r9 ; De F 32 ; Dorn , 86.

15. Interregnum wh i le A’lli -ud-d in is wi th Sanjar.

16. Succeeds h is father A’

la-ud-d ln Jahanséz.—a short re ign of l ittle more

than one year. H e is kil le d in Rajah A d i . 554 . LA. See also Lubb u l Tfiwfirfkh

and J ahan-ara, quoted by Elliot, H is torians ofIndia.

17. Takes Ghazn i from the Ghuzz (j d‘) in A d i . em; captures IIirfi t in 571

d ies on 7th of J umftd-ul-Awal,A d i . 599 ; Tabakflt Nasiri also, I. A . p. 1 17,

J ahan oara, di e . Minhaj-us-s irhj states that he re ign ed 43 years . but th is seems tobe two years too much, unless h is accession is dated from A

’la-ud-d in J el iausdz

’

s

death , and before he h imselfadopted the style and ti tle ofSultan, in i llustration of

wh ich see Co in No . 1, Supplement, 0 . S ., J our .

, p . 377. (Abfi l fi dfi , i ii .

18. On Gh ias-ud-d in’s death , his bro ther Muis-ud-d ln distributes the local

governments as fo llowsI. Fi roz-keh and Ghor to A

’lfi-ud-d in, No. 18.

2 . Bust, Furrah , and Isfarar to Mahmfid b in Ghifis-ud—d in .

3. IIirfi t to Nas i r-ud-d in Ghazl .

Th is prince (No . who had previously been called Z ia-ud-din, was ent itled Ala.

ud-din on h is accession ; after re ign ing four years he was d isplaced byMahmtid.

19 . K i lled 7th Safar, A d i . 607, T . N . and R. S.

20. Re igned about three mon ths. Firdz-kdh is stated to have been taken byNo . 2 1 . in Jumad-ul-awal, Ad i . 607.

22. After a second reign of little more than one year, finallysurrenders G hor

to the Khwarizmis, in Ad i . 6 12.

VOL . XVII.

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1 98 on THE ooms or THE

x 1x . MAHMeD BIN MUHAMMED.

The ordinary copper co ins of th is prince, wi th the squarely-formedArabic legends, and the Horseman in Toghra reverse, are not

uncommon the fo llowing types are, however, rare, and hitherto

unpublished

No . 43.

Si lver and Coppermi x ed . Size 2 l , -LadySale'

s Collectio n.

Obverse.

flan l l

UW l

Reverse. A rudely ex ecuted figure ofan Elephant . Margin fi lled in wi thdots .

No . 44 .

A similar Coin—LadySalc’s Col lection.

Obverse . cm

No. 45.

Si lver and Cepper. Size 3. Tash a—Colonel Stacy.

Obverse.

fl (hal l u

nau l

Reverse . The usual type ofthe Ghori horseman .

See co ins of the Pathftn Sultans ofDehli (London, p . 1 1 . These

pieces bear a legend of

u ?m e

u :er s t .

flag l l

ullaLJ l

1 98 ON was some or was

XIX. MAHMl BIN MUHAMMED.

The ordinary copper co ins of th is prince, wi th the squarely-formedArab ic legends, and the Horseman in Toghra reverse, are no t

uncommon the fo llowing types are, however, rare, and hitherto

unpubl ished

No . 43.

Silver and Coppermi x ed . Size —LadySale’

s Collection .

Obverse.

flax . l l

ullnu l

Reverse. A rudely ex ecuted figure ofan Elephant. Margin fi lled in wi thdots .

No. 44 .

A simi lar Coin .—LadySale’s Collection.

Obverse. ar t-S h e

tL

No. 45.

Si lver and Copper. Size 3. Talakan.—Colonel Stacy.

Obverse.

f l flax -Li “J

uni e -ll

Reverse . The usual type ofthe Ghort horseman.

1 See coins of the Pathfin Sultans ofDehli (London, p. 1 1 . These

pieces bear a legend of

(b

ugm d em r

lag l l wlhld l

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su ms or omzm. 20 1

3. BAHA-UD-DlN SAM.

A s the money of these Bamian princes is ex ceedingly rare, Ireproduce , for continuity sake, an abstrac t of the legends ofBaha

ud-d in’

s co ins previously described in 1 847.

No . 50.

Si lver. Weight 52 gr.

Obverse. The Kal imah, in three lines ; at the foo 6 3.43l

Reverse.All

wag s ; s wamMargins. i llegible.

No. 51 .

Si lver. Weight 1 2 gr.

Obverse. As above, omi tting the Khal if’

s name.

Reverse. Words as above, in four l ines, but differentlydistributed.

Margins. Plain and unengraved .

No . 52 .

Si lver and Copper. Weight 52 gr.

Obverse. Rude figure ofa Horseman, facing to the right, holding a lame

at the charge. Dotted margin .

Reverse. As in No. 50, wi th dotted margin.

No. 53 (Unattributed ).

Silver and Copper. Weight 50 gr. Unique.—Ooloael T. Bash. Plate, fig. 9.

Obverse Kufic legend in three l ines, unintel ligible.

Reverse. Rude figure ofa recumbent bull, above whi ch are traces ofthe

wordU‘U’

Margin fi lled in wi th a seemingly unmeaning repeti tion of the

Sanskrit letters a

204 on THE cows or THE

Brahmans ofKabul .‘ On a late occasion, whi le conducting thro ugh

the press a reprint ofJames Prinsep’

s Numismatic Essays,” I avo idedex pressing any decided opin ion as to the language or character of the

legend in question, at the same t ime I was able to satisfy myselfthatthe reverse Toghra, wh ich reproduces in its reticulated flourishes theoutl ine of the quondam Kabul caval ier, covertly emblemized the profession offaith of the Moslems, who had succeeded to the monarchies

and coin devices ofthe more ancien t Hindu race.

2

The'

nearly iden tical piece engraved as No . 10. of the Plate whichi llustrates the present article, conclusively determines that the legends

on the surfaces of th is class ofmoney are no where ex pressed in any

1 See J ournal Asiatique, September, 1 844 : Fragments Arabes et Persans, par

M. Reinaud also the letter addressed to M. Reinaud byM. A . de Longperier, on

this subject, annex ed to the translation ofthe former.

3 My own comments on th is p iece were to the effect In the absence ofthe

coin itself, it woul d be rash to speculate upon the true purport of th is obverse, or

the tenor and language of the part ial ly-visib le legend . The reverse figure of the

horseman, however, offers tempting material for the ex ercise of analytical inge

unity.

“ That the l ines of wh ich the device is composed were originally designed to

convey, in more or less intel ligib le cypher, some Moslem formu la, there can be

li ttle question . H ow much lati tude in the definite ex press ion of the letters was

conceded to the needful art istic assimilation to the normal type, it maybe d iffi cult

to say. But, though I should hesitate to pretend that my eye could fo llow the

several letters ofthe fu ll kah’

mah ofAllpl” ) M s “ , I have no doub t that

those words are covert ly embod ied in the lines forming portions of the general

outline. The Kati e m u g is palpab le, when reading upwards from the front of

the butt-end of the spear ; portions of the Jr “)may be traced along the spear

ib elf, and the rest maybe imagined under the reasonab le latitude alreadyclaimed;

and, lastly, the di ll may be conceded in virtue ofits very obvious fi nal ad, wh ichappears over the horse

’s h ind quarters.

The practice ofreticulatingwords and names into device embellishments for thecoinage was in h igh favour wi th Saman i mint-masters ;

* and We have numerousinstances of a similar tendency among the Muhammadan races who succeeded

to much ofthe c ivi lization ofthe Bukhfm’

t empi re, wi th the mo difi ed boundaries or

altered seats ofgovernment, inc ident to their progress towards the richer pro vinces

ofthe south . To confi ne myse lf to a single ex emplifi cation, however, I may c ite

the Ghaznavi (Lah5r) currency, with the recumbent bul l in Tughrti.on the obverse,and with a Kufi c legend on the reverses? In the l ines of this anc ient and rc red

H indu device may here be read, in al l fac il ity and in two several d irections, the

name ofthe prophet ofthe Arabs, J aco b o

F rtehn’

s Recensio Numorum llfuhammmlanorum: Ern iri Saruauu la

l’etr upo l i, 1826 .

131 . gr. , see J our. Rey. As . 80 th , i x . l ‘l. i i i. fig. 153 ,

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x mos or ouazs r. 205

th ing but Arabic letters . The word914 3 , in the upper division ofthe

centre of the very Chinese-looking obverse device, is palpable in i ts

modern ised Kufic form; while on the lower margin, in a similar styleof character, may be doubtfully traced the footl ines of the name of

Muhammad , which , in addition to its typical identities, sufli cientlyassociates the co in with the A

’

la-ud-din, Muhammad of the presentl ist, to whom, I th ink, it may safely be assigned .

No. 57—(To precede No . 10, Supplement, 0 . S.,Journal

, p.

Silver (alloyed wi th lend‘

l). Size 21. Weight 40 gr. Birch—MyCab inet .

Obvers e.

dw l

cf? M s ?“ H4 : 11 M l

Marg in dotted .

Reverse. The Ghori horseman, wi th both arms upraised . Above

horse’

s h indquarters the name of

No . 58—(To follow No . 1 6, O. S ., Journal, p.

Silver and Copper. Size 3. Karman.

Obverse . The usual short legend

L’l

‘

o

’ M u s

(nu

l l f l Ha s 11 UW l

Reverse .

‘ A mod ified design of the Bul l ofSiva, ordinari ly pecul iar to

the coins ofl lduz (No . 9, O. S. , p. with the worddb}

:

inscribed on i ts ornamental housings. Sanskri t inscription

above the Bul l, imperfectm

Owing to a defect in my original note upon the subject, I am unable to saypos itive ly whether this part icular reverse belongs to l lanz or Muhammad b inTakaah . However, as the sole interest of the piece consists in its geographicalrecord , I have associated it with the coins of the like local ity bearing the name ofthe latter monarch.

This name ofKarmdn does not refer to the ex tensive province of that designation, but to a city noticed in Ibn Athfr as situated between Ghazni andm ér.

I. A. , ii . p. 140.

JL}:L529 u

h; elsewhere (i. p. 108) he

adds hai l é dti ' La b )See also Geographical Index . infra.

as Q

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2 10 vu me auruourrv rou THE

shal l subsequently ex plain, they have not induced me to modify in theleast my opin ions on the subject, as my esteemed correspondent seemsto anticipate.

MY DEAR Du . t so x ,

A lthough the abo l i tion of the practice ofSahamaraua in

the British Indian terri tories has legally set the question at rest,and

deprived i t of all interest in the publ ic eye, yet i ts d iscussion w i l l

always afl'

ord pleasure to the h istorian and antiquarian ,and has i ts

pecul iar value in a l iterary po int ofview.

The perusal of your very interesting article “ On the supposedVaid ic authority for the burn ing ofHindu Widows, and on the Funeral

Ceremon ies of the Hindus,”which appeared in the Journal of the

Royal A siat ic Society of Great Bri tain and Ireland , vol . x vi . part i . ,having induced me to inqu ire whether any trace ofthis custom can be

found in the Vedas, I have made certain d iscoveries and come to a

conclusion , which Ibelieve, would lead you to modify considerably theop inion you have formed on the subject .

The most ex pl icit authority for the burn ing ofa widow with her

deceased husband , is to be found in the two verses of the Aukhya

Sakhri ofthe Taittiriya Sanhita, quoted in the eighty-fourth Anuvakaof the Narayan iya Upan ishad, ofwhich I give the fo l lowing l iteraltranslation, and subjo in

l the original tex t with the commentary of

Sayanacharya

To x t m m m w vfi w fiv

afi fi m s i n t n em u m fi is'

rfi q n

as : at m m m firtfiu

A RT . I.—Remarks by Raja Rad/cakan ta Dw a, on A rt . AT ,

J ournal Royal A siatic Society, Vol . XVI, p . 20 1 ; w i th Obsor

vations by P rofessor 11 . l l .

[Read 1 9 th JIa rc/t . l 859 . ]

Tu x si x teenth vo lume of the Journal of o ur Soc iety, has given insett ion to a commun ication made by me, on the supposed authe

r ity of the Vedas, for the burn ing ofHindu widows, in wh ich Ihave

shown that the passage quoted as enjo ining the practice, and as pub‘

ished by Mr. Co lebrooke , in h is Paper in the A siatic Researches, uponthe Dut ies ofa Sat i or Faithful Widow,

”had been e ither purposely or

identally wrongly read, and that so far from authorizing the rite,

i ts real purport was the reverse and that i t ex pec ted the widow to

repress her affliction and retur n to her worldly dut ies. This view was

entire ly confirmed by the ex planation of the passage given by the

ce lebrated commen tator, Sayana A charya, and by the precepts of

A swalayana, c ited by Professor Max imil ian Muller, published in con

t inuat ion ofmy remarks on the same occasion . The revised readinghas not proved acceptable to the Pand its ofCalcutta, and the fo llowingletter is the e x press ion of their sentiments. The writer, a friend of

many years, Raja Radhakant Deb is wel l known as a lead ingmember ofthe Native Soc iety ofCalcutta, who adds to the d istinction

of rank and stat ion , that of a foremos t place amongst Sanskri t

scho lars, as evinced by his great Lex icon or L iterary Encyclopmd ia of

the Sanskrit language , in seven quarto vo lumes ; the Sabdakalpadruma,which enjoys a European as well as Ind ian celebrity. A ny opin ion

coming fromh imon subjects connected with the anc ient l iterature ofhis

country is enti tled to the greatest deference . The quest ion of the

authori ty for the Sati cremation is now, as he rightly observes, amattermerely for literary d iscussion, but as i t is not without in terest for thehisto rian and an tiquarian , his remarks wi ll

,Idoubt not

, be highlyac ceptable to those scho lars who are engaged in the i nvestigation of

the anc ien t rel igion and history of the Hindus ; and as he has no

objection to their being laid before the publ ic, I have thought i t

advisab le to request a place for them in the J o urnal, although , as I

van. x vn . l ’

VA IDIC A UTHORITY FOR THE

shall subsequen tly ex plain , they have not induced me to mod ify in theleast my opin ions on the subject, as my esteemed corresponden t seen !

to antic ipate .

MY mean Du . W'

ruso x .

A lthough the abo l ition of the practice ofSahamarana in

the British Indian territories has legal ly set the question at rest, and

deprived i t of all interest in the publ ic eye, yet its discussion will

always afford pleasure to the h istorian and antiquarian ,and has its

pecul iar value in a l iterary po int ofview .

The perusal of your very interesting article “ On the supposedVaid ic au thority for the burn ing ofH indu Widows, and on the FuneralCeremon ies of the H indus,

”which appeared in the Journal of the

Royal A siat ic Society of G reat Bri tain and Ireland , vol . x vi . part i .,

having induced me to i nqu ire whether any trace ofthis custom can be

found in the Vedas, I have made certain d iscoveries and come to a

conclus ion, which Ibel ieve, would lea dyou to modify considerab ly the

opinion you have fo rmed on the subject .

The most ex plic it authori ty for the burn ing of a widow with her

deceased husband , is to be found in the two verses of the A ukhya

Séklni ofthe Tai ttiriya Sanhi ta, quoted in the eigh ty-fourth A nuvi k'

e

of the Narayau iya Upanishad, ofwhich Igive the fo l lowing l iten l

translation , and subjo inl the original tex t with the commentary of

d auachsirya

l o x t m m ufi ufi t fi w mWW W

“

(Twai n 9.ll (mu 1 m fi wfi q n

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2 12 vamnc aurnom'

rr son run

If the w idow thus addressed has not made up her mind for her

immolation , she obeys the cal l but should she be firm in her reso lve,she consoles her friends and relatives, and enters the fi re .

Ex tracts ‘ fromBharadwaja and A swalayana, and from the Saha

respectively, whereby she is required to lift up from the funeral pi le the respec tive

symbols of the deceased , and therewith to rub his hands. This call forms animportant part ofthe ceremony.

3“

fi flrgw iw aa ar m :m m{ fl Bharadwaja

’

s Sutra, Fraena 1 .

ww rfi“

vr'

vnfi l WWI

1 6 R mi l w aft

{ first mini E lli s i t wfias‘rawmgrfi g s?mfg

m A swalayana'

s Grihya St’

rtra, Adhyaya iv. 3 ,

m : trait II Com as : bushfi re: tuft nan

wfim straw-“

thud” fi m’

i a swim t fi fi fm l

van d al ism?! min i n It . mm. a 3 .

s fté arvifi im W etsuits t fin w

Bharadwéja’

s Sti tra.

mamas-“

Ivar:«m semm waffi rm Am ,

i i 2

m : Wfl'

I at m 2 33? W t

{T C fir-eh at fl ay

-fir “ g ram s-mm]

m u a ffirm m “ I: th an : 3“

m a:mi tt W W 3m “flaw u

Sahamaranavedhi .

Her (the widow) lying on the north ofthe deceased, ifshe want courage, her

husband's brother. or fellow-student , or

'

old servant shal l, by reci ting the two

suamse or nmnu wmows 2 1 3

maranavidh i, a work ofmuch repute in Dravida, are quote d below inelucidation ofthese practices. From these Vaid ic and Santt io injunet ions have been derived the rules and d irections for the immolation of

the Sat i, in the Smri t is and Puranas .

Afte r having thus shown the Vaidic authority for the Sahamarana,I shall offer some observations upon the conclusions you have drawn,

on perusing the seventh and eighth Verseslofthe second Sakta ofthe

second Anuvaka ofthe tenth Mandala ofthe Rigveda .

In the fi rst place, on referring to Raghunandana’

s Suddhitattwa,

whence Colebrooke derives h is materials for his Essay on the Duties

ofa Faithful Widow,

” publ ished in the fourth volume of the Asiat ic

Researches, we fi nd the author c iting a verse2 from the Rigveda and a

passage3 from the Brahma Parana, in order to show that the Veda

authorizes Sahamarana . You suppose this verse to be an inco rrect

read ing ofthe seventh Rich above alluded to , and support your reasoning by the Commentary ofSeyana and the d irections ofAswalayana.

Now,the shortest way in which our pand its would d ispute this

opin ion, would be to assert that for aught that we moderns know ,

Raghunandana’

s c itation may be altogether a different verse from the

seventh Rich , and maybe found somewhere, in any ofthe fi ve Sakhas‘

ofthe Rigveda inasmuch as the same verse, wi th sl ight variations of

read ing, and hence w ith different import and appl ication, often occurs

‘

W flrfi t fi w zmW a nfimfifim“ mass

-fi rst :m fi fi fl fi fi fim "U !

aflé flrfiffi fi lfl fi fi m m vfi l w m'

W SW : gw mfiw mfi ét fim'

nz n

m mfi eh s m wfimu

m fl s imwfl m . m . nngim

Mantras Udlrahwa, &c. , raise, holding her by the hand and u lnting her ; but if

she have suffi cient courage, she b idd ing adieu to her friends, relatives, and children ,

and contemplating the V ishnu-l ike formofher husband , enters the ti re .

The loyal wife1who burns herself) shal l not be deemed a suicide.

2 1 4 vu me an'mom'rv son run

in the d ifferent Vedas, in various Sékhés of the same Veda, and

sometimes in d ifferent places of the same Sakha of a Veda. The

objection to the use of the epi thets“ Avidhava

”and “ Sapatn i ,

”

whereby you suppose the reason for burn ing to be wanting, can be

easi ly answered by supposing the Sati (whose soul is, as it were:

wedded to that of her husband), not to be w idowed actual practice,

when i t prevai led in India, may be considered as confi rmatory of this

Opin ion . The Sati, in making preparations for ascending the funeral

pile, used to mark her forehead with Sindura, and to deck herself

sumptuously with al l the symbo ls ofa Sadhava.

But so long as the proper place of the verse quoted by Bagbanandana, is not po inted out, the occidental pandits, who are makingwonderful progress in Vaidic learn ing, may regard it an idle assertion .

I shal l therefore, for argument’

s sake , grant Raghunandana’

s citation

to be a false read ing ofthe seven th verse in question .

On th is supposi tion you may be justified in coming to the conclu

sion,that the genuine read ing of the passage rather d iscountenanees

than enjo ins Sahamarana , but by referring to the subjo ined someof Bharadwaja and Aswaléyana, wherein they specify the rites in

“

arm ? 13m W h h m rfi mrrfi wfiflj

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2 1 6 vmn c roa mu

self-uumo lat iou of a Sat i . but when w e find in the Ankhya Sfikhd of

tho‘

l‘

ai t t in va the I. 5 addmess to A gni wh ile throwing

hot-se l l au to :t . an l thu s 5. so:u ' r t he Yard. ir sanct ion for concremat ion ,

Wt‘ “l u s t pau s e lu ‘ h 'rt‘ “ 9 i i ?“ ("s h i ll verse 3 8 an authority

agains t th i~ tras ic ac t .

'

l ho .‘l ll l l d l t h l 'fl “ Ad d fi rs t. c thn here there are two

autho rit ie s ofa con t rad i t on c . .s rs ct‘ r

. hut ofequal cogency , an al ter

natn c must lvc s uppo sed t o has e ho o t: The

thc u id tc un tho ri t ic s oh m c s et fo rt h . d irect that the W idOW 8 8 we“

as the sac r ific ial u te n s i l dzw as od Brahmans shou ld be placedupo n h is l

'

unc ral p i lc . but . as the w zdow has a w il l of her own , 850

cann o t b e d i spo sed o f l l lu ‘ the i nert u ten si ls. The Ritfl

'

eda therefore

g iw a hc r tho o pt ion ofmc t'

t ti c itn: lzcrs c ifor no t . acco rd ing as she mayuutv n o t lun e ho r c o urag e scrc w cd up to the st icking place .

”

Whe n the Sat i l im on the funeral p i le . i t is presumed ’she is

tnchncd to innuo lntc he rse lf. and the e igh th verse is addressed to her,

no the au tho r o f the Sahamarau .“ idh i e x plains. on ly to test her reso

lut io n . und to induce he r to N t irc . if .s hc he no t suffi cient ly fi rm in he?

purpo s e . ucccss itv of ch in: her thi s opt ion and trying her

fo rt itude hcfo l chnnd . appears the mo r e str ong. when we find it declared’

that. tho Snt i ho hoco tucs t‘

ln tuhhrashta. who re tires from the funeral

pi lo afte r the co nc lu s io n of the ri tes . commi ts a highly sinfu l “Ct ,

al tho ugh i t admi ts ofc\piut io n by the performance ofthe Prtijtipatya .

( l ur pc rs o uul o bse rvat io n of the actual practice when i t prevai ledin Bri t ish India co n fi rms this view fmmthe momen t a Sati e x pressedhe r de s ire to fo llow her lo rd

,up to the t ime she asc ended the funeral

pilo , o w ry l l t'rh tl tl a ih ' language was used to induce her to continue in

tho fmnilv. and to d is charge hcr pr oper duties there. and i t was n ot

unti l she was fo und in tlc x ihlc that sho was al lowed to sacrifice h imse lf,this was pe rfec tly in kccpiug w ith the l

‘dirshwa. & e . , Mantra.

Thus the Nth verse of tho Rigveda. abo ve alluded to , appears to

I

gmmfs'

ftG iant-sq: 1

( lo tama quoted by Ku l lukahhatta Il l his Cum. on Mann, v. N, B. 2, wh ich see .

Myanmwhcu he saysju h int‘

ouuuenta ryon the 11th Rich 3 Yasmat anusarana

n isehayam dltttruhih tasmadttgnchchha," he taken the same view ahe does not con

sider the burning as delaye d. us may he summon ! from a techn ical interpretation

of the wort anumrnna," because , as you any, subsequent burn ing is inconsistent

with the prete nce ofthe corpse.

i

rvamm q i n m M uffin“ wri s t

mamas 333m73 awrf‘

q fi w: ll

BURNING or H INDU wnuows. 2 17

be, in fact, a Sahamaraua Mantra, though i ts interpretation, apartfrom other cons iderations,may, on a first view,

seem to d iscountenance

the practice.

A very strong presumption in support of the opin io n, that Sahamarana rests upon Vaid ic authority, arises from the circumstance of

i ts having prevailed in India in very remote t imes, when Vaidic r ites

onlywere in vogue . On referring to the Mahabharata, for instance,we find the widows of the heroes slain in the battle ofKurnkshetra

consuming themselves in the funeral fires of their husbands, whenthere l ived great kings and sages imbued with Vaid ic learn ing, anddevoted to the observance ofVaid ic rituals.

Nearly two thousand years ago Properties describes the prevalow s ofth is custom in Ind ia, in a passage ofwh ich the fo llowing is a

translation by Boyses (see Brit. Poets, Chalmer’s Ed Vo l . 1 4 ,

p . 563)Happy the laws that in those climes ob tain,Where the bright morn ing reddens all the main,There, wheuso

‘

er the happy husband dies ,

And on the funeral couch ex tended lies,H is faithful wives around the scene appear,

\Vith pompous dress and a triumphant airFor partnersh ip in death , amb itious strive ,And dread the shameful fortune to survive !

Adorned wi th flowers the lovely v ictims stand ,W ith smiles ascend the pile, and light the b randGrasp the ir dear partners with unaltered faith ,

And yield ex ultiug to the fragrant deat

Cicero, also , who l ived about the same t ime, mentions this fact in

his TusculumQ uestions . Herodotus speaks of a race of Thracians,

whose women sacrificed themselves on the tombs of their husbandsthese people, as well as the Getzs by whom th is custom was also

observed, were perhaps some tribe ofdegraded Kshctriyas .

You may, ifyou think it worth whi le, read this paper at the nex t

meeting ofthe Royal Asiatic Soc iety.

I remain,My dear Dr. Wilson ,

Yours sincerely,RADHAKANT DEB.

Os bourn , 80“ J une, 1 858.

2 1 8 vsmrc Auruonmr roe TH!

Observations .

In disproving the genuineness ofthe citation of the passage which

had been quoted as authorityfor the Sati, Iconfined my objections tothe particular passage in question , and in this respect theRaja is obl igedto admit, that I maybe just ified in coming to the conclusion, that the

genu ine reading rather discountenanees than enjo ins Sati . This was

all Imain tained . Of course I never intended to deny, that there werenumerous tex ts in the Shtras and lawo books, bywh ich it was enjo ined .

I restricted my argument to the individual tex t quoted from the Bigveda, and w ith Raja Radhakant Deb

’

s own concurrence, I have no

occasion to mod ify the view I have taken, as l imi ted to th is objectthe tex t ofthe Rigveda, that has been quoted as authority for the burn

ing of the widow,is no such th ing, it rather d iscountenanees than

enjoined the prac tice .

” I have not ex pressed any opin ion, whether

any such injunction is to be found in any other part of the Sanhita of

the Rigveda, or of the Sanhi tas of the Wh ite or Black Yajush, or theSamaveda. That is quite a different question, al though, as the topic is

started by the Raja, I may venture to intimate an opin ion, that the

burn ing ofa widow wi ll not be found even al luded to in the genu ine

tex t, the Sanhi ta, of either of the three principal Vedas . Whatevermay be the antiqu ity ofthe rite, and that it is oflong stand ing is not

to be d isputed, I suspect its origin is later than the Sanh ita, or primaryVedic period . I have now translated

, although no t yet publ ished,

nearly the who le ofthe Si’

iktas, or hymns, the primitive portions ofthe

Rigveda, and have yet foundno notice ofanysuch ceremony: the pro

hib ition wh ich would imply the ex istence of the rite, is matter of ia

ference only; the direction, that the widow is to be led awayfrom

the prox imi ty ofher deceased husband does not necessari ly imply that

she was to depart from his funeral p i le, and there is no term, in the

tex t, that indicates such a position .

In the course ofmy translation of the Rigveda, I have had a great

number of occasions to refer to the printed tex ts of the VéjasaneyiSan

'

n itz'

r,ofthe Yajur-vc da. pub lished byProfessorWeber, ofthe sema

veda prin te d by the late Mr. Stevenson and Professor Beufey, and I

do not remember to have met w ith any allusion whatever in either of

those works to the Sat i ceremon ial . There remains therefore only the

Taittiriya Sanhita'

i of the Black Yajush to be ex amined : a part only

of th is has been printed by the Asiatic Society ofBengal , in their

Bibl iotheca Indica, and, as far as i t goes, the same absence of allu

s ion to the Sufi occurs so far, therefo re. I have reason to bel ieve .

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220 on ms BURNING or Huron wmows .

the Aukhya for instance, ofwh ich we have no copy, with 84 an uvakl s.

Sayana, however, avowedly fo llows the Drav ira recension , containingon ly 64 an uvakas, the ac tual number of two cop ies consu lted, and

in which no such passages are met wi th ; whence then do the Pand i ts

derive their scho l ia of the 84 th ? it is for them to give a s t ifl e

tory ex planation . Therefore, as the matter stands, the verses ci ted ,together with the ir commentary,

wear a somewhat susp icious appmrs

ance, not the less observab le that the difl'

erent recsusions spec ifi ed

are all named afte r the div is ions ofSou thern Ind ia, where the Vedas

did not penetrate probab ly till lo ng after the ir compi lation . A lthough ,however

,the ir authent icity be admi tted , their occurring in an Upa

n iabad , or even in a Brahmana, is no proof that the Sanhi tl of the

Tai ttiriya Yajush contains them, or sanct ions the burn ing of w idows,or that the ri te was cotemporary w i th the ri tual of the Ved ic

period .

H H . W

Aar . VII.—Note on the supp osed Discovery ofthe P rincip le of

the D ifl'

crential Calculus by an Indian A stronomer . ByW . Sro rr rswoons

,Esq . Communicated by the Director .

IN the number of the Journal of the Asiatic Society ofBengal last

received, No . II I . , of 1 858, is a short article byBapu Deva Shastri ,

Professor ofMathematics and A stronomy at the Government Co llege

ofBenares, in which he has undertaken to show, that Bhaskaracharya,an astronomer who flourished at Ujjayin in the twelfth century, was

ful ly acquainted wi th the principle of the Differential Calculus, one

ofthe most important disco veries ofthe last century in Europe .

As th is would have been a very remarkable circumstance in theh istory of astronomical science, i t was obviously a matter ofmorethan ord inary interest to have the accuracy of Professor Bapu Deva

’

s

statement carefully tested, and I therefore appl ied to our colleague,

Mr . Wi ll iam Spottiswoode, who is wel l known as a mathematician,for h is op in ion ; the answer wi th wh ich he has favoured me wi ll, I

doub t not, be thought by the Soc iety worthy ofbeing commun icated

to the pub lic through our Journal , especiallyas, whilst it shows that

Bapu Deva’

s statement is not correct to i ts whole ex tent, yet i t does

ful l justice to Bhaskaracharya’

s penetration and science, and acknow

ledges that h is calculations bear a very remarkable analogy to the

corresponding processes in modern mathematical astronomy.

12, James Street, BuckinghamGate,London, May 5, 1859.

MY DEAR MR . WILSON,

I have read Bapu Deva Shastri’

s letter on Bhaskarachérya'

s

mode ofdetermining the instantaneous mot ion ofa planet, wi th great

interest, and think that we are much indebted to himfor calling our

attention to so important an elemen t in the old Indian methods of

calculation. It still, however, seems to me, that he has overstated

the case, in saying that Bhéskaracharya was fully acquainted wi th

the pr inc iple of the Differential Calcul us.

”He has undoubtedly con

ce ived the idea of comparing the success ive posi tions of a planet in

22 2 NOTE ON THE DIFFERENTIAL CALCULUS .

its path, and of regard ing its motion as constant during the interval ,

and he may be said to have had some rudimentary notion of repre

senting the arc ofa curve bymeans of au x il iary straight l ines . But

on the other hand , in the method here given ,he makes no al lus ion to

one of the most essential features of the Differential Calculus, v ix ,

the infin itesimal magn itude of the intervals of time and space therein

employed . Nor indeed is anything specifical ly said about the fact

that the method is an approx imative one.

Nevertheless, with these reservations , i t must be admitted , that

the penetration shown by Bhaskara, in h is analysis, is in the h ighest

degree remarkable ; that the formula which he establ ishes (equation

3, p . and his method of establ ishing i t, bear more than a

mere resemblance—they bear a strong analogy—to the corresponding

process in modern mathematical astronomy and that the majority of

sc ientific persons w i ll learn w i th surprise the ex istence of such

a method in the writings of so distant a period and so remote a

region .

With many thanks for commun icating the paper to me,I remain, very sincerelyyours,

H . H . Wi lson , Esq . W . Sror'

l'l swoonn.

PS . I may perhaps add, that ifa'

, x’be the mean longitudes,

y, y’be the mean anomalies

,

u , u’be the true anomal ies

of a planet on two successive days and a the ex centricity, or sins of

the greatest equation ofthe orb it then (u’

u ), or the truemotion of

the planet,as a i (sin . y

’

sin .

And Bhaskara’

s method consists in showing , that the instantaneous”

val ue of sin . y’

sin . y (or the value which it would have if the

velocity of the planet had remained un iform during the day) is

(y'

y) cos. y. His formula therefore becomes

u’

u z’

3 a 009 at.

A nd the corresponding formula in modern analysis is

du = d (x _

-t a sin . y)

dx i a cos . y (131.

W. S.

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2 24 TRA l 'I‘S or INDIAN CHARACTER.

the latter has translated the Mahawanso, the Dipawanso , and the

sermons and d iscourses ofBuddha . The Big Veda comprises a series

of hymns, addressed not to a supreme Being, a self-ex istent and con

stantly disposing cause, but to various person ifications ofthe elemen ts

and heavenly bodies, ch iefly the fi rmament and fi re then the w inds,

the person ified dawn, the sun, the sons of the sun, the Viswadevas,

or co llective deities, and the d ivin ities offood, water, and grass in the

abstract ; but nowhere does there appear to have been ido ls or

worsh ip ofmaterial objects. Temples there were none the worship

was domestic. Brahmans are mentionedhbut are not named as the

appo in ted or ex clusive singers or rec iters of the hymns of the RigVeda. Priests were not necessari ly Brahmans

,and the head of

the family would seem to have had whatever ritual was required,

performed i n h is own house. The H indu Triad, Brahma, Vishnu,and Siva, have no place ; the L inga or Phal lus is unmentioned

Cas te unnoticed cows were eaten ; cow-hides used in sacrificial ri tual

in short, modern Brahman ism has no prototype in the Rig Veda ;but ProfessorWilson justly says, that its chief value is in illustrat

ing the most ancient H indu system of rel igious worship and social

organ ization, and the Opin ions of primi tive Hinduism. How pro

dig ious then the changes which we fi nd most have taken place

amongst the so-called immutable H indus 1”

But who were the

Hindus ? Professor Wilson says,“ The earl iest seat of the Hindus

within the area ofHindustan was undoubtedly the Eastern confines of

the Punjab ; the holy land ofMean and the Puranas l ies between

the Drishadwati and Saraswati rivers the Caygar and Sursooty of

our barbarous maps. The tract of land thus assigned for the fi rst

estab l ishment ofHinduism in Ind ia,is of very circumscribed ex tent

and could not have been the s ite of a nation or of several tribes.Whatever the date ofthe settlement

,Fa-h ien, in the fi rst years of the

fifth century, says he found a people of heretics (that is to say, no t

Buddhists,) between the Indus and the Janina, having previous ly

said that the Brahmans were a tribe the first amongst the tribes ofbarbarians

,mean ing strangers . A nd this is corroborated by Bishop

Muszcu and Scholasticus. But India was densely peopled at thetime of Fa-h ien

’

s visit, and if the n idus of the H indus was sti ll inthe Punjab , who were the other peoples of Ind ia ? Buddhism thenflourished from the Himalayas to Ceylon, but Hinduism has nowengrafted i tselfupon the twen ty

-one nations and languages of India.

How then has this change come about, and what becomes of theimmutab il ity ofthe Hindus ?

TRAITS or INDIAN emsscrss . 225

Admitting, however, that the fol lowers of the Big Veda hadd iffused themselves so far south as the Vindya range,

—l imits wh ichthe Vishnu Purana of the twelfth century seems to ind icate

,-at the

ad vent of Buddha in the seven th century the present deities of

the Hindu Pantheon were unknown ; we find that not on ly a new

r itual , but new gods have been adopted, though the germs ofbothmay be traceable to the Rig Veda. It wi ll necessari ly be asked,what led Buddha to the promulgation ofdoc trines wh ich, in a com

paratively short period, wou ld seem to have almo st ex tingu ished theVed ic system, but which doctrines, nevertheless, were so unstable and

uncertain, that at Buddha

’

s death, 543 B.C . , the fi rst Buddhist con

vocation to fi x the tenets ofBuddh ism in the Pitakattaya, took place at

Rajgriha, and the convocation found i t had to deal with no less than

s ix ty-two heterodox sects . Heresy, however, progressed, and two other

co nvocat ions were necessary‘. Considering that the fundamental doc

trine ofthe Buddhists is the bel iefin the metempsychosis, the promul

gation of this doc trine struck directly at a great feature ofancient

r i tual—an imal sacrifices . The idea that the great First Cause could

be propitiated by the sprinkling of b lood , and burn ing flesh upon an

al tar, is coeval with the ex istence ofman . Cain and Abel are the

fi rst on reco rd to have made this sacrifice, and because one ofl'

er

ing was supposed to be acceptable to God, and the other not, Cain

s lew h is bro ther in envy. We see it continued in Abraham’

s offer,

even of his son . We read of its institution, commanded byMoses

in the l et chapter of Leviticus as a daily duty of the Jews . We

o bserve a remarkab le i l lustration of it in Elijah’

s sacrifice, narrated in

the 1 8th chapter, 1st Kings, and to th is day Abraham’

s sacrifice is

commemorated in the Buckra Bed ofthe Mahomedans. The Canaan

i tes sac rificed hecatombs of o x en, and so strong was the bel ief in the

effi cacy of offering blood and flesh to the Divin i ty, that the ties of

nature were set aside, and children were offered to Moloch . (Leviticus

x vii i . The Carthagin ians ofl'

ered men, and some traces ofhuman

sacrifices are met with in the Big Veda, and its prevalence through

al l times, in one part ofIndia, is attested bytheMeriah sacrifices ofthe

Khonds, which the British Governmen t has so energetical ly and

humanelyendeavoured recen tly to suppress. The usual offering or

sacrificement ioned in the Big Veda is the Soma Ju ice ; the great sacri

fi ce ofthe horse, however, ismentioned, and the ceremonial prescribed ;and that an imal sacrifices must have gradual lygrown up is manifest

The second , 443 n.o . , and third was 308

22 6 ru n s or INDIAN ammonia.

by the horror ex pressed by Buddha in his discourses at the blood

shed by the Vedists in their ritual ; and as all rel igious as well as

social reforms originate in the revulsion of certain sensitive and

speculative minds from certain ri tuals or social usages, itmay not be

unreasonab le to believe that the great reformofBuddha, whose fol

lowers at this day outnumber those ofany other creed, was caused bythe blood shed in Ind ia in an imal sacrifices. Whether his making itsinful to destroy an imal l ife was consequent upon h is adoption of the

metempsychosis or transmigration of sou ls, or whether the metem

psychosis was inven ted to spare an imal l ife, admits ofargumen t.

The interd ict, although now practically d isregarded by the

Buddh ists in al l parts of the world,is reverently obeyed by the

Jain heretical ofl'

shoot ofBuddh ism in Ind ia, the only remnant, in

fact, of Buddhism ; and we see the Jain priest, with bare head ,

white robe, with one shoulder naked, w ith a musl in veil over the

mouth to prevent the ingress and destruction of insect l ife, solemnly

promenad ing the thoroughfares with a b lack rod in one hand and a

fan in the other, with wh ich he fans the spot upon wh ich he proposes

to sit down, lest he should destroy any creature having l ife.

