Journal of Youth and Adolescence, VoL 10, No. 1, 1981
Late Adolescents' Conceptualizations
of Home-Leaving I
DeWayne Moore I and Deborah F. Hotch 2
Received October 27, 1980
Separation from