The reverence for Buddha’

s injunction is also manifested by the

ex istence in Western India of hOSpi tals, cal led Pinjrapol, not onlyfor sick animals, but for all other an imals, whose l ives the supporters

of the hosp itals desire to preserve ; and laughable but doubtless

ground less stories are told of human beings allowing themselves tobe h ired to sleep in these hospi tals to give the common bed bug

(Crimea: lectularius,) a comfortable meal at n ight ! The Chinese

Buddhists, though they do not give any practical effect to Buddha’

s

injunction, yet admit the sin of its breach . In an account of

the largest Buddhist temple at Can ton, called the Ching Kwang

Meaon, in the China Mail of the 6th January last, visitors are

shown pictures of the pun ishments in the difl'

ercnt hells, and in

one hell those are tortured who have taken the l ife of any l iving

being. But to return to Buddha’

s great reform at h is death,

543 B.C., a convocation took place to fi x his doctrines in the Pal i

work, the Pitakattaya, and i t was found they had to deal with

si x ty-two heresies. One hundred years later another convocation

was necessary, and in 308 s o . another ; and notwi thstanding the

heresies the rel igion spread, and at the end of the fourth century and

beginn ing of the fifth century, the Chinese traveller Fa-hien, who

fourteen years in India,found Buddhism covering the land

from Peshawur to Cape Comorin, and fromGuzrat to Orissa. Never

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228 TRAITS or INDIAN cnaaAe'rss .

Kylas, maywel l be considered a wonder of the world. A mountain

of trap rock is carved into a temple, and sculptured e x ternal ly wi th

thousands and tens of thousands of figures ofmen and an imals : the

temple stands in the midst ofa great ex cavate'

d area, round wh ich

run clo isters, with panels in their walls, representing the avatars or

incarnat ions ofSiva and Vishnu .

The H indus of Southern India in comparat ively modern t imeshave equal lyman ifested the devotional sent iment in their coloss l

pagodas, such as those ofSeringham, Conjeveram, and o thers. The

Mahomedans al so have shown i t in their multitudinous andmagnificent

mosques and mauso lea. In personal i llustrations we fi nd it in self

sacrifice and immolation . Calamus burnt himselfon the funeral p ile ;some ofBuddha

’

s fo llowers who had attained the sancti ty ofBod

h isatwa did the same ; the H indu devotee still buries himselfal ive in

a sitting posture ; the aged but feeble, whi le still l iving, permit them

selves to be ex posed on the banks ofa sacred stream to d ie ofstarva

tion, or to be devoured by wild beasts . The Sati stil l immolates

herself in native states not under British contro l, upon the funeral

pile of her husband’

s body; and a remarkable anecdote is told by Sir

John Malcolm ofA l la Baee, the widow ofHe lkar and Regent of

Indore, a woman of vigorous intellect and enlarged views . She

declined to burn herselfw ith her husband’

s body, but she so muchrespected the devotional sentiment that when her son-in-law died and

h is ch ild-wife, her own daughter, resolved to become Sati, she d id

not consider herselfat l iberty to in terfere with the self-sacrifice, and

witnessed it . Again, the infatuated devotee throws himselfunder the

wheels of the ponderous car ofJuggernath, and is crushed, as he

th inks, into heaven . I have fallen in with many poor people, maleand female, in fulfi lment of vows measuring their length for manymi les, along a road to a celebrated temple ; Ihave seen manyunhappycreatures with an armheld above the head until the nails have grown

through the back of the hand, and the l imb has become a fi x ture for

l ife, withered to the bone, in fulfilment of a vow. Annually at the

Churruck Pooja festival, in fulfi lment of vows, men have a hook

inserted into the muscles below the shou lder-blade,and are swung

round the head ofa tall po le.

Ihave already spoken ofthe Meriah sacrifice, the resul t ofa false,but sti ll devot ional sentiment. The Mahomedans equal lyman ifest i t.A t the celebration of the Maharum many work themselves up into

a state ofdevotional fren zy, and cu t themselves wi th kn ives, and the

Ghazee is at al l times ready to rush upon the infidel that he may

0 3 7

r. U :S

l hV i tEJ f 4

two Jain Sl ab ;

I‘D -. t

'

l fl l i -li t lfl :

1 tra it of Ind ian cha

s o ldi l i tYo

n u s ity of “ devot iona l s en t i

and sthupas of Ind ia,

truck w i th amazemen t at

n umber, n:arve llo u d i s play of

nuo ns labour be s towed Upon

1 t ime ; fi rs t, the s e of the Bud

.n the rock and bu ild ings des ig

tmvellers Speak ofsthupas seven

e he igh t of St . Pau l’

s . These have

fto pcs remain , a remarkab le i llus'

t-h ex ists to th is day at Bi lsa in

were rel ic tombs . A s soc iated also

ll l ’r t in order of time are those of the

the early Chr ist ian cen tu ries ; then

-l'

which have been proved to be earl ier

1. ofthe caves ofEl lora Igave the measure

. t t ions, and one ofthem, the Siva Temple of

228 TRAITS or INDIAN a sAc'rl n.

Kyles, maywel l be considered a wonder of the world. A mounta in

of trap rock is carved into a temple, and sculptured e x ternal ly wi th

thousands and tens of thousands of figures ofmen and an imals : the

temple stands in the midst ofa great ex cavateh area, round wh ich

run clo isters, wi th panels in thei r wal ls, representing the avatars or

incarnations ofSiva and Vishnu.

The H indus of Southern India in comparat ively modern t imes

have equallyman ifested the devotional sent iment in their colossal

pagodas, such as those of Seringham, Conjeveram, and o thers. The

Mahomedans al so have shown i t in their multitudinous andmagnificent

mosques and mausolea. In personal i llustrations we find it in self

sacrifice an d immolation . Calamus burn t himselfon the funeral p i le ;some ofBuddha

’

s fo llowers who had attained the sancti ty ofBod

h isatwa did the same ; the H indu devotee st ill buries himselfal ive in

a si tting posture ; the aged but feeble, while still l iving, permit them

selves to be ex posed on the banks ofa sacred stream to die ofstarva

tion, or to be devoured by wild beasts . The Sati sti l l immolates

herself in native states not under British contro l, upon the funeral

pile ofher husband’

s body; and a remarkable anecdote is told by S i r

John Malcolm of A l la Base, the widow ofHo lkar and Regent of

Indore, a woman of vigorous intel lect and enlarged views . She

decl iried to burn herselfw ith her husband’

s body, but she so much

respected the devot ional sentiment that when her son-ia-law died and

h is chi ld-wife, her own daughter, reso lved to become Sati, she d id

not consider herselfat l iberty to interfere wi th the self-sacrifice, and

witnessed it . Again, the infatuated devotee throws himselfunder thewheels of the ponderous car ofJuggernath, and is crushed, as he

thinks, into heaven . I have fal len in with many poor people, maleand female, in fulfi lment of vows measuring their length for manymiles, along a road to a celebrated temple ; I have seen manyunhappycreatures with an armheld above the head unt il the nai ls have grown

through the back of the hand, and the l imb has become a fi x ture forl ife, withered to the bone, in ful filment of a vow. Annually at the

Churruck Pooja festival , in fulfi lment of vows, men have a hook

inserted into the muscles below the shoulder-blade,and are swung

round the head ofa tall po le.

Ihave already spoken ofthe Meriah sacrifice, the resu lt ofa false,but sti ll devo t ional sentiment. The Mahomedans equal lyman ifest it.A t the celebration of the Maharam many work themselves up into

a state ofdevotional frenzy, and cut themselves wi th kn ives, and the

Ghazee is at al l times ready to rush upon the infidel that he may

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232 TRAI'I‘S or INDIAN GEARAcrau.

h im to be mocked . A t another time, on the line ofmarch in 1 81 8,the men, from want of carriage, being compel led to carry their heavyknapsacks, a Rajput sepoy ofmy regiment, ind ignan t at what he

cal led being made a beast of burtheu, qu ietly loaded h is musket and

sho t h imself.

I new approach another trai t

SELF-SACRIFICE AND FIDELITY .

Orme in h is narrative of the celebrated defence ofArco t', in

175 1, by Captain Clive, mentions two anecdotes honourable to the

native character . In one of the assaults of the enemy upon the forts

in wh ich they failed , their commander fell in the fausse-braye of the

northern breach . He had distingu ished h imselfwith great braveryin the attack, and was so much beloved by h is troops that one of

them crossed the d itch and carried off h is body, ex posing h imself

during the attempt to the fi re offortymuskets, fromwhich he had

the good fortune to escape .

The other anecdote is oftouching interest. The siege had continued

fiftydays; the sufl'

erings and privat ions ofthe smal l garrison, European

and Nat ive, had been frightful . Orme says Ihave it in my power,from au thorityI cannot doubt, to add to the account of this celebrated

siege, an anecdote singularly illustrative ofthe character of the native

troops of India. When prov isions became so scarce that there was a

fear that famine might compel them to surrender, the sepoys proposed

to Clive to l imit them to the water (kanjee) in which the rice was bo iled,It is,

’

they said, suflicient for our support— the Europeans requ ire

the

Occasional instances ofa singu lar fratern izatiou of native with

European regiments, mil itating against the caste ex clusiveness of the

sepoys, b righten the pages of Indian mil itary history. A t Jellalabad,under the gallant Sale, when the garrison was besieged and in a state

of starvation, sall ies were made to capture sheep grazing on the

neighbouring h i lls. A portion of the products of these forays was

always allotted to the sepoys, but they, w ith laudable self-sacrifice,

said “an imal food is not absolutely necessary for our sustenance, with

our hab i ts of life, but an imal food is absolutely necessary for the

Europeans; we beg therefore you wi ll give the share of the sheepal lotted to us to the Europeans, Her Majesty

’

s 13th L ight Infantryand the Artil lery; and th is was done by the Bengal Regiment,the 35th . Afterwards, when Her Majesty

’

s 13th passed the station

Orme, vol . i , pp. 1 83- 196.

234 ru n s or INDIAN onmsc'rnn.

Malco lm relates an analogous anecdote of the sepoys when he was

serving in the Deccan . The N izam’

s troops had plundered a vi llage

and left the inhab itants to starve Malco lm’

s regiment had to send a

guard to the vil lage, wh ich was rel ieved daily, and the men of the

guard made a co llection ofas much rice as theyand their confederates

could spare, wh ich they took to the starving vil lagers for d istri

bution .—L tfe by Kay, vo l . i, page 22 .

In 1 803, after the battle of Laswarrie, such was the amount of

wounded and sick, that the hospi tal establ ishment was insuflicient,and the sepoys were asked themselves to carry their wounded and

sick comrades, wh ich they d id cheerful ly on the l ine ofmarch .

In 1 804 , in Monson’

s disastrous retreat, Helkar left no means oroffers untried through the medium of intrigue, to induce the sepoys

to swerve from thei r al legiance and fi deli ty; and notwithstand ingtheir dreadful sufferings and the threats of vengeance, and the

knowledge that those who fel l into Ho lkar’

s hands and refused to

serve, had their noses and right hands cut off, there were few

desert ions . A surgeon and some European artil lerymen ,who fell in toHo lkar

’

s hands, had their brains knocked out bywooden mallets in

h is presence .

The regiment I had the good fortune to command at the battle of

Kirkee in November, 1 8 17. was attempted to be tampered with bythe

Peshwa’

s agents ofi'

ering large sums ofmoney. The overtures were

immed iately commun icated to me, and under instructions from MajorFord

,the Brigadier, and Mr. Elphinstone, my informant, a nat ive

offi cer, and two or three sepoys were d irected to d issemble and carryon a commun ication w ith the enemy, bywh ich we were not only ab le

to seize the parties but obtain valuable information . The regiment

was ch iefly composed ofOude Brahmans and Rajp fi ts, and good class

Mussulmans and some Mahrattas .

The fo llowing is a copy ofa letter from a friend

Kandesh, February, 1 858 .

Iarrived in Bombay the beginn ing of September, and my regi

ment returned from Persia the end of that month . Rumours affectingi ts loyalty preceded it, but Iam happy to say it has proved itself, bycourage and good conduct, the ex cellen t regiment it has always been .

The late Sir Henry Havelock, and there could not be a superior judge,admired the 26th Bombay Infantry h ighly, and gave them no end of

prai se . The Europeans ofHer Majesty’

s 78th fratern ized with the

men of the 2oth,and used to call them the black Cameron ians.

immed iately on arrival in Bombay, the regiment was ordered

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236 T‘

RAITs or INDIAN oIIAaAoTun.

regard to those under his command, the enviable d istinction of command ing their l ives through the medium oftheir afl

'

ections.

The force was detained for some days, owing to bad weather and

waiting for stores from Cawnpoor. The men went from time to t ime

to Crawford’

s grave to render their tribute ofgratefu l attachment and

affection bymaking their obeisance after the manner oftheir countryand on the day the force was ordered to march, the grateful and

sorrowing 4th Battal ion , or Crawford’

s as it was called, after i t had

been told off preparatory to the march , requested leave to pile arms

and to be permitted co l lectively to go and ex press their last bened ictoryfarewell over the remains of their respected commander, protector,and fr iend‘.

Sir John Malcolm says that the discipl ine and subordination of

the sepoys depended upon the personal influence of their commandingcfli cer, upon con fidence in h is skill, and afl

'

cction for his person th is

influence could even surmount caste prej udices . Embarkation by sea

fo r foreign service has on more than one occas ion caused a mutiny ;b ut a remarkab le instance of the power of personal influence is men

t ioned by S ir John Malco lm in the case of Lieutenant-Co lonel James

Oram, who commanded a batta lion of the 22nd Madras Infantry. In

1797 , he proposed to h is regiment upon parade to volunteer for an

ex ped ition then preparing for Man i lla Wi ll he go wi th us I”was

the question wh ich went through the ranks Yes Will he stayw ith us 1

" “ Yes 1”and the who le corps ex claimed To Europe, to

Europe 1”They were ready to fo l low Co lonel Oramanywhere, to the

shores of the A tlantic as cheerful ly as to an island of the Eastern

Ocean . Now mark what fo llows . Such was the contagion of their

enthusiasm, that several sepoys who were missing from one of the

battal ions in garrison at Madras,were found to have deserted to jo in

the e x pedit ion . It would have been happy, when on two occasions

fi re was opened on regiments at Barrackpore for d isobeying orders

to embark, that the command ing offi cers had been the counterpart of

James Oram.

Major F . W. Fo l lett, in command ofthe 25th Bombay NativeInfantry, while the regiment was on its march from Ahmednugger to

A sseerghur, was taken i l l during the n ight of the 20th July, 1 857, in

the encampment on the Poorna River . At 1 A .n . when the drumsheat to strike the tents, he to ld Major Robertson, who shared his tent

w i th him,that he had been i l l, wi th cholera symptoms, and during

the l .rch he was obl iged to be carried in a dooly. He died at

the same dayat the nex t encamping ground . Major RobertWill iams

’

Bengal Army, page 251 .

TRAITS or INDIAN CHARACTER. 24 1

In North-West Provinces despatch of July, 1 844, Pund i t Rams

w any obtains permission to buy p lots of land between the Nerbuddah

and the Himalayas to bui ld Durumsalas for travel lers .

In Madras revenue despatch of January, 1 846, i t is recorded that

A ppaswaneyNaik, of Tinnevelly, bui lt two Choultries for travellers,

one for Brahmans and H indus, and the o ther for Europeans, at a cost

of rupees and endowed them.

In Bombay pol itical despatch of February, 1 846, the Rae of

Catch subscribes rupees per annum,to a marriage portion

fund, to a similar sum given by the British Government for the

daughters of the poorer Jahrejah Rajpoots in Catch, to prevent

female infant icide .

In India pol itical despatch, 1 847, Rajah Sutee Churn G osa

presents rupees to the Fever Hosp ital at Calcutta.

In a Punjab despatch of 1 854, Ifound that some of the charitable

ins ti tut ions dated 600 years back.

In India publ ic despatch answered 7th July, 1 846, Set Churn

Ghoa l presents rupees for found ing a scholarship in the Benares

Co llege. In the same despatch the schoo ls and college at Lahore, in

Bopal, are said to be supported by the native gentry. A verycurious

case occurs (India po liti despatch) in reply to 2nd June, 1 846 , ofa

subscription to pay ofl'

a S ta te debt in the principal ity of Jyepoor.

The Council of Regency g ive up the ir stip ends, rupees p er

ann um un ti l the debt be pa i d, and the Roma give up vi llages to the

valu e of r upees p er an num j b r the some { Au r ore The

Thackoo rs and Bankers also subsc ribe for the supply ofwater to

Jyepoor . It would be a novel feature to have o ur Cab inet Min isters

sacrific ing their salaries on the altar of their c ountry.

In Bengal judicial despatch, in reply to one of the 10th February,

1 847, Baboo Kali Persaud, ofJcam , ofl’

ere rupees, or 4001”

annually,to ex pedite a publ ic work.

In India publ ic despatch, 2nd December, 1 844 , Raja 54 3/ 1aGhosau l and his famil ofBenares, gi ve 2, rm ‘1 for

educational and charitab le purposes t o Go vernment .

In Bombay public deqa tch, in reply t o far . 4 It ",2 54 1

September, 1 847, the inhabi tan ts II ”at” , 3: the. It s-m { Q‘Jffl ffl rtffl’

contributed rupees bon d s the M g o ut a tam} ,

In Madras public despatch, in p p}! 9 ; 191m $ 3564 .

3A f ’M C um-mMoodelaer erect: a bridge at hi s m a m vw ' ‘M f -m v

‘

f’m

In Ind l ” M w ! «f M

4M W W ‘4 “OJ /fl u

I t

238 rau rs or INDIAN CHARACTER.

butter and mi lk, spontaneous offerings in testimony of their gratitude

for the service Ihad rendered them.

HUMA NITY .

It is gladden ing to have an instance ofhuman ity in the horrors of

the mutiny.

When the mutiny broke out at Gwal ior amongst Sciudia’

s Con

tingen t, the Adjutant of a regimen t, L ieutenan t hastily

mounted his horse and ga110 ped down to the parade he was received

with a vo l ley ofmusketry, his horse sho t, and , in ex tricating himself

from the st irrups, one of his boots was drawn ofl'

,four sepoys rushed

upon h im, pin ioned him, and conveying h imout ofthe cantomueu t, took

h im across the river, and giving him a blanket, to ld h im to save his

l ife andmake the best ofhis way to Agra. He had lc lt h is wife sick in

bed, and he to ld the sepoys that no thing on earth would induce him to

go wi thout her, and that he must go back the men remonstrated , but

without effect, and said h is l ife must be sacrificed . A t last, two of

the sepoys sa id they would go and bring h is w ife ; after some t ime

they reappeart d, help ing along the poor creature, who was very feeble.

On jo in ing her husband, there were no t anymeans ofgetting her on

further, and Lieutenan t begged of the sepoys to shoot

them both instead ofdo ing so,theymade a hammock ofthe blanket,

slung it to one of the ir muskets,and carried her fo r some miles, until

they were out ofreach ofthe mntineers . The sepoys then left them,

and they ul t imately go t to a place ofsafety.

Ex tract from a letter

I cannot pass away from the late scenes of ex ci tement and

death w ithou t paying a tribute to the ex alted tone of the sepoys

of the 25th Regiment, and th is becomes more prominent, cons ider

ing the troub lous times in which we were p laying the grand gameof hold-fast aga inst such hordes of enemies . During the heat of

the battle of the 23rd,the sepoys of the 25th Regimen t suffered “

cons iderably. They came in to the fi eld-ho spi tal suffering fromevery description ofwounds, arms and legs shattered by round shot,l imbs and body perforated by musket

-bu llets, and I] . sh wounds of no

sl ight nature . To see these men as they sat or lay down in the

burn ing sun enduring al l the ex cruciating agon ies their wounds had

caused them,wh ile the surgeons were busy w ith others who had

preceded them,was truly noble . The general observation made bv

themwas Ah well, never mind

,we have eaten the Sirmr

’

s salt for

years, th is has been good work, and the Sircar will be good

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-" mc And a r d upon the murderer, butIn. t fall In n. erdt red d o wn h i s own. I

c. the

In n. to ulC Ith “ Ith thu r b fl cmls ,

" Ph a t"! Wo nder at the d isc il ihnc. lu.h ln‘ fo und them in no re .

enco untered the French beit attacked

, defc“ 1 into Bengal by

foreated

, and tookthe Nan

-

ab Mccr

near So oty, where the Euattack of the enemy s c

the enemy, and

TOPC‘aI]

avalry,

ga i u0d a

“watts. (‘ll lt‘fly French and G ermans,

Saiah Dowlah. mmiuand

donati on was Pa“ . The.whomtheyhighly N bpcc ted

,

we disbanded for mutiny.

"tomen mutmymg, Owing to

M m . and he was cash ier-ed ,

$ 4 .Malacca were fired upon

went to Java, and the ir

an“? W incss and ga llantry“ mi south“ in all si tuations

3qr‘ b

248 rau rs or mums caanac'rnn.

reg imen ts, and fromthe same local ities in Oude, and i t is possible theymay have ope rated host i lely aga inst relatives and friends ; the regi

ment, therefore, deserves the more cred it for its conduct under such

trying c ircumstances . The following are the ofi cial details relating

to the event

The Right Honourable the Governor in Council has the highest

satisfaction in publ ishing, for the information ofthe army, the annex ed

report ofthe conduct ofthe l at Regiment ofLight Caval ry(Lancers),made by Captain Hardy on the occas io n of a mutiny of the Bengal

troops at the station ofNussecrabad on the 28th ofMay last.

This report has on ly recently been laid before Government byh is Ex cel lency the Commander—in-Chief, the original despatch having

miscarried on the road .

Bya later report, the Governor in Council has learnt wi th regret

that eleven men of the Lancers basely deserted their comrades and

their standards, and jo ined the mut ineers but the Governor in

Counc il wi ll not suffer the d isgrace ofthese unworthymembers of the

corps to sul ly the d isplay of loyalty, d iscipl ine, and gal lan try which

the conduct ofth is fine regiment has eminently ex hib ited .

To mark the approbat ion with wh ich he has rece ived th is report,the Right Honourable the Governor in Counc il wil l d irect the imme

d iate promotion to higher grades of such of the native ofllcers and

men as his Ex cellency the Commander-ia-Chiefmay be pleased to

name as hav ing most d istinguished themselves on th is occas ion, and

thereby earned this spec ial reward and the Governor will take care

that l iberal compensat ion is awarded fo r the loss of property aban

doued in the can tonment and subsequently destroyed, when the

Lancers, in obedience to orders, marched ou t to pro tect the famil iesofthe European offi cers, leaving their own unguarded in cantonment.

To the Ofi ciating Major ofBrigade, Rajpootana, Field Force.

Sir, —I have the honour to report, for the information of the

Brigadier commanding the Rajpootana Field Force, the part taken bythe l et Lancers, in the late sad proceedings at Nussecrabad . A t

abou t half-past 3, P .M . , on the 28th instan t, the alarm was given that

the 15th Regiment ofBengal Native Infantry was in open mutiny, andhad se ized the guns. In common with the other officers

,I was almost

immediately down in my troop l ines . In a few minutes the whole

regiment was under arms, mounted, and formed up in open column of

troops . The column was put into a gallop, and proceeded to the l inesof the arti llery, when the guns were immed iately epened upon us.

The order was given at once to charge and take the guns, tro ops

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1 f l i n t : tex ts . in a hot plain, and

t :L z: r. . r te zzz rzcrf r a ft-34. but up to this time all

r in d : t o the n ot ice ofmy

a t :_e effid en t an d kind sit!

a 13 1-22 2 t ru e . Their active

1

'

za r e slam-i v been m eg-a ired bv the

Gamm a-152 : l st Lancers.

TE “

C ” w "

- . z . to d irect tha t the G. 0 0

ezt er fr om Capta in

ea“ :

"

v t ranslated in to H industan i 11

ze rs meats . 3 3 1 read and ex p l .a.ne-l to thé"

gs the my army, at a spec ial parade té

Branms c. .t Xa r tvz Bi l-1 1 34 2 3 1 .

a‘ was del iv e red a t J ai l s nder. on Mondav, the

to t‘ rd R Nat ive Infan t ry, on the

-n o f t .r be in: re-arnte-l . Majo r Lake de l ivere l the address

in verv ;:o l iatzguage . o n bes aifo f Bria iEer Milzuan . who cou ld not,

of course . do i t h imsd f. hav ing on ly ju s t arri ved from England, and

no t y et passed in the vernacu lar .

"

The addre ss is man ly and

straigh tforward

Nat ive Odi eers and Sepoys ofthe 33r dT—Ou the part ofBrigad ier

Mi l tnan . I congratu late vou and vou r Co lo nel that the day has come

in wh ich the Governmen t has recog n ized vour fidel ity and devo tion .

Genera l icho lsou took away you r arms, he promised you that

thev sho uld be restored ifyou behaved well . Knowing al l that has

happened since that day . Ican test ify that in every respect you have

pr oved true to your sa lt . I therefore rejo ice that the day has come in

which General N icho ls on'

s promise has been fulfi lled . You should

r emember at al l t imes how much you have to thank the Government

far. What other Government pays i ts sold iers month by month,

TRAITS or INDIAN CHARACTER. 243

CEREMONIA L .

I shou ld ex haust your time before I could ex haust my Traits of

Indian Character Iwi ll therefore conclude with a few words on

ceremon ial, and a drol l anecdote.

Sir John Malcolm says The Indians are, perhaps, the most

ceremon ious of all nations, and the rules of decorum are seldom

infringed but when insult is intended . In visiting,”Si r John says,

“ it is qu ite con trary to etiquette to converse on business on a fi rst

v is it,and when they are merely those of ceremony certain subjects

shou ld be scrupulously avo ided. No allusions to the females of the

fami ly, to matters of caste, and pecu l iar habi ts, should by anymeans

he introduced ; remarks on dress or on the good looks ofany relative,

present or absen t, are rude ; and to praise any jewels, horses, ele

phants, or equipage, in the presence ofthe owner, renders it incumbent

upon h im as a po in t ofgood breed ing, instantly to prevent i t ; at the

same t ime it is always understood that an equ ivalent in some o ther

equally valuab le or more prec ious article will be given in return .

The Indians have a great dread of an envious eye which they think

l iable to bring calamity on the object ; so that ifa child or a horse be

espec ially admired,i t is apprehended some harm wi ll happen to i t .

”

Most of us know the li beral ity w ith.

wh ich we bestow the con

tomptuous epithet of black fel low upon the natives.

General Briggs relates a remarkab le anecdote of the caustic

sarcasm w i th which Jamsetjee, the celebrated Bombay Parsee ship

bu i lder of the dock yard, who had risen from the grade ofa common

sh ip carpenter to be master bu ilder, acknowledged the epithet . He had

completed, entirely by nat ive labour, 8. fr igate for the royal navy;

she was ready for the launch, to which the governor, staff and naval

offi cers were invited. During the preparations Jamsetjee walked

round the vessel, v iewing her w i th evident pride and complacency.

He then went on board, and having gone quietly into the hold, he

caused to be engraved upon the kelson This ship was bui lt by a

damned b lack fel low, A .D . 1 800 . He said nothing about i t at the

t ime, bu t some years afterwards when the ship came into dock, he

po inted out the inscrip tion, and the reproof i t invol ved .

Concus si on .

I cou ld necessari ly give multitud inous traits of hypocrisy,u ntrnthfulness, servil ity, avarice, ingratitude, corruption, immoral ity,treachery, infan ticide, murder, and robbery; ful ly counterbalancing,

244 man's os INDIAN enu x crna.

if not neutral izing or outweigh ing al l the praiseworthy traits of

Indian character wh ich I have enumerated ; but my desire is, con

s idering the lamen table occurrences since May, 1 857, and wh ich have

necessarily ex asperated the feel ings of Engl ishmen against the peop le

of India generally for the crimes ofa portion ofthem only, and which

crimes have ob l iterated from the mind, or cast into the shade those

admirable quali ties wh ich have often been ex h ib ited, and wh ich,

undoubtedly sti ll ex ist, though latent,—I repeat that my desire and

hope is, that by recalling to memory some of the bright features of

the past, our kindl ier feel ings may be revived, our d istrust graduallyrelax ed

, and our hope for the future strengthened .

Sir John Malcolm says I consider,and the opinion is the

result of both ex perience and reflection, that all danger to our power

in India is slight in comparison wi th that which is l ikely to ensue

from our too zealous efforts to change the condi tion of its inhabitants,

with whom we are as yet but imperfectly acquainted. A person who

entertains such sentimen ts as I do upon this question must appear the

advocate of very slow reform; but if Iam so, i t is from a fu ll con

viction that anyth ing l ike precip itation in our endeavours at improve

ment is l ikelyto terminate in casting back those we desire to advance;

on the contrary, if, instead of over marching, we are content to go

along with this immense population, and to be in good temper with

their prejud ices, their rel ig ion, and usages, we may gradually win

them to better ways ofthinking and ofacting. The latter process. no

doubt, must be one ofgreat t ime, but i ts success will be retarded byevery hasty step

—S ir J ohn Mal colm’

s Instructions to h is Assistants.

The wisdom of these Opin ions cannot be too earnestly impressed

upon our rulers of the present day. We have been taught a bloodyand fatal lesson by losing sight of them; may we profi t by the past,and may the commonsense view be taken for the future, that the rule

of a handful of Europeans over the mil lions of Ind ia can on ly be

permanently maintained, not by any amount ofphysical force that

England could ex h ibit, but bywinning the respect and good-will of

the people.

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246 ram s or mnum cnx nscrsn.

and the tom-toms were taken away and drums and fifes given framthis period the European ofi cers were gradually increased in number

until their presen t strength was atta ined.

The sepoys frequently gave their aid in putt ing down the mutinyofthe ir comrades.

The 2nd battal ion, under Captain Brad ley, disarmed the 15 th

batta l ion in mutiny at Midnapore in 1795.

Whi le the l oth Regiment, in 1 772 , was on parade, a sepoy shot

Capta in Eweus, the regiment broke and rushed upon the murderer, but

Captain Carnac ordered them to fal l in again , ordered down h is own

batta l ion 2d tb , had a drum-head court-martial the murderer was

sen tenced to be drawn asunder by ponies but these fai ling, the

sepoys were allowed to put h im to death w ith the ir swords .

General Clavering, in 1775- 6, ex pressed his wonder at the discipl ine

ofthe sepoy regiments, and that he found them in no respect inferior

to any regiment in the King'

s service (page

1 778 .—Six battal ions marched across India to Gazarat.

The 1 5th Battal ion (Matthews) encountered the French before

Masul ipatan in 1 758, and in 1759 i t attacked, defeated, and took

prisoners the Dutch troops smuggled into Bengal by the Nawab Meer

Jafiier.

In 1763, in the battle ofGheria, near Sooty, where the European

regiment was broken by a sudden attack of the enemy’

s cavalry,

the 1 5th, with the Royal 84th attacked the enemy, and gained a

complete v ictory.

In 1 764, the who le army, Europeans, ch iefly French and Germans,and nat ives, when employed against Sujah Dowlah, mutin ied, and

marched to jo in h im,unless a long

-

promised donation was paid. The

sepoys, bythe persuas ion oftheir offi cers, whom theyh ighly respecwd,came back to camp .

In 1 784, the 1 5th, then the 4th, was disbande dfor mutiny.

In 1781 , the 1 9th was d isbanded, the men mu tinying, owing to

the misconduct ofMajor Grant about booty, and he was cash iered .

In 1795, the 24 th refused to embark for Malacca were fired upon

byMajor-General C . Erskine, and d ispersed.

1 8 10 .—Five battal ions of volun teers went to Java, and their

conduct was described as having by their stead iness and gallantryin action

, and by their d iscipl ine and good conduct in all si tuations,

ex c ited general admiration and esteem.

While in Java they were frequently opposed to European troops.

One reg iment returned in 1 8 1 5 , bu t the others, contrary to the ex pec

William; Bengal Army.

TRAITS or INDIAN CHARACTER. 247

tations held out to them,were detained from their homes and famil ies

for nearly fi ve years .

1 8 15 .—Ia the Nepaul war, the Bengal sepoys are thus spoken of

We cannot suffi c ien tly admire the Bengal sepoys such gal lantry,submission , temperance, and fidel i ty, were perhaps never comb ined in

any so ldiers.

”

The offi cer who continued Wi l l iams’s Narrative down .to 1 8 15 ,

concludes his labours wi th the fol lowing words The wr iter of this

b rief con t inuat ion canno t take leave of the subject w ithout manypangs of regret, heightened by the apprehension that i t may never

aga in be his good fortune to serve wi th troops, who are endeared to

h im by a compan ionsh ip of service and professional ex ertions duringa period ofmore than thirtyyears, to whom he is proud to ofl

'

er the

tribute ofh is grateful attachment and affection and ofwhomhe can con

scien tiouslydeclare h is conviction , adopting the words ofMr. Hastings,

under the most solemn appeal of rel igion,’

that with treatment

ofthe most simple and practicable tenor, the characteristic qual ities of

gratitude, attachment , fi del ity, cheerfu l obedience and respectful

deportment of the native so ldiers of Bengal, must ever reflect lustre

on thei r moral and mi l itary v irtues, and may be justly held forth as

a theme of emulation and praise to al l mankind . Comrades ofmyearly youth and of the best portion of life, which has been cherished

and rewarded, through the medium of your meritorious conduct !

Farewell .”

General‘

No tt, A ugust 8th , 1 842, wro te to General England

Wi th regard to Europeans, Iwou ld just as soon go into act ion w i th

sepoys, and again he wrote The zealous and cheerful manner in

w hich the sepoys have conveyed the battery train during a march of

300 mi les ofthe most d iffi cul t coun try in the world is beyond al l praise,and has cal led forth the admiration of their European offi cers, and

European art i llerymen attached to the battery their patience under

fatigue and privat ions deserve my warmest thanks, and their active

and an x ious zeal to hasten the march and encoun ter the enemy, have

confi rmed me in the conviction, that theyare, when theyperceive that

confidence is placed in them, fully equal to any troops in the world .

Sir Charles Napier, says of them Under my command, at

various times for ten years, in action and out of action, the Bengal

sepoys never fai led in zeal, courage, or activity.

”

A recent instance ofmarked fidel i ty occurred in the case of the

l st Bombay Lancer Cavalry, which charged the mutinous brigade

of Bengal sepoys wi th guns at Nusseerabad,in Rajpoo tana. The

regiment was composed ch iefly ofthe same class ofmen as the Bengal

248 TRAITs or INDIAN CHARACTER.

regiments, and from the same local i ties in Oude, and i t is possible theymay have operated hosti lely against relatives and friends ; the regi

ment, therefore, deserves the more credit for its conduct under such

trying circumstsnces . The following are the ofli cial details relatingto the event

The Right Honourable the Governor in Council has the h ighest

satisfaction in pub lish ing, for the information ofthe army, the annex ed

report ofthe conduct ofthe l st Regiment ofLight Cavalry(Laneers),made byCaptain Hardy on the occas io n of a mutiny of the Bengal

troops at the station ofNusseerabad on the 28th ofMay last.

This report has on ly recently been laid before Government byhis Ex cellency the Commander

-ia-Chief, the original despatch having

miscarried on the road .

Bya later report, the Governor in Counci l has learnt wi th regret

that eleven men of the Lancers basely deserted their comrades and

their standards, and jo ined the mut ineers but the Governor in

Council wi ll not suffer the d isgrace ofthese unworthymembers of the

corps to sul ly the d isplay of loyalty, d iscipl ine, and gal lantry which

the conduct ofth is fine regiment has eminently ex h ib ited .

To mark the approbation wi th wh ich he has received this report,

the Right Honourab le the Governor in Counci l wi ll d irect the imme

diate promotion to higher grades of such of the native smears and

men as his Ex cellency the Commander-ia-Chiefmay be pleased to

name as having most d istingu ished themselves on this occas ion, and

thereby earned this spec ial reward and the Governor will take care

that l iberal compensation is awarded for the loss of property aban

doued in the cantonment and subsequently destroyed, when the

Lancers, in obed ience to orders, marched out to pro tect the famil iesofthe European offi cers, leaving their own unguarded in cantonment.

To the Ofli ciating Major ofBrigade, Rajpootana, Field Force.

Sir,—I have the honour to report, for the information of the

Brigadier commanding the Rajpootana Field Force, the part taken bythe 1 st Lancers, in the late sad proceedings at Nusscerabad . A t

about half-past 3, P .M. , on the 28 th instant, the alarm was given that

the 15th Regiment ofBengal Native Infantry was in openmutiny, and

had seized the guns. In common with the other officers,Iwas almost

immed iately down in my troop l ines . In a few minutes the whole

regiment was under arms, mounted, and formed up in open column of

tree 'column was put into a gallop, and proceeded to the l ines

o"

when the guns were immediately opened upon us.

given at once to charge and take the guns, troops

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2 60 BuRusss vsRsmN or Ts s NIT! ru n .

to the hasty-tempered but, above all, the oppressive master is to be

shunned .

1 19 . Keep fifty cub its from horned cattle, one hundred cubits

from horses, one thousand cub its from elephants but from a fool run

away to some other country.

1 20 . Run away from a bad d istrict, a false friend, had relations,

and a bad wife.

1 21 . A good friend is one who when you are sick attends upon

you and gives you med icine, who feeds you when you are hungry,

ass ists you when in poverty, del ivers you from your enemies, who

wi ll plead for you when in troub le with your rulers, and at the last

get ex ecut ion ofjudgment put aside ; such a friend is to be prized and

cherished .

122 . The cuckoo’

s notes are pleasant, a beautiful woman’

s glory is

in the acqu isi tion of a good husband, a plain person in his learning,

priests and hermits in their patience and forbearance .

1 23 . A woman’

s wealth is in her beauty, a man’

s weal th in his

knowledge, a priest’

s wealth in religion, the weal th ofkings and rulers

in the ir revenue .

1 24 . Priests and hermits are handsome when lean, four-footed

animals when fat, men when learned, and women when married.

1 25 . Buffaloes del ight in mud, the b ird hearts. in beautiful lakes of

clear water, women in the soc iety ofmen, and priests in the words of

truth and wisdom.

1 26 . Be thankful for a feast when you have partaken ofit .

1 27. Trust not a woman who has separated three times from three

d ifferent husbands, a priest who has changed to three different temples,or a bird that has escaped three t imes from the snare of the fowler

they are very cunn ing and deceitful .

1 28 . The w icked are tamed by pun ishment, false friends are

mastered by shunning them, a wicked or unruly wife by taking all

your property out ofher keeping, a gourmand is mastered by starva

tion .

1 29. The n ight without moonl ight is not beautiful, the sea withoutb i llows is not beautifu l

, a woman w i thout a husband is not beautiful

to contemplate. for from a husband she derives her case and comfort ;she is bu t ab le to take care of the property he accumulates, which she

retains as a bo x, the husband be ing the source ofal l her happiness ;

and it well may be said that the woman is l ike the thread in the

needle, which fol lows where the latter penetrates and leads.

130. Women are as prone to sin as rivers to run crooked, and as

full ofwickedness as forests are offuel .

~\s r . IX. Translation of a Burmese Vers ion of the Nit i Kym ,

a Code of E th ics in Pal i . By E . Fowu z, Esq.

[Read 2000 .Vo rembcr,

TH}:work that Iam about to read is cal led the Niti Kyan , sign ifying

a mered writ ing.

” 1 It is a short co de of ethics compiled from

select ion s from various au thors . and is one of several that I have

trans lated from the Burmese language , wh ich are themselves transla

tions from the Pal i . The present wo rk is taught in the Burmese

monasteries to the daily scholars and res ident novi ces . The necessityoflearnin g and the a dvan tac es of education are impressed upon the

yo uthful populat ion from an early age. and the consequences of

ignorance'

are contrasted at the s ums t ime . It may perhaps be

interest ing to not ice briefly the svstem of ednmtion adopted in

Burmah th is is so simple in i ts pract ical appl ication that I can

ex plain it in a few word s. The clergy receive no pay, and are not

connected w ith the State . but cu tire lv suppo rte d by voluntary con

tribut ions of food and o ther necess aries, a small quanti ty from each

meal be ing se t apart for the priests but this custom is so general , and

the po rt ion so freely contrib uted. that there is general ly a surplus of

food at the monas teries, suffi c ien t to feed the poor. In return , the

poongyees , o r priests, educate the wh ole of the male population

w i thou t charge or fee ofany description , their vo cat ion precludingthem from to uch ing money .

The educat ion imparted gen era l ly cons ists of reading, writing,arithmet ic, and sacred h isto ry . A usefu l amount of educat ion is

therefore genera lly d itl'

used . A h igher standard is less common , bu ta knowledge ofalgebra, astronomy , and of the class ical Pal i , bes ides

the rud imen ts ofthe arts and sc iences . are also imparted to the ex ten t

that thev are unders tood by the ir re l ig ious profeaso rs . The fact that

almost every man can read and wr ite speaks for itse lfas regards thew orking of their system,

wh ich is based upon universa l or nat ionalcbari tv : i t is fi r mly fi x ed and establ ished among the people, and, asI have before sta ted . i t resu lts in feed ing the poor, ed uca t ing the

people, and supp ort ing the clergy.

The same simple system I have no doubt ex ists also in Japan ,

More correct lv A Knowledge of Po l ity.

—En.

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254 BURMESE VERSION or THE NITI arm .

8 . Gather up each fragmen t of learn ing, and think i t not smal l

or unworthy ofnotice, for as rivers are formed and wells are fi lled bydrops ofwater, so may thy w isdom i ncrease .

9 . A knowledge and mastery ofthe tongue is des irable and good;equally so is that of the hand, but they can on ly be perfected bystudy and appl ication, and in return they wil l support thee in thyprofession or employment.

10 . Every moun tain does not con tain a mine ofprecious stone;1 l . A person without sense is l ike the fru it ofthe Sapan tree, fair

withou t, but the ins ide is fi lled w ith i nsects .

1 2 . A sens ible person is l ike unto a jack fru it, wh ich may berough w i thout, yet i s fi l led w i th wholesome food .

1 3 . A woman’

s weal th is her beauty .

1 4 . A man’

s weal th,his learn ing, fami ly, and good name .

15 . A snake'

s weal th, i ts venom.

1 6 . The weal th ofmen in power, their position, influence, state ,and fo l lowers .

1 7. The weal th ofpriests, moral precepts .

1 8 . The wealth ofBralnnan s, the ir charms and prophecies .

1 9 . A man ofgood fami ly upho lds i ts honour, and however poorhe may become, never d isgraces i t .

20 . The shade of the fo rest is pleasan t .

2 1 . Better than the shade of the forest is the shel t er of thyparents or relatives .

22 . Better than the shelter of thy parents is that ofthy teacher .

23 . Better than the shelter ofthy teacher is that ofthy ruler.

2 4 . But above al l,the shel ter ofthy God is greater .

"5 . Soft words make many friends.

26 . Bi tter words make many enemies . A s the sun from its heat

cannot be approached, and appears alone, so is he who speaketh

b itterly but, on the o ther hand, the man who speaketh fairly is as

the coo l moon,surrounded by the stars and planets which keep her

company, so are his friends .

27 A brave man is impatient for the battle.

28 . A lawyer is fond ofargument.

29 . One wishes for a friend when one gets a rare or dainty dish .

30. A scho lar wishes for d iffi cu lt passages for the pleasure of

interpreting them.

31 . The ignorant are like dogs that snap and b ite at each other

when they meet with a wise man they snarl and snap at him, fearinghis power.

32 . He who takes his case is l iab le to d isease .

suamnsn vnasron or mmmm RYAN. 255

33 . Every elephant is not an A lbino (wh ite elephant) .34 . Every scented tree is not a santagoo tree.

35. Every town does not contain a ph i losopher.

36 . Ifa harper does not practice for fi ve days he loses proficiency ;37. A n archer neglecting practice in seven days fails in his aim;38 . And a woman separated from her husband for thirty days

endangers her chasti ty .

39. The man who cats and sleeps much, al though he increases infatness, increases in vice.

40 . The beauty ofwomen and the sweetness of the sugar-cane

bring satiety ; but wi th the words of wisdom you can never be

fi lled .

4 1 . Learn ing, to be permanent, must be taught by degrees.42 . Those who seek for riches must do so by degrees .

43 . Those who go a-courting, must not be in a hurry .

44 . Those who ascend a mountain must walk slowly. Answer

angry people gen tly and slowly . These five th ings are to be done

gently and slowly.

45 . G ive thanks and praise to soldiers when they return victorious

from the battle.

46. Be grateful and pleased when your grain is stored in yourgranary.

47. Be thankful for the feast when you have partaken ofi t.

48 . Be grateful to your wife in old age.

49. A man who con tinually asks favours is not l iked.

50. A man who never confers favours should not be l iked .

5 1 . Those who have wealth in riches and learning should take

care ofthem.

52 . Those who never accumulate riches or succeed in l ife are

drunkards, gamblers, spendthrifts, d issipated characters, and their

associates .

53 . The avarice ofgovernors for riches, philosophers for learning,and the love of those we cherish, is as insatiable as the sea, which

receives into its bosom all the rivers and waters of the world, but is

never fi lled .

54. A person may have youth, beauty, rank, wealth but without

learn ing, he is l ike a handsome flower that has no fragrance.

55 . A person, although his parents may be poor, fool ish, and of

humble origin , mayyet become prime min ister ; therefore in talkingnever allude to a man

’

s fami ly.

56 . A person who studies many th ings at the same t ime withoutPerfecting h imself in any particular thing, remembers that which he

vet . x vu . S

256 nunu ssn vsssron or was NITI arm .

has imperfectly learned only as a dream, ofwhich he has but a faint

recollection .

57. The master beats h is pupil as a potter batters his clay, not to

break it or destroy it, but to bring it into shape .

58 . A rose imparted its fragrance to a leaf in which it was folded

so associate thyself wi th wise men, and their wisdom wil l clingto thee.

59. Associate with the virtuous, and when you have learned their

law you can come to no harm. Mi x not wi th the wicked, put themaside, but cling to the virtuous. Do good at al l times, whether byn ight or by day; and reflect wi thin thyself of the uncertainty of

human ex istence.

60 . There is no friend like good sense.

6 1 . G ifts give great pleasure to the recipients .

62 . A good kind of flower, though withered, still retains some ofi ts fragrance .

63 . A fighting elephan t does not fear the battle.

64 . You may break or crush a sugar-cane as much as you plan e,

but it wi ll sti ll retain its sweetness .

65 . However great may be the misfortunes of the virtuous man,he wil l never transgress by breaking the law, or acting improperly inany way.

66 . However hungry the l ion, he will not feed on vegetables, or

touch the flesh ofh is friend the elephant .

67 . The perfume of flowers is refreshing, more refreshing is light

ofthe cool moon , b ut most refreshing are the words ofwisdom.

68 . The sun may rise in the west, the Myeen Moh mountain maybe bent as a how, the infernal fi res quenched, and the lotus grow on

the mountain’

s top but the words oftruth and wisdomare unchange

able.

69 . The bee loves flowers, fl ies putrified flesh ; the wicked quarrel ,but the wise and virtuous love good deeds .

70 . However deep the well , it cannot contain as much water asthe river.

7 1 . There is nothing that can shine l ike the sun .

72 . However much your friends and others may like you, it isnothing compared with a mother

’

s love .

73 . A woman is the best and sweetest ofblessings.74 . Wonderful things are believed when seen.

75 . A wicked mother brings up her son to speak improperly, anda wicked father teaches him to act improperly, and if both parentsare wicked the son both speaks and acts improperly.

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258 nesunsn vsnsron or mmmm nu n.

man resembles these th ings by dispensing his weal th, charity, and

wisdom to al l, and by not being selfish .

96 . Sufl'

er not ambition to lead you to aspire to impossible things,or to covet things beyond your reach ; but it is proper to aspire to theatminment of possible things which your sense informs you you are

capable ofreaching by a useful occupation oftime for it is not proper

to be satisfied with a state ofidleness.

97 . Some prosper without ex ertion, others with great ex ertions

sometimes fail people must not always ex pect their efl'

orts will be

successful .

98 . Ignorant persons d isl ike the wise, but l isten with pleasure andfollow the advice ofthe wicked, which leads to destruction .

99. The ignorant cannot keep a secret, but when anything is con

fided to them, they at once impart it to every one, making a noise like

that ofa half-fi lled jar ofwater when carried .

100 . The bite ofa snake leads to death . but is sometimes cured bya proper antidote but for a person confi rmed in wickedness and sin,

there is no hope or antidote he is in a worse state than ifbitten bya

venomous snake there is no cure for him.

101 . A confirmed or thorough fool is he who knowingly and obstinately persists in do ing that wh ich he is perfectly convinced is againsthis interest or well-being .

1 02 . An ignorant fellow, but a notorious robber and deceit, oommitted many deeds without being caught, which so fil led himwi th self

conce it that the recollection of his crimes was as sweet as honey to

h im. He was at last caught, placed in irons, and thrown into prison,and when his difli culties and the hour ofadversity came upon him, hethen knew that h is deeds had been bad for the recollection ofhis evil

acts was as bitter as gall .103. Ignorant people should not be strong, because theyare l iable

to commit acts ofviolence and should they die while so doing, theyhave no chance ofheaven, but are certain ofhell-fire.

1 04 . Rats do mischief to houses, monkeys to forests, crows to

young birds, and priests to men .

105 . A sleepless person th inks the morn ing is long in breaking ;the tired traveller thinks the end ofhis journey stil l distant ; and thosewho are wicked, and know not the law, think happiness is not

attainable.

106 . A sil ly person can discover a fau lt as small as a tool seed inothers, but he has not the abil ity to discover a fault ofthe size of a

cocoa-nut in himself. A wise man, on the contrary, has not only the

susunsa vsasron or run NIT! RYAN. 259

power of d iscovering faults in others, but hiding h is own resembl ingthe torto ise, wh ich draws in its head and limbs when it wishes toconceal them.

1 07. The praise of feels is painful to the wise, but the praise ofthe virtuous is most gratifying .

108 . The selfish and avaricious are gained by presents and bribery,the pass ionate by submission, the si lly by conceding to their fol ly ;but the w ise by ho nesty and uprightness.

1 09 . Those who are connected with you in business, and work foryour benefi t, consider themas relations but relations who work against

your interests should not be considered as relations, for they resemblea d isease ofyour own body but the former, although not connected

w ith you, yet resemble the med icine-tree, which, although it grows

at a distance, stil l does you good .

1 10 . Those friends who flatter you to your face, but slander youbeh ind your back, resemble a pot of po isoned honey, which must bethrown away ; for though i t is sweet yet it is dangerous .

1 1 1 . Many cl ing to you while rich , but desert you when poor ;even relations

,friends, and wives ; therefore consider your weal th your

best friend .

1 12 . A good servant is known by the cheerfulness with which he

performs his work a friend and wife in the time ofadversi ty.

1 1 3. Consider your partner in business as a relation, those who

suppv-rt you as a father, those who conso le you in trouble as a wife.

1 14 . Associate not with your enemies, be not too famil iar withyour friends for ifyou quarre l they wil l reproach you with yourdefects wh ich you have acquainted them with . Never admit to

your confidence a friend wi th whom you have seriously quarrelled,for it is as dangerous as Open ing the side of a mare to bring forth itsfoal .

1 15 . Q uarrel not with an enemy if away from your friends and

as sistance, but carry him on your back should he desire it ; but if

you come to a place where you have assistance, cast h im off, and

break h im like an earthen jar ifyou can .

1 16 . In putting out a fi re leave not the slightest ember beh ind,

in d ischarging debts leave not a portion unpaid, and in war leave not

a single enemy ; for these three things wi ll increase and destroyyou .

1 17 Assoc iate not with those who flatter and fawn upon you wi thfair looks and words, for they resemble a snake, which, though hand

some in shape, has venom in its fangs.

1 18. Separate yourselffrom a cruel master ; but he is preferable

264 so reness vsnsron or run m'

rr man .

1 70 . For the sluggard, for the man ofbad memory, for the spend

thrift, for the avaric ious, fo r those oppressed by d isease, for the hay,and the careless, for these seven charac ters, there i s no place in Holy

Wri t .

1 71 . Say no t to wealth go not to the rich man, for he has plenty,

but go to the poor man nor to the clouds rain not in the sea or in

the rivers, for there is already p lenty there, but rain al one upon the

earth :for where Providence d irects thi ther w il l they go .

1 72 . The teacher shou ld no t ex pend the who le of h is knowledge

upon h is pupi l, he shou ld retain someth ing to himselfthat his dimipls

may respect him; even so in all things, ex pend not the who le ofthy

store , keep a reserve .

1 73. S ilk-co tton is the l ightest th ing, but l ighter than this are

careless persons those who obey not thei r parents and teachers

are the emptiest and l ightest of al l but those who neglect their

rel ig ion and God are l ighter than air.

1 74 . Rocks are heavy. What is heavier ? the vo ice ofthe Naths.

What is ofgreater weight ? the advice ofparents and teachers : but

the words ofGod are ofgreatest weight .

1 75. The right hand is the slave ofthe body the l ittle finger the

slave ofthe eye, the nose, and the ear the left hand the slave of the

feet .

1 76 . The cow shou ld be respected and appreciated , as she

nourishes man and should therefore be considered as a mother, as

her mi lk g ives h im food, and she conduces to his case and comfort :

al l men eat her flesh, but those who do so , eat as it were theirmo ther’sflesh ; it should not be eaten, but when she d ies her flesh should be

given to the vultures .

1 77. Those who commence their studies on a Thursday learnthoroughly ; those who commence on a Sunday or Friday obtainmediocrity ; those who commence on a Saturday or Tuesday are l iable

to die .

1 78 . To commence studying on the eighth day of the increase or

wane ofthe moon is equal to ki ll ing the teacher ; on the fourteenth

ofthe increase or wan ing moon i t is equal to ki lling the pupil on the

ten th increase or wane, i t is equal to the destruction ofall learn ing ;

on the full moon , it is equal to k il l ing your parents.1 70 . Those who w ish to learn should not on the seventh day of

the increase or wane of the moon eat of coco nuts ; on the third

increase or wane they should not eat venison or the flesh ofany

other an imal, for ifthey do they wil l lose what they have learned, byforgetting it .

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r u m vm os or m m { TAB}

Th ese whe are la rn d are hownd to by the ignorant.

thvself.

Who pol i shed the eye of the deer !

Who gave to the l ily its fragrance I

A go o-l tree wi l l prndace good fn i t.

There i s no enemy like (Ii-can .

.‘l en love themse lves more than anything else.

A m b h s m ha t but hc ean eo-e and go as he chooses.

A fow l in a ne mi lk, but ahe can bfi ng np her young ones.

One good man is found in a hundred, a learned one in s

thom nd, a l iberal one rarely ; bu t a perfect one in a mi llion.

20 5 . A n u nbanmdor should no t be ashamed ; when learning,

bo v ine . se ll ing , or amusing yourselfbe not ashamed.“

'

omen consume tw ice as much as men ; thei r sense is four

t imes greater than man’

s ; the ir industry and energy six times

greate r ; and the ir passi ons eight tin es greater.

207. The top of the sugar cane is u ltish, but it incream in

swee tness in every jo in t to the end so is a true friend, he increase in

goodness from the beginn ing to the end . A wicked friend also

resembles the.sugar cane, with this difl

'

erencs, that he increases in

w icked ncs .

20 5. The four causes ofa country'

s prosperityare good cultivators,

commerc ial men , good min isters, and priests.209 . If st udy i s neglec ted, learn ing is forgotten ; those who are

poor keep an uncomfo rtable house those who are beautiful but lazy,

are unt idy ; a pria t who forgets his d ign ity is unclean and degraded.

2 10. The property of those who are lazy goes to those who are

industrious ; the foo l says it is fate, the wise man says it is not so ;

industry must never slacken, and you are sure to thrive yourco nsc ience moreover w i ll gladden you .

2 1 1 . Ifa man in these times be ugly, ignorant, and vulgar, but

w i thal rich, he is considered faultless, says the author.

Aar . X.—Nota oa t aias of W¢nap w-e. By L K.

[M “ 1 J une, 1 853 ]

0 1! the western shore ofthe GalfofCambay, a few milss to the north

of Bhaonagar, among a range of gran i te hil ls which, lying in a

country level as an immense nnrufl cd lake, appear l ike a cluster of

islands float ing on the waters, nestles the li tt le township ofChamardi .

Overhang ing this vil lage on the eastern s ide is a rugged pmk dedicatedto rumKodiar, at almost the pinnacle of which a huge boulder of

gran ite, hearing at a distance some resemblance to a kneel ing human

form, is worsh ipped by the rude vil lager as the image of that potent

godden . To the summi t of this hill it is proposed to conduct the

ru der, who may be inclined to con template the prospect which

thence meets the eye ofthe observer.

Immediately below h im, amidst many other such a vi ties apparently ho llowed out by water, and countenancing the trad i tional beliefthat the rocks ofChamard i were once washed by the waves of the

ocean, is an unhewn cave capable of containing forty or fifty persons,and which the legendary tastes of the Hindus has associated wi th the

rugged chammon ofDraupad i ; simi larly some large detached masses

ofgran ite below and near to the foo t of the hil l are believed to have

amused the ch ildhood ofBhima and his bro thers. A bout halfa mi leto the south-east . below another h ill—the granite rocks ofwhich, l ike

those of all the Chamard i range, are overlaid wi th freestone in

various stages ofhardness, and wh ich bears the marks of the quarrymau

’

s labours, lies a collection of miserable huts cal led Old

Chamardi.”To the south ofKodiar

'

s-hill a well supplies the vil lagers

with purer water than that which they can draw from the mason

work bhauli which their town contains ; and further westward, in a

picturesque go rge, a rock, which has been hollowed out into the shapeofa cobra’

s hood, stands ready to fu its trad itionary destiny, and

overwhelm the bridal procession of s ina utious Kansas. Abovethe roofs of Chamardi, and the villa rs

’

hay-stacks piled ppery

gran ite boulders, rises another Whi t is still I m ted by the

remains ofamosque dedicated to if Inward.

ON THE RUINS OF WALLABHIPUBA .

a short interval ofground level as water, afi'

ords space for the river

Kalumbhur to w ind its uncertain streams between the rocks of

Chamardi and a con ical hill wh ich bears the name of Ishalwo . This

b i ll is crowned by the remains ofa fortified bui lding, and , at its foot,a muti lated image, wearing the cap and ear-rings of a Vairagi upon

its d issevered head , and buried in the ground up to the wa ist, recline!

beneath the shade of the slow -

growing Pi lu. Hence, bendingnorthwards, the river runs along a level plain near the base ofa hill

de dicated to , and deriving its name from,Thapnath Mahadeo . A

temple, conta in ing the symbol of the god w i th the accompanyingNand i

, occup ies the summit ; and near it are fragmen ts of other

re l igious bu ildings , and two l ingas , wh ich, though hewn out ofgranite

monoli ths, have not escaped the power of the destroyer. The houses

and huts ofa co lony ofG osains cluster at the foot of the h il l, fringed

by the funeral memorial of the sati as well as of the ascetic ; and

w i th in one ofthe Goan in'

e houses is the entrance to a cave, said to be

of end less length, which the adventurous spirit of the Rajputs of

Chamard i,aided by the rel igious zeal of the devotees of Siva, has

as yet been found inadequate to ex plore.

A t the h ill of Thnpnath a Mela assembles yearly on the last dayof Shréwan ; and when a delay in the fall of rain , or an epidemicraging alarms the inhab itants of (

‘

hamard i and the neighbouringtown of W

'

al lch, the Raja. and G ras ias perform a“ man tra

,

”or

ex traord inary worsh ip to conc i l iate the Bhawo, whose broken imagel ies at the foot of Ishalwo . Beyond Thépn ii th is another island-l ike

h ill cal led Chogat, wh ich is bel ieved to contain copper ore, and whichforms the termination ofthe range .

North and east of the peak ofKod iar, w ind ing not far from the

town ofVa leh , may be observed the sal t-water creek, wh ich is called

the Bhaonngar, or the former”river, and wh ich , passing the port from

which it derives its name, and the town ofGhogha, rushes w ith great

velocity through the channel wh ich separates from the mainland of

Kntiwur the curious and in teresting island of Perambh. Th is creek

is nav igable for the craft ofthe coun try to a. po int equidistant betweenBhaonagar and Walleh, called Ghelari Bandar, at which the hardlyd iscern ible traces of brickwork bu ild ings are sti ll po inted out to the

inqu irer. Up to this po int cul tivation of wheat and cotton has

faintly struggled on and near the bandar a. few hovels are collected

together and d ign ified w ith the names ofA nandpur and Rajpur but

beyond these l ittle clachans, whose inhab itants bring the water wh ichthey drink from the ne ighbourhood ofWal leh, the plain, assuming a

sti ll more sea-deserted form, stretches onwards, uncul tivated and

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2 66 BURMESE vnasros.ror mmmm arm.

194. Those who are learned are bowed to by the ignorant.195. The thorns upon the tree grew there, so learn to form

thyself.1 96. Who pol ished the eye of the deer ?

1 97. Who gave to the l ily i ts fragrance l198. A good tree will produce good fru it .199. There is no enemy l ike dise200 . Men love themselves more than anything else.201 . Good deeds meet with their reward .

202 . A crab has no head, but he can come and go as he chooses.203. A fowl has no mi lk, but she can bring up her young ones.

204 . One good man is found in a hundred, a learned one in a

thousand, a l iberal one rarely ; but a perfect one in a mil lion .

205. An ambassador shou ld not be ashamed ; when learning,buying, sel l ing, or amusing yourselfbe not ashamed.

206 . Women consume tw ice as much as men ; their sense is fourtimes greater than man

'

s their industry and energy si x times

greater ; and their passions eight times greater.207. The top of the sugar cane is saltish, but it increases in

sweetness in every joint to the end ; so is a true friend, he increases ingoodness from the beginn ing to the end . A wicked friend also

resembles the.sugar cane, with this difference, that he increases in

wickedness.

208 . The four causes ofa country’

s prosperityare good cul tivators,commercial men, good ministers, and priests.209 . If study is neglected, learning is forgotten ; those who are

poor keep an uncomfortable house those who are beautiful but lasy,

are untidy ; a priest who forgets his d ign ity is unclean and degraded.

21 0. The property of those who are lazy goes to those who are

industrious ; the fool says it is fate, the wise man says it is not so

industry must never slacken, and you are sure to thrive your

conscience moreover wi ll gladden you .

2 1 1 . Ifa man in these times be ugly, ignorant, and vulgar, but

withal rich, he is considered faultless, says the author.

on ma sums or wast asmeuaa. 2 71

rounding mound may sti ll in some places be traced. In the ex cava

tions at present made but l ittle character can be discovered, theysfl

'

ord no clue which could assist in tracing out the streets and

mansions of the devas tated ci ty ; the miners dig down to the walls

merely for the purpose of taking the materials from them, so that

their labours are in fact purely destructive, every basketful ofbrickswhich they remove from the ru ins diminishing the chance offuture

success in ex amin ing the remains.

Round the outside of the Pi lu jungle runs a stream,which from

i ts frantic movements during the monsoon, is called Gbelo”or

i nsane . It al ters its course frequently, and has been the most activeagent as yet employed in the discovery of the remains ofWalla

bhipur, in wh ich task it has however been considerably assisted bythe occasional streams formed , for the time being , during the rains,

by an accumulation ofwater struggling to find for itselfa means of

escape in this level so il .

Within the space occupied by the Pi lu trees, and in fact on al l

sides ofWalleh, are to be found numerous emblems ofSiva and of

Nand i , his attendant, formed ofgran ite and cons iderable in po int ofs ize . One ofthese, which is sunk in the earth so that the top onlybe ing visible maybe mistaken for a gran ite globe, is called “ Batheswar

Mahadeo , and is supposed by the Hindus to be enabled to defy all

attempts made for its removal . Near Batheswar is a large hull of

gran ite, want ing the head and spl it across the body into two pieceswhich are lying close together. It is ex ceed ingly well ex ecuted, and

unlike more modern figures ofNand i is placed in the true positionof a sitting an imal . Further west of th is is another l inga, called

Nandeswar Mahadeo . It is a single gran ite stone, commencing with

a square pedestal two feet high, surmounted by a cyl inder rounded

at the top, which is three feet in height and eight and a-half in

circumference .

There are near Wal leh many other such symbo ls ofSiva similar

in form and size, some of them, however, ascending from the square

into an octagon, and thence into the cylinder . The l ingas are themselves mostly entire, but in every instance the Nandi which aecom

pan ies them has been broken. Amid some ruins which a streamlet

has laid bare, on the verge of the jungle, is Vaynath on the south of

the town are Ramnath, Kamnath, Bhatnath, and Ratneswar ; on the

east Bed-Bhanjan on the north Waukeswar and others .

N0 great d istance from the Hi ll ofThapnath, on the left hand of

the road wh ich leads from thence to the vi llage of Pate, is a mound

called Ishwar Timbo , upon the summit ofwhich there is a granite

ve t . x vrr.T

268 on was sums or wannasmruu .

a short interval ofground level as water, afi‘

ords space for the river

Kalumbhar to w ind its uncertain streams between the rocks of

Chamardi and a con ical hi ll which bears the name ofIshalwo . This

hi l l is crowned by the remains ofa fortified bu ilding, and, at its foot.a mutilated image, wearing the cap and ear-rings of a Vairagi uponits dissevered head, and buried in the ground up to the waist, recl ines

beneath the shade of the slow -growing Pi lu. Hence, bending

northwards, the river runs along a level plain near the base of a hill

dedicated to, and deriving its name from, Thapnath Mahadeo. A

temple, contain ing the symbol of the god w i th the accompanyingNandi, occupies the summi t ; and near it are fragments of other

religious bu ild ings, and two lingas, which, though hewn out ofgrani te

monoliths, have not escaped the power of the destroyer. The houses

and huts ofa co lony ofGosains cluster at the foot of the h ill, fringed

by the funeral memorial of the sati as wel l as of the a cetic and

wi th in one ofthe Gosain'

s houses is the entrance to a cave, said to be

of endless length, which the adventurous spirit of the Rajputs of

Chamardi, aided by the rel igious zeal of the devotees of Siva, has

as yet been found inadequate to ex plore .

A t the hi ll of Thapnath a Mela assembles yearly on the last dayof Shrawan ; and when a delay in the fall of rain , or an epidemicraging alarms the inhab itants of Chamardi and the neighbouringtown of Wal leh, the Raja and Gra ins perform a

“ mantra,"

or

ex traordinary worsh ip to conci l iate the Bhawo, whose broken imagel ies at the foot ofIshalwo . Beyond Thépnéth is another island-l ike

h ill cal led Chogat, wh ich is bel ieved to contain copper ore, and wh ichforms the termination ofthe range .

North and east of the peak ofKod iar, w ind ing not far from thetown ofWalleh, may be observed the salt-water creek, wh ich is calledthe Bhaonagar, or

“ the former”river, and wh ich, passing the port from

which it derives its name, and the town ofGhogha, rushes with great

velocity through the channel which separates from the mainland of

Katiwar the curious and interesting island of Perambh . Th is creek

is navigable for the craft ofthe country to a po int equidistant betweenBhaonagar and Wal leh, called Ghelari Bandar, at which the hardlyd iscern ible traces ofbrickwork build ings are still po inted out to the

inqu irer. Up to th is po int cultivation of wheat and cotton has

faintly struggled on and near the bandar a few hovels are collected

together and d ign ified with the names ofAnandpur and Rajpur but

beyond these l ittle clacham,whose inhabitants bring the water which

they drink from the neighbourhood ofWalleh, the plain, assuming a

sti ll more sea-deserted form,stretches onwards, uncul tivated and

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274 cars AND ransomm'rv or PBIYADABBI.

h igh priests, or special scholars. The whole of the materials are

accessible to the world at large; or (if not the whole) an adequate

proport ion of them.

In the second place, th is separation of the material elements from

the accessories is imperatively cal led for by the nature ofthe ques

t ions to wh ich they apply . Noth ing is more injurious than the

habit of putting inferences, however satisfac tory, on a level w ith the

primary h istorical facts to which they attach themselves . First

comes one deduction ; which, in the eyes of i ts author, is perfectlyunex ceptionable . A nother fol lows—unex ceptionable also . And

then, another ; and another st i ll . And then a system ; until the

primary fact, lost and overlaid by i ts adjuncts and encumbrances,becomes the least part of itself. When this is the case, it sometimes

happens that a new appl ication of i t is demanded ; so that it mayrequ ire to be seen under a d ifferent l ight, and from a fresh po int of

view. It is now,however, d ifiicult to iso late it ; d ifli cult so (as the

Germans say) to purify our idea ofit . It presents itselfto us wi th a

certain number of i ts associated doctrines adhering to it, and requ ires

an effort to be seen rightly.

The notion ofwhat we may call the pure and simple Priyadarsi of

the pure and s imple tex t of the Edicts, without subtraction and

wi thout addi tion, w ith the recogn i tion , too, of a broad distinctionbetween what the tex t al lows and what i t demands has yet to be

ex hibi ted .

Now what does the tex t of the Edicts requ ire ? Taken by itselfi t requ ires him to have re igned twelve years—possibly and probablymore—but certainly not less. Does it require him to have been a cc

temporary ofA ntiochus ? Yes . Does i t require him to have been a

King ? Yes. Does it requ ire him to have been a King in India ?

Yes. Does it requ ire him to have been an Indian Kiugfby wh ich Imean a native ruler ? No . It al lows him to have been one. It

does more. It suppl ies strong presumptions in favour of his havingbeen one but it in no wise binds us to look for h im in India and

nowhere else.

We look, however, towards India fi rst. A nd what do we look

for ? The name—the name, ifnot l iteratim, at least, verbatim. Word

for word, we wan t Pnrvanansl . We don’

t want its synonym. We

don’

t want a translation of it . We want the word itself. In Ind ia,however, we fi nd but one name at all—and that is that ofSwim

gosenus, a King placed, by A ntiochus the Great, over ei ther a part

of India itself, or on the Indian frontier. Place for place and timefor time, this is not unsu itable—but, on the contrary

,very square

nu s sun rsesonsmrr or Pmn musl . 275

and fit. Word for word, however, the names are too unlike for even

the boldest manipulator ofletter-changes to identify .

Fai ling in India we look elsewhere. We are bound to seek,though not to find. Bactria gives us noth ing more promising than

the fol lowing z—l adotus, Ewthydemus, Demetrius, Eu kratides, and

Failing in Bactria we look to Parthia and in Parth ia (if thepresent paper be true) we bo th seek and find . Word for word ,

I

bel ieve that Pan ’

s naast is Pe as an ts .

Such the doctrine, which must be considered in respect to

l st . The form ofwords

2nd. The conditions of place and

ard. The conditions oftime .

Phrao tes P riyadarsi—Little need be said in favour of the

Kapur di G iri form P riyadarsi, being a nearer approach to the real

name than the P iyadasi of the Dhaul i , G irnar, and Cuttak monuments. The r is, all the world over, and in India most espec ially,

more easi ly omitted where it has prev iously ex isted, than inserted

where it was originally absent. L ittle, too , need be said about thePers ian forms being varied, viz .,

Phraortes, Phrahates, and Phraates.

Neither need we enlarge upon the fact of the word as we have it in

the Greek and Latin wri ters being i tselfa secondary form. The real

name by which certain Kings of Parth ia were called by themselves

and their subjects, was, in all probabi l ity, as far removed from

Phraates on one side as from Priyadarsi on the other. A t the same

time it is by no means impossible that the Ind ian form was taken

directly from the Greek.

It is not, however, necessary to mu ltiply prel iminaries upon this

po int ; for, fortunately, the circumstance of an Indian rendering of

the name Phraotes saves us some trouble . On the reverse of one of

the coins of the Ariana—one of Guudophares or Undophares—the

name actually occurs, and that as Pharahatasa. It is admitted that

this is but an approx imation to the form required by our hypothes iswhilst, at the same time, it must be remembered that the cond itions

in the way of time and place, of the P haraltatasa co ins, though

very simi lar to those of the P r iyadarsi Edicts, are no t ex actly identical . The latitude, however, that may be al lowed in our identifica

tion is conveniently, though roughly, determined by comparing the

Greek names of the Bactrian Kings with the Ind ian equivalents in

2 72 on ma news or WALLABHIPUBA .

l inga, cal led Ishwari Mahadeo, and a Nandi smaller than, but equal lywell ex ecuted with

,that at Batheswar. The l iuga is in a square

jaladhar, and close beside it l ies another of these pedestal stones,which resembles ex actly the ordeal stone at Bhaonagar . A monsoon

formed streamlet hard by has laid Open a corner of stonemason work

which is about si x feet wide, and of which about fifty feet in lengthis visible .

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276 DATE AND PERSONALITY or rmn mssx .

other words , by copying a certain number of legends from the A riana

Ant iqua.

Thus

The Greek Hel iokles is in Indian Heliyaklaya

Lysias L isiaaa

L iailcasa

Ami tasa

Atimakhasa

Antialki dcs

Agathocles

Pandaleon

Mag/ea

Abagamr

Of these forms the ones that most command attention are

P ilashinasa and Tayamidasa . The former as compared with Phi

lox enus gives us the r for the P 11 the latter gives the y between the

vowels, and the termination as, instead of ca. The insertion ofy is

also given in H eliaylclaya .

P laca—I pass over this ricco p ede ; presuming that ifthe condi

tions which nex t come under notice—those of time prove valid, thequestion ofplace maybe left to take care ofi tself.

Data—This is ofprimary importance. According to Heeren the

twelfth year ofPhraates L ,King ofParthia, was D.C. 1 69. New this

is not the year that gives us the simplest resul ts. To saynothing about

the complications engendered by the names rendered Magus,Antigonus,and A lex ander, of which notice wi l l be taken hereafter, B.C . 169 i

not the year wherein the ordinary interpretation ofthe ordinary tex t

places the ch iefParthian invasions ofIndia. It is not the ya ! fo

which they give us even inroads upon the frontier. It is not v ithi '

twenty years e ither way ofany such recorded inroads—not, at ha saccord ing to the ord inary in terp retation of the ord inary (can . It

either too early or too late as we may see by taking a survey

DATE AND ransomm'rr or Pmn nsusr. 277

the history ofEastern Persia fer the times anterior and subsequent toi t. If so, King Phraates gives the very worst word we could have

chosen . He has a suitable name and nothing else. Ifhe is remarkablefor anything at al l, he is remarkable for coming between two periods,in each of which there were Parthian attacks upon India—himselfbeing agent in neither.

Thus, between B.C. 2 16 and B.C. 1 96, we have the re ign of

A rtabanus I and th is, as far as everything but the name goes, gives

us all we want , It gives us an Antiochus with whom i t is imperative that Priyadarsi should be contemporary—Antiochus the Great.It also gi ves us a Pto lemy, simi larly demanded by the tex t of the

Ed icts—Pto lemy Phi lopater. But i t gi ves us no name better thanArtabanus. Meanwhile Euthydemus is reign ing over Bactria

concerning whose relations with Syria and Parthia we have the

fo llowing account . A rtabauus, the third King of his l ine, has to

defend Med ia against A ntiochus 5 which he does with suffi cient effect

for hosti l i ties to end in a compact ; one of the condi tions ofwh ich

was that Bactria should be attacked by the conjo int armies—Bactriaunder the rule of Euthydemus. But this invasion also ends in ano ther

compact, in virtue of which Demetrius, son of Euthydemus, is

commissioned to make conquests in Ind ia. They are made ; and

ceded to Sophagasenas, a native ch ief. A fair amount of detai l is

known concern ing this campaign which, though, in the main, Syrian,Bactrian, and Indian

, is Parth ian so far as the all iance betweenA rtabanus and An tiochus is concerned .

From B.C. 1 96 to B.C . 1 8 1 Priapatius, the on ly King ofh is name,re igns over Parthia. Of him we know the name only. He is suc

ceeded by the object ofthe present notice.

Phraates I, hav ing reigned from B.C . 18 1 to B.C . 1 44, is

simply said by Heeren to have conquered the Mardians on the

Caspian . This is l ittle enough for a reign of37 years and li ttle as

it is, i t is anyth ing but either Bactrian or Indian . Be i t so . A l l we

do at present is to no te the long duration of his reign . H is brotherMithridates I. succeeds h im, and dying in B.C. 1 36, reigns eight

years . New Mithridates I. is pre-eminently the Parthian invader of

Ind ia. He “raises Parthia,” writes Heeren,

“to rank among the

mighty empires ofthe world .

”

He reduces Med ia, Persia, Babylon ia,and ex tends the frontiers ofhis kingdom westward to the Euphrates,and eastward to the Hydaspes .

”

Tru ly, then , may we say that Phraates is either too early or too

late fo r o ur purpose . Had A rtabanus borne a manageable name it is

probable that, when once reconci led to the idea that a tender-hearted

268 on ran some or WALLABHIPURA .

a short interval ofground level as water, affords space for the river

Kalumbhar to wind its uncerta in streams between the rocks of

Chamardi and a conical h i ll which bears the name ofIshalwo . This

h i ll is crowned by the remains ofa fortified building, and, at i ts feet,a muti lated image, wearing the cap and ear-rings of a Vairagi upon

its dissevered head, and buried in the ground up to the waist, recl ines

beneath the shade of the slow -growing Pi lu. Hence, bending

northwards, the river runs along a level plain near the base ofa h ill

dedicated to , and deriving its name from, Thapnath Mahédeo . A

temple, contain ing the symbol of the god w ith the accompanyingNandi

, occupies the summi t ; and near it are fragments of other

religious bu ildings, and two l ingas, which, though hewn out ofgran ite

monoli ths, have not escaped the power of the destroyer. The houses

and huts ofa co lony ofGosains cluster at the foot of the h ill, fringed

by the funeral memorial of the sat i as wel l as of the ascetic ; and

wi thin one ofthe Gosain’

s houses is the entrance to a cave, said to be

of endless length, which the adventurous spirit of the Rajputs of

Chamard i, aided by the religious zeal of the devotees of Siva, has

as yet been found inadequate to ex plore .

A t the hi ll of Thapnath a Mela assembles yearly on the last dayof Shrawan ; and when a delay in the fall of rain , or an epidemicraging alarms the inhab itants of Chamardi and the neighbouringtown of Wal leh, the Raja and Gras ias perform a

“ mantra,”

or

ex traord inary worship to concil iate the Ebawe , whose broken imagel ies at the foot ofIshalwo . Beyond Thépnéth is another island-like

h ill called Chogat, which is bel ieved to contain copper ore, and whichforms the termination ofthe range.

North and east of the peak ofKod iar, w inding not far from thetown ofWalleh, may be observed the salt-water creek, wh ich is called

the Bhaonagar, or the former”river, and wh ich, passing the port from

which it derives its name, and the town ofGhogha, rushes with great

velocity through the channel wh ich separates from the mainland of

Katiwar the curious and interesting island of Perambh . Th is creek

is navigable for the craft ofthe country to a po int equ idistant betweenBhaonagar and Walleh, called Ghelari Bandar, at which the hardlydiscern ible traces ofbrickwork bu ild ings are still po inted out to the

inqu irer. Up to this po int cul tivat ion of wheat and cotton has

faintly struggled on and near the baudar a few hovels are collected

together and d ign ified w ith the names ofA nandpur and Rajpur but

beyond these l ittle clacham,whose inhab itants bring the water which

they drink from the neighbourhood ofWal leh, the plain, assuming a

sti ll more sea-deserted form, stretches onwards, uncul tivated and

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280 mm AND PERSONALITY or PRIYADARSI.

proper, were annex ed to the Parth ian Kingdom. Again there is

positive testimony, and it is consistent w ith probabil ity that the

Parth ians d ismembered Bactria and detached from i t two of i ts satra

pies, even in the reign ofEukratides. It is not specified under what

Parth ian King 5 but it may have been under Mi thridates.

”This is

al l that the present doctrine requires. It merely requires that the

d ismemberment in question should have been effected by Mi thridatesas Crown Prince rather than by Mithridates as King.

The names of the two conquered satrapies new command our

attention, viz .,A sp idnus and Tur iua. Snob , at least they seem to be .

In the tex t of Strabo (x i . i i . 3) the former appears in the gen i tive

case,’

A amu'

wov 5 the latter in the accusative, To upw o

'

vau—where it isapparently an adjective agreeing w ith Earp l i

'mav . Now whether we

agree or disagree with Mr . Court in identifying these words w i th the

present Uzbin and Tairi (Oozbi n and Toor i) the names oftwo divisions

ofthe Ghi lzye branch of Afghans, (the former to the south of the

Kabul river, the latter to the no rth, both on the upper third of i t ) ,we still fi nd the names A sp i i and fl yrosi between the Nijrow and the

Kuner—names which make i t h ighly probable that the Kapur d i

G iri inscription stood not only in the Parthian portion ofBactria,

but in one of the two satrapies which are specially , and by name,stated to have constituted the detached districts .

So much for the Priyadarsi of the Edicts ; or rather of the

Priyadarsi of the Kapur di G iri inscription ; for it is clear that,

admitting the probabil ity of three of the incriptions having beencop ies ofa s ingle prototype—copies nei ther necessari ly of the same

date nor necessarilyofdifferent ones—i t is in the mon ument nearest to

the Parthian frontier that we most reasonably seek the original . So

much , then, for the Priyadarsi of the Kapur di G iri record .

The Priyadarsi ofthe Late now comes under notice . He must haveadvanced beyond the Indus. He must hold not merely that an imal

l ife should not be unnecessari ly wasted, but hemust ho ld it on groundsthat approach the doctrines ofBuddhism. F inal ly, he must havereigned six -and-twenty years

—perhaps more ; certainly not less .

This is because the Kapur d i G iri Edicts are promulgated in

the twelfth year ofhis reign ; those of the Late in the twentyseventh .

Now Phraates the First is no t only the on ly King w ith a practicable name who was a cotemporary of anymonarch named Antiochus,but he is the on ly such cotemporary who reigned so long as twentysix years and upwards .

Las tly comes the Priyadarsi of the Bairath inscription . The

DATE AND PERSONALITY or rmn nansx . 28 1

Priyadarsi heremust be, ifnot an actual Buddhist, something very l ikeone—someth ing (us must be admitted) a great deal too like for

anything corresponding to the ord inary idea ofa Parthian .

This contains the germ of an objection . There are, of course,

others. In respect to these, Iby no means hold it suffi cient to show

that they are not inseverable . It is better to find them non-ex istent,

than to ex plain them away,however plausibly . That they can be

ex plained away, I bel ieve 5 and, bel ieving this, maintain that, whi lst

they are admitted, they must also be valued . In other words, the

improbabil ities which they involve must be weighed against the

improbabilities ofthe opposite view. Thus

In respect to the name, I have remembered that the term

P riyadarsi is significant in the Indian language 5 and Ihave by no

means undervalued this fact, as evidence to i ts bearer having been an

Indian. But I have also remembered that A ornos is s ign ificant

in Greek, and that asparagus, when converted by a not uncommon

catachresis into sparrow-grass, makes very good Engl ish . Sti l l ,

Priyadarsi is sign ificant in Sanskrit . Valeat quantum.

Again, the Antiochus ofwhom Priyadarsi was the co temporary wasthe cotemporary ofa Ptolemy. There is no d iffi culty here. A l l the

Antiochi had Ptolemys for cotemporaries .

He was also the cotemporary of an Antigonus and an A lex ander.

Who these were is uncertain . A ll that can be said is that they are

just as l ikely to have l ived in the times ofA ntiochus Epiphanes as

any other bearer of the name.

With Magas, -a fourth cotemporary of Priyadarsi, the case is

different. The date B.C . 1 69 leaves the name Magus unex plained .

But this is not all . An earl ier one ex plains it. An earl ier one g ives

us Magus a King ofCyrene. A ruler of that name was actual lycotemporary wi th Antiochus the Great . No ru ler of that name is

known to have been cotemporary with Antiochus Ep iphanes—the

cotemporary ofPhraates I. There may, of course have been such an

individual ; just as there may have been Antigeni and A lex anders .

The absence , however, ofthe name must be admitted as an ex ceptionto our hypothes is . Valcat quantum.

Upon the who le however, the co incidences of the date and placeofthe inscription, with that ofthe form of the names , satisfy me that

the hypothesis under considerat ion is legitimate—at least in the eyes ofthose who (l ike myself) never, ex cept when al l other means have beene x hausted, refer co inc idences to acc ident

Having el iminated accident let us see what the hypo thesis ex plains- what it ex plains when deal iur w i t h the monument as one of

280 DATE AND PERSONALITY or PRIYADARSI.

proper, were annex ed to the Parthian Kingdom. Agaiu there is

posi tive testimony, and i t is consistent w ith probabil ity that the

Parth ians dismembered Bactria and detached from i t two of i ts satrap

pies, even in the reign ofEukratides. It is not specified under what

Parth ian King 5 but it may have been under Mi thridates.”This is

al l that the present doctrine requ ires. It merely requires that the

d ismemberment in question should have been effected by Mi thridatesas Crown Prince rather than by Mithridates as King.

The names Of the two conquered satrapies new command our

attention, viz .,Asp idnus and Tm

‘iua . Such, at least they seem to be .

In the tex t of Strabo (x i . i i . 3) the former appears in the gen i tive

case,’

A amu'

wov 5 the latter in the aceusative, To upw o

’

uau—where it isapparently an adjective agreeing with Emptim av . Now whether we

agree or d isagree wi th Mr . Court in identifying these words wi th the

present Uzbin and Tzi ri (Oozbin and Team) the names Oftwo d ivisions

ofthe Ghi lzye branch ofAfghans, (the former to the south of the

Kabul river, the latter to the north, both on the upper third of i t ) ,we stil l fi nd the names A sp i i and Thyraei between the Nijrow and the

Kuner—names which make i t h igh ly probable that the Kapur d iG iri inscription stood not on ly in the Parthian portion ofBactria,

but in one of the two satrapies wh ich are specially , and by name ,stated to have constituted the detached districts .

So much for the Priyadarsi of the Edicts ; or rather of the

Priyadarsi of the Kapur di G iri inscription ; for it is clear that,

admitting the probabil i ty of three of the incriptions having beencopies ofa single prototype—copies nei ther necessari ly of the samedate nor necessarily ofdifferen t ones—i t is in the monument nearest tothe Parthian fron tier that we most reasonably seek the original . SO

much, then, for the Priyadarsi of the Kapur d i G iri record .

The Priyadarsi ofthe Lats now comes under notice . He must haveadvanced beyond the Indus. He must hold not merely that an imal

l ife should not be unnecessarily wasted, but he must ho ld it on groundsthat approach the doctrines ofBuddhism. F inal ly, he must havereigned six -and-twenty years—perhaps more 5 certainly not less.

This is because the Kapur d i G iri Edicts are promulgated in

the twelfth year ofhis reig n ; those of the Lats in the twentyseventh .

Now Phraates the First is not only the on ly King with a practicable name who was a cotemporary of anymonarch named Antiochus,but he is the only such cotemporary who reigned so long as twentysix years and upwards .

Lastly comes the Priyadarsi of the Bairath inscription . The

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an ou t n o ru g-sn u ff or m u m .

W m fnhp m zh r w h -d An h

the m e s a Ami -a, M ia-g hee : kx-zu : fm v u 1 i aft'

u

w ar w a s: “ know n. A . . -I iv . o w m m i xi e h t n t i n i whi h

1 . ml w ”4, A r t .54,-s I’

n

'

yz i-rm wi th F i rm m (d

‘0 ’ 1 0 1 4, An dy! w .ta J rM J Instead -1 - wem i n: wart“

I

h aw-ze s ty“ mm foa ter.

’

Th e a-i nn s: d r ism -v en d

n ou n s . i a t the r is non—n d ia l is ahewx bw '

cmh the A ru i l

l i ck /(1 ,M the “M t fo rms —

§ r and -a°

o . It i C l]the vo wel o wi t h creates a difi cn i ty.

A nd no w I ro ast remark (though the M ia. perhap s. “h arm , that t wo blen tZSe

-u ions i ike the ones in quest i on prove n a h

w a s th e tw irr. as mw h as each would prove i ng-i v ; in 0 th

word: if the ofid o w are Gay) two to one against the ain ih ri tw of

w o od he rwh en 1’e m and P r iyada rsi , and (an ) thea

an e agai-t fi t

ofArwl mand Asoka being accidental, the chancesagain : the associ ate

imam Av i l a Pr iyad arsi being Am ber Ph a t-ta are more than four

fl ow long , h owever, d id A s oka re ign 1 A ccord ing to one accoun t

twen ty g i g,u, mother thirty

-seven years- the numbers be ing from

I'rofmw r Wi lson, wri ting of the northern Buddh ists. New th irty.

amm o is the e x act number given , by Heeren, to Phraates I. Fromth i s subtract twe lve, and the remainder gives (with in a single year)the l imo betwe en h

'

s Edicts and h is death .

The ident ifica t ion ofAsoka w ith A rsakes, and Priyadarsi w ith

l ’hru tm soc/mats fo r the double names—qu ite as wel l. at least, as

they are sow/mow ! for by the Buddhist incarnations. The Arsakidt

were as ind ividuals , so many A rtaban i , Phraotes, Ii i-Mates, H id .

r i d/1m, or the l ike. As one ofthe Am cidar, however, each was an

It amounts for the mu ltipl icity of Asoka-s. However, much a

mlor was an Art/di mer, a Ph i-data , a Tir idata , or a M ithridates, he

was always an d ream .

llut Asoka was the grandson ofChandragupta who was Sandraeo ttus . Ito it so . Those who put this on a level with the synchro

nimmof the Edicts, and bel ieving in it as a rd p iece of history,lml iuvo als o that Priyadarsi was an Indian Prince, ar!

to inte rpre t the word grandson otherwise than

DATE AND PERSONALITY or PRIYADARSI. 283

Though the conjecture i tselfmay be wrong, its grounds are historical .The grounds on which the speculations upon what may be called the

accessories of the question are based—are traditional, constructive,

and what not ? For this reason I lay l i ttle stress upon the bearingof them ei ther one way or the other ; I merely po int out certain

co incidences, some close, some only approx imate ; coinc idences fromwh ich i t may be seen that the accessory facts in the history of the

opinions concern ing Priyadarsi are, at least, as much in favour of thepresent doctrine as against i t.

In the first place, a conquest ofCeylon, concurrent w ith the dis

memberment ofBactria, is ind icated in the Priyadarsi inscriptions ;

where Tambapanm:(Tap robane) special ly occurs, as the name of a

po rtion ofPriyadarsi’

s empire. Whether such a conquest must neces

sarily have been effected by an Indian King rather than by a Parthian(considering the ex tent of sea-board belonging to the latter) is a

question for the reader to cons ider .

Secondly. The Ceylonese possess a trustworthy and intell igiblechrono logy beg inn ing with the year 1 6 1 B.C.

”Upon the principle

of taking o ther men’

s dates,rather than being tempted to tamper

wi th them by making them formyself, I give the preced ing statement

in the words ofPrrfessor Mii ller; who endorses the view of Turnout .

If I agreed wi th these two scho lars I shou ld on ly do so because theirstatements favoured my hypothesis so that (practical ly speaking) Idoubt the fact. The date, however, is remarkable. It l ies, as near

as may be, half-way between that of the Kapur di G iri monumentand the Lats . If the Ceylonese have really a true chrono logy fromthe time under notice, a conquest by a King ofParthia is, certainly,a satisfac tory way ofaccoun ting for it .

Devénampriya Tisha,writes Dr. Muller, was a King ofCeylon

who made Buddhism the state rel igion of the island . Surely, wordfor wo rd, Desdndmp r iya Tisha is Dwdndmpriyo P r iyadarsi , the KingPriyadars i, Beloved ofthe Gods ofthe Priyadarsic Edicts . It requires

n o skil l in the higher branches of emendatory and conjecturalc ritic ism to see this. A printer’s reader, a printer’s compositor, can

tell us that if we w ish to ensure a c lerical error or a misprint, wehave only to let one word and with the same letters wi th which

ano ther begins .

Devanampriya Tisha “reigned forty years. The numbers are

again from Dr. Mii ller. This is, within three years, the length ofthe

reign of Phraotes I. Meanwh i le, observe the letter t, by which the

d in Priyadarsi is replaced, and in which we get a sound wh ich bringsus one degree nearer to Phraata .

ART . XII.—Ou the Inscr ip tions found in the region of E l

Hdrrah,in the Great Desert South-east and E ast of the

Haurdn . By Cyan . C . GRAHAM .

IN the following pages I propose, fi rst, to give a short account ofthe

local ity in which the remarkable inscriptions wh ich accompany this

memo ir were found, and of the c ircumstances wh ich led to thei r

discovery, and then to offer a few remarks on the nature of the

inscriptions themselves , and ofthe method Ihave employed in endea

vouring to decipher them.

It wi ll be seen that l ittle else has been done beyond surmising as

to the tribe of language to which these inscriptions belong, nor withsuch very meagre data could we reasonably hope for greater results.

If Ihave succeeded in establ ishing that these inscriptions are nearlyallied to the Himyarit ic language, we have already a foundat ion uponwhich to build as soon as more specimens of these characters shal l

reach us .

Ihad employed the spring and the greater part of the summer of

the year 1 857 in careful ly ex amining the topography of Palestine.

From the accounts I had read in Burckhardt, and especially from the

descriptions given to me by the Rev. J . L . Porter, ofthe remarkablecountry south of Damascus, cal led the Haurz

‘

in,w ith its numerous

cit ies ofstone, I had determined, as soon as the great heats should be

passed , to make a journey through that d istrict.

Mr. Porter l ikewise spoke to me ofnumerous deserted cities in the

plai n east of the Hauran,which he had seen in the distance, as

Burckhardt and Seetzen had done before him, but which no one had

ever visited. The inducemen t was naturally very great to ex plore acountry so to tally unknown , and to attempt a journey which, if

successful, must yield so much of interest. The few travel lers who

had been in the Haurt‘

m, had already drawn attention to the high

antiquity of the ho uses and o ther bu ild ings there, and Mr. Porter inhis admirable work,“ had stated i t as his opinion

, and had certainlygone far to prove , that many of the houses wh ich are now standingin the Haurim,

were the dwell ings of the o ld inhab itants of Bashan ,

the ancient Rephaim,who had been conquered by the children of

Israel . Many ofthe cities of the Haurfiu have names, which we find

Five Years in Damascus .

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An'r. XII.—On the Inscrip tions found in the region of E l

Hdrrah, in the Great Desert South-east and E ast of the

Haurdn . ByCum. C . GRAHAM .

IN the following pages I propose, fi rst, to give a short account ofthe

local ity in which the remarkable inscriptions wh ich accompany this

memo ir were found, and of the c ircumstances wh ich led to their

d iscovery, and then to offer a few remarks on the nature of the

inscriptions themselves , and ofthe method Ihave employed in endea

vouring to decipher them.

It wi ll be seen that l ittle else has been done beyond surmising as

to the tribe of language to which these inscriptions belong, nor withsuch very meagre data could we reasonably hope for greater results.

If I have succeeded in establ ishing that these inscriptions are nearlyal lied to the Himyaritic language, we have already a foundat ion upon

which to build as soon as more specimens of these characters shal l

reach us .

Ihad employed the spring and the greater part of the summer of

the year 1 857 in careful ly ex amin ing the topography of Palestine.

From the accounts I had read in Burckhardt, and espec ially from the

descriptions given to me by the Rev. J . L. Porter, ofthe remarkablecountry south of Damascus, called the Haurfiu

,with i ts numerous

cities ofstone, I had determined, as soon as the great heats should be

passed, to make a journey through that d istrict.

Mr. Porter l ikewise spoke to me ofnumerous deserted cities in the

plain east of the Hauran, wh ich he had seen in the distance, as

Burckhardt and Seetzen had done before him, but which no one had

ever visited. The inducement was naturally very great to ex plore acountry so totally unknown, and to attempt a journey which, if

successful, must yield so much of interest. The few travel lers who

had been in the Hauran, had already drawn attention to the high

antiquity of the houses and other bu ild ings there, and Mr. Porter inhis admirable work,“ had stated it as h is opinion

, and had certainlygone far to prove, that many of the houses wh ich are now standingin the Hauran, were the dwell ings of the old inhabitants of Bashan,the ancient Rephaim,

who had been conquered by the ch ildren of

Israel . Many ofthe cities of the Hauran have names, which we find

Five Years in Damascus .

”

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ART . XII.—On the Inscr ip tions found in the region of E l

Hdrrah, in the Great Desert South-east and E ast of the

Haurdn . By CYRIL C . GRAHAM .

IN the following pages I propose, fi rst, to give a short account ofthe

local ity in which the remarkable inscriptions which accompany this

memo ir were found, and of the circumstances wh ich led to their

d iscovery, and then to offer a few remarks on the nature of the

inscriptions themselves , and ofthe method Ihave employed in endea

vouring to decipher them.

It wi ll be seen that l ittle else has been done beyond surmising as

to the tribe of language to which these inscriptions belong, nor withsuch very meagre data could we reasonably hope for greater results.If I have succeeded in establ ish ing that these inscriptions are nearlyal lied to the H imyarit ic language, we have already a. foundat ion uponwhich to build as soon as more specimens of these characters shal l

reach us .

Ihad employed the spring and the greater part of the summer of

the year 1 857 in careful ly ex amin ing the topography of Palestine.

From the accounts I had read in Burckhardt, and espec ially from the

descriptions given to me by the Rev. J . L. Porter, ofthe remarkablecountry south of Damascus, cal led the Haurau

, with its numerous

cities ofstone, I had determined, as soon as the great heats should be

passed, to make a.journey through that district.

Mr. Porter l ikewise spoke to me ofnumerous deserted cities in the

plain east of the Hauran,which he had seen in the distance, as

Burckhardt and Seetzen had done before him, but which no one had

ever visited . The inducement was naturally very great to ex plore acountry so to tal ly unknown, and to attempt a journey which, if

successful, must yield so much of interest. The few travel lers who

had been in the Hauran, had already drawn attent ion to the high

antiquity of the houses and other bui ld ings there, and Mr. Porter inhis admirable work,“ had stated i t as his opin ion

, and had certain lygone far to prove , that many of the houses wh ich are now standingin the Hau ran, were the dwell ings of the o ld inhabitants ofBashan,the ancien t Rephaim,

who had been conquered by the children of

Isrs ml Many ofthe cities of the Hauran have names, which we find

F ive Years in Damascus .

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mscmp'rlos s FOUND IN EL-HARRAII. 287

that ci ties in Bashan bore in the earliest times, and although some

might be incl ined to doubt the great age of the actual buildings, noone could help be ing convinced of the an tiqu ity ofthe cities . Whatmight there not be then in the immense unex plored tract east of

Bashan i

Burckhardt too, on reach ing the summit of the high chain of

mounta ins which form the eas tern l imi t of the Hanrdn, had seen

.me ofthese c it ies of the desert, and had felt the strongest desire to

v isit them. He was, however, unsuccessful, his guides wou ld not

venture into the desert for fear ofthe A rabs, and to his infin i te regret

he was forced to turn again westwards .

A ll these accounts conspired to g ive me a viv id interest in the

Haurfi n, and al l that was assoc iated w ith it, and I determined, un less

i t were u tterly imposs ible, to e x plore the desert for some d i s tance

east ofthe mountains ofthe Drflz Jebel cd-Druz. Immed iately befo restart ing on the journey, I made an ex cursion to the lakes east of

Damascus, and to some ruins beyond them. One of the d ivisions of

the great tribe of the Anezi was encamped near the lakes, and someofthese A rabs accompan ied me in my ride.

From them I made enqu iries abo ut the country south-east of us,

and from what they to ld me, vague though the ir info rmat ion was, I

was convinced that the resul ts ofmyjourney would be valuable.

My fi rst object was to reach a w i ld vo lcan ic d istrict far east ofthe

Hau l-inn, called es-Safah. It has been figured in most of the maps,but always incorrect ly ; Burckhardt and Z immermann placing i t

c lose to the Buuri in , and Po rter, who removed i t out into the desert

to nearly its right position ,having represented it correctly enough as a

vo lcanic tract, but wi th this mistake, that instead ofa so l itary hi ll,

a who le range of h i lls rises from w i thin the rocky margin . This,however, co uld not be ascertained without go ing there, since from the

lakes east ofDamascus, and from those parts of the Hauran which

have been v isi ted by former travel lers, only the two highest peaks ofthe range cou ld be seen, and thus the mistake arose .

Ou reaching Shuhba,’ mu g, I consulted with the Driiz sheikh

abou t the best method of performing my journey. He was happilyo n good terms at the moment, wi th the tribe of A rabs who

, duringthe rainy season, actual ly frequented the Safith . An arrangement

‘ I must refer the reader who wi sh“ to ex amine the geography of the

l l aurdn , to Mr. Porter'

s map in the work befo re c ited, or to the map appended

to m) memo ir In the J ournal of the Royal Geograph ical Societyfor 1859, or toKiopl

‘r l's map ofPalestine .

VO L . XV” .

288 msemr'mos s FOUND IN nL-HARRAH .

was made w i th their ch ief, and I was soon on the way to his tents,which were pitched on the ridge just overhanging the desert . W i th arkescort of this tribe I started on the fo llowing dayfor se

-Safah. Soon

after leaving the foo t of the moun tains , I found the plain, elsewhereso rich and f1 u itful

, co vered w ith innumerab le basaltic st ones, roundedl ike boulders as if by the act ion of water, and well pol ished , andwithal lying so close together that the dromedaries could scarcelymake their way across them. Th is volcan ic tract, wh ich ex tend.

for nearly five days eastwards, and 1s in breadth, that 1s from north:to

,south of two days’ journey,

i s cal led by the Arabs el Hfirrah ; I

journeyed through it almo st all n ight, and on the fol lowing day h u

wards two P .M ,reached the southernmost po int ofos-Saffih .

It would be out of place here to g ive an account of the physical:geography of the country I w i ll on ly mention that the Safah i f:composed of a mass ofw ild igneous rocks, which rise abruptly out dthe plain, and are tossed about and rent in such a manner, that thewho le may be best compared to the ruined appearance presen ted bythe moon when v iewed through a good te lescope .

Out of this rocky d istrict rises a chain of b ills cal led Tel liil u

Saffih,likewise basal tic.

On the eastern edge are five anc ient towns, one of them of consi

derable size, and the more remarkable because a large bu ild ing of

white stone is found in it .

The stones are square and beautiful ly cut, and although the

bui lding eviden tly never was fin ished , yet i ts plan is suffi ciently d istinctto make one bel ieve it was intended for a castle or strong place of

defence .

In what age it was bui lt, or by whom, is a mystery to me . It is

evidently much more modern than the houses of which the town is

composed ; these bear the same marks of h igh antiqu ity as the old

houses ofBashan, and the same massive stone doors are found here

that are invariably found in them.

The o ther four towns are l ikew ise very ancien t.

I tried to ex tract from the A rabs any trad i tions wh ich might be

ex tan t with regard to the wh i te ru in Khirbet el-Béida, as it is calledbut al l they could tell me was that a great sultan had once dwelt

there, who was rich in camels and flocks, and in herds, and that his

daughter, who was more beaut iful than the sun, had l ived in a palaceqasr, some distance to the eas t of the Safah . The sul tan had beenvery mighty, and had ru led over the who le coun try until he was

overcome by Tamerlenk, who put him to death and laid waste all the

towns about the Safth .

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2 90 mscmr'rtos s FOUND ts BL-HABRAH .

an ancient road leading d irectly through cl-Harrah,’

and wh ich

appears to have been the high way between Basrahfand Tadmor.

A nd now that I have given this account by way of preface, thereader may the more clearly know where es-Safiih and el-Hérrah

ex actly l ie . I will proceed with the enqu iry as to what. the

language may be in wh ich these inscriptions are wri tten,and then

cons ider what method may be employed in order to dec ipher them.

In the fi rst place , do any ofthem appear to be bil ingual ‘lOn many of the stones I found certainly two kinds of wri ting,

one in wh ich the characters were double, (see the Plates) and

the o ther in which the characters were more slanting and differen tlyformed . I at. first tho ught that these were real ly two dist inct

characters, and that such inscriptions might be in two languages,

but on careful ly comparing them, the double character seems to be

the same as the other. It is truo that the inscriptions 2 1 and 3 1

appear more Semi tic than any of the others, and at one t ime

I thought they might be a form ofPalmyrene writing; but although

some of the characters,as the J and the 7 might be supposed to

represen t the Palmyrene 9 and 2 , yet the others do not in the least

agree with the writing ofPalmyra.

S ince we have then no hope of any of the inscriptions be ingbi l ingual, what method can be employed in order to dec ipher this

unknown character ? What data. have we 1None, I fear, ex cept those afforded by considerat ions as to the

probable history of the country. From Arab wri ters,as far as Iam

aware, we seem to know very little ofthe country east ofthe Haurfin .

Abulfeda, who is so very minute in h is descriptions of the geographyofSyria, deserts us when we go beyond the Castle ofSalkhad, nor evenin scrip ture h istory do we appear to have any notice ofth is country .

Who then could the people have been who bui lt these ci ties ? and

were the authors ofthese inscriptions the orig inal settlers or ofanother

race ? I have elsewhere stated, that from the style ofthe ho uses and ofthe towns, I bel ieve them to have been the work ofthe o ld Rephaim,

who were the founders ofthe c ities of Bashan . But. the inscriptionsI believe to have been the work ofanother race, and of a much later

Written N i and se-Sat‘

éh labia “

Basrah of tho Hau l-ao I mean the place written ind iscriminately bin :

and“ if “ although the former is no doubt correct, co rrespond ing with the

Hebrew 711 33 .

t x scntr'

rtox s room: 18 x L-nannsn . 291

period It is remarkable that in the whole ofHaurt‘

m,where we find

the n ine k ind ofhouses, no inscriptions ofa like nature are seen , and

therefore, whoever the people were who made them, they confined

themselves to the country cast ofHauran,and were to tal ly separated

from the inhabitants of Bachan . The only sure ground that we

have upon which to start is, the high probab i l ity that the language is

Semi t ic. We have no instance of any o ther than a Semi t ic language

occurring in this part ofAs ia, and unless we ascribe to the e wri tings

no h igh an antiqu ity, as to suppose them the work of the Rephaim,

who most certainly d id no t speak Semi tic, we can hardly entertain

the sl ightest do ubt ofthe tribe oflanguage to which theymust belong.

A ssuming then that they are the charac ters of a Semi t ic language,to wh ich of the many d ialects incl uded under that head is i t most.

probab le that they shou ld be lo ng 1 Whe n fi rst I laid the inscript ionsbefo re the Soc iety, i t was surmised that they were a form of the

Phoenic ian , and a very h igh authori ty stated i t to be h is bel iefthat

they were the mo s t anc ient fo r mof t n ic ian wri ting wh ich we have

vet seen that thev mi ; h t even be the character out of wh ich the

o lder form ofPhozn ic ian w ri t ing sprung . Now on carefu lly comparinga ll the charac ters w ith b ot h the o lder and mo re recen t Phoen ic ian

w r i t ings, I canno t fi nd ab ove a " rians wh ich are stric tly Phwn ic ian ,

and o u t ofthe s e , fo ur are co x . mu n to bo th the I’hazti ic ia t. and B imva

ri t ic wr it ings . I do no t th ink e i t i. er that I sho u ld have ex pec

ted

(3 p r e'

o r e'

, to fi nd any d irec t .. t-ai f gv be tween the Phen ic ian and a

language wh ich e x is ted (un le up se tht se writ ings to be the

wo rk ofpi lgrim from a d i s tan t part in a coun trv So atanv davs in land ;

for, wi th ai l the i r zrra tne -s , the I'

h-e n ic ians were always essen t iai lv a

mari time natio n

,and thev d id no t make e x tens io ns of the ir terri to ry

eastwards . Fo r s ome tu n e Iwas. d ro ug iy of opin io n that thev might

be ofthe same c las ofu rit .n .: a s t i .e we i l known S tuatt tc i n sc ript to ns .

These l i it e the one b efo re u ~

,were co n s tan t lv accompan ied by the

rude (Ir-a i r ing of s ome anima l . an d from t he unacco un tab ly i rregular

manner in w i m-h thev w e re co ttt re-l abo u t over the who le of

cl -HArrah ,I w a s con t

'

n .a

'

iv reminde d of the inscript ions in the

“'

ad is of the pen in'

a ofmoat . But o n comparing the two se ts of

inscript ions no analn zy

anfi i c ient iv strong co u ld be traca l , to encou.

rage o ne in the ho pe th at t hev mi ght be ofthe same ciass .

There was b H ow, ano ther lang uage of the & trti t ie branch,

wh ich ‘ 3 9 wo ke n in fo rme r t ime ; b y a pe ople of So uthern A rab ia.

who h it . Lad a r iu m; te r of the ir ow n ,whose langu age and

w ri t'

r ga a . re o

' i’l t r am. .n the t ime of Mohammad. Th is was the

"ag i n g: "f ”Par -r,

a nd thei r language was known bv the name

2 92 tx scmrrtons room) In sL-mttuu t.

l l imvari . and bv us cal led Himyaritic. Its ex istence was h istorical lyknown in Europe long before any specimens ever reached us of the

w ri ting : the A r ab wri ters repeatedly make mention of the o ld

l l unyari w ri t ing and language, especial lyMakrizi , who , as Do Sacyand llodigcr have po inted out

, refers to tablets and m in in difi'

erent

mi t ts , which are engraved w i th Himyari characters. It was not,

howe ver, un t il the present century, that any inscriptions in this

character wcrc hr -ugh t to Europe . Niebuhr in the middle ofthe last

ccu turv. “ as the fi rst traveller who perhaps ever saw one, then

Scc t rc u . who in l aw, at Dhafar, d iscovered these incriptions, two of

wh ich be copied . li nt the largest and most valuable, are those which

were fo und in So u thc u A rab ia, by the British ex ped ition sent to

make a aurvc v ofthe coas t ofArab ia in 1829. At Sana, the capi tal

ofYcutcu , and at l l isu Gho rab, north-east of Aden, and at Naqb cl

l lujur. impo rtan t inscript ions were found, copies of which were soon

placed in the hands ofthe learned in Europe. Geseu ius and Riitliger

lo s t no t ime in cmlcavouring to dec ipher them, and the resul ts of the

latter. “ ho purs ued the subject further than Gouen ina did, were

publ ished in a treat ise ent it led l'

e'

rsttch tiber d ie Himyaritisdws

Selimi l nommtc'uh ,l lul lc. 1 8 4 1 , and developed and appended to his

trans lation ofWe llstcd'

n Tra vels in Arab ia, 1 842 3 to both ofwhich

wo rks Ihave been greatly indebted.

The moment I compared my inscriptions with the specimens we

have of the Il imyaritic. and w ith the alphabets afforded us by two

MSS . in the Ilovul L ibrary at Berl in, I was struck with the ex act

resemblance that some of the characters in mine bore to the others,

and o n e x amin ing mo re minutely, I could not help feeling cou

vinccd that the r esemblance was not merely acc idental I soon

picked out ten s igns which were iden tical in the two cases, and

after a long and clo se comparison, I th ink I can determine the

value of si x more, that is of six teen signs in all . Now, I think, ifthis be once admitted, we canno t but suppose that in these inscrip

t ions cast of the Il aurt‘

m,we have specimens of a writ ing, wh ich,

though no t purely H imyari tic, is nevertheless verymuch al lied to i t.

H itherto , it is true. the Himyarites have been supposed to be a nation

of Southern Arab ia, but was Arab ia their original country ? May

not these characters be the more ancient form, out of which the

Himyaritic itself sprang ? and maywe not be guided by this to the

fact, that the H imyari tes originally came from much further north or

north-cast, perhaps from the Euphrates or Mesopotamia, and then

graduallyworked their way down into Central and Southern Arabia 1

Indeed, after al l, it is only the coast country of Arabia that we can

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294 mscmr'mons sow n i n Elf-HARM .

admirab le works of Brugsch, wh ich are the foundation almost ofa

new sc ience . He has shewn how much maybe made out of names,and in a country where every name is stereotyped . As the fossi l bones

of o ld creatures are raked up and ex amined, and .made, under the

hand of a Cavier or an Owen , to tell us ofthe structure ofthe whole

an imal kingdom thousands ofyears back, so these names mayand will

tell us of a people l ong gone by, and gu ide us to knowledge ofa

h istory which was thought to be hopelessly lost. This comparison of

names is a new sc ience, and may almost be termed fossi l geography.

I wi ll now lay before the reader a l ist of the particular characters

in the Harrah inscript ions wh ich appear to me to be ident ical with

those in the H imyari tic writings, and assign to them their probable

values.

H imyaritic . Hebrew. Arabic .

6 .

7 . m8 . 9 6

9 .

10. i‘

]

r'

i

i1 3. 3 l l l

“

1 4 . O (3 o 3

Of these the O H are common to the t n ician and

Himyaritic alphabets. But there are two letters wh ich are so very

marked, and so essential lybelonging to the Himyaritic and the all ied

mscmm ons rem lB’

sn-msnm . 295

Ethiopic character, that theyalonewould go far to confi rm the supposedanalogyof these inscriptions wi th the H imyarit ic. They are the

K and the r“. On the other hand there are 9 1 or 1, and

F n, p or 3 which are ea rly Greek or t n iciau

signs.

The letter C or which so frequently occurs, I take to be a He

brew '

l, and to represent the more usual Himyari form I, (a 3 , and

in the inscription at Saha in Abyss in ia it real ly has that fo rm.

Ofthe remain ing letters some ofthemare remarkab le eno ugh, but

have neither a Phoen ician nor H imyari t ic appearance . There is one

L wh ich occurs very frequent ly, and I know it as otherwise occur

ring only in the Bun ic alphabet . The 0 wh ich so frequently occurs,

Isuppose to mark the d i vis ion be tween words as the I does in H im

yaritic . The sign 9 i s l ikewise s imi lar to the 7 1 of the

Sinaitic, and the F resembles the Sinaitic f. fl . Sti l l a great

number remain une x p lained , but i t must be clear how very d is tant

the ch in ofthe Phoen ician and Sinait ic characte rs is t o any s imi larityw i th these inscriptions found w i th the close resemblance between

these and the Himyari . The richness of the alphabet s eems ve ry

aston ishing. I have counted certa inly fifty d ist inct signs .

'

l'

he

inscriptions were so wel l cut into the hard basalt that everymark was

pe rfect ly clear, and the copies wh ich were taken naay be rel ied up on .

We have , however, no t nearly eno ugh of them yet t o enc ourage

us in sett ing about read ing them. The inscriptions, to o, are very

short, conta in ing doubt less l ittle more than a prope r name, and thus

leading one to suppose that th is must all have been ho ly ground , Go

the suppo sit ion that these words ce lebrate pi lgrimages , some lead ing

e x pressions shou ld be so ught fo r, such as 170 , fi 'l or am, 050 , i

or 32 . &c .

Iw ill now go rapid ly thro ugh the inscriptions themselves.

(1 ) is verr remarkab le, and the same group occurs over and over

agai n i n El-Ham b . Icopied it three t imes.

In (15) we have o ne of the hunting dogs of the A rabs fi lled

“ Si ll ijah .

”

A wel l e x ecuted monkey. It is to he remarked that he is

t ied ro und the neck and round the lo ins, and therefore probably

a pet an imal , or ouethat has been broaght from another couutry

as a tribute .

292 l x scmrrtos s rous e l x 5 1.-mums .

Himvari , and by us cal led Himyari tic . Its.l ex isten ce was histori callyknown in Europe long before any spec imens ever reached us of the

w ri t ing ; the A rab w ri ters repeated ly make ment ion of the o ld

H imyari wri ting and language, espec ially Makr izi,who , as De Sa y

and Rud iger have po in ted ou t, refers to tablets and rocks in d ifl'

erent

parts, which are engraved w i th H imyari characte rs. It was not ,

however, un t i l the present cen tury, that any inscript ions in th is

character were br ngh t to Europe . Ni ebuhr in the middle ofthe last

cen tury, was the fi rst travel ler who perhaps ever saw one, then

Seetzen , who in 1 8 10, at Dhafar d isco vered these incriptions, two of

wh ich be cop ied. Bu t the largest and most valuable, are those wh ich

were found in Souths n A rab ia,by the Bri t ish ex ped ition sent to

make a survev ofthe coas t ofA rab ia in 1 529 . A t Sana, the capi tal

ofYemen , and at Hisn Ghorab,no rth-ea s t of A den, and at Xaqb el

Hajar, impo rtan t inscriptions were fo und, copies of whi ch were soon

placed in the hands ofthe learned in Europe . Gesen ius and Ri'

vdiger

lost no t ime i n endeavour ing to dec ipher them, and the results of the

latter, who pursued the subject farther than Gesen ius d id, were

publ ished in a treatise en t i tled l'

ersuc lt u ber th e H imyar it isd ea

Sch rm/nonumen te,

"Hal ls , 1 84 1 , and deve loped and appended to his

translation ofW'

ellsted'

s Travels in A rab ia, 1 842 to bo th ofwh ich

works I have been greatly indebted .

The momen t I compared my inscript ions w ith the specimens we

have of the Himyari tic, and w i th the alphabets afforded us by two

MSS . in the Royal Library at Berl in, I was struck with the ex ac t

resemblance that some of the characters in mine bore to the others,

and on ex amin ing more minutely, I could not help feel ing con

v inced that the resemb lance was no t merely acc idental I soon

picked out ten signs wh ich were ident ical in the two cases, and

after a long and close comparison, I think I can determine the

value of s i x more, that is of s i x teen signs in all . Now,I think, if

this be once admitted, we cannot bu t suppose that in these inscrip

t ions east of the Haurfin,we have specimens of a writ ing, wh ich ,

though not purelyHimyari t ic, is nevertheless verymuch all ied to i t.

H itherto , i t is true, the Himyarites have been supposed to be a nation

of Southern Arab ia, but was A rab ia their original country l Mayno t these characters be the more anc ient form

, out of which the

H imyarit ic itse lf sprang ? and may we not be gu ided by th is to the

fact, that the Himyarites orig inally came from much further north or

north-eas t, perhaps from the Euphrates or Mesopo tamia, and then

gradually worked the ir way down into Central and Southern Arabia 1

Indeed, after all, i t is only the coast country of A rabia that we can

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294 ts scmm os s rous e m EL-HABBAB .

admirab le works of Brugsch, which are the foundation almost ofa

new science . He has shown how much may be made out of names,and in a country where every name is stereotyped . As the fossi l bones

of old creatures are raked up and ex amined, and .made, under the

hand of a Cuvier or an Owen, to tell us ofthe structure ofthe who le

animal kingdom thousands ofyears back, so these names mayand wi ll

tell us of a people l ong gone by, and gu ide us to knowledge of a

history which was thought to be hopelessly lost. This comparison of

names is a new science, and may almost be termed fossil geography.

I will now lay before the reader a l ist of the particular characters

in the Harrah inscript ions wh ich appear to me to be identical wi th

those in the Himyari tic writings, and assign to them their probable

values.

Il imyari tic . Hebrew. Arab ic .

.

.

nas

p

o

I

E

:

6 .

7 .

‘11

8 . G 6

9.

“ l‘

10.l‘

]

r'

i

l1 3. 3 l Hr14 . O B O B

Of these the O H are common to the t nician and

alphabets. But there are two letters wh ich are so very

so essential lybelonging to the Himyaritic and the allied

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GOLDEN RELICS AT us s ooo x . 2 99

ho lding the burnt bones of a human be ing ; but whether of

Prince or Princess the translato rs of th is inscription are not

agreed upon . But there were three Chai tyas, and th is wou ld

imply that there were three sacred objects to be inc losed . One

might be fo r the burnt bones ; another for the devoted tresses of

the Pr incess ; but a rel ic is wan ted for the th ird. Captain Sparks,

who s igns h is l ingual labour A true translation , represents the

Q ueen of Pegu as the pious“ devo tee Mr. Fau .bo ll, who reads

the Pal i tex t difl'

erently, makes the Prince the devo tee ;"bu t

the probab i lit ies, setting as ide the co nflict ing translat ions, would

favo r the suppo sit ion that the rel ies (b urnt bones) were thoseofa man ; fo r the ashes of a female wo uld scarcely have been

assoc iated w ith a martial jewel led go ld helmet and sir-p eak, and

a jewel led gold sword bc lt. A t the present t ime we are only

en ti tled to assume that the cremated bones, whether ofmale or

female , were at all even ts,enshr ined by some one in authority,

ofunbo unded wealth, and measureless piety.

W . H . SYKES.

81h 1 859 .

E x am! ofa letter from Br igad ier Russel l , Comman z’i ng at Rangoon ,

do l ed l Of/t May, 1 855,add ressed to Cap ta in Thomson , P egu

D i vis ion .

I n ave the hono r to state that on the 13th ult. , the art icles enume

rated in the marg in,’were fo und by some Coo l ies wh i le employed in

levell ing one of the pagodas on the Easte rn heights (the s ite of the

new European Barracks), and to request that yo u w i ll bring the same

to the no tice ofMajo r-General Sir S. lv. Stee l, Commandingthe Divis io n , and to convey to me h is o rders regard ing the d isposal of

the art icles in question .

I beg to fo rward a copy ofthe translation ofthe inscription on the

go lden scro l l fo und among the art icles above enumerated .

I have the honor, &c .,

(Signed) C . RUSSELL .

Model of a go ld pagoda in three pieces, a larger d itto in

four pieces, smaller ditto in three pieces (imperfect), gold helmet, setin jewels (broken) , go ld tassel , go ld leaf scroll, small go ld cup with

ruby on top, go ld belt set wi th jewels, go ld bowl with cover .

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GOLDEN RELICS AT RANGOON .

ho ld ing the burnt bones of a human be ing ; but whether of

Pr ince or Princess the translato rs of this inscription are no t

agreed upon . But there were three Chaityas, and th is would

imply that there were three sacred objects to be inclosed . One

might be fo r the burnt bones ; another for the devoted tresses of

the Pr incess ; but a rel ic is wanted for the thi rd. Captain Sparks,who signs his l ingual labour A true translation , represents the

Q ueen of Pegu as the pious“ devo tee Mr. Fan b e", who reads

the Pal i tex t differen tly, makes the Pr ince the devo tee bu t

the probab i lit ies, se tting aside the conflicting translations,would

favor the suppo s it ion that the rel ics (b urnt bones) were thoseofa man ; fo r the ashes of a female wo uld scarcely have been

assoc iated w ith a martial jewel led go ld helmet and s ir-p esh, and

a jewel led gold sword belt. A t the presen t t ime we are only

en ti tled to assume that the cremated bones, whether ofmale or

female,were at al l even ts

,enshr ined by some one in authority,

ofunbo unded wealth, and measureless p iety.

W . H . SYKES.

November,1 859 .

E x h art ofa letter from Br igad ier Russel l, Comman di ng at Rangoon ,

(la /ed l O/h May, add ressed to Cap ta in Thomson , P egu

D i vis ion .

I H A V E the hono r to state that on the 13th u lt. , the art icles enume

rated in the marg in ,*were fo und by some Coo l ies wh i le employed in

level l ing one of the pagodas on the Eastern he ights (the site of the

new Eu ropean Barracks), and to request that you w i ll bring the same

to the no t ice ofMajo r-General Sir S. W. Stee l, Command ingthe D ivis io n , and to con vey to me h is orders regard ing the d isposal of

the artic les in question .

I beg to forward a copy ofthe translat ion ofthe inscription on the

go lden scro l l fo und among the articles above enumerated .

I have the honor, &c .

,

(Signed) C . RUSSELL .

Model of a go ld pagoda in three pieces, a larger d itto in

four p ieces, smaller ditto in three pieces (imperfect), go ld helmet, setin jewels (broken) , go ld tassel, go ld leaf scro ll, smal l gold cup with

ruby on top, go ld belt set wi th jewels, gold bowl with cover.

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eonnns names AT RANGOON. 805

properly means, to go away,’

therefore,‘to leave the society of

men, and become an ascetic .

’

Dwikkhattum, twice 3 cf. v . 7, pane/mkkhattum

, five t imes the Sanskri t termination krtvas becomingk/l'hatl um. N i rdmisd , cf. vantalokdmisa, Damhmapadam v . 378 amiss.

des ire ; see Haughton’

s Beng . Diet .”In Wi lson s Diet . I find

n i rdmisa’

fln,

‘free from sensual desires .

’

Bhufijt'

ya, gerund of bhufij,the usual blzu fijitwd . The ord inary format ion of the gerund in

Pal i is by twa’

,when the verb is compound . Bhufij, I suppose must

here be taken, not in the mean ing of to eat,’

but in a more general

sense,‘to enjoy l ife,

’ ‘ to l ive.

’

S ila occurs in the Dhammapadam

st i ll oftener than saddhd , see vv. 1 0, 55, 57, 84, 1 10, 1 44, 208, 2 17,

229, 271 , 289, 303, 400. Rakkh imsu,aorist ofram sans mkah.

V . 4 . P abbdja instead ofpabbdjesi , aori st ofp abbaj in the can

sative, i being elided before the fol lowing a : cf. the note to Dhamma

padam, v. 5 . In the same waywe read in N imijatakaTassa pufglto eydkdu

’

Mdtal i devasdrath i

Wipdlcam pdpakammdnamJ dnam akkhds ajdnato (i . e. akkhasi).

Dh i taro, accord ing to La Loubers Du Royaume de Siam, Amsterdam

,1 691 , vol . i, p . 342) and Crawfnrd Embassy to Siam,

”vo l . i

,

p . there are no monastic institutions appropriated to females,and on ly aged women are permitted to retire to the monasteries . A

d ifferent custommust have prevailed, I th ink, in Pegu, as the Kingsent h is four beautiful daughters to the clo ister.

V . 5 . Ddsopasampddesi, contracted from dries upas : such a con

traction is not used in the Dhammapadam,cf. the note to v . 307 . For

upasampada’

, see Hardy’

s Eastern Monach ism,

”

p . 44 .

“ It is not

unusual for a noble, as a work ofpre eminen t ex cellence, to emancipate

a slave,that he may become a Bonze .

”

See “ The Kingdom and

People of Siam,

”by Sir John Bowring, vol . i, p . 297 . Sattumd tan

yakesar i : .ll titanya.

means, not only an elephan t, but also an outcast

(Clo ugh’

s“ Pali Vocab ,

”

p . 1 34 , and, accord ing to Clough’

s

“ Singhalese Dictionary,”

general ly a mountaineer,’

a barbarian .

’

V . 6 . P atti . I have followed Turnour in rendering this word

bless ing,’

see Mahéwanso ,’

4to ., p. 207, 89, but confess I do not see

upo n what th is translation is grounded ; the word can hardly have

any other Sanscri t equ ivalent than p rdp t i .

V. 7 . D ip ad uttama ,is to be found in the “ Pal i Vocabulary,

”

p . 1,

as a name ofBuddha, but i t refers here to the Q ueen .

V. 8 . Ka t i Pal i Vocabulary,”

p . 25, either the temporaryhuts in which the monks, down to the end ofthe 17th century, passed

X 2

306 oonnnN names A'l‘ Bas soon.

twenty days in severe meditation and prayer, (see“ Cravfnrd

'

s

Embassy,”vol . i , p. or the cel ls which belong to everymonu

tery. See the plan ofa monasterywhich La Loubére gives in the first

volume ofh is book, p . 341 . The defective word . . tasso can scarcelybe completed in any other way than chatasso .

V . 9 . (”card is here a femin ine, whereas i t is s tated in the con

mentary on the Dhammap adam,v . 302, that it is a masculine ; and

according to the “ Pal i Vocabulary, p. 25, 9, a neuter . It mean!

a house,’

and is derived, no doubt, from the same roo t as grim and

rig/l i ra, cf. Carey’

s Bengali Dictionary. Temp le-slaves are often

spoken of by La Loubers and Crawfurd . Streamed and n ip iyé, an

gold and s ilver co ins.

V . 1 0 . Kanwa=Sanskrit l ’eimsya wh ich, accord ing to lVilson,

means ‘a gob let,

’ ‘a musical instrument,

’ ‘a measure .

’

It must hstaken here, I th ink, in the fi rst sign ification . Gaaana, I think, mustbe that calcu lating instrument, the swanpan, which is described and

figured by La Loubere (vo l . i i, p . and ofwhich many have beenbrought to this country. Suka Sanskrit, sake, wh ich accordi ng to

lVi lson may mean‘clothes,

’ ‘a turban,

’ ‘a helmet.

’

Mar iska maybe ‘

pepper,’

with which the country abounds. Tisatambana I could

d ivide into tisala and ambana : the last word being, probab ly, equiva

lent to ammane ; see Pal i Vocabulary,”

p. 132, 54.

V . 1 1 . Rrwuka impl ies, I th ink, the same as the Sanskrit reb'

il 'tf,t field

’

(seeW i lson). we may read I

’

Vt'

cltchabkattal,

o r N iehchambhatta in, taking .Vi chd i am as an adverb ; bhatta, Sana

b/i akla. Three hundred I’hra [priests] receive daily their alms fromthe hands of the king ; and th is alms-giving is, in the minds of the

Siamese, a merit of high order, ent itl ing them to ex pect recompense

in the nex t stage oftheir ex istence.

”—Sir John Bowring, as before .

V. 1 2 . x lfflta par ikkhdrd, cf. Hardy'

s Eastern Monachism,

“

p. 64. Mandrake,composed ofmzmi and era/ca, the a being pro

longed for the sake ofthe metro.

V. 1 3. Dhafifi'

a, Sansk. dha’

nya, Pal i Vocabulary, p. 130 , 29,

a so rt of superior rice in the husk, and o ther grains. Nagara .

vanam,I read migarci namm

’

sq yanam properly i t should be eissajfa.

11am,see Pal i Vocabu lary,

”

p . 54,1 3, and the note to the Dhamma

padam,v. 1 40, bu t the metro requ ires a short syllable.

Kammavdeha'

Immzsambzmmyd du ve. The Kammavdchd is the

collection ofBuddhist rituals which is frequently seen in the l ibraries

of Europe, usual ly writ ten, or rather painted, in

the square Pal i

character, on gilt or s ilvered palm-leaves. There are 80 1“ 103V“ Of

this work in the Society’

s l ibrary written on sheets ofcopper: and one

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An'

r. XIV On the Indi an Embassy to Augustus . ByCan on ! )

DE Beauvom PRIAL' LX, Esq.

[Read 1 9173 November,

N i cou us Damasce x us, in a fragment preserved by Strabo,lrelates

“that at A ntioch Epidaphue, he fel l in with three Ind ian am

bassadors, then on their way to the court of Augustus. Theywere, as their letter showed, the survivors ofa larger embassy, but to

the others the length of the j ourney principally had proved fatal .’Their letter was wri tten on parchment (84>q and in the name

ofFerns, and in Greek. It set forth that Porus, th ough Lord over

600 kings, much valued the friendship of, and was ready to open his

domin ions to , Czesar, and to ass ist h im on al l just and lawful occasions.

‘

The presents they brought .with them were in the charge ofeight

well-anointed slaves, naked all but their girdles, and'

cons isted ofa

youth whose arms had been amputated at the shoulders in chi ldhood,

a sort ofHermes, some large vipers, a snake ten cub its long, a river

torto ise offour cub its, and a partridge somewhat larger than a

vu lture. With the ambassadors was that Ind ian, who burned h imselfat A thens, not to escape from presen t i lls, but because h itherto suc

cessful in every thing he had undertaken ; he now feared, lest anylonger l ife should bring him misery and disappointment, and so

Geograph. India. 1. x v. c. 73, also Damsseeni, Frag. 91 Frag iHist. Gra n.iii . v. 4 19. p. D idot .

‘

0m; It my rnc tmor ohqc t h rong dqhoveOac, (i nc tb’

u v cam, t ong d’aM euc

i n pag e»: raw 666 30 dca¢9apfpva t t o wh en Ut supra.

Was parchment or some prepared skin used for writing on by the ancient

H indus ? A ll the MS. I have seen (from Birmah ) were on palm leaves. And

there is a passage in H iouen Theang wh ich wou ld ind icate that the leaf of the

Talas was used in h is t ime for that purpose. Les feu i lles des Tai ln. (Bon anzafls be lliformis) sont leagues . larges , et d

'

une couleur lu isante. Dans tous les Roy,

names do l ’Iude i l n ’

ya person s qu i n’en recuei l le pour écri re , ii i. v. , 148 p.

3 Kai fl'

OtyOC a n dcodov re wapzx zw, on ) ficvkcrac, sa i evp t pafn w 66a

cahm; ex ec. Ut supra.

306 GOLDEN names A'l‘ u nseen.

twenty days in severe meditation and prayer, (see Crawfurd s

Embassy,”vol . i, p . or the cel ls which belong to every monas

tory. S ee the plan ofa monasterywhich La Leubere gives in the first

volume ofh is book, p . 341 . The defective word . . taeeo can scarcely

be completed in any o ther way than chetasse .

V . 9 . Gleam 18 here a. femin ine, whereas it is stated in the com

mentary on the Dhammapadam,v . 302, that it is a mascu line ; and

according to the “ Pal i Vocabulary, p . 25, 9, a neuter . It means‘a house,

’

and is derived, no doub t, from the same root as grim and

(igero , cf. Carey’

s Bengal i Dictionary.

’

Temple-slaves are often

spoken of by La Loubers and Crawfurd . Savanna and rt’

cp iyd, are

gold and si lver co ins.

V . 1 0 . Kamsa Sanskrit ka’

msya ; wh ich, accord ing to W'

i lson,

means ‘a goblet,

’ ‘a musical instrument,

’ ‘a measure.

’

It must betaken here, I think, in the fi rst sign ification . Ganana, I th ink, must

be that calculating instrumen t, the siw ap on , which is described and

figured by La Loubere (vol . i i , p . and ofwhich many have been

brought to this country. Sui-a Sanskrit, std-a, which accord ing to

Wi lsen may mean‘clethes,

' ‘a turban,

’ ‘a helmet.

’ Mariska maybe ‘

pepper,’

with which the country abounds. Tisatambana I could

d ivide into tisat aand ambana the last word being, probably, equ iva

lent te ammana ; see Pal i Vocabulary,”

p. 132, 54.

V . 1 1 . Rafi uka impl ies, I th ink, the same as the Sanskrit rdj ikd,a field (see lVi lsen) . we may read N ichchabhattau

,

o r N iebchambhattam, taking .Viclc07mm as an adverb ; bit-amt, Sans.bl ur/11 a . Three hundred Phra [priests] receive daily their alms fromthe hands of the king ; and th is al i as-giving is, in the minds of the

Siamese, a meri t of h igh order, ent i tling them to ex pect recompense

in the nex t stage oftheir cx istence.

”—Sir John Bowring, as before .

V. 1 2 . Aflha par ilrkh l ird , cf. Hardy’

s Eas tern Monachism,

’

p. 64. Mandrake,composed ofmwa

’

and «redo , the a being pro

longed for the sake ofthe metre.

V. 1 3. Dharma, Sausk. dlza’

nya,“ Pal i Vocabulary, p. 130 , 29,

a sort of superior rice in the husk, and o ther grains. Nagara .

fianam, I read ndgarci namm’

sq uanmn properly it should be u’

mj anam,

sec Pal i Vocabu lary,”

p . 54, 1 3, and the note to the Dhamma

padam, v. 1 40, bu t the metro requ ires a short syl lab le.

Kammamieha’

hmmsambumayd duve . The Kammavachd is the

collection ofBuddhist rituals which is frequently seen in the l ibraries

of Europe, usual ly written, or rather painted, in the square Pali

character, on gilt or silvered palm-leaves . There are some leaves of

this work in the Society’

s library written on sheets ofcopper, and one

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31 2 was INDIAN nu sassr re mons-res.

just notices an Indian Embassy to Augustus," but places i t in the

th ird year of the 1 88th Olympiad, or n o . 26. And Orosius, a native

ofTarragona (earlypart ofthe 5th century) relates,” that an Indian

and a Scythian Embassy traversed the whole world, and found Ce sar

at Tarragona, in Spain 5 and wi th some rhetorical flourish, he then

goes on to observe,“ that j ust as in Babylon A lex ander received

deputations fromSpain and the Gauls, so now A ugustus in the furthest

west was approached w ith gifts by suppl iant Ind ian and Scythian

Ambassadors.

”From these authorities, I think we may safely eon-t

clude, that an Ind ian Embassy. or what purported to be an Indian

Embassy, was rece ived byA ugustus .

But in re-ex amin ing our authorities, we cannot but observe that

—wh ile themajority of them are appl icable to, or certainly net irre

concilable w ith, the embassy ofDamasceaus wh ich reached A ugustus

at Samos, 20 D.C . St. J eromc. al ludes to an embassywhich he refers

to the year 26 n c . , and which Orosius brings to Tarragona, whither

Augustus had gone 27 D . C . , and where he was deta ined t ill 24 bythe Can tabrian war. Hence a d iffi cul ty, wh ich Casanbon and others

have endeavoured to remove by as suming two Ind ian Embassies the

one at Tarragona to treat ofpeace, the other at Samos to ratify the

peace agreed upon . But not to men tion that th is prel iminaryembassyis unknown to the earl ier wri ters .

“ who al l so e x ult in the se-cndled

second embassy that they scarce ly would have failed to notice the fi rst ;

Iwou ld observe, F irst, that uo author whatever speaks of two Ind ian

Embassies. And , second ly, Iwould refer to the ambassadorial letter

ofwh ich Damascenus has preserved the co ntents ; for there we fi nd

no mention ofa previous contract o r agreement between the two

sovereigns, but simply an offer on the part of the Hindu prince to

[ pag e fiaechw c pike; Avyvo'

rov sa i e vypax oc wp w trac. Georg. Symon ;Bymnt . H ist. Niebuhr. 588, 9, ih.

‘3 Indi ab Augusto amic itiam postularunt, 188th Olym. Migne ed.‘3 Interea Caesaremapud Tarracouem c i terioris H ispan ite arhem legati Indomm

ct c tharum tote orbo transmisse tandem ib i inveneruat, ultra quod qumrere non

posseht , refuderuntque in Cam-treat Ale x andri Magai gloriam; qucm sicut Hispano .

rum Gal lorumque legatio in medio Oriente apud Babyloaem contemplat ion pac i

ad iit, itn hunc apud l l ispan iamin Occ identis ultimo supplex cumgent ilitio runners

cons Indus ct Scytha boreus oravit.“

Oros ius. l l iat. vi . c. x ii.

u I don’

t overlook the wpornpvrt tmomr ot rr por tpon oth tav rors can tee n-e of

D ie Cass ius. nor the sa crament can re ofG eorgian. But with regard to the fi rst ,

is it, looking at the c ontex t, pos sib le to conceive that those r oo t-not

or cveamve t

were other than those who fo r: rmvtmm'ro , and who were at Antioch 22 a c. and

who then probably gave notice of the irmiss ion by herald W ith regard to the

and, Ihave but to observe that the re be longs to the 188th OlympLe ., and cannot consequently refer to a pr

evious embassy.

was INDIAN an swer we w ousrus. 3 13

epeu his country to the subjects and citizens ofRome in the person of

Ce sar. Surely, then, than this embrogl io ofembassies wh ich come to suefor peace where war was imposs ible, it is more natural to suppose thatJerome, a careless writer,

“ misdated h is embassy ; and that Orosius,

a friend and pupil of Jerome,“ fi nding that the date in Jerome tall ied

with Caesar’

s ex ped ition to Spain, seized the opportun ity both ofi llus

trating his native town and insti tuting a comparison between Augus

tus and A lex ander the Great . I think we may rest content with one

embassy.

But is Damasccnus’

accoun t of this embassy a trustworthy, and

faithful account ? In transcrib ing, Strabo to some ex tent confirms it

by stating that the Hermes he h imselfhad seen (ow x a i imamand in another place, wh ile he ra ther attributes our embassy to a

Pand ion than a Porus , he connects i t w ith the Ind ian who burned him

selfat A thens .

" Plu tarch (A J ) . 1 00, 1 0) in not icing the self-crema

t ion ofCalanas, A lex ander’

s Gymnosophist, adds that many years

afterwards at A thens , ano ther Ind ian in the su ite ofAugustus simi .

larly put an end to his l ife, and that h is monument is sti ll known as

the Indian’

s tomb Horace, Florus, and Sueton ius, give indeed

another character and other objects to the embassy, but write too

loosely to be authorities for anyfac t no t reconc ileable w ith the narra

tive ofDamasccnus . \Vith that narrative Dio Cassius, too, in the

main agrees but as be spec ifi es t igers, a truly royal gift, and unknown

to Damasccnus, as among the Ind ian presents, he gives us an opper

tun ity of testing h is and Damasccnus’

accuracy. For he affi rms that

the tigers of the embassy were the fi rst ever seen by Romans.

New Sueton ius mentions it as a trait ofAugustus, that he was ever so

ready to gratify the people w ith the sight of rare or otherwise re

markable an imals, that he would ex h ibit them, ex tra ordinem,

”out

ofdue course and on ord inarydays, and that in th is wayhe ex hibited

a tiger on the stage.

“ And Pl iny states that “a tame tiger

”

(and

l “ P ropter festiuationem quam ipse in Chronici pmfatione fatetur.” Mains,

Can. Chron. Pre f. x ix .

1° Smith ’

s D iet. ofGreekand Rom. Biog. Art. Orosms.'7 V id . supra, note 3.

‘3 Tovro r ohkocc sn ow vcrepov akkoc Ivcoc w Aflqvacc Katcapc envo w

u rocmn v ra t fu n w as”ex p; mm7 0 pwumov l voov rakovyw ov. Alex andri vita.

vine i i i . 1290 p.

‘9 Solebat etiam c itra spectaculorum dies, s:quando quid novitatum dignumque

cognita adveetumasset, id ex tra ordinem quolibet loco publicare : nt rhinocerotsm

3 10 rue moms EMBASSY TO AUGUSTUS.

smil ing, naked and perfumed, he leaped into the burning pile. On

his tomb was placed th is inscription“ Here l ies Zarmanechegas, of Bargees , who accord ing to the

ancestral custom of the H indus gave h imselfimmortal ity.

“

In this narrative, the king ofkings, Pores, the Greek letter, the

beggarly presents better sui ted to a juggler’

s booth than to the court

ofa great sovereign, strike us with surprise and we askwhether an

Ind ian,or what purported to be an Indian Embassy, and such an

embas sy as described by Dannascenus, ever presented iwelf to A n

gustus, and by whom,and from what part of India it could have

been sent ?

To this Indian Embassy, Horace,“a cotemporary, in more than

one ode, ex ultingly and wi th some l ittle ex aggeration al ludes and to

it Strabo,almost a cotemporary, again refers where in open ing h is

account of India, he laments the scantiness of h is materials, that sofew Greeks, and those but ignorant traders, and incapable ofanyj ust observation, had reached the Ganges, and that from India but

one embassy to Augustus from one place and from one king Pand ion

or Porus had v isited Europe. Of later writers who mention i t,Florus (A .D . 1 1 0, 17) states

“ that the ambas sadors were four yearson the road, and that their presents were of elephants, pearls, and

precious Sueten ius (a n . 1 20, 30) attributes it to the fame

of A ugustus’

moderation and virtues, wh ich al lured Indians and Soythians to seek his all iance and that of the Roman People.

‘ Dio

Zappavox nyac Ivdoc ar e Bopyeong ram ra warpca Iva-w can i aw ov]a rraOa va rwac sam e.

5 Carmen Secu lars 55, 6 (written about 17 Ode 14, L . iv. (13 andOde 12 , L . i. (22 B.C. according to Bentley, 19 a.c . according to Decatur) ; here hespeaks of

"Subjectos Seres et Indos.”

Ut supra 4, c. Ka t i nmm65 st:Atyvrrrcovwheezi n g rpwoptrot f tp Nuke» sa i v'pApaBup rohmp ;t t x pt rnc l w

'

ftrnc c rramormy ra i wrpurhw ra c t psx pt vou Pay-you,

ra i euro ; é’ti‘

twra t ra i endw wpog i c roptav row ver u v x pnc tpol , same” 8acp

'

i voc r orrov sa i 1rap’ i voc Bacckw c l l avdcoa'oc sa i ahkov (rav

’

«Al ong,G roskurd ) Il wpov, m’

tv ting Kawapa rev Etfiao ror dwpa ra i ‘l’

pwflria t a i 5

x arara vc’

acmor e » Aem'

no i o ooic rnc lm'

oc, 1:a s 6 KahavocM a n uel

” ”3"

“ mu-mv 95m: gm ii u su pw oc. I have taken mu ofiri a as r pt ofi ria , and I think

the sense requ ires it. The other two editions I have consul ted give svpseflri'

a,

which the ir Latin versions render “ legatio .

”

7 Hist. Rom. iv. c. 12, ad calcem Ind i cum gemmis et margaritis cle

phantes quoque inter munera trahentes n ih il magic quam longinqu itatcmviz imputabant quam quadriennio implevcrant.

"

9 Augustus 2 1 c . Q ua virtutis moderation isquo fama, Indos etiam ac Seythaa

auditu mode cog uitos pcllcx it ad amic itiam suam populique Romani ultro perlegatos pctendam.

"

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THE moms sus i ssr re mous'rus. 8 17

Greek letter, and i ts purely commercial tone, indicate that our em

bassy was planned and organ ized by Greek traders, and more for

Greek than H indu interests.

VI. Th is embassy is conceivable on ly under the supposition that

if it forwarded the interests of the Greeks who planned i t, i t also

benefi ted the Hindu prince, who was induced to lend it his name.

But who was this Prince ? who these Greeks ? and what their

common interests ? The prince and his residence we are unable to

identify. There is noth ing in the repti les of the presents, larger

indeed in G uzerat,

” but common to the who le western coast ofIndia,

wh ich can enable us to fi x on the locale of the embassy. Ifwe turn

to the name of the prince, we fi nd that he is a Porus in the ambas

saderial let ter,but had become Pandion when Strabo wrote” and the

Pen insula was better known . A Puru of the Punjab we have seen

that in al l probab il ity he was not ; and I do not understand how he

cou ld well have been a Pandyau ; because Pandyau was a great and

powerful sovereign ,and of the Saiva faith,

” the most b igotted of the

Hindu forms of rel igion, and was not l ikely therefore e i ther to have

in i t iated a commerc ial al liance with a foreign state, or to have in itiated

i t by such an embassy as ours. D’

A nvi lle suggests that he was a

Rana ofOugein, who claimed a descent from Porus .

‘0 But surely a

descen t from Perus, real or pretended, is not in itselfsuffi cient to

iden tifyour prince, unless i t can be shown that l ike the Pandyans and

t he G uptas, he at tached to his own name that of h is ancestors, used i t

i s a fami ly name, or in al l publ ic documents styled himself son of

l’

uru . Besides, i t seems to me that Ougein is too far inland to have

For the serpen ts of G uzerat see Forbes Oriental Memoi rs l. 480 for the

partridges of the Nerb udda, the b lack kind are striking from their beauty, none

remarkab le for the ir s ize, id . 50 1 . M igh t the partridge of the embassy, large as

a hawk,have been the jungle fowl wh ich Forbes descri bes as having someth ing of

the plumage of the partridge .

28 A s the kingdom of l’

nndya accord ing to the Periplus Eryth . Anony. is the

S. Deccan and e x tends from Nc ikunda, Ne lisurarn,to Komar, Cape Comorin (64,

3 D idot ed . ) we see how wi th the encrease in the direct trade the name Pandionshou ld b ecome bette r known at A lex andria than that ofPoms, and at length takei ts place.

The prevai l ing form of the H indu rel igion in the south of the Peninsula was

t the commencemen t of the Christian ecra and some time before it,most probab ly

that ofSiva. H ist . Sketch ofPandya . W ilson J ournal Roy. As. 80 0 . i ii . 204 p .

0” V incent’s Commerce of the Antien ts, ii . 407. It is perhaps as wel l to state

,

that from a nete ofW i lson’s in h is sketch of Pandya, it seems that the Harivansa

and Agn i Pu rana make Pandya of the l ine of Pun t ; but that as he is not so

spec ifi ed in the V ishnu Purana,W ilson is ofOpin ion that h is insertion is the t k

ofmore recent authori ties.” J ournal, Roy. As. Soc. i i i. No. 1 note.

3 16 THE mums amssssr re w eusrus .

tus at Samos 20 B.C ., i t very eviden tly could not be th e embauyof

the Pautava Prince . And it could hardly have represented ei ther

Kadph ises, or the King whom Kadph ises dethroned because it is

improbab le that Kadphises, in any transaction with a fore ign sove

reign wou ld appear d isgu ised nnder a H indu name and very improb

able that either thc king who had just conquered a kingdom, or the

king who was on the po int of losing one, should occupy himselfwith

embass ies not ofa pol i t ical, but of a purely commercial character,

and for an object, which the very countries that separated hi ll

from Rome rendered impossible .

But how then account for al l that surprises us in this embassy !

What do we gather fromDamascen tts’

narrative ?

I. He met our ambassadors at Antioch Epidaphue. Now Antioch

Epidaphue is so situated that i t is just as probable they arri ved there

on the road to Greece from the western coast of the Indian Peninsula

either by way of the Red Sea and A lex andria or the Pers ian Gulfand

the Euphrates, as by the mid-Asiatic route and from the Punjab .

II. Damasccnus mentions as accompanying or attached to the

embassy, a native ofBargosa, and though he states that the embandorial letterwas written in the name ofPerus, yet Strabo rather ascribesi t to a Pandion and as Barygaza is a trading town at themonth oftheNerbudda on the Indian coas t, and Pandya a kingdomex tend ing alongthe lVestern shores of the Indian Pen insula, to theW

'

estern coast of

India, I conclude with Strabo, that the embassyprobablybelongs .

III. This nat ive of Bargosa, er Barygaaa, Sanscrit, Varikatoha

(Jul ien), is described as a H indu, and bears a name Zarmanos Chegan,Sanscri t cramanakarjt

‘

t,

26 Father of the Shamans, wh ich points him

ou t of the Buddhist faith, and a priest and as his death pro ves a

priest earnest in his faith . Il is compan ions then were probablyH indusalso , and perhaps Buddhists, and the representatives of a Hindu

, and

possibly a. Buddhist prince.

IV. The wretched presents—the Greek letter—the sort ofdoubt

wh ich hangs over the name and country of the prince, are al l indica

t ive, not of the sovere ign ofa great kingdom, but of the petty rajaof some commercial town or insign ifican t d istrict .

V. The presents net unsu i ted to the tastes ofAugustus, and the

domofKadph ises, 353 p. As to the ex tent ofh is domin ions, Lassen lb . 8 18 p.observes “ Se ine Beinahme. Beherrschc r der I'l l-do , mneht Ansprllehe au !

’

cinausgedehntes Reich. D iese Anspriiche mii sscn auf Knb ul istan und den Punjl bbcschrtinkt werden .

"

Lassen ut supra i i i. 60 p.

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320 was mon s nucl ear so measu re.

merchants seldomventured beyond theArab Ports ofCane and Aden,”

where they traded for the products and manufactures of Ind ia they

nevertheless occas ionallysailed for the Indian Seas, and made theirwayeven to the Ganges . A nd as they then interfered w ith the Arab

monopo ly, they saw themselves every where jealously watched and

opposed by the A rabs every where treated as i nterlopers, and had

every where to encounter the persecutions ofan ex c i ted populace.

On ly in some of the smal ler and therefore neglected ports , co uld they

fi nd oppo rtun ity and permission to trade. And then how eagerlywo uld they lay befo re the authorities the advantages of a direc t trade !

They wou ld show them the prices asked and obta ined by the A rabs

for Hindu and G reek commod ities, and po int out how of the profits

the A rabs carried away the l io n’

s share . And if they fell in with

some Raja of the Buddhist faith, a fai th without the prejud ices ofrace,

pro se lytis ing , catho lic, and not averse to travel, they surely would

eas ily persuade h im, as in after times theRajah ofCeylon was per

suaded , to further and attempt to assure the d irect trade byan embassy,the detai ls ofwh ich a smal l Prince would wi ll ingly leave to them.

But besides th is commercial interest common to both peoples, the

Greeks ofA le x andria had an interest of their own in gett ing up this

embassy. In the great c ivil war, not long concluded , they had been

part isans ofAn thony, they had fought in his ranks, and were the last

to yield after his defeat. They had to conci l iate the favour of the

conqueror . But they were no vulgar natterers, theirs was not that

adu lation wh ich repeats ever the same c uckoo note ofpraise. They

stud ied the ir man , and to h is temper am! character adapted their tone.

To the l iterary C laud ius they devo ted a new room in their Museum,“

and placed h is works among their class-books. The theatre-c ircus

lov ing Nero they wheedled by h ired bands ofartistic claqueurs.

“ And

the u s u rpation of the plebeian Vespasian theysanctioned by endowingh imwith miraculous powers .

" Now now would such a people seek to

130) ventured to cross the Indian seas , but that the trade bad so greatly in

creased that hc h imse lf saw at Myes Hormus 120 sh ips destined for Ind ia, L. i i .

v . c . 12

3” V incent's Commerce of the Antien ts n . 53, and Periplus 27 c .

P enique ct fi neens scripsit h istorias Q uarttm caused veteri Alex an

dria: Museo al terum add itum ex ips ins nomine ; inst itutumquc u t quotannis in

nl tero T t-ppqvmwr l ib ri, alt ero Kapvm’o vmnwv,d iehus statutis , ve lnt in auditorio

rce itarentur. Sueton ius C laud . 42 c .

4' Captus autcmmodulatis A lex andrianorum laudatio nihus, qu i de novo commt-atu Neapo lim con llux ernnt. plures Alex andria evocavi t

" Nero 20 e.

43 Auctoritas et quas i majestas qua-dam, u t sediec t inop inato ct adhuc novo

l ‘riucipi deerat t hme quoque accessit. E plebe quidam luminibus orbatus, item

me moms EMBASSY ro mous’rus. 32 1

win over the pol itic Augustus ? They bring to his feet these Indian

ambassadors, and thus raise him to a rivalsh ip wi th Alex ander. That

he was too wise and far-seeing to be h imself deceived, is probable

enough, but is no val id objection . What cared he that the crown wasof copper-gilt, and the robes of tinsel , provided that the plaudits were

real ? The object of the Alex andrians was not to impose on him,

but to gain h is favour byenabling h im to impose o n the Roman people;and that they fully succeeded, Roman history sufficiently testifies .

In conclusion,I thus ex plain and account for our embassy. In

the Northern half of the Ind ian Pen insula, a Hindu Raja in hisintercourse w ith Greek merchants, often hears from them ofthe great

ness and wealth of their metropol is, and of the advantages wh ich he

and h is countrywould derive frommore intimate commercial relations

with i t 3 and they advise an embassy, and offer a passage in their sh ipfor the ambassadors and for such presents as they can convenientlycarry, and he conven iently send. The raja is persuaded . In due course

the embassy arrives at A lex andria, and for A lex andria only i t mayhave been original ly intended. But the A lex andrians, al ive to their

own interests, quickly forward i t on to Augustus, and give i t weight

and dign ity by affi x ing to the Greek letter with wh ich theyprovide it,

a wel l-known and time-honoured name . The presents they leave

unchanged, aware that the travel-worn ambassadors, whose home- is

so distant that some of them have died on their way to Caasar, will

impress the imagination more strongly than heaps of barbaric pearl

and gold .

While I ofl'

er this ex planation, I do not pretend that it is entirely

satisfac tory, refutation-tight 5”enough if it seem to others as to me,

less improbable, less open to objection, more simple, and more in

accordance with the facts given than o thers .

al ius deh il i crure, sedentem- ad ierunt, orantes opemvaletudinis, demonstratama

Serapide per quietem.—Cum vi x tides emet—ideoque no ex periri quidem audiret,

hortantibus amicis palm pro eoncione utrumq:tentavi t, nee eventus defu it. Vespe

sianus, id. 7 c . The same miracles are related byTacitus ; but in Tacitus, Vea

Aar . XV .—Descrip tion of an Arabic Quadrant. ByWrmm

II. Mo nrsv, Esq.,L ibrarian, Royal A s iatic Society.

[Read 4th February,

Co x srnsnant a attention has been attracted of late years to the

astronomical instruments of the people of Asia. Many of these

instruments, though far from modern, are remarkable for accuracy

and beauty ofworkmansh ip, and not a few present admirable speci

mens of del icate engraving, inlaying, and ornament . The Sédillots,

father and son , and others, have done much to elucidate the subject ;but i t is stil l far from ex hausted, and every addition to our present

materials fo r i ts i llustra tion cannot fail to be ofinterest.

The quadrant wh ich Ihave undertaken to describe was purchased

for me at Damascus a few years s ince, bymyfriend Dr. Sprenger . It

offers some peculiari ties not hitherto noticed, so far as I know,by

o ther wri ters : i t is a good e x ample of workmansh ip, and is of

respectable antiquity, having been constructed in am. 735 (A .D .

The fac-s imiles of the inscriptions on the quadrant which I have

added , have been printed i n l i thographic ink from the instrument

i tself, and transferred to the stone by double transfer, so that they

presen t an e x act reproduction of the original . I have annex ed to

the fac-s imiles, d iagrams ex planatory ofeach.

The instrument is made of b rass, inlaid with gold, s ilver, and

copper, and is in perfect preservation . The suspensory apparatus,wh ich is l ike that of an Astrolabe,

l is complete A. (d iagram, fig. 1)is the

’

Ilakah (LL: cord, from wh ich the quadrant hangs when

in u se ; B is the Halkah Lil , ring,"to wh ich the

'

Ilakah is

attached ; 0 the’

Urwal: 3) 1

° handle,”

sometimes cal led the

See Description of a P lanispheric Astrolabe, constructed for Shah Husain

Safaw i . K ing of Persia, and now preserved in the British Museum ; comprisingan Account. ofthe Astro labe generally, w ith Note s illustrative and ex planatory: to

wh ich are added, Concise No tices of Twelve other Astrolabes,Eastern and

European , hi therto nude-scribed . By W i ll iam H . Morley. G rand-eagle fo lio,with 2 1 Plates. London, 1856. As my work on the Astro labe is somewhatcostly, and a very limi ted number of copies were printed, I shal l transfer into

the present paper such portions of i t as are necessaryfor the description ofmyquadrant, without giving further references to the original work.

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326 DESCRIPTION or AN n ame oumm r.

l l'

est of the equinoctial,”

that is, th e equi

noctial po in ts. The cen tre of the almucantars, Z , wi th in the are

.N G II, is the zen ith,and is called the Samt ar-Bds

LIA) “

direction of the hea d,

”

or the Kutb al-L'

fk£ 53“ pole of

the horizon .

”From the Ufk to the Sai nt ar-Rés the division is into

90 degrees. A stro labes are classed by the number of almucantars

wh ich are traced where there are n inety circles, comprising the

Ufk,the instrument is called Tamm

rt; perfect,

” “complete,

"or

“sol ipartite

° where there are fo rty-fi ve circles, it is termed N isfi

UL“;

bipartite ; the ThulthiL$11.3 “ tripartite,

"

contains thirty c ircles ;

and so on un til the decempart ite . The almucantars on our quadrant,

.N n n 71,are of the th ird description, or tripartite, there be ing a

separate c ircle for every three degrees, numbered three and three

from 3 to 36 w i th in the Tropic ofCapricorn, fromN to I ; and then

from 36 to 90 on the ou tside of the meridian l ine, from I to Z ;

thence from Z to 7: they are numbered, sti ll outside the meridianl ine

,si x and si x

,from 90 to 6 . The almucantars n n as, wi th in the

Ufk, are termed the Mukantarat al-Irtifa’

l hAL.“almucantars of alt itude

,

”and these are the onlyones usually found

in astro labes . Bu t there are other almucantars occas ionally but

very rarely inscribed, wh ich are placed below the horizon, and are

called the Mukantarti t al-Inhitai t bilaa ri l‘l Q M“almucantars

ofdecl ination .

”These, 0 o o 0 , are traced in the present instrument,

w i th in the Tropic of Cancer, three and three, beginn ing from the

Ufk, or true horizon ; the numbering, outside the merid ian l ine, in

by s i x es, from 6 to 30 ; the last number is 33, which brings the

almucan tars of decl ination almost to that which is equal to the

latitude of the‘

place for wh ich the projection was constructed,

which would be a straight l ine paral lel wi th the straight horizon.

Outside the Ufk,at i ts eastern ex tremity, between N and G', the

latitude is written, v iz.,

“ For the latitude 33°

This lati tude

is that ofDamascus, for which place the instrument was constructed.

‘

The Suml’

l t ways,” “ d irections,

”G g g g nex t claim our

atten t ion ; theyare the azimuths, or vertical circles, and are traced ten

and ten, above the earth wi th in the horizon , and below the earth as well,w i thin the Tropic of Cancer. The are G Z is called the Awwal

Is-Sunn’

i t l Jj'j fi rst of the azimuths

,or the Dai irah al

J

Eastern geographers very verymuch in the ir statements of the latitude ofnone

, but the latitude as given on the quadrant is correct.

DESCRIPTION or an ARABIC commas-r. 327

Masht ik wa al-Maghrib J armBjfl.) circle of the East

and the West it is the prime vertical. The azimuths are not

numbered. The arc G I is the portion ofthe zodiac above the

straight horizon, when the head ofCapricorn is in apposition w ith the

southern ex tremity of the meridian l ine the are 0 M is the

remainder of the zodiac when in a reversed pos ition . In bo th these

arcs each sign is d ivided into thirty degrees, marked by threes the

signs are not indicated bywri ting as is usual on the’

Ankab t’

It or Rete

of an astrolabe. The are Q g, d istingu ished by being dotted, is the

Khatt ai-‘

Asrfa l l L5 .

“ l ine of the afternoon,"

or time of

afternoon prayer.

This completes the description ofthe l ines and circles on this face

ofthe instrument but in addition to these there are set down various

fi x ed stars, wi th their names and right ascensions; as follows

I. Rijl al-Jauza DJ Q “ J ? ) for Rijl al-Jauza al-

‘

Yusra J , ”“5M bfl l “ the left foot ofJauza,

"1 60

°38

’

(BOri oms ; Rigel ;Rigel A lgeuze) II. Jabhah al-

‘

Akrab g jfigj the forehead

of the Scorpion, 32 1°47

’

(fl and w Scorpii) . III. MatnUL.

for Mata al-FarasU“13) UL. the back of the horse, 67

:47

'

(a Pegas i Markab). IV:A l-Fard d) ““ the solitary one,

”

228 48'

(a Hydrw ; A1ferd ; Cor Hydra ) . V. Jasad Kites a“ ?“ the

body ofthe t ale, 1 09°

7 Ceti Batan Kaitoz) . VI. Ad-Dolfin

“can the Dolphin,

”30

°37' (BDelphin i) . VII. Bula

’ the

G lutton, 32°

28'

(e Aquari i . p , v, r, Aquar n form the 23rd Lunar

Mansion ) . VIII. A t-Ta'

i r am“ the Bird, 1 8° w (a Aquila ).

IX Shamali az-Zabihchil l

aim the Northern (star) of the

Sacrificer,”25

°26

'

(0 Capricorni . a and BCapricorni form the 22nd

Lunar Mansion) . X. Suhai l Jfi .‘ the star Canopus,”

18 1 58'

(a Nevis) . XI. Fam Hut .5 for Fam al-Hut y’allr,

the mouth of the Fish,”

305°59

'

(a Piscis Austral ia ; Fomalhaut).

I II. Yamdn iyah .t ; for Ash-Sh i ra al-Yamaniyah s

hes; af

t

-ll

the Dog Star ofYaman,”1 84

°10

'

Canis Majoris ; Sirius) .The small projecting plates R R are the pinnules they are

paral lel one to the other, and their height sl ightly ex ceeds their

width they are called the Libnatdnuw the two ti les,

”

and

sometimes the Dafi'

atdnum.) the two boards of a book,

”

or the

Hadafen Li .» the two archera’

butts.”

Through each ofthere

328 DascnIP'rIon or AK su mo comm a.

pinnules is bored a small aperture or Thukbah w hole,”for

observing the celestial bodies : the two holes together are called the

Thukbatan al-Irtifaali b i U

M the two holes of alti tude,”

the l ine jo in ing the centres of the two apertures is parallel to the

p lane of the instrument . Las tly, S 18 the Muri index ,”

or

the plumb l ine .

The fol lowing inscription is inlaid in si lver at T,

L"

Constructed for the use of the Shaikh Shams ad-Din Ben Sa’

id,

the Chiefof the Muazzins in the Jami’

al-Umawi (the mosque of the

descendants of in the year 735 (a n . by’

A l i Ben

ash-Shihab .

”

A t (I there are the words

Engraved byMuhammad Ben al-Ghazt’

xl i .

There are some words scratched In the space between D and the

lower Libnah R,which have been so cfi

'

aced as to be i l legible. Theyevidently did not form any part ofthe original inscriptions, and are

qu ite un important .

The second face of the instrument, wi th its inscriptions, presentsthe series ofsines found in the species ofquadran t called the Rnb

’

ad .

Dastfi r/wiu i l t i)

“ Q uadrant of the canon .

”

C is the Urwah

with i ts appendages . The are bfis the arc ofal titude, and is div ided

This mosque is sometimes called the Jami’ Bani Umayyah , and in the ma tremarkable ofall the mosques in Damascus, both on account ofits vast size and

i ts arch itecture. Some authors say that it was b uilt by the Emperor Horacliua

by others i t has been considered to have been the work of the b ishops ofthat See .

It appears to be generallyacknowledged that it was formerlythe church ofSt. J ohn

ofDamascus . It was entirely rebui lt by the Khal ifah \Vali d Ben’Abd al-Malik

in A J I. 96 (n .u . and has since then home the name of the mosque of thedescendants ofUmayyah . In the centre ofthe mosque there is a tomb containingthe head of the martyr St. J ohn , son of Zachar iah ; a relic equallyvenerated byChrist ians and Muhammadans. In the account ofDamascus translated from the

K itab Manas ik al-l i ajj byM. Bianchi , and inserted by h im in the second volumeof the Memo irs of the Geographical Society of Paris, p . 1 13, ct acq. , there [in a

most in tere st ing descript ion and history ofthe JIimi ’ al-Umawi . The author of

the K itah Manas ib al-Il njj states, that when he wrote, in A J I. 1098 (Ad ) ."here were no less than seventy

-five Muazzins attached to this mosque.

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332 ON AN Ic ssr INsoaIrrIos

secured to posterity. Previous to this a new written character had

been invented, under the special patronage of the first empero r, the

very singular c ircumstances connected with which forms the occasion

of the fol lowing remarks, for the information regarding wh ich, as for

many other kindred questions, we are altogether dependant on the

Chinese records.

And here i t is worthy of observation that the Chinese, although

scrupulously adhering to their own pecul iar ideographic written

language from time immemorial, have also, from a very early period,

been cogn izant of various written systems used by neighbouringnations, ofan alphabetic or syllabic character. Early intercourse with

the J apanese has left no perceptible impression on the wri tten

language ofthe Chinese, wh ile, in that of the former, the influence of

the Chinese is suffi ciently obvious . Not so the resul t ofthe Buddh ist

migrations from India they have left an indelible stamp on the l i te

rature of the empire. Pi les of Sanscrit lore were translated into the

native character ; much of the H indoo philosophy and modes of

thought have been rendered famil iar a very ex tensive addition has

been made to the number of the Chinese characters, and they have

even succeeded in introducing a system of syllabic spell ing. But,

al though the Devanagari alphabet, which is said to be themost perfect

in ex istence, had been so long before the eyes of the scholars of the

empire, we find no steps taken towards i ts adoption, in place of the

time-honoured characters ofChina and now, after a lapse ofth irteen

centuries, there remain in Ch ina but a few vestiges of this character,

in books, and on monumental tab lets and vessels, without l iving

ex posi tors to throw l ight on the mysteries, wh ich are thus rendered

sti ll more obscure. The Ou igours and progen itors of the Turki sh

nations were early in the habit of corresponding with the Chinese

Court in written characters pecul iar to their respective tribes. It is

known that the Syriac alphabet was introduced into Ch ina so early as

the seventh century, by the Nestorian missionaries. The frequent

intercourse of the Arabs with China, from early times, would warrant

the bel ief that the Arab ian alphabet must have been long fami liar to

the eyes of the Chinese, especially during the Yuen dynasty, when

they enjoyed a large share ofthe imperial patronage although it does

not appear that they have ever donemuch towards the translation of

their books into Ch inese and, even to the present time, the greater

part of the rituals and rel igious books of the Mohammedans are sti ll

in the Arab ic character .

But besides the knowledge offoreign systems ofwriting in China,

several alphabets have been produced, and have run their course,

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i s rs s sac-emu m osses . 335

ofthe cycle.

1 The Salt d hem t‘smg keen states, in a note, that

the classics and h istories ofChina were translated in this character .

These are most probab ly now lost past recovery, but in a catalogue

of the books in the Imperial Library at Peking during the Mingdynasty we have a l ist offifteen books in the Neu

~chi h character, the

last of wh ich, called the Neu chi'

h we moo, Neu-chlh A lphabet,”

would no doubt have thrown much light on the character of the Kin

literature . As these fifteen works are probably al l lost, it may be

well to preserve the names ofthe o thers, which are as fo llows

I’wan kee‘

shoe, History ofPwan-koo .

”

K‘dng foo tszé shoe, History ofConfucius .

K‘dngfoo tszé yéu kwd chang, Travels ofConfucius .

K'

e’

a ya}, Domestic Discourses.

Kir‘

a yd hcén M ag yén yd chum, Discourses of the Wise and

Able, from the Domestic Discourses .

”

Keang t’

s é btmg shoe, H istory ofKeang Taé-kung.

”

W06 Tszé sea s/too, H istory ofWoo Teze-seu .

”

Shih pd b iz-6 tow padre chum Narrative ofthe Display ofRarities

by Eighteen Kingdoms .

Sun p in shoe, History ofSun Pin .

Shén yd shoe, Treatise on Carriage-driving .

Haé tséé'

n bung shoe,History ofHas Tseen Kung.

“ IIwang shé rm} shoe, History ofMadamHwang .

”

P ih kc'

a sing, National Surnames .

Ha ta yang s'

i rh kart.

The only direct evidence which we have of the actuali

use of the

Neu-chl h character, besides the books, is in the ex istence of two

stone tablets, wh ich will be not iced in this paper. One of these was

engraved during the Kin dynasty, and the other at the end of

the Yuen .

The annals of the Ming inform us of the establ ishment of a

translatorial offi ce, in connect ion with the national colleg iate insti tute,

in the year 1407 The object of this ofi ce was to fac il itate the

transac tion ofd iplomatic correspondence with fore ign nat ions, and the

incumbents were charged with the study of eight different fore ign

languages. One of these was the Neu-chl h and the others we re

the Mongo l ian, Tibetan, Sanscrit, Bokharan, Ouigour, Birman, and

Siamese . An e x amination of the students took place in 1428 , by

the members ofthe Han-l in inst itute and this pract ice was repeated

at intervals, those who d istingu ished themselves being appointed to

Kin she, Book 3, p . 27 ; l im “ on us, Book p. 18.

von. x vn .Z

336 on ANmetammscmmou

omoce connected wi th the embass ies . In 1 470 a fi x ed number of

interpreters were appo inted for each of the nations above named ;seven being the number determined on for the Neu-chi h, but it was

afterwards increased to n ine.

On the accession of the present Manchu dynas ty, in 1 64-1, we find

they t e-establ ished this Translatorial Office, the same year, add ingtwo sections in addit ion to the eigh t previously ex isting . These were

the Pa-p‘

ih and the Pih -y’

ih, two nations on the south-west of China.

A presiden t was appo in ted , and fifty-si x professors and the fo llowing

year another section was added,consisting of thirty in terpreters, for

the tributary nat ions. In 1 659 the sect ion devoted to the Neu -chi h

language was suppressed, as also that for the Mongol .‘ The Manchus

being actually descendan ts from the Neu-ch‘

ih Tartars their language

is almost identical, and it is probable that, by that t ime, the Manchu

l iterature had already supplanted the Neu-ch

‘

ih character.

Most of the preced ing facts were known to that singularly acute

orien tal ist , Abel Remusat, when he wrote his Recherches sur les langues

Tartares but, not hav ing seen a specimen of the writing in question,

he was led to form an hypothesis, which must at least in part fal l to

the ground. On the 7sth page ofthe work above mentioned, he says

It is not impossible that the coun tries wh ich were under their domi

nation st ill contain stone monuments, with inscriptions destined to

perpetuate the remembrance of treaties of peace, ofdec isive battles,

and splend id actions. It is cu stomary, in China, to erec t tablets on

such occasions, and the Tartars frequently conform to this practice.

If any such could be found, w i th inscript ions in the characters of the

Leaou or the Kin , we should be enab led to speak from knowledge, in

deciding whether the Tartars had adopted the Chinese characters

purely and simply, or whether they had subjec ted them to some such

corruption as those alluded to above ; whether they had adhered to

what others had thought out before them, or whether they had them

selves taken a step in advance in this career, wh ich is open to inven

tive and perfective gen ius . For want of such decisive monuments,being unprovided even w ith such Chinese works as could supply the

want in presenting us with syl labaries, with alphabets, or with words

ex pressed in the characters in question, we are reduced to conjectures

1 These details respecting the Ofii ce ofTranslators are taken fromRemusat’s

Recherches sur lee langues Tartares, pp. 2 18—20, and Melanges Asiatiques,Tome 2, pp. 248

,249. H e quotes from a work called the P i c a-Lana, wh ich I

have not seen,and part of wh ich is ex tracted from the, M ing hw y wa s,

Statistics oftheMing Dynasty.

”

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338 on m w orm Inseam-mos

The heading to the tablet reads Record of the journey of the

military d irector and prince ofthe blood, the emperor’

s bro ther .

”

The author ofthe Shah mi’

h tseuen hwa adds the fol lowing no te

Th is prince ofthe b lood is called the bro ther ofthe emperor, but no

name or surname is mentioned. As the date is 1 134, it should be the

brother of T‘aé tsung. According to the h istory ofthe Kin dynasty,

She-tsoo had eleven sons,there being eight besides Kang

-tsung,

T‘aé-tsoo

,and T‘

aé-tsung, i t is uncertain wh ich is the one referred to.

We canno t decipher a s ingle word of this inscription, wh ich is

written in the Neu -ch‘

ih character . Th is table corroborates what

WangYuen-mo i says When enl ightened princes are watchful over

their virtue, foreigners are attracted from every region.

’

There is a

translation at the end, in the Chinese character, consisting of one

hundred and fi ve characters, inscribed on the left side, but it is

entirely di fi'

erent. The engraved inscription is at Keen-ling, on the

characterless tablet.

One Le Kwang-

ying, a native ofKea—h ing, published a descriptive

catalogue of the impressions from inscriptions in h is possession,

in 1729, entitled Kwan meao‘

u tze tsang Iain shfh was hadu l'

e'

d“ Ex amination of the metal and stone inscriptions preserved in the

Chefs-d’

wuvres Cabinet.”On the 4th page ofthe 15th book we find

the fol low ing“ Record of the journey of the local mi l itary director and prince

ofthe b lood, the emperor’

s brother.

Th is is wri tten in the national character ofthe dynasty.

A t the end is the fo llowing subscription T‘éen hwuy, 1 2th

year, being the 5 l st year ofthe cycle, 1 l th month, 14th day, HwangYing

-ke, Territorial Secretary to the Supreme Council, and WangKwe i, Secondary Prefect ofYew-chow, members of the suite, have

wri tten this in compliance with the command .

’

“ There is also the following subscription Signature of Fan

Chung-

gen ofChing-too, in the year

The Kwan-chung kin sh i'

h kc,

“ Record of the Metal and StoneInscriptions of Shen-se, by Peih Yuen, publ ished in 1781 , notices

th is inscription , on the l st page ofthe 7 th book,as fo llows

Record of the journey ofthe mi li tary director and prince of the

blood, the emperor’

s brother.

Erected in the l l th mou th, A .D . 1 184 . The fi rst part is written

i n the Neu-ch‘

i h character the latter part is a translation wri tten in

the ordinary character ; the heading is in the seal character. A t

Keen-l ing, in Keen-chow.

This is engraved on the characterless tablet at Keen-ling, as

IN THE NEH-011111 LANGUAGE . 339

fol lows —‘We find on ex amination, that in the year 1 18 1 the

Kin gave the region of Shen-se to the house ofTse, so that at the

date in question this territory belonged to Lew Yu, and wh i le

Lew Yu was thus Emperor of Tso he was guarded and pro tected by

Ta-lac as army inspector . Ta-lae was the son ofMuh-tsung, and the

b ro ther of T‘aé-tsuug . In the inscription it is said the emperor

'

s

bro ther,”but no name is given . Comparing th is with history, there

is no doubt that Ta-lae is referred to .

’

The Tsi‘en yen t‘ang kin shi

'

h wdnpa wei s uh,“ Supplement to the

Tsecn-yen hall Appendices to the Metal and Stone L i terature, also

notices th is inscript ion, on the l et page ofthe 6th book, as follows

Record ofthe journey ofthe mili tary d irector and prince of the

blood, the emperor

’

s brother.

“A .D. 1 184, l l th month .

In the preceding record, the former part is wri tten in the

Neu-ch‘

ih character and the latter part is a version in the Chinese

character . The inscription speaks of the mil itary director and

prince of the blood, the emperor’

s bro ther, but it does not g ive anyname . Some students of inscriptions consider this to be Tsung

-foo

but Tsung-foo was the son ofT‘

aé-tsoo and nephew ofT‘ae-tsung, and

as the inscription was engraved in the t ime ofT‘aé-tsung, he could not

be called the emperor’

s bro ther. Some consider i t to be Ta-lae ; but

on e x amin ing the imperial records and the b iographies in the H istoryof the Kin, we find that Ta-lae was not in Shen-se at that time.

I conce ive th is prince of the blood to have been Sa-le-ho. Sa-le bd

belo nged orig inally to the royal house of the Kin , and be ing the

foster son ofShe-tsoo, he was brought up as a brother ofT‘ae-tsung,

and o ught to be designated the emperor’

s brother. In Le Sin’

s

Narrat ive ofImportant Even ts for the year 1 130, i t is said In the

l oth mon th of the year 1 1 3 1 , Tsung Peih be ing defeated by Woo

Keao, he returned from the eas t of the river to Yen-shun , when the

A ss istant Commander- ia-Ch ief, Tsung Wei, detained Tsung Peih in

the camp, and appo inted the A ssistant Mil itary Directo r, Se-le-hO, to

be Commissioner for Mi l itary Affairs in Shen-se.

’

Thus the ex pres

s ion on the tablet, Loca l Mil itary Director, ex actly corresponds wi th

the Narrative ofEvents for he was promoted, from being Assistant

Mi l itary Director, to be Princ ipal Mil itary Director. The Narrative

of Even ts further says,‘When Loo Peih led on the troops to an

as sau l t, and was defeated by iVoo Keae, Se-le-hc’

) was seized wi th

alarm and shed tears, in consequence ofwhich the Kin people called him

1 The inscription in Chinese, down to the date, is given here.

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Aa'r. XVII.

—Ou the Cotton Trade of India. By J . A .

MANN, Esq .,P .S .S .

[Read 2 l st J anuary,

THE great and increasing importance attach ing to the quest ion of

Cotton supply renders any remarks which may throw l ight on the

subject, of pecu l iar interest ; the fact that the value of our co tton

manufacture now ex ceeds six ty mil l ion pounds sterling annuallyconsuming therein upwards of four hundred thousand tons of the

simple fibre—employing nearly one hundred million pounds sterl ing of

capital—and giv ing employmen t d irectly and indirectly to about four

mil lions ofour coun trymen, is alone so start ling and withal so co lossal

as almost to defy comprehension . That a fibre so simple, and wi th us

but a century s ince so l ittle known and appreciated, should now give

rise to such wealth and comfort, almost partakes of fiction ; and one

knows not how suffi cient ly to praise the ingenuity of Wyatt,Kay,

Hargreaves, A rkwright, and Crompton, who led the way to raise

the manufacture in l ittle more than a century to its present prodig ious

propo rtions . But the ex tens ion, not to say the sustenance. of this

trade, is primarily dependent upon the supply of the raw material

upon th is, the one hundred mi l l ions ofour capi tal , and the l ivelihood

of near four mil lions of our countrymen is dependent, a matter

serious and of such magn i tude, as to make the question one of the

St ate the appall ing result only contemplated ofone year’

s stoppage of

the supply, is suflic ient to force a drea dofthe slender basis upon wh ich

the magn ifi cen t fabric depends . Our legislato rs are however new fullyal ive to its impo rtance , and it is pleas ing to mark the attention the

matter receives amid the turmo il ofour immense governmental afl'

airs.

The race fo r supremacy in trade is now so energeticallyjo ined in

bymany ofour Con t inen tal neighbours, and our A tlantic cousins, that

it is more particularly desirable o ur supply should be capable ofequal

progression any tendency to a deficiencymust so check the trade as

inevitab ly to invo lve a veryw ide-spread loss, and the on lymanner in

which the certain ty can be assured, is in the l iberal encouragement of

the cultivation in our colonies, and in briefto have as manysources of

run corroN ru ns or INDIA . 347

supply, to guard against the risk of a local failure. A glance at the

statistics on the subject will be suffi cient to ind icate its possibi l ity

ifwe observe the fal l ing off in supply in the years 1 836 and 1 837,

caused by the fai lure of the crops in the United States, and remark

the comparat ively large stock held at that period, which mel iorated its

effects we w i ll d iscover the same warn ing ind icat ions in the propen

derance of demand over supply in the years 1 854 , 1 855, and 1 856

and tho ugh our hopes seem now well grounded ofa more regular and

certain supply,we must not forget that the efl

'

ects of any revulsion

wh ich may possibly arise, w i ll be the more severe, from the increased

interest at s take and that the present condition ofour stocks is such

as not to warrant on our part any prod igali ty.

It is not, however, the question ofdemand wi th which we have to

deal, but w ith that of supp ly. A ttention has lately been directed to

many so urces, each enjoying pecul iar claims to attention, but i t is

generally acknowledged that our more immed iate wants must be

suppl ied from our Ind ian possessions, though I am glad to be able to

state that Africa is now making rapid progress to become a source of

ex tensive suppl ies, and t ime must decide their relative ab i lit ies and

meri ts the general impression appears to be that when the resources

of Ind ia, as those ofAfrica. come to be developed, theywi ll be able

successful ly to compete w ith the United States of America in our

markets, and furn ish us w ith such quantities of the article as will

meet no t only our immed iate requirements, but any prospective

increase for a long period to come.

Ind ia is, accord ing to our knowledge, the accred ited birth-place of

the cotton manufacture . In one ofthe hymns ofthe Rigveda, said to

have been written fifteen centuries before our era, reference is made

to cotton in the team there, at which early date therefore it must have

acqu ired some considerable footing ; and i t seems probable that the

process ofsp inning and weaving was carried on at the earl iest date of

which we have any record, in much the same manner as it is there in

the present day; the strictlyconservative character ofthe Asiatic—theprofus ion oflabour in the presentmode ofmanufacture—the primitivefo rm of implemen ts—and the carelessness of the cultivation, al l tend

to th is v iew whether the qual ityofthe native cotton has improved or

deteriorated is a matter ofdoubt, but this is certain, in former timeslarge irrigation works ex isted there, and equally so that the poorer

cul t ivator is by a combination of circumstances in the present dayconsiderably imposed upon by his superiors either in power or pecu

n iary advantage .

Cons idering the disadvantages of their primitive mode ofmanufacture, it is somewhat a matter of admiration that the natives of

Anr . XVII.—Ou the Cotton Trade ofIndia. By J . A .

MANN, Esq , F .S .S .

[Read 2 l st J anuary,

TH E great and increasing importance attaching to the quest ion of

Cotton supply renders any remarks which may throw l ight on the

subject, of pecul iar interest ; the fact that the value of our cotton

manufacture now ex ceeds six ty mi l lion pounds sterl ing annuallyconsuming there in upwards of four hundred thousand tons of the

simple fibre—employing nearly one hundred mil lion pounds sterl ing of

cap ital—and giving employment directly and indirectly to about four

millions ofour coun trymen , is alone so start ling and withal so colossal

as almost to defy comprehension . That a fibre so simple, and wi th us

but a century s ince so l ittle known and appreciated, should now g ive

rise to such wealth and comfort, almost partakes of fiction and one

knows not how suffi ciently to praise the ingenuity of Wyatt,Kay,

Hargreaves, A rkwright, and (‘

rompton, who led the way to raise

the manufacture in l i ttle more than a centuryto its present prod igious

proportions. But the e x tens ion,not to say the sustenance . of th is

trade, is primarily dependen t upon the supply of the raw material

upon th is, the one hundred mil lions ofour capital , and the l ivel ihood

of near four mil l ions of our countrymen is dependent, a matter so

serious and of such magn i tude, as to make the question one of the

State the appalling resul t on ly contemplated ofone year'

s stoppage of

the supply, is suffic ient to fo rce a dread ofthe s lender basis upon wh ich

the m. gn ifi eent fabric depends . Our legis lators are however now fully

al ive to its importance, and it is pleas ing to mark the attention the

matter rece ives amid the turmo il ofour immense governmen tal affairs.

The race fo r supremacy in trade is now so energeticallyjo ined i n

bymany ofour Con tinen tal ne ighbo urs, and our A tlantic cousins, that

i t is more particu larly des irab le o ur supply shou ld be capable ofequal

p rogression any tendency to a defic iencymust so check the trade as

in ev ifn b ‘v to invo lve a very w ide spread loss, and the onlymanner inv rtain ty can be assured , is in the l iberal encouragement of

u in our colonies, and in briefto have as manysources of

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350 mu COTTON rams or INDIA.

thc manufacture ofcotton piece goods. The muslins of Bengal were

then, as in the present day, superior to all others, and received from

the Greeks the name ofGangi ttkt'

,from being made on the bo rders of

the Ganges . Surat was famous for i ts co loured chintses and piece

goods, but the Baroche mus lins were inferior to those ofBengal and

Madras, as were the printed ch intzes of Guzerat to those of the

Coromande l Coas t .

Thus, whi le we were in primeval darkness, India was in com

parat ive l ight—wh ile our ancestors in th is northern cl ime were in a

state ofwild and und isgu ised nudi ty, the Ind ian had for thousands of

years clad himself in the e x qu isi te cotton manufactures, and not con

te nt wi th th is, supplied the great European nations of the time, with

his surplus productions. But how much has England now revolu

t ion ized the manufacturing world—the tide has now turned upon the

Oriental . In the year 1 8 15, for the fi rst time, after the Open ing

of the coun try to private trade, a few pounds of our British manu

factured cotton yarn defi led the Eastern natives’skin, and since

then such has been the force of circumstances, that their ex ports of

cotton goods hence have dwindled away until they are now almost

ann ihi lated, wh i le we are year byyear supplying them wi th largelyincreasing quantities of both yarns and goods manufactured from

the raw material they themselves produce : nevertheless a consider

ab le e x port stil l takes place of Indian cotton piece-goods to the

ports of the Red Sea, Ch ina, and the Eastern Archipelago. But the

quest ion now arises, w i ll India become strictly a produc ing country,

ex porting al l her produce to Great Britain to be manufactured,receiving in return cheaper and more serviceab le manufactures, or

w il l Ind ia be ab le to adopt the means by which we have so turned

the tide, and in her turn manufacture for herself the immense

quanti ty ofco tton manufactures consumed by the native population !

\Ve may have occasion to show that the latter must ultimately be

the case but for the presen t we w i ll look upon India as a source

whence our demands for the raw material may be suppl ied .

Apart from the reasons which po in t to the inadequacy of the rate

ofproduction in America to meet the growing demand, there are also

numerous others which render i t of the utmost importance that the

supply of cotton from India should be encouraged to the largest

possible ex ten t. Though we shall confine ourselves as far as practi

cable to the statistics elucidat ing the past and present ex port trade,

the causes which have prevented its more rapid development become

an important part ofour subject . As a colony in which we have a

deep interest, enjoying an abundance of labour, with almost every

352 ran comes m m! or man .

progress as compared with that in the case ofthe American co tton, it

i s pleasing to mark the steady increase in the supply, despi te all

obstacles the most novel and important feature however presen ted is

the sudden check which arrested the onward progress in the period 1 819

to 1 328, the consequence ofthe immense reduction in price establ ished

in the interval ; and we cannot fai l to observe the unpreparedness ofthe

growers of Ind ia for th is fall in price, as is evidenced by the rate of

progress in the succeed ing period having again increased even under a

stil l furtln -r decl ine, though no t at so rapid a pace as that which

happily characterizes the two last decenn ial periods, ari s ing partlyfrom h igher prices preva il ing in L iverpoo l , and part lyfrom better

cul t ivation , comb ined wi th greater facil ities o‘

finternal commun ication,and speed ier correspondence wi th Europe . The variations in the rate

of supply in the present day are ch iefly caused by the fluctuations

in prices in the L iverpool market stimulating doubtless to a certain

ex tent the industry of the nati ve grower in t imes ofhigh prices and

deficient supply, but main ly suppl ied from the quantities which other

w ise wo uld have been ex ported to China d irect from India.

The proportions, the several d ivisions of our Ind ian empi re havefurn ished ofthese imports ofco tton in the last n ine years, appear thus :

Bombay. Madras. Bengal . Ceylon. Singapore. Total .

Our stat ist ics of the Ind ian ex port trade do not ex tend back

suffic ient ly far, to al low of any correct idea be ing formed of its

earl ier features . The earl iest period at which we have any stat istics

l l t aring on the subject, is ofthe port ofCalcuttafromthe years 1795-6,at wh ich date almost the who le of the cotton ex po rted from Ind ia

came thro ugh that po rt . Even s ince that date a smal l quanti ty ofthe

produce ofInd ia has gone d irect to the Uni ted States, but ex cept the

novelty thus presented, the features are very incongruous and devoid

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354 mu comes rams or 1171114 .

The steadiness thus apparent in the rate of supply to China until

the last period, and the then sudden fal l ing off, is very remarkable.

It w i ll be at a glance detected, that though the supply to this c ountry

has oflate cons iderably increased, the to tal ex port from Ind ia has not

proportionately done se—ia short, that as the demand for Europe

increases, and raises the market price , that for China almost in an

equal rat io decl ines, showing it to be subservient to , and con t ingent

on, the Bri tish demand and that in years of low prices, when the

ex port from Ind ia to Europe is smal l , a corresponding increase takes

place to the China market. By the figures adduced we further see,

that wh ile the increase in the total ex ports from India in the last

twentyyears has been on ly 82 per cent . , in the ex perts to Great

Britain i t has been 262 per cent. The simple deduction therefore

seems to be, that our increased importation of raw co tton from India,

attracted by a h igh price rul ing in the home markets, does not

necessarily imply an equivalent larger grow th in India itself, as part

ofthat shown in the last period is made up by a proport ionate decl ine

in the quantity ex ported to Ch ina from Calcutta and Bombay, the

Chinese apparently not being purchasers of the raw material at the

high prices current in London and Liverpoo l .

While on the subject ofthe distribution ofthe ex perts fromIndia,i t wi ll he remarked that there, as in al l the cotton-ex porting countries

of the world, the quantity ex ported to continen tal Europe has amas

ingly increased in the last period 1 854-58, which is before shown

only under the ex perts to other countries.

”In that period, the

following were the quanti ties ex ported to cont inental Europe

lbs.

Much controversy has arisen as to whether the increase apparent

in the ex perts of raw co tton from India in the last twentyyears, is

really the resu lt ofan increased production . IfWe were to consider

the wants of the natives of Ind ia to have remained stationary, the

greatly increased ex perts of British cotton manufactures thence to

Ind ia go far to make up for the increased ex ports of cotton hence.

Look ing at the Table furn ished in Dr. Forbes Watson’

s ex cellent

paper read before the Society ofArts in the last session, the weight

of cotton ex ported from this country to the East Indies in manufactured goods, as compared with the weight of cotton ex ported fromIndia, taken in annual averages ofquinquennial periods, appears to

have been

356 can co'I'rOIr rams or INDIA.

And therefore we may infer, that there has been an increased internal

demand for and consequent production of native manufac tures , even

though the quantity ofthe raw and manufactured cotton e x ported has

not greatly increased. And there are good reasons which substan tiate

th is v iew in ano ther manner, thus : taking the effect of prices upon

the Indian market, we shall see that the quantity available for ex pert

has increased, wh ile the price has actual ly decl ined, thus in decennial

averages

If, therefore, as is here shown, the imports from India have continued

to increase, notw i thstanding a. comparatively reduced price, it is

evident that the market value of the article in the Indian market is

comparat ively lower, either arising from an increased production, or

an improved and cheapened mode ofcult ivation 3 and applying a verycommonplace rule, th is ful ly proves that the people are permitted

and wi ll ex ercise a greater consumption under the cheapuess, neces

sitating an increased production if a profi table one, and which , if it

were not, would force a corresponding increase in price un til it

became so .

We may now proceed to notice more part icularly the ex tent of

cotton cultivation in India ; the d istricts in which this cul tivation is

carried on the causes which have prevented or retarded i ts ex ten

sion and the means wh ich have been poin ted out as necessary to be

employed in the accomplishment of this most important and national

object , viz. , an increased supply of Ind ian cotton , to do away with

1 Though the import: into the Un ited Kingdom are here adopted, the fi rst

quantity representing the entire ex ports from Ind ia (all the cotton then beingex ported to this country), the deductions drawn from themare qui te correct.

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run comes TRADE or INDIA . 359

conducted . Ex periments in Breach have demonstrated, that on mo ist

(no t damp) land, ofwhich there is abundance, 600 lbs. ofclean cotton

can be produced per acre ; in fact, the average yield of irrigated

land there, is stated byMr. Landon at from 350 lbs . to 400 lbs . per

acre, and this wh ile the entire produce in the Uni ted States ranges

from 1 50 lbs . to 400 lbs . The co lleetorate of Kundeish,after 2306

square mi les are deducted for roads, rivers, mountains, vi l lages, andunarahle lands

,is said st i l l to possess acres every way

su ited to the growth of co tton and th is is only one of the s ix teen

co l lecto rates in the Presidency, which is again only one-six th of the

vas t territory even subject to Bri tish rule in India. Sc inde, again, as

attached to th is Pres idency, embraces a large tract of land adapted

to the purpose, with all the advantages of a considerab le system of

in ternal navigation, and the means ofcheap freightage and a thrivingcommerce at present i t labours under the d isadvantages ofa spare

populat ion , which w i ll, however, doubtless eventually be attracted

from other, in th is respect, more favoured spo ts . In the BombayPres idency it is stated acres, or one-twenty

-si x th of the

ent ire area, is under cotton farm cu ltivation ; and that, in 1 854,

acres were reported as being planted wflh American co tton,

and the ex ten t of the latter may now be said to be three times as

great . In o ld times the Presidency supplied Bengal w ith considerable

quan tit ies of the r aw and manufactured material, and continues sti l l

to be byfar the most enterprizing in the matter ofproduct ion indeed,

it is alone in this Presidency that the quantity avai lable for ex pert

has shown any signs ofincrease.

The Madras Presidency, contain ing acres, and a popu

lation of has made l i ttle progress in the cult ivation , e ither

fo r home consumpt ion or ex port. In the year 1 854-5

,it contained

on ly acres of land under co tton farm culti vation . A t that

da te there were acres under the American kind . Dr. W ightreported that the four southern provinces of Co imbatore, Salem,

Madam,and Tinnevel ly, contained an area of square miles,

of which acres were readi ly susceptible of cotton culti

vat io n , and certain ly capab le, with a proper applicat ion of ski ll and

capital , ofyield ing 1 00 lbs. per ac re ofclean cotton, or, in other

wo rds, an aggregate of 200 mi ll ions annually. The ex port cotton

trade ofMadras has hi therto been comparatively insign ificant, though

we may reasonably hope that ere long it will become a source of

cons iderable supply.

The Ben gal Presidency, conta ining acres, and a

population of consumes in its native manufactures nearlythe entire cotton crop, yet i t possesses the ex cellent cotton growing

360 THE TRADE OF INDIA.

district ofBerar, perhaps the best field in India, were the means oftransport and other matters sutficiently progressed. The ex port trade

in cotton has been very smal l ; the largest quantity ever ex ported

was in 1 8 17- 8, in which year from the port ofCalcutta there were

shipped and, ex cepting one or two attemp ts at an

increase in times of h igh prices, i t has since that date cont inued to

dec l ine ; by far the larger portion of that ex ported being to China.

It is to be hoped, however, that the open ing up of the Grand Canal

in the Doab will prove to be attended w ith a considerable increase in

the growth of cotton for the Bri tish market 3 the ex tent of land i t

is said to be capable of i rrigating is acres, wh ich had

become u tterlywaste for want ofmo isture 3 ifone-th ird of th is quan

t ity only were under cotton cul tivation, we might have an increasedex port from th is source alone of 1 80 mill ion pounds, that is : if theopinions are correct as to its adaptab il ity to the cultivation . The

great co tton field of Berar, however, presents perhaps the largest

scope for action, were i t but put on the same footing wi th the seaboard

districts in regard to means oftransport, there is little doubt but that

a breadth of land would then become avai lable to supply the full

demands ofGreat Bii tain. There are however political considerations

connected w ith the question of a rai lroad into the dominions of the

N izam which perhaps weigh against its ex pediency. The North

Western Provinces and the Punjaub contain acres, and

a population of showing it to he the most deneely

populated district ofInd ia ; and here again there is reported to'

ho

tho usands ofmi les ofgood land free to a great ex tent from jungle andt imber and adapted to the cultivation of cotton 3 and yet th is great

area does l ittle or noth ing in an ex pert tmde, though the fact of their

lying out of the reach of the monsoons, abound ing w ith streams and

rivers fed by the waters springing from the mountains ofCashmere

and Kanawat , renders it certain ly fi tted to become a future source

ofsupplies. There is further attached to this presidency the kingdom

ofOude, con tain ing acres, and a population of

and the Easter n Settlements, includ ing Pegu, estimated to contain

acres, but very thinly inhab ited, the number being esti

mated at 3making the total area of the presidency to he

acres, and the population

Looking back through this meagre and scattered data, and com

paring the factsw ith those presen ted on the subject of the Un ited

States, they appear very start l ing . Ind ia contain ing in its three

r esidencies (ex clusive of the nat ive, or so called Independent States)acres of land, and a population of ,369, or about

1 to every 4 acres. The southern and cotton growing states

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366 was corms TRADE or men .

i ts transport on the cattle, and the roads, iflying through the co tton

ground, are such that men even sink to the ankles at every step and

cattle to the ir knees . It may easily be supposed that under such a

calamity the merchant and the carrier are both ruined .

”

It is impossible to deny that the subject ofinternal commun ication

in India, had not rece ived that attent ion wh ich its vast impo rtance

demanded, until , chiefly in consequence of the facts eluc idated by

Mr . Bright’

s Committee, the pressure ofpubl ic Opin ion in th is co untryhad been brought to bear upon the Home Government of India.

There is however good reason for believing that such matters now

rece ive the an x ious attention of the authorities, and i t is gratifyingto think that w ith in probab ly three years nearly five thousand miles

ofrailway w ill have been stretched through most important divisions

of that vast and h itherto commercially inaccess ible coun try. The

means however by wh ich further transi t facil ities shal l be afforded

involve a g rave subject of cons iderat ion . Every one concurs in the

assertion that the greatest c ivil izer and improver is the means of

cheap and rapid trans it, and latterly the Government has readily

g iven i ts support to the projects set on foot w i th that view. It has

sanct ioned rai lroads, which invo lve an ex penditure of capital of near

and on wh ich an annual charge of nearly two mi ll ions

sterl ing wi l l accrue, and it is certain that a long period must elapse

befo re taken as a who le these w i l l pay the guaranteed rate ofinterest .

No one would attempt to deny the prospect ive importance of the

rai lroads now in progress, but, perhaps ex cepting some seaboard

d istricts which might be advantageously opened up by such means, it

is probab le enough has been done for the present in this direction ;

and the general feel ing now ex ists that suffi cient pecun iary aid has

been granted to this description of transi t. and that attention ought

to be d irected to the format ion ofcanals and to measures calculated

to render as far as possib le the d ifferent rivers navigable. The

cl imate ofInd ia is such that the means of irrigation is as much a

matter of importance as transit ; i t is equal ly the interest of the

cultivator to produce good crops as to have the means of conveying

them to a better market . Moreover many kinds ofproduce wh ich

can i l l afford the cost of carriage by railway could be home by this

means w ithout the uncertain ty and deterioration wh ich is entai led bythe present bul lock carriage . It is asserted, and w ith much force of

argument, that canals, un l ike railways, w i l l, with the improvement of

agricu ltural know ledge there, very soon defray the ir cost out of the

income from irrigat ion, whi le the ex pense of transit by that means is

immeasurably less. The labour too employed in the construction of

canals is for the major part the mere hand labour which in India is

ms corrou rams or mm . 367

cheap and comparatively abundant, wh ile in the case ofrai lways the

European c ivi l engineers and mechan ics al l receive far higher wages

than in this coun try, while they at the same t ime, from the greater

temperature, are fi tted to perform but half the work. Througho ut

the larger port ion of India, if we ex cept the \Vestern Ghauts, the

nature of the country is admirably adapted to the formation of

canals . The Government has e x tended a helpi ng hand to at least

one such enterprise, and wi ll doubtless in l ike manner do so towards

o thers where requ ired . iVe understand that there is now the

prospect of every effort being made to Open up the Godavery, the

great h ighway into the cotton field of Berar ; and we have the

op in ion ofColonel Co tton that the navigation of the Godavery alone

would do much to restore a large district in India to a state of

agricu ltural prosperi ty, and to raise its inhab i tan ts in the scale of

soc ial well-be ing and the Parliamentary Committee on Indian

Affairs put it on record that “ i t has been ful ly ascertained that

cotton of such a qual ity as to compete on equal terms with that of

America can be produced at a paying price in Bellary, Cuddapah,

Co imbatore, and Tinnevel ly but i t is also added that the cu lt ivators

had to encounter great d iffi cul ties and drawbacks from the wan t of

easy communication between the interior of the country and the port

ofshipmen t .

So far then Government is afi'

ord ing evidence of its wil lingness

to promote works calculated to assist in open ing up the country, and

in affording those means of irrigation so essential to the development

of the resources of the country. Thoroughly to accompl ish th is

much, w i ll nevertheless depend on private enterprise d irected on the

spot . In addition however,to the trans it and other difiiculties now

in course of removal, two causes espec ial ly preventive of efforts on

the part of both the Bri tish and native capi tal ist to ex pend on

schemes for such a purpose have been in operation, namely—the

uncertain tenure of land, and the imperfect administration ofjustice .

With regard to the latter, the majority ofthose ex amined on the po int

before the Co lon ization (Ind ia) Committee, were agreed as to the great

roomfor improvement in this department ; one invo lving the rights

ofproperty and other questions ofgreat moment. With respect to

land tenure, pub lic opin ion both in this country and in India has

gradually arrived at the conclusion, that not only should lands now

in the hands ofGovernment be final ly sold in fee simple, bu t that the

redemption of the land tax in al l parts ofIndia cannot be too soon

effected . For a number ofyears in a few remote parts of India,

Government has granted land in what has been so far entitled to be

cal led “ fee simple,"but attached to the transfer were certain privi

voL. x vrt . 2 B

368 was cor ms rams or men .

leges which so far have tended to nul l ify the advantage. In De

cember 1 858 the Home Government sent orders to Ind ia, which

we bel ieve are now being acted upon, and which do so far fac il itate

the transfer of land in the manner w ished for . Much h owever, in

this way still remains to be done, and i t is to be hoped that the

subject w ill at an early date receive the attention of the authori ties,

both here and in India.

With reference to the legislative enactments affecting the Cotton

Trade ofInd ia with this country, a few words may be ven tured upon,

as well as upon the question of the currencyas having an important

bearing on the general welfare ofthe country.

The course to be pursued by the Government of Indi a in the

matter of the Co tton Trade has not been clearly defined, and though

the unquestioned pol icy offree and unfettered trade in thi s as in every

other article may be said to meet the question, i t does not in fact do

so . The ei tpenses of governmen t in India must be defrayed, and

legislation , therefore, in the matter resolves i tselfinto a question ofto

what e x ten t, if any, the article among others shall subscribe to the

revenue. We, as a manufacturing, rather than as a producing nation

in England, have come to recogn ize the benefit of ex empting the raw

material from tax ation , on the ground that the employment of the

people in the trade to wh ich it ind irectlymin isters, more than com

pensates for the loss, and further that as an art icle almost ofnecessi ty,and certainly conducive to the comfort and happiness ofthe people, it

does no t form so fi t a subject of tax ation as art icles of lux ury, wh ich

in l ike manner can better bear such an imposition . It may be re

marked , that no spec ial legislat ion becomes necessary, and moreover

that i t is an undeniable advantage to the country to find a consumer

for i ts surplus produce, the growth and ex port ofwhich, therefore,

should not be checked by the imposition of any duty. This is gene

ral ly admi tted I th ink,but Ind ia must no t be viewed solely as a

produc ing nation . Ind ia may and does produce twice the weight of

cotton ex ported by the who le of the Un i ted States ; the question

arises—is it India’

s advantage to ex port the whole of this immense

quan t ity, and thereby become a customer to Lancashire ofan almostequ ivalent ex ten t ? It is, of course, the interest of this country that

i t should do 50 . Or, should Ind ia retain her raw cotton, and clothe

her people unaided and independent : the who le d iffi culty is one of

figures and cost . In the ordinary course ofevents the river wil l find

i ts own bed adjusted by the law ofsupply and demand, but to predict

the future course of the government becomes a matter ofconsiderablediffi culty, for in th is is also involved the troublesome consideration of

the occupation ofthe people .

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370 THE comes rams or men .

in the proper production of the raw material Great Britain so much

needs, and reaping from i t a fair mede ofpro fit, w i l l, with the cheaper

and better adapted cloths of Europe, be placed in a position to enjoygreater lux uries of l ife . Ind ia should on no account be governed for

the Engl ish . Iwould deprecate the course now advocated , ifit simplytended to help Brit ish sh ipping and Lancashire mil ls, but ifthe import

duty on twist and cal icoes imported into India is continued, or even

raised to a very great ex ten t, hand spinn ing and weaving must d ie

out, and we mere ly pro long the struggle to make the cotton yield the

grower in Ind ia less money, or to make it cost the spinner in Lanca

shire more . Whi le a tax is thereby levied on the consumer of ei ther

native or Bri t ish fabrics in India, which is paid to the native manu

facturer to protect h im in h is unprofi table business . The case is d if

ferent with mil ls conducted on Engl ish principles and with Engl ish

machinery, ifGovernment dec ides that it wi ll be a national object tofoster such,most ofthe objections to an import duty on twist and clo ths

van ish . I bel ieve, however, the true pol icy ofgovernment is pri

mari ly to legislate so as to drain the raw cotton out of the country,and create a demand for our manufactured goods in lieu of those new

manufactured in India. To acqu ire an increased interchange ofpro

ducts with other countries is the aim ofevery aspiring nation to sel l

as much ofi ts produce, and receive in return foreign articles to please

the taste or fancyofthe people, is one ofthe greatest incentives oftrade,but it must be admitted that if the ingred ients ofmanufacturingsuccess ex ist, Ind ia acqu ires more weal th by itselfmanufacturingei ther for its own wants or fo r ex port .

We have heretofore considered the native cotton manufacture of

Ind ia only as that conducted under the old and rude hand processes

but we must now regard the matter fromanother and d istinct point of

view. We will look at the advantages accruing to India fromadept

ing our more improved processes for her own benefi t, and consider its

seeming practicab i lity. We know that the quantity of the raw

material employed in the Ind ian nativemanufacture, ismore than doublethat imported in to this country, and this under al l the d isadvantages

ofthe present ex pens ive and was teful mode of cultivation and manufacture there how much the demand might ex pand were the pro

cesses economized more in accordance wi th that we employ, may bejudged by the great development we have seen as having occurred in

our own trade in the past century. That there is abundant roomforeconomy is amply proved in the successful competition of British

manufactures in al l those parts ofInd ia into which they have gained

access and this economymust in part come from the substitution of

machine for hand labour. The cry ofthere being no other occupation

run corron TRADE or 11 mm. 371

for the native popu lation, is certain to be raised against the destruc

tion of the native trade ; but i ts fal lacy was never more palpablyevident than in th is particular case. Taking India as a whole, i t is

the consumer of its entire production ; what advan tage then can i t

enjoy in spending one week in the manufacture of a piece of cloth

wh ich can be as well made in one day? It is argued, that throughout

the dry season , when vegetation is checked, there is no occupation for

the people in agriculture, and that it is then they are employed in

spinn ing and weaving for the wants of the coming active season if

th is appl ied in i ts full sense each fami ly would work for i tself, and

British manufactures would probablynever force the ir wayagainst the

hand wove fabrics so long as it e x isted and if, on the o ther hand, i t

is merely a class trade followed on ly by a l imi ted number, it is clear

that the number of consumers must pay so much more, wh ich is an

add it ional burden upon themfor the advan tage of the manfacturingfew . These are, however, ex ploded objections, and it is unnecessaryfurther to dwell upon them everyone new acknowledges that India

’

s

advance must be attained by aid ing, and ifneed be, forcing its forward

progress by the economical employment -of sc ience and art, espec ially

to material and useful purposes. Whether Great Bri tain or Bombaycan supply some of India

'

s wants cheaper than heretofore has yet

to be dec ided but i t is clearly the consumer’

s interest to buy from

the cheapest market . Granted, labour is cheap there, (that it is not

over abundant however, is proved by i ts being too dear to compete

w ith machinery even at this great d istance) ; but it follows, thatifass isted by sc ience and art, it may become as valuable and com

paratively as scarce as wi th us. There is the so il, the climate, al l the

natural fac i l ities of production knowledge is al l that is required to

render i t advantageous to more ful ly employ i t ; and ifwe should

throw the native weaver out ofthat employment, we in do ing so onlylead him to a more profi table one, and advance h is own condition .

The quest ion mainly resolves itself into whether Lancash ire shal l

manufacture the material to supply the place of the native fabrics, or

Ind ia manufacture for i tself on the same economical principles,i nstead of send ing the raw material several thousands ofmi les for

that purpose, to be returned charged with al l the immense attendant

e x penses, wh ich apparently might be saved ? In looking at the

subject—the advantages to the capi tal ist, the people,and the country

al l command attention . Unless there is a clear benefi t to be gained

by the capi tal ist, it is frui tless for us to hope that the manufacture

bymachinerywi l l ever be establ ished in India, ex cept that Govern

ment, looking at the advantages to the people and the country, should

ex tend a helping, or rather protective, hand and this is always a

372 THE corrou mans or men .

quest ioned, if not condemned, pol icy. Whether it wi ll be advan

tageous to the capital ist in Ind ia, when all the difi cnlties shal l have

been cleared away, to admit ofa fair competition, is l ikely to remain

an Open po int unti l some further practical solution shall have been

effected . The d isadvantages under which Great Bri tain labours in com

peting w ith anyproperlyorgan ised Indian mills, in having to carry the

material backwards and forwards, are so great as apparently to more

than counterbalance the d isadvantages under which Ind ia labours .

There are, however, so many con tingent circumstances wh ich enter

in to the calculation , and the pros and cons are so numerous, and

w ithal so prodig ious, that the whole quest ion seems to h inge on those

very contingenc ies.

The fi rst cost ofmi l ls wi ll in Ind ia be double what it is wi th us,

arising from the large freigh t and charges which would have to be

incurred in the transport ofthe material, and greatly increased cost of

European superintendence in erection, as in all the attendant circum

stances .

Wear and tear of bu i ld ings and mach inery in India, is stated

certainly not to be less than 10 per cent. , while in this country it

is about 5 : thus—the machinery requires renewal every 1 5 years,

bu i ldings every 45 years ; say, as value ofbui ldings are one fourth of

that ofmach inery, every 20 years or 5 per cent .

Wages. The proportion of “ski lled

”to the “ mere hand labour

is in th is country not much more than 1 in 1 0 but it is estimated bythose well acquainted with the subject that it would in India amountto 3 in 1 0 .

Operatives in India would be paid at the rate of 2s. per week,wh ile in England the ex treme average would give 1 58. per week ;

but as in India the day'

s work efi'

ected is much less per man with

other drawbacks the amount ofwork done is 1 5 to 20 per cent. less

than in England, whi le in the rate ofwages they have an advantage

equal to 87 per cent .

Ski lled labour, or that wh ich would have to be supplied byEuropeans, wi ll be increased by 1 50 per cent .

Raw Mater ial wi ll cost the manufacturer in India less byal l the

transi t, and home merchants’

charges ; and Manchester, London,transit, and Bombay selling charges on Bri tish manufactures, which

would in l ike manner he saved .

Let us then, from th is data, endeavour to work out the relative

cost ofman ufacturing the material employed in our trade in the year

1 856, the date at which the last return was made by the FactoryInspectors and i t wi ll better answer our purpose to deal onlywith

the operations of spinning and weaving. We may suppose, that out

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374 run corron TRADE or men .

These figures would appear to show the startl ing fact, that India

could manufacture bymach inery at a cost 20 per cent. less than Gru t

Britain can sel l British manufactures in the Bombay market ; and

when we regard the results ofMr. Landon’

s efforts at Bre ach, and

the good repute in which the projected companies are held in Bombay,as is shown by the shares of the Spinn ing and Weaving Company,

”

being quoted 58 per cent. premium (having paid a dividend equal to

1 6 per cent .) the “ Oriental Weaving and Spinning Company"at

39 per cent the Throstle Mil l Company”at 5 per cent. and the

East India Spinn ing and Weaving Company, Limited, at par ; we

might be d isposed to condone any festering spirit Government mightd isplay for the new branch of industry there. But these circum

stances which we regard as showing in favour ofIndia, are n ot of

the great weigh t we might at fi rst sight be disposed to th ink them.

The present ex perimental manufacture, which we may take to be

emb raced in the before-mentioned mi lls, ex tend only to the manu

facture of yarns of no higher number than No .

’

s 40 (or 40 banks, of

yards each, to the pound ), whi le in this countrywe sp in up to

700’

s for useful purposes. This is in a great measure accounted for

from the fact of the indigenous cotton wh ich is used being so veryi nferior, for in Lancash ire it is not spun into h igher numbers than1 6

’

s . But supposing the ex otic cotton to be grown of the finest

qual i ty, ofwh ich there seems every probab il ity, would i t then become

possible to Spin the fi ner counts to compete with the Bri tish yarn l

For that purpose the mach inery becomes much more compl icated and

ex pensive, and the immense charge for interest greatly accumulatesagainst India. Themanufacture ofthe coarser countsmust fi rst be fullyestab l ished before the latter can be attempted ; and this wi ll take

some t ime. Thatmachinerycan be successfullyemployed there in part icnlar local i ties in the manufacture of low counts, cannot be do ubted .

It is merely a question of t ime and offi rst cost. One ofthe greatest

drawbacks to the enterprise, is the h igh rate of interest pa id for

money there but ere a very few years have rolled by, this must yieldconsiderably to the necessi ties ofthe times . As confidence is i lupartcd,the immense stores ofwealth wh ich must be locked up there , the

i l l-go t gains ofthe desp ised midd leman, all wi ll come out for employmen t in the development of the resources ofthe country, the increase

in the value ofproperty will yie ld a capital wh ich wi l l more thanequal demand . A s the people learn to bring sc ience to bear upon

it pursui ts their weal th must vastly increase, and par-i pan s ,

to the demand, the presen t e x orb itant rate wi ll be lowered

to our standard . As this development is go ing forward too ,

ran corron TRADE or INDIA. 375

the demand for labour wi ll increase, and so far from its being necessaryto mainta in an ex pens ive and frui tless occupation for a part ofthe

population, the appl ication ofmachinerywi l l be ful ly requ ired to

mainta in the advantages ofa cheap labouring class to aid and feed i t.

A lthough we find that the Compan ies before named have erected or

are erecting in Bombayal together spindles and 300 looms, and

add ing to these spindles in the Breach Mil ls and in

the Fo rt G lo’

ster Mills in Calcutta, we have a total number of

spind les and 300 looms, wh ich evidences some considerable enterprise

in the matter. I sti ll bel ieve, however, that the po l icyofthe Government should be to drain out the raw produce fromthe country, and allow

the native hand manufacture to ex pire. India is not yet prepared to

invest to the ful l ex tent in co tton mills, and so long as English capital

is employed, there is l ittle advan tage gained by the people ofIndia

from the change . The present tax wi l l bring in li ttle revenue, beingco l lected on only about one tweutieth of the entire Indian consumption , while the other n inety

-fi ve per cent. , or the native manufac ture,is increased in cost to the native consumer to the same ex tent doingcertain harm to the consumer, and perhaps under present c ircum

stances fostering more the hand than mach ine manufacture.

In the earlypart ofthe even ing Ial luded to the currency ofInd ia,

and it forms a subject ofsuch importance to the efi'

ectual development

of its trade and commerce, that I cannot conclude wi thout a few

remarks on the subject, tho ugh i t scarcely comes within the scope of

our present object. During the last three years of which we have

accoun ts, the import of bul l ion into the Three Presidencies has been

upwards of 4 1 mil l ions sterl ing , or equal to the ent ire value of im

ported merchand ize, while the e x perts have not ex ceeded two mi llions,lem ing to have been employed in the country 39 mi l l ion pounds ster

l ing during the period c ited of course some part has been employed

in the manufacture of ornaments and jewel lery, but the Ind ian MintReturns show that an immense proportion was converted into co in .

By the increase in the trade w i th the cast in the las t few years, there

has been an immense drain of bull ion to pay for the produce we have

impo rted from that source . In 1 850 and 1 857 alone, nearlysterl ing was ex ported from this country, tho ugh some

portion ofth is was ofcourse on Government account 5 and in the year

just closed i t reached It is not the immense pro

port ions ofth is drain that is most startling, but i t consists almosten t irely of silver, and th is is caused , or gt ly incl ed, from the

only legal tender bei t si lver in our Ind . Oo rate

the effects of tl t

378 ms con-os ru n: or men .

DISCUSSION.

Previously to invi t ing d iscuss ion, the President (Colonel Sykes, M.P .)fi l led on Dr. Watson fo r some remarks on the admirable col lect ion of

samples then on the table.

Dr. Forbes Watson w ith reference to the cotton samples, 1 03 in

number, remarked that 03 were East Indian, 20 of the native or indi

geno us , and 43 ofthe e x otic or American kind, and that the remaining40 repn sented so far the growth of every other part of the world,

be (Dr. was having a careful determination made of the

r elat ive value of the d ifferent samples, and ofthe comparative lengthsand o ther qual i ties of the ir staples . He had hoped to have had the

who le of the latter in t ime to have given the heads that even ing, but

had no t sueceeded,—some resul ts of importance had however al readybeen ob tained . It was now admitted that with all its imperfections

East Ind ia nat ive cot ton could be employed in our manufactures, to

the e x tent offrom 70 to 75 per cent ., but these samples conclus ivelyshowed that Ind ia could furn ish ex otic cotton of a qual ity snfii ciently

line fo r perhaps all our wants . The various cottons from the

American seed, grown in Ind ia, were found in po int of length of

staple qu ite as good as that produced in i ts nat ive so il , indeed in that

impo rtant respect the New Orleans samples on the table were even

e x ceeded by the majority ofthose procured fromsimilar seed in Ind ian

ground, and in regard to the Sea Island varietyofcotto n, he found that

i t also retained its long staple characteristic when grown in India.

W ith a view to receiving a valuation of these cottons, irrespective

ofpreconceived no tions ofthe superior manufacturing qual i ties ofthat

of one country over another, and as far as poss ible to el iminate the

influence ofbias, he (Dr. IVatson ) had forwarded samples, with simplynumbers attached, to the h ighest authorities on such points , and hoped

before long to be in possession of the results . He would however call

particular atten tion to some of the samples on the table, to one fromSea Island seed, grown w ithin 80 mi les ofCalcutta, and valued byMr . Bazley at 1 3 . 6d . per lh ., and to others received fromMr. A. 0 .

Brice, and grown in Dharwar from Egy

per lh . , remarking at the same time

as length was concerned, considerably

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378 was oo'm'os n uns or mum.

DISCUSSION.

Previously to inviting discussion, the President (Colonel Sykes, M.P .)cal led on Dr. IVatson for some remarks on the admirable collect ion of

samples then on the table.

Dr. Forbes lVatson w ith reference to the cotton samples, 1 03 innumber, remarked that 63 were East Indian , 20 of the native or indi

genous, and 43 ofthe ex otic or American kind, and that the rema in ing40 represen ted so far the growth of every other part of the world,

he (Dr. lVatson) was having a careful determination made of the

relative value of the differen t samples, and ofthe comparative lengths

and other qual i ties of their staples . He had hoped to have had the

whole of the latter in time to have given the heads that evening, but

had not succeeded,—some resul ts of importance had however al ready

been ob tained . It was now admitted that with all its imperfectionsEast India native cotton could be employed in our manufactures, to

the ex tent offrom 70 to 75 per cent . , but these samples conclusivelyshowed that India could furn ish ex otic cotton ofa qual ity sufi ic ientlyfi ne for perhaps all our wants. The various cottons from the

American seed, grown in India, were found in point oflength of

staple qu ite as good as that produced in its native soil , indeed in that

important respect the New Orleans samples on the table were even

ex ceeded by the majori ty ofthose procured fromsimilar seed in Indian

ground, and in regard to the Sea Island varietyofcotton, he found that

it also retained i ts long staple characteristic when grown in India.

With a view to receiving a valuation of these cottons, irrespective

ofpreconceived no tions ofthe superior manufacturing qual i ties ofthat

ofone country over another, and as far as possi ble to el iminate the

influence ofbias, he (Dr. l Vatson ) had forwarded samples, with s implynumbers attached, to the h ighest authorities on such po ints . and hoped

before long to be in possession of the results . He would however cal l

particular attention to some of the samples on the table, to one from

Sea Island seed, grown w ithin 30 miles ofCalcutta, and valued byMr . Bazley at 1 3 . per lh., and to o thers received fromMr. A . C .

Brice, and grown in Dharwar from Egyptian seed , and valued at 9d .

b e “ "u . remarking at the same t ime that the staple ofthe latter, as far

was concerned, considerably ex celled that ofthe former, and

370 was comes rams or men .

in the proper production of the raw material Great Bri tain so much

needs, and reaping from i t a fair mede ofprofi t, wi ll, with the cheaper

and better adapted cloths of Europe, he placed in a posi tion to enjoygreater lux uries of l ife . Ind ia should o n no account be governed for

the Engl ish . Iwould deprecate the course now advocated, ifit simplytended to help British sh ipping and Lancashire mil ls, but ifthe import

duty on twist and cal icoes imported into India is continued, or even

raised to a very great ex tent, hand spinn ing and weaving must die

out, and we merely prolong the struggle to make the cotton yield the

grower in Ind ia less money, or to make i t cost the spinner in Lanes.

shire more . Whi le a tax is thereby levied on the consumer of ei ther

native or Brit ish fabrics in India, which is paid to the nat ive manufac turer to protect h im in his unprofi table business . The case is dif

ferent with mi l ls conducted on Engl ish principles and wi th English

machinery, ifGovernment decides that it w il l be a national object tofoster such,most ofthe objections to an import duty on twist and cloths

van ish . I bel ieve, however, the true pol icy ofgovernment is primari ly to legislate so as to drain the raw cotton out of the country,and create a demand for our manufactured goods in l ieu of those new

manufactured in India. To acqu ire an increased interchange ofpro

ducts wi th other countries is the aim ofevery aspiring nation to sell

as much ofi ts produce, and receive in return foreign articles to please

the taste or fancyofthe people, is one ofthe greatest incentives oftrade,but i t must be admitted that if the ingredients ofmanufacturingsuccess ex ist, Ind ia acquires more wealth by i tselfmanufacturingei ther for its own wants or for ex port .

We have heretofore considered the native cotton manufac ture ofInd ia only as that conducted under the old and rude hand processu ;b ut we must now regard the matter from another and distinct point of

view. l Ve will look at the advan tages accru ing to India fromadept

ing our more improved processes for her own benefi t, and consider its

seeming practicabi lity. lVe know that the quantity of the raw

material employed in the Ind ian nativemanufacture, ismore than doublethat imported in to this country, and this under al l the d isadvantage

ofthe present ex pensive and was teful mode ofcultivation and mang o

facture there how much the demand might ex pand were the pro

cesses economized more in accordance with that we employ, may be

judged by the great development we have seen as having occurred in

our own trade i n the past century. That there is abundant roomforeconomy is amply proved in the successful competit ion of Bri tish

manufactures in all those parts ofIndia into which they have p i tted

access and th is economymust in part come from the substi tution of

machine for hand labour. The cry ofthere being no other occupation

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382 ms corrou TRADE or 11mm.

same ex tent of land four or five times as much as at present, and of

a qual ity worth 8d . instead of 5d . per ih. , the cultivation of cotton

wou ld become so profitable as to encourage an enormous increu e of

growth .

Mr. J . T. Mackenzie said, that irrigation never ex isted, at al l

events to anyth ing l ike the ex ten t stated .

Mr. J . B. Smith —The Publ ic Works Commissioners reported that

vast works did ex ist, and every book 0 11 India confirmed i t . Sir

Emmerson Tennant, in h is work on Ceylon, described the largest

work the world ever saw—a valley of about fourteen miles in ex tent

embanked for a reservo ir . It was the appl ication of water to the

so il that was the source of the ex traord inary fertil ity of which theyread in trop ical countries . It was the source of wealth of anc ient

Egypt, Babylon , and Nineveh,where, since the destruction of their

canals and watercourses, the remains ofwh ich were to be seen to that

day, the soi l which maintained their vast populations had become a

sandy desert. Ind ia could only be improved by the appl ication of

ski ll and capital to its so il every encouragement therefore ought to

be given to tempt British enterprize to Ind ia as the best means of

developing its mighty resources, and of improving the moral and

material condition of i ts people . Let them have the land in per

petu ity, as in the British colon ies ; give them good roads, means of

cheap transit, safety for person and property, and theymight yethope to see Bri tish rule a b lessing to Ind ia and to England.

Mr. J . T . Mackenzie had l istened w ith pleasure to Mr. Mann’

s able

paper, and qu ite concurred w ith his friend Mr. Smollett, that i t was

most essential to impress upon the Government ofIndia the necessityof

permi tting perfect titles to land to be given, not on lyfor cotton cu lti

vation , but for any real development of India’

s resources. The

advocates of the production of cotton in India for ex port however,frequently overlooked other d iffi culties which had recently arisen in

the endeavours to make Ind ia an increased source of supply. He

especially al luded to the increase in the value oflabour,and the enor

mous rise in the value of other agricul tural products, as compared

with cotton. The real question on wh ich an ex tended supplyfrom India depended, was, would cotton growing pay the farmer as

well as other crops ? In Mr. Mann’

s Tables, the price of East Ind ian

cotton at Liverpool for the last two years averaged 5M. per lb . and

h is (Mr. Mann’

s) average ofthe yield was taken at 100 lbs. of p icked

cotton per acre, which he (Mr. Macken zie) thought rather too much.

But accepting th is somewhat ex cessive estimate, it would make the

value of the produce of an acre of cotton when landed at Liverpool,

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ROYAL ASIA'

I‘

IC SOCIETY.

PROCEEDINGS

or m

THIRTY-FOURTHANNIVERSARYMEETINGOFTHESOCIETY,

Held on the 23rd May, 1 857.

p a o r s s s o a WIL S ON,

rsmmm m nrn oroa,

IN THE CHAIR.

THE FOLLOWING REPORT OF THE COUNCIL

WAS READ BY EDWIN NORRIS,ESQ., THE SECRETARY

IN the last year’s Report the Counci l had the satisfaction of con

gratulating the Society upon a large increase in elections, showing a

favourable contrast to the case of several former years, during which

there had been a succession ofdimin ishing numbers, wi th the sole

e x ception of the year 1852, when the demand for an entrance fee was

aboli shed. In the presen t year the elections of Resident and Non

resident Members amount to the same number as in the last—21the losses bydeath have also been the same—1 1 ;1' the retirements and

Resi dent Members -1 . John Ross Butlin, Esq. ; 2. The Rev. T. F .

Crosse, 3. John Jackson, Esq., MD . ; 4 . John 8 . Law, Esq. ; 5 . Pro

reesor C . Mac Donal l, M.A . 6. Maj.-Gen . Macintosh ; 7. R. P. Nisbet ,Esq . ,

8 . Edwin Norris, Esq. 9. Ashness Remington, Esq. 1 0. Wi l l iamSpott iswoode, Esq. 1 1 . Col . Sir Justin Shei l, KGB. 1 2. T. J Turner, Esq1 3 . W. 11 . Fox Talbot, Ph q 1 4. R. H . S. Vyvyan, Esq. ; 1 5. The Rev. B. G.

Wi l l iams ; 1 6. Maj -Gen . Sir W. Fenwick Wi ll iams . Non-resident1 7 . J . H . Batten ,

Esq. ; 1 8. E. L. Brandreth, Esq. ; 1 9. Hyder Jung Bahadur ;20. M. NassifMal louf 21 . HenryMacFarlane Norris, Esq .

1" 1 . The Earl Amherst ; 2 . Sir G. W. Anderson, K.C.B. 3. The Earl of

Ellesmere ; 4. Thomas El l is, Esq. ; 5. Lt.-Gen. the Rt. Hon. Lord ViscountHard inge, 6. Alex ander Robertson , Esq. 7. Francis H . Rob inson,Esq 8. J . R. Stoop, Esq. ; 9. Thomas Weeding, Esq . H onorary and

Forei gn Members - I. The ImamofMuscat ; 2. Baron Hammer Purgstal l .6

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v1 ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

this work he was presented, in 1834, bythe Shah ofPersia, with the

order ofthe Lion and Sun .

In 1 835, he was raised to the dignityofaBaron by the ti tle ofBaron

Hammer Purgstal l, in succession to h is friend and pupil the last Baron

Purgstall, ofSchloss Ileinfeld, upon whose death the fami ly had becomeex tinct.

After the year 1840,Baron Hammer Purgstall retired al together fi om

public life, and l ived usuallyat his estates in Styria, where he devoted

himselfwhol ly to the cultivation ofOriental li terature.

Baron IIammer Purgstall ended h is days as he had lived—in themidst ofhis books. A letter fromh is daughter, theEaronese Trench vcnTender, pub l ished in the Journal Asiatique,

”

gives a touching account

of his last moments. Unable to remai n in bed, he had for the lastfortn ight sat up in h is arm chair, before h is l ibrary tab le, surrounded

by papers ; and on the very day ofhis death his daughter had been

compelled, byfear ofannoying her father and augmenting h is testisness

,to put a pen into h is hand, wi th which he traced some few i llegible

words, almost in his last moments. He di ed on the 23rd day of

November last,in the eighty

-fourth year ofhis age.

A copy of the concluding volume of his last and perhaps mostvaluable work was laid on the table ofthe Society, at i tsmeeting on the7th ofMarch, with a letter from the au thor

’

s family.

The foundation ofthe Imperial Academy ofSciences at Vienna was

mainly due to the influence and ex ertions ofBaron Hammer Purgstal l,who was made i ts President. The fi rst Meetings ofthe new Insti tution

took place in 1 847. TheBaron took an active share in the Publ ic Inanga

ration ofthe Academy, which was celebrated on the 2nd February, 1 848.

The fo llowing works were written by the Baron, but they are far

from being all the productions of this indefatigable and volumincuswri ter

The Constitution and Administration oftheOttoman Empire. 2 vols.

18 16.

History ofPersian Rhetoric.—Tiib ingen, 181 8.

Account ofhis J our ney, in 1 804, from Constantinople to Brenn a,&c.—Tiibingcn, 1 8 18.

History of the Assassins, from Eastern sources. Stuttgart and

Tiibingcn , 1 81 8.

Topographical and Historical Description ofConstantinople and the

Bosphorus. 2 vols.—Pcsth, 1821 .

Catalogue ofArab ic, Persian, and Turkish Books in the In perial

Library.—Vienna

,1 822.

ry of the Ottoman Empire. 10 vols.—Pesth, 1 827—1835 .

ryofOttoman Poetry. 4 vols.- Pcsth, 1836.

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ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Paor x ssoaWns os brieflyaddressed themeeting in acknowledgmentofthe vote passed in his favour.

It was then moved byJ ons Amara, EsqThat the thanks ofthe Societybe presented to the Vice-Presidents

andmembers ofthe Counci l for their zealous attention to the interestsofthe Society.

”

Gss sau . Dam1 Morrn seconded this Motion, whichwas put to thevote and carried unanimously.

As rnca Asnrrrrr, Esq., moved, and the Rev. JL IBS Barrows

seconded a vote ofthanks to the Treasurer, Secretary, and Librarian

for the faithful discharge ofthe duties oftheir respective ofi ces.

c nsan Cm “ , Esq., returned thanks.

Scrutineers having been appointed, the Meeting proceeded to choosethe Ofi cers and Council ofthe Societyfor the forthcoming year.

The following list was announced as the result ofthe ballot :

c nsnn Oman,Esq. Treasurer, Bowrs Noanls, Esq., Stard om

J onn Sns x ssrn a,Esq ,

Librarian ; Council : Arthur Ashpitel, Esq.

N. B. E . Bai ll ie, Esq. ; W. B. Bayley, Esq. Sir Proby T. Cantley,

K.C.B Sir Thomas E. Colebrooke, Bart ., M.P. W. J . Eastwick, Esq.

Samuel Gregson , Esq .

,M.P The Right Honourable Holt Mackenzie;

J ohn Marshman, Esq. ; 0 . De . B. Priaul x , Esq . ; H. T. Prinsep, Esq.

Lieutenant Co lonel Sir HenryC. Rawlinson, Colonel Sir Justin

Sheil, K.G.B. Edward Thomas, Esq. ; J. P. Willoughby, Esq., M.P.

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ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY

PROCEEDING S

OF THE

THIRTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSA RYMEETING OF THE SOCIETY,

H eld on the 1 5th May, 1 858 .

P R O F E S S O R W I L S O N ,

PRESIDENT AND DIRECTOR,

IN THE CHAIR.

THE FOLLOWING REPORT OF THE COUNCIL

WAS READ BY THE PRESIDENT

Tn: condi tion ofthe Royal Asiati c Societyhas not undergone, during

the past year, anymaterial alteration . The number ofretirements has

been 6 ; that of deaths, 1 1 , inclusive of 2 Foreign Members ; the to tal

diminution , 1 7. 0 11 the other hand, the number ofElections is 1 1,

leaving a falling offof6 Members. The number ofElecti ons,it is true

,

is considerablyfewer than that of the two preceding years, in each of

wh ich i t was 21 but it ex ceeds that of 1855, in which year the elec

tions were no more than eight . That there should have been a reduc

tion in the last year is no more than was to have been ex pected from

the state ofpublic afl'

airs, and the distress and alarm which theyhave

so widely occasioned . The following are the particulars oftheElections,

Retirements, and Deaths for 1857-8

Election: ofResident A’owRen

‘

dent Members

HenryBrereton, Esq. 7. A . 8. Le Messurier, Esq.

Co lonel J . T. Bush 8. CharlesMacFarlane, Esq.

C. H . Dickson, Esq. 9. Sir Charles Nicholson

Cyril 0 . Graham, Esq . 10. Mrs. F. H . Robinson

II. W. Hammond, Esq. 1 1 . The Rev. R. E. Tyrwhitt

i i ANNUAL REPORT or w e [Mm

1 . The Rev. J . Cape 4 . J . F.

2 . The Rev. E. P . Lewis 5 . A . Remi ngton , Esq .

3. Lieut.-Colonel J . Oliphan t 6 S

Beatles ofResident and Non-Resident Members

1 . Major-General Bagnold 6 . E. J . Remington, Esq .

2 . HenryBrereton , Esq . 7. Dr. John Forbes Royle

3. J . R. Colvi n, Esq. 8 . R. H . Solly, Esq .

4 . Captain Fletcher Hayes 9. Sir HenryStrachey, Bart.

5. J ohn Hodgson, Esq.

1 . The Hon . Loui s MacLane 2 . General Count de Ventura

Although we have to regret, among the casualties, the loss ofseveraldi stinguished members of the Indian service, who were zealous fri ends

of the Society, and although some of them, as Mr. John Colvin and

Captain Fletcher Hayes, added to their public merits that ofmore thanordinaryconversancywi th the languages ofthe East, their omalal functions left them li ttle leisure to devote any time to the cultivati on of

Oriental li terature, or take anypart in the proceedings of this, or anyother Asiatic Society. Mr. Colvin

’

s li fe, prematurely shortened

, no

doubt,by the heavy responsib ilityand an x ieties ofhis posi tion, would ,

in all probab i li ty, had i t been spared , still been engrossed by the duties

of public life. But much was to have been ex pected from Captain

Hayes, who, besides highly respectable classical attainments in which hehad taken a degree at Ox ford, whilst studying in the Universi ty duringa period in which he was in England for the recoveryofhis health , was

a promising Arabic and Persian scholar ; and had collected a valuable

library ofManuscripts, ofwhi ch he would, no doubt, when opportuni ty

permi tted, have made a judicious and advantageous use. His libraryshared the fate ofhis other property, which was ruthlesslydestroyed.

There is one name in the li st ofdeaths whi ch the Society coul d haveli ttle anticipated, and cannot advert to wi thout paying someth ing morethan a passing tribute ofregret

—Dr. J 0 8 11 Forums Ron a, from the

time ofhi s return to England, was a zealous and active Member of theSociety, and took a leading part in the proceedings ofa Commi ttee of

the Society, founded at his suggestion, and introduced by the Right

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ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

He was appo inted one ofthe In cal Commissioners ofthe Ex hibitionfor the ci ty ofLondon, and was requested to organi se and arrange the

department of raw products, and to take charge of the Indian Depart

ment ofthe Ex hibi tion . H is t ime was now occupied by the botani cal

articles in Dr . Hitto’

s Cyclopmd ia of Biblical Literature,”

as well

as by various notices and lectures, amongst which were two on the

Results of the Great E x hibi tion,”and a lecture on Indian Products

known to the Ancients. Another lecture on the same subject, printedin the form of a pamphlet on Indian Fibres,

”was alter-wards

ex panded into a larger work on the “ Fi brous Plants ofIndia,”

pub

l ished in 1855 . In the same year he had the arrangement and super

intendence of the Oriental Collection at theG reat Ex hibition of Paris,

where he received, for his works and papers, la grandsmedail le d’hcn

neur;”and, in recogni tion of these, and his public services in relati on

to the Ex hibi tion, the decoration ofan offi cer of the Legion ofHonour

was conferred upon him.

In 1 856,the immense increase of duties at the India House com

polled Dr. Royle to resign his Professorship at King’

s College, which he

had held during 19 years. In the spring of 1 857, he was invited to

undertake the superintendence and arrangement of the Indian collee

t ion in the E x hibi tion ofArt-Treasures at Manchester.

Dr. Royle was mainly instrumental in the revival which has taken

place in the Horticultural Society, during the last two years ; and to

h is ex ertions entirely is the public indebted for the collection and

sc ientifi c arrangement of the treasures contained in the new Museumnow open at the India House.

Dr. Royle was a Fellow of the Royal, Linnman, Geological, and Horticultural Societies ; and a Member of the Asiatic Society ofCalcutta,

as ofGreat Bri tain. Besides the pages of our own J ournal,he was an

occasional contributor to those of the Transactions of the Linnmanand Horticultural Societies. He died in January last

It is in contemplation by the Court ofDirectors to place Dr. Boyle’s

bust in the New Museumrecently opened.

The Council regret to state that the communi cati ons to the Societyon subjects ofOriental literature, science, topography, ethnology, and

simi lar topics have been but rare : and the Journal has, consequently,made but little progress. No number has to be laid on the table for

the past year. This is in part owing to the communications made toother Societies ofmatters relating to India ; and although, as observed

by our late President , i t signifies not bywhat channel information isconveyed to the public, th is applies to the public, and not to the

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vi i i ANNUAL REPORT OF THE [May,

Hindostan. It includes the whole ofthe reign ofSabaktagin, and the

most important portion of that ofMahmud . The book was wri tten

by a courtier in the service of these Princes, and was translated into

Persian about A.D. 1 186.

The concluding volume ofHay: Rhaifs’aLex icon wi ll be pu blished

during the present year.

AUDITORS'REPORT.

The fol lowing Report of the Audi tors on the financial condition

of the Societywas then read by J . C. Maasnu an, Esq .

The Aud itors have diligently ex amined the statement of re

ceipts and d isbursements of the Societyfor the year 1857, and have

compared each item ofpayment with the vouchers. They regret to

observe that the fi nancial result of the year is not so flattering as that

of the preced ing twelvemonths ; the total receipts of 1 856 havingbeen £ 1053 98 . 1 1d., and of 1 857

, £ 852 1 23. M. Th is is to he attri

buted, partly to the diminution ofmembers, and partlyto the d i fferenceof

“ Composi tions of Subscriptions,"which

,in 1856, amounted to

£ 126,a nd

,in the past year, to £ 36 153. as

,also

, to a smaller amountofarrears received, which , in 1 857, on ly reached £ 15 153

, while i t

amounted to £ 68 58. in the preceding year. But as the ex pendi ture

in the past year has been less by £ 71 1 1 8. 8d. than that of 1 866, the

balance in the Banker’

s hands is sti ll £ 212 4a 4d .,-less byonly£ 8 4a 94.

than that of the 3 l st ofDecember, 1 856.

Of th is balance, however, the sum of £ 142 183. 1d. belongs to the

fund created by the Government grant for the publication of the

Rawl in son papers, and which must be reserved to meet the ex pense

connected with that particular object . The sum in hand available for

the general disbursements of the Societyamounted, therefore, at theclose of the last year to £ 69 63 . 3d .

The Auditors are happy to be ab le to observe, after a careful ex a

mination of the position and prospects of the Society, that there is

every reason to ex pect a larger balance at the close of the present year

in the Bankers’hands.

J . W. BOSANQUET}Audi tors on the part

JAS. FERGUSSON ofthe Society.

JOHN C. MARSHMAN, Auditor on the part ofthe Council.

Royal Asiatic Society'

s House,

5,New Burlington

-street,

“ 8th May,

x ANNUAL sewer or was [May,

The resolution proposed ,by Mr. Marisal n ,

was seconded byCanon Dr. Beacvo ra Parac ax , Esq .

,and carried unanimously.

Professor Wu ses,in acknowledging the vote passed in h is favour,

ex pressed the obl igat ions wh ich he felt on this occasion—as on formeroccasions—for the kind support and encouragement he had always

received from the Society,—wh ich had increased h is zeal

, and had

furnished to h iman add itional inducement to continue in thi s country

the same l ine ofstudy he had commenced in Ind ia. He regretted that

h is commun ications to the Society had not been so frequent of late as

he cou ld have wished, but he must plead—as they all could do —that hewas not so young as he was ; and he certain lywas not so capable of

ex ert ion . l l e feared he could hardly look forward, now, to a period of

three years for the re sumption ofthe ofi ce he was qui tting . Moreover,

h is defect ofhearing somewhat incapaci tated him from properlyful

fi l ling the dut ies of the oflice . He assured the meeting that, nevertheless . he sho u ld alwavs be r eady and wi ll ing to afford Whatever services

he cou ld to promote the welfare ofthe body.

It wasmoved by the Rev. Wat . Paanr,seconded byJ . 8. Law

, Esq .,

and carried nem. con

That the cordial thanks ofthe Meeting be tendered to the VicePresiden ts and Counci l for the interest theyhave taken in the afl

°

airs of

the Soc iety during the past year.”

Mr. Maasn x ax returned thanks on the part of the Counci l, and

observed that their labours in the past year had not been as heavyas

they cou ld have wished . He remarked that if the ardour wh ich was

once felt in the pursui t ofOriental li terature, and wh ich was ex hibited

twen tyor th irtyyears ago, could be revi ved, the Society’

s publicat ions

would not present so unfavourable a contrast to the J ournals ofkindred

Societies on the Continen t and in America, to which the Report of the

past year had adverted with so much regret .

Lord Viscount Srnarmroan moved the following resolution, which

was seconded by the Rev. R. E. Trawm'rr, and carried unani

mously

That the thanks of the meeting be returned to the Treasurer,Secretary, and Librarian

,for the discharge of the duties of therr

respective oflices.

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i i ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

8. The Reverend John Davies.

9 . Wi l l iam de Normann, Esq.

1 0 . Edmund Calvert, Esq .

1 1 . Edward Stanley Poole, Esq.

Election ofIIonorary rlfember

1 . Professor Gustavus Fluegel .

Retirements

1 . Dr. Jamcs Bir d.

Welby Jackson, Es q.

3. T. S . Rawson,Esq .

4. The Honourable F . Walpole.

5 . Samuel Cartwright, Esq.

6. L ieut enant-Colonel W. Hough .

7. S ir J ohn S . Log in .

8. L . R. Reid, Esq .

9. T. J . Turner, Esq.

Deaths, Res iden t and Ah a-Resident fi l embers .

1 . The Earl ofRipon .

2 . John Shakespear, Esq.

3. J ohn Romcr, Esq.

4 . John Shepherd , Esq .

5. Sir HenryWi l lo ck.

6 . Charles MacFarlane, Esq .

7. The Baron de Goldsmid .

Death ofForeign Member

Baron Alex ander von Humboldt.

In reference to the subject ofretirements from the Society, the

Counci l deem i t due to Da. lIuon Faw o x nn,to state that, in conse

quenco ofsome misconcept ion on his part as to his liab ilityfor sub

scription wh ile in India, and the apparen tmiscarriage ofthe Society'

s

letters intimating i ts claims upon him,hi s name was struck off the

List ofthe Society, in the ord inary course, in accordance wi th the

provisions Of the Soc iety'

s Regulations. But on the circumstances

becoming known to Dr. Falconer on his return to this country, he

immed iat ely tendered the full be as of the “W on due by

h im, and he therefore stands

voluntarily retired.

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iv ANNUAL REPORT OF THE [May

end of1796 to 1 8 05, Mr. Shakespear describes himselfas having ledan idle l ife. He must, however, have continued his stud ies, and

acqu ired some credi t for them,as

,upon the occurrence ofa vacancy

in the Oriental Professorship at the Royal Mi litary Col lege, he

ob tained the support ofLord Teignmouth,Dr. Gilchrist,Dr. J onathan

Scott, and Mr. Wi lkins, and was appo inted Professor. From Dr.

Gi lchrist also he received in struct ion in Hindustani , wh ich thence

forth became h is especial province, as, about two years afterwards,

he was made Hindustan i Professor at the College ofAddiscombe,wh ich the East India Company had then established for the separate

Mil itary education of their Cadets ; an appointment he held fortwenty three years, retiring at the end of183 0.

When Mr. Shakespear fi rst undertook to give i nstruction in

H industani,elementaryworks upon that language were unpub lished

in th is country. The works of Dr. Gi lchri st were at that timeconfined to the College ofFort Wi l liam, and rarely found their

way to England. The'

deficiency was too palpable not to require

provisi on and Mr. Shakespear accordinglyprepared and pub lished,in 1 8 1 2, a Grammar ofthe H industan i Language,

”which for many

years con sti tuted the sole key to the language, and is sti ll in u se,

having passed through si x ed i tions, the last dated in 185 5. It is a

clear, si inple, and comprehensive work, and fullyadequate to i ts

object ; although in some degree suppla nted bymore comprehensi ve,or more Concise works.

The Grammar was promptly fo llowed by a. volume of “ Selec

t ions,

”to serve as a series of reading lessons, a great portion of

which consists of ex cellent ex amples ofHindustan i idiomatic nar

ratives and the rest of ex tracts from a standard work, the“ Amish

Mahfi l,- a description ofH industan .

These formed, for many years of the ex istence of the Col lege of

Hailey-

bury, the elementary studies of the Company’

s juni or civi l

servants,and are sti ll in use at Addiscombe. A second volume of

the“ Araish Malni l

”was afterwards printed byMr. Shakespear, in

which much valuable topograph ical description is contained, though

in rather an ex aggerated style. A t a later date Mr. Shakespear, ashe states

,at the suggestion ofthe Chairman composed and published

a very serviceable work,

Introduction to H industan i ,"wh ich

included grannnar, read ing ex erc ises,dialogues, and other matters,

so as to supply the student wi th all that was essential to his pro

fi c iency, in the compass ofa single vo lume.

The work,however

,on wh ich Mr . Shakespear

'

e reputation as a

Hindustan i scho lar i s based, is h is Dictionary, the last edi tion of

wh ich leaves nothing to be desired . The fi rst edition, published in

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x ii ANNUAL asrcmv or me

sh ip omwluded hystathig hls persuaslon that their prop els“

be contlnued, andmovsd“ That tha beet acknowledgments of the Seelstysre d

—ue tProsident for the aeti vs interest taken byh im la the wM a

Society, and for his unrexni tt ing attendsxwe st itsmeetiny.

”

Seconded by8mJesu s Sam , and carried unanlmemdy.

m en u : said, that a afi’orded himvery slneere phsw t

propoee the resolution entrusted to him,which was

“ That the SOciety again ex prm its dccp obligad en te

Director, Prom Wi lson, for hi s valuable 00:11 mfor his genersl services in the promotiou of the objecte d

In subufi tting th is for the ooueurrenoe ofthe meeting, it i lbeen incumbent upon him to do jaw s to the N atalya uh

services rendered by Pro fessor Wilson to the cause of Ru

wienee and learaing, he must at once have renounced s tssi iex ceeding h is own powers but Mr. Wi lson’

s profound knew]

of Sanscrit,—the key to treasures yet unex plored, his insoles

valuable labours for the assistance of all ex plovcrs of th an t

haustible mines- his researches into the history, chronology.

geographyof Asia,—l i ia beautiful and tasteful renderings ef si

h rlymwreeth g speeimens of the M a n il a af thc

poetry of the Hindus, have earned for himvvorldpwi ds li mohonour ; and i t wonld bc presumptuous iu him ta di late upombefore the present assembly. He would only, therefore, observe

this Societymight wel l be proud of having such aman heDirector

,and will be forward to acknowledge his readiness s

times to make hi s talents and hi s vsst aoqulrunrsnts ofs vai l

benefi t in promoting the objects ofthe Society. He beggsd to l

the resoluti on which he had read to the meeting.

The above resolution was dulyseconded, preposedfromthe Gand carried unanimously.

The Direetora knowledmi ig ca m e rama n

which theywere almys sccepted hy the Sod sty. Be apps-chm

that thoywerc more flavourahlyapprecisted than thsydmml

and-s lmrg us he was able he should ever bc wi llhign s fi r as h

his power, to premote the ohjwtswdmdit o€ th0 8w isty.

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heped to turn i t to geod accomi t.

Moved byRom e Em u .Esq., seconded tu s.w.WEsq., and carried nm m z

“ That the thanks of the Society le givsn te ths wIAbrsrhmand Secmtara the seslous fulfibuent cf the dat

The Tressum and Sm tavybc-Wysokaowledgod tbem .

Abs ilot wss then tskeu fior the electi o'

n afOtBeersmd thmnei ithe Soeietyfor the easulagyear ; the reeul tm declarsd u fiallin

Dim e-Professor H. II. Wilson ;

M i en—Richard Clarke, Esq. ;

M .d dwhi Norris.Esq. ;

Council - J . W. Bosanquet, Esq. ; Lieutenanbrfiensn l wSirfl‘homu Edward ColebmokaBafl nn Pa com m ; Jan

W. Vaux .Esq., and J . P. Willoughby, Esq.

The Pnssmm J n thanking ths mesting tor d ie wts M h

M ic his famur at an eari ier peried of fi ds dsg'

s precsd h

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ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Batten

HER MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY THE QUEEN .

Chef-flattens

HIS ROYAL H IGHNESS TIIE PRINCE CONSORT .

HIS MAJESTY LEOPOLD I. , KING OF THE BELGIANS .

THE PRESIDENT OF THE INDIA BOARD.

THE CHA IRMAN OF THE IION. EAST INDIA COMPA NY .

EminentCOLONEL W

'

. H . SYKES, M.P ., F .R.S .

Bimtor

PROFES SOR H . H . WILSON, M.A ., F .R.S .

witrxfl rtsib tnts

THE RIGHT HON . SIR EDWARD RYAN.

SIR GEORGE THOMAS STAUNTON,Em , F .R .S .

THE HON. MOUNTSTUART ELPIIINSTONE .

LIEUT .-COL . SIR HENRY C . RAWLINSON, F.R.S .

Count il

BOSANQUET, J . w , E SQ .

BRIGGS , LIEUT .:-GEN. J .

, F .R .S .

COLEBROOKE, SIR THOMAS EDWARD, Bi n-r, M.P .

EVEREST, COLONEL GEORGE,

F .R-.S .

FERGUSSON, JAMES ,E s q .

MACKENZ IE , TIIE RIGHT HONOURABLE HOLT.

MARSHMAN,JOIIN CLARKE , E sq .

PRIAULX, OSMOND DE BEAUVOIR, E sq .

PRINSEP , H . T . , ESQ .

,

RAV ENSIIAW ,E . 0

,Eu r.

SHEIL, COL . SIR JUSTIN , K.C.B.

S POTTISWOODE , W ILLIAM,E sq .

STRANGFORD,THE RIGHT HON. LORD VISCOUNT .

V AUX,W . S . W . , E sq .

W ILLOUGHBY, J . P .

,Fa n.

l i n ema n—RICHARD CLARKE, E sQ .

l ibrarian —W . H . MORLEY, E sq .

b a rt tery—EDW IN NORRIS , E sq .

h onoraryM embers.H IS MAJESTY FREDERICK W ILLIAM THE FOURTH, KING

OF P ltUSSIA .

H IS ROYAL H IGHNESS PRINCE JOHN OF SAXONY .

H IS HIGHNESS NAWAB IKBAL UD DAUL H I BA IIADUR.

T HEIR MAJ ESTIES TIIE KINGS OF SIAM.

T HE REVEREND ROBERT CA LDINELL,ILA .

THE REVEREND It . SPENCE H ARDY.

THE REVE REND EDW'

ARD HINCKS , DJ ) .

PROFESSOR N. L . WESTERGAARI) .PROFESSOR GUSTAVUS FLUEGE L .

M embers.

RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT.

E ll—The marks prefi x ed to the name signifyNon-resident Members .

t Members who have compounded for their Subscriptions .

IMembers whose Subscript ions are in abeyance during absence .

THIS ROYAL IIIGHNESS THE PRINCE CONSOR'

I‘.

fHIs MAJ ESTY LEOPOLD I.,KING r un BELGIANS , K.Cr.

ABERDEEN,the Right Hon . the Earl of, K .T.

,Argyl l H ouse, IV.

.fAGA MAHOME D RA IIIM SIIIRAzr,Bombay.

‘1AGA MAHOMED JAF FER, Bombay.

"ALEXANDER, Lieu t.-Co l . Sir James Edward ,I

’

ll'

ontreal .

TA LEIA'J DEB, Henry, Esq .

,Belmont, Barm’l , .N.

A L Ex ANDER, Robert , Esq.,Or ien tal Club.

A LG EB, John, Esq. , 1 6 , Oakley Square, N TV.

‘ fAL I MAHOMED KHAN , Cons u l for flee Ottoman P er l e , Bombay.

°A LISON, Charles, Esq.

,Secretary to II. B . M: Embassy,

Con

stanh'

nop le.

A LVES , Colonel N St Hel ler,J ersey.

A EEUTIINOT, Sir RobertKl, Edinburgh .

‘fARnAS EER CURSETJ EE, Esq .,Bombay.

.TARDABEER IIORMANJ EE ,Esq Bombay.

fARROWSMITIl , John ,Esq.

,10, 8 0710 Square, W

'

.

A RTHUR, the Rev. “f. A . , "Y'alryan Jll

'

iss ion House, E 17.

A SH BUII’I'ON, the Right l i on . Lord

,Bath House, P iccad i l ly, W

'

.

A SH PITEL, Arthur, Esq. , 2 , P oets’

Corner, H’estminstcr, S .W

'

.

fAB‘

I'

BLL, J . B .

, Esq.,

i i-l,E aton P lac e , Br

'lyrave Square, S . IV.

n ?

4 LIST or MEMBERS .

‘AUEB,Mons. A lois, Consei l ler a la Re

'

gence, ac , Wanna.

fBABING'ron , B. G .,Esq.

,M.D .

,31 , George St . ,

H anover

Sq., W.

BAILLIE, N . B. E Es q. , 93, G loucester Terrace, Hyde P ark, l l

’

tBALro un, F . C . ,Esq.

,2,Brunswick P lace, Clieltenli am.

BALL,Samuel , Esq. , Wolver ley,Kidderminster .

*BAu'rH , Dr . Henry, Berl in .

BA SKERVILLE , Henry, Esq., CrowsleyPark, H unts .

.BATTEN,J . B . , Esq.

,Bengal C. S .

fBAX'

rER,H . J Esq.

,3,Garden Court, Temp le, E C.

BAYLEY,W. Butterworth, Esq., 9, H enr ietta St., W

.BAYLEY, E. C .

, Esq., Bengal C. S.

1.BEAUBORT, W. Morr is, Esq.,Bengal C. S .

‘

I'BENso x , Robert, Esq.

‘BEM ‘

ORD ,G . M. B. , Esq. ,

Benga l C. S .

HBs r'

rmo'

ro x , A lbemarle , Esq.

,Bombay C. S .

‘

l‘BLAND , Nathaniel , Esq.

‘fBOMANJ EE HORMANJEE, Esq.,Bombay.

BOSANQ UET, J . W.,Esq.

,73

,Lombard Street, E C.

fBorFIELD ,Beriah, Esq.

,M .P.

, Norton Hal l, Northamp

tonsli ire, and 5 , G rosvenor Sgua

fBOWRING, Sir John ,LL .D .

‘a s n nurn , J Esq.,Bengal C. S .

a mo s,Lieut .

-General Jel m, Oriental Club.

BROUGIITON, the Right Hon . Lord, 42,BerkelegSgnare ,H

'

BROWN,Charles P .

,Esq.

, E ast India U. S . Club.

Bnowx u,Mai -(iron . W. J N amath, and E . India U. S. Club .

“BU ST,(i

n,Esq.

,LL .D .

,Bombay.

“BURN,Alex ander, Esq .

,M .D .

,BombayMedical E stabl ishment.

‘TBURNS, David Laing, Esq .

,Bombay.

fBua r,the Venerable the Archdeacon , D .D .

, Un ited

Wi cersity Club, Snfi'

o l/c Street, S . If".‘fBURTON, Capt . R. B.

, Bombay A rmy.

BUSH ,L ieu t .

-(fo l . J .

'

I‘

E . India U. S . Club.

BUTLIN, J . B., Esq.

,2 1

,Bernard Street, Russell Square,

fCABBELL , Benjamin Bond, Esq .

,F 52 , P ortland P lace, IV

LDWEL L, Co lonel Hugh, late of the Bengal A rmy.

CAL '

ruo a, the Right Hon . Lord

, 33, Gran-enor Square, l l

'

.

“CALVERT , Edmund, Esq. ,Constantinop le.

‘CAMPBE LL, G eorge, lsq .

,Bengal (7. S .

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6 war or MEMBERS.

1'DRANE, Thomas, Esq.

, Marycl mrcls, Torquay, Devon.

TDRYSDA LE , W'

il liam Castellan ,Esq.

, 26, Austin Friars, E .C.

"EARL , G . “R,Esq.

,P rovince W

'

el les ley.

TEA s'

rwrCR, Captain “7m. J 1 2 , Leinster Terrace, Hyde P k ,PV.

TEA SI‘WICK, E. B Esq . , A theneoum, and 38, Thurloe Square .

M . P .,Esq.

,A thena'

um.

Enn o x sr o x s , N . B.,Esq . , 31 , Sussex Gardens, Hyde P ark, W.

"EL L IOTT , \Valter, Esq., Madras C. S .

ELP IIINSTONE , the Right H onourable Lord, Governor ofBombay.

E LP IIINSTONE ,the H on . Mountstuart , H ookwood, by Godstone .

“ERSKINE ,C . J .

,E sq.

, Bombay C. S .

v rzns s'r,Co lonel G eorge, F . R . S .

,10, Westbourne Street, W

EWER,“

f

alter, Esq., 8,P ortland P lace, W.

fFA RRER,James \Vi lliam,

Esq.,Ingleborougb, Lancas ter.

FE RGUSSON,James, Esq.

,20

,£ 0 11n P lace

,W.

”FORBES , Charles , Esq., Bombay C. S .

fFORREs , Professor Duncan,L L .D . , 58, Burton Crescent,

‘FORRES,A lex ander K.

,Esq .

,Bombay C. S .

TFORBES , George , Esq .

,Bercleigh, P etersfield .

‘

l‘

FOBBEB, James Stewart, Esq .,3,F itzroy Square, W

'.

Fo x,Sir Charles, 8 , IVew St .

,Spring Gardens, S W

F RA SER ,Charles , Esq, , 38 , Condui t Street, W.

fFREDERICK,L ieu t .-General Edward, C .B.

,Sbawford H ouse

,

l f’

i ucbes ter .

‘FREEL ING ,G . H .

, Esq ., Bengal C. S .

1”FRERE , “I. E ,Esq. ,

Bombay C. S .

FROST ,the Rev. G eorge, M.A .

,28

,

'

e ns ingto n Square, IV.

”G ABSTIN ,L ieut .

-Col . Robert, la te of the Madras A rmy.

GAUSSEN ,Will iam, Esq., 12, Montague P l . , Russell Square, W C.

G IL LETT, “fill iam Stedman , Esq.

, 37, Upp er H arley Street, WGOLD STSCKEB,

Professor T Un ivers ity Co llege, London, W'

.C.

GOODFELLOW , L ieut .-General Samuel, 19, F itzroySquare, IV

G RA HAM , Cyri l C.,Esq.

“TGREGOBY,John ,

Esq .,late Governor qftlie Bahamas .

1G REG SON,Samuel , Esq.

,M .P . , 32 , Upp er H ar ley Street, W.

”G REY, the Right H onourable Sir Charles E .

‘G RIEI‘

ITR , R. T. H .,Esq.

,M .A .

,Benares .

”G RINDLA I’

, Captain Robert Melville .

TG UEST , Edwin , Esq.,

Master ofCaius College, Cambridge.

‘IIALE ,F . H .

, Esq.,

Vice-Consu l , Foo-chow Foo .

THALL , Richard, Esq. , 92 , E aton P lace, S W'

.

LIST OF MEMBERS . l

‘Hm u o sn , H . W. , Esq., Bengal C. S.

HAMMOND , W. P . , Esq.

,74 , Camden Bond Vi l las ,

fHA L’

GHI‘

OS , Richard, Esq .

, Ramsgate.

H EATH, the Rev. D . I.,Brad ing ,

Isle of fl ight .

fl l L ind leyH a l l . near J'

uneaton ,l l Grac ie la/a

H END ERSON, James, Esq .

, Or iental Club.

H ESSEI’

, the Rev. Francis , A dd ison Bd .,Kens inqton ,

l l'

fl IRt woon ,James, Esq.

,A thena u

H IL L , A . B.,Esq.

, Clap/mmP ark,S .

fl l o nuo c sz, H . \V.,Esq.

,Brooke

'

s Club, St. J ames'

s S t . , S . l l'

0 1'Ii o no so x , Brian Houghton ,

Esq.

,late q/

‘

the Bengal C. S .

T'

d o no so x , David, Esq. , Soutls l Ii i l , L iverp oo l .

HOOO, S ir James \Veir, Bart , 4 , C arlton Gardens , S . l i'

.

fl IOLROYD ,Thomas, Esq .

,2 , E lm Court, Temp le,

IIOO LE, the Rev. El ijah, D .D .,Sec . l l

'

es leyan JIiss ionary Soc iety.

fl l o rn x so x , Major-General , Sir Charles , 2 , King S treet ,

St. J ames’

s Square, S. U”.

HORSEIELD,Thomas

,Esq.

,M .D .

,India (Mice, Leadrnbn l l

Street, E .C.

‘HUGHES,T. P .

,Esq .

, Or iental Secretary, Embassy,

Cons tantinop le.

HUGHES, Capt . P., E ly IIouse, Weajbrd .

Ro bert, Esq., Soutlueood Lane , [ Iii/liga tr ,

N

HUT'

I',John , Esq. , Orienta l C lub .

H L'

TT , Benjamin , Esq ., E India U. S .

'

lnb .

.HYDER JUNG BARADGGR, Madras .

.J ACOB, Colonel G eorge Le G rand,C . B.

,[ tam/my . trmy

JA CKSON ,John ,

Esq .

, 28 , G eo rge S tre e t , l lmmt't

'

t' N0] l l

.

‘fJ UGos A '

rRJ EE SUNKBBSE'

I‘

T, Bombay.

‘KEENE,H . G . , E sq.

,Bengal S .

fKENNEDY, R. H ., Esq .

, 7, Remington t l ntt ', ”3M" PM“ .i t

fKERR, Mrs . Alex ander.

Ksmn ro s,Prof. , \V.

,l’h . IL ,

tom/t, Nan n y.

L ANSDOWNE , the Mo st No b le t lm Mmqu l n u l, Is i t I' l l l‘

Berkeley Square , l l’.

.L ANGMORE, Capt . E. ( i .,”e lm/ti l

L ATIIAM ,Dr . R, (i .

,(Ire-r igh t s] , J i l l’s/le an s , l l

JL AW ,J . S .

, Esq .

,Or i e n ta l ( fl u/l

TLAW FORD , Edward , l‘Ja-q .

fLA fl'

l-ORD, l i g ur‘

v S ., “al l" NLA . l tu l l tt [Wb u s

,I! l '

L EA RE, Lie u t .-(fu l . W Mama

,I‘ MH

,h”

.‘Jmm lwm M H

8 LIST or mammal .

L I:Massumsa, A . S .,Esq.

,26

,Gonnaugli t Square, W.

LEWIS, L ieut .-COL, J0 11 11 , 27, Dorchester P L,Blandford Sq.

, lV.W".LEWIS, H enry, Esq.

, R N ,Or iental Club .

fL INwoo o ,the Rev. “Tilliam,

B irclgfield,H andmortb,Birmingham.

LOCII, John ,Esq .

,i ll orden P arl ‘

, Surrey, S .

LOEWE,D r. L .

,Paris, 48 , BuckinghamP lace, Brighton .

Low,Maj -Gen . John ,

C .B., Clatli , Cap er, F ifeshire, N .B.

LUDLOW ,Majo r-General J Or iental Club.

BIACBRIDE , J . D .

,Magdalen IIal l , G ifford .

TMACDOUALL , Prof. C .,M .A .

, Q ueen’

s Col lege, Belfast.*MA CFA RL ANE , Charles, Esq. ,

Bengal A rmy.

MACKENZ IE,the Right H onourable H olt

, 28, Wimpole Street, WMACKENZ IE , Esq .

MACKENZ IE ,J . T.

, Esq.

,69 , Lombard Street, E .C.

MA CKIIJM P , James, Esq., 1 1 , King

’

s A rms Yard, E .0 .

1MA CKINTOSII, Eneas, Esq .

,1 7

,JUontague Square, 77:

MA CKINTOSII, Maj -G em, A . P .

, 7, Ti lney Street, W'.

MA CLEOI) , J . Mac Pherson , Esq.

,1 , StanleoPe Street,Hyde Pk ,

W

"BIA CPH ERSON, Major S. C .,P o l . Agent, Gwal ior .

”fM‘NL ILL

,Sir John, A thena'um.

TMACVICAR ,John ,

Esq ., .ZlIancbester .

fMACwa ER, John ,Esq .

, M .D . ,E d inburgh

1’MADDOCK,

S ir T. H erbert,Un ion Club, Trafalgar Square, W C

‘fl l s umnmo A LLAY l to on'

, Esq ., Bombay.

MA LCOLMSON, J Esq . , l i’est Lodge, Camp den H i ll , 17 .

‘fMANoc EE Co nsu me,Esq . , Bombay.

MANNING ,Mrs , 1 2A , Sussex Gardens , Hyde P ark

,l l’.

tMARDON, Thomas Todd, Esq.

, 30, Wimp ole Street, 77:MARSIIMAN , John Clarke,Esq.

, 7, P alace Gardens,Kens ington,W

MARTIN,J . It ,

Esq., 71 A ,

Grosvenor Street, W

‘MASON ,the Rev. Franc is, D .D . , Tangbao .

+MA'

I'

III-zso rr,Sir James

,Bart .

,M .P .

,1 3, Cleveland Row, SJ 'V.

LIA 'I‘

IIESON, Farquhar , Esq . , Or iental Club.

fMA L'

Gu AN , Captain Phil ip , 37, Bl elvi lle Street, E dinburgh .

W Esq .,20

,P ark Crescent, N .W

'

.

MA'

I‘

IIER, Cotton , Esq.

, A ss istant Or iental P rofessor ,Addiseombe.

MA YER . J Esq.,P .S ,A 68, Lord Street, L iverp ool .

MELVIL L , Ph il ip, Esq .,Ind ia Ofi ee, L eadenlial l Street, EC .

I"MELVIL L , Co l . P . M .,BombayA rmy.

MILES, Maj -G en . \V.,

'

orth l'

i l la,H anover Gate, Regent

’

s P ark .

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10 war or MEMBERS .

PRESTON,the Rev. Theodore , M .A . ,

Trinity G i lloge, Cambridge.

PRIA l'

L x,0 . De B.

,Esq. , 1 8 , Carlton Vi llas , H aida Vale , lV.

PRINSEP , l l . Thoby, Esq . , L ittle IIol land H ouse, Kend ngton, JV.

Pc o r'

r, J . W .,Esq .

,P .S .A .

RA VENSIIAW,Edward Cockburn , Esq.

, Oriental Club.

1'RA “ LINSON

,L ieu t .

-Col . Sir H . C .,

D .C .L .

REDIIOUSE ,J . Esq .

,2A ,

Gar ieayRoad, Baysm tcr, JV.

REMINGTON,R. P .

,Esq .

, Oriental Club.

fitENOI'ARD ,the Rev. G eorge Cecil , B.D . , Swanseombe, Kent .

REYNO LDS, the Rev . James,D.A .

,Great Iy

'

ord,E ssen, E .

REYNOLDS , Major P . A .

tRc ETTs, Mo rdaunt,Esq .

‘RORERTS,A . A .

,Esq. , Bengal C. S .

ROBERTSON, T. C .

,Esq .

,68

,E aton Square, SIV.

ROBIN SON,the Rev. Tho s .

,D .D . ,

Master’

s H ouse,M k , E .C .

ROBINSON ,The Fal ls , L landogo , South Wales .

ROL LAND,S . E .

, Esq.,J un ior Un ited Service Club.

ROTIIERY,Esq .

, 1 0, Stratford P lace, Oaford Street , W’

.

RUSS EL L,G eo rge Edward, Esq.

, 1 5, Hyde P ark Square, 37 .

I'1'RYAN,the Right Hon . Sir Edwd., 5 , Addison Rd ,Kens ington , W

’

.

SA LOMONS , D ., Esq .

, 26 , Great Cumberland P lace,Hyde P ark, W‘fb

‘

AMP SON,L ieut .

-COL, Thos . Edm.

,Oriental Club.

‘SANDWITH,Dr . H .,

SELWYN,the Rev. W .

, B.D .,Cambridge.

ll‘fSEn/IJ UL MULK BAHADUII, Hyderabad ,

SIIAw, William A .,Esq. ,

Wycombe Lodge, Camp den H il l, 37 .

S IIEIL , Col . S ir Justin ,1 3

,Eaton P lace

, SJ V.

fSIGMOND , George Gabriel , Esq.,M .D .

SIM,Major-General Duncan , 1 1 , Craven H i ll

,Bayswater, W

'.

‘SKENE,J . H . , Esq., ILBJIZ

'

. Consul , A leppo .

SMALL , the Rev. G eorge , M .A ., 76 , Lambs Condui t Street, mo.

fSMITu ,G eorge, Esq., LL .D. , 1 5's“ , Cambay-no,Cornwal l ,

fSMITII, Thomas Charles, Esq .,23

,H anover Square, W.

SMITH , Newman , Esq., 34 , Great Cumberland P lace, 17 .

fSrorTIswoODE, Wm ,Esq.,

1 2,J ames Street, Buckingbo ns

Gate, W.

fSTANLEY,the Right Hon . Lord, M.P., 36, St. J ames

’

s

‘STANLEY, the l i on . H . E . J SecretaryofLegation, A tliens .

fSTAUNTON, Sir George T.

,Bart .

,1 7, Devonsb ire St., JV.

LIST or man ag es. 1 1

“STEWART, John , Esq . ,P an, Lower Pyrenees .

STRACHEY, Wi ll iam,Esq. , Or iental Club .

SrnAno ronn, the Rt. Hon . Lord Viscount , 19,Ifafzsfield

Street, W'.

TSTUABT, the Hon . Charles P .,20 ,

.Nor/‘

o lle St .,P ark Lane, IV.

SYKES, Co lonel W

'

. H . , M .P ., 47, A lbion Street , u

'

.

TALBOT, ‘V. H . Fo x , Esq . ,Locock A bbey, Chipp enham.

°TAYLOR,Major R. L .

, C.B. , BombayA rmy.

fTAYLon, Richard, Esq .

, Red L ion Court, F leet Street, E .C.

TEIGNMOUTH ,the Right Hon . L ord, Cl ifton , Br isto l .

‘

I’TIIOMA S

,Edward, Esq.

, Or ienta l Club .

THOMAS , HenryH .,Esq . ,

4,Lansdozrne Crescent, Bath .

fTIIOMPSON,L ieut .

-Co l . T. P ., E l iot l

'

ale,B lackbeatli .

T l l o nESBY,Lieut .

-Co lonel Charles, Or iental Club and Torquay.

THORNTON,Thos . , Esq . , 29, G loucester St. , Belgrave Rd . , S. IV

TOONE , Francis Hastings , Esq. ,3 1

,P ortland P lace

, IV

TTBANT ,W'

i lliamH enry, Esq . ,St . A nne

’

s,Torquay.

“TREVELYAN , L ieut .

-Col . II. “b , C .B.

,BombayA rmy.

‘fl‘nOYEn, Captain An tho ny ,

55,R ue de la P e

'

p in i i're

,P ar is .

‘TRUMPP, the Reverend Dr . E .,P eshazcer .

fTUnNEn, Tho s . , Esq .,3 1 , Curzon Street, l l

'

.

TIBWHIT r, the Rev. R. E .

‘

fURQ UIIABT , David, Esq . , Rivers ide, Il z'

clcmansu'orth .

°VAN DIm'

AL , M . l’

Abbé, A rras .

VAUx ,W. S . “T. , Esq .

, Br itish M useum,lV.C.

‘

fVERNEY,Major Sir Harry, Bart . , M .P . , 32 , South St. , P ark La ne.

1’VYVYAN ,

S ir Richard Rawl inson ,Bart

,A thenceum.

TVYYYAN,R . H . S . , Esq.

, Conservative Club, S .M

‘VADE , Co lonel S ir C laude M .

, C .B., Ityde, Isle offl ight .

fWAnE , Samuel , Esq ., 34 , P ortland P lace

,l l

’

.

WATSON, Dr . J . Fo rbes, M .D .,Ind ia Oj i ce, Leadenbal l Street,

fl VAYTE, \Vil liam, Esq. , H ighlands , Calne, W’i lts .

WEDDEBBURN,Sir John ,

Inveres lc L odge, Musselburgb , MB.

WEYMOUTII,R . T .

, Esq.

, M .A .,P ortland Vi l las, Weymoutli .

fl Vn ITE , G eneral Mart-in,Bath .

\VIIITE , John , Esq ., Oriental Club .

Major Richard , G ibral tar .

fWIL x INSON,Robert, Esq ., 22, Cumberland Ten , Regent

'

s P erle,

W'

ILKINSON,L ieut .

-Col . Thomas , G racelye, Lyndfield , Sussee'.1'WIL LIAMS , Mon ier, Esq .

, A .M .,3 ,Montp ell ier Tern , Cbeltenbam.

the Rev. 11 . G .,P reston Rectory, Lavenham, Suffolk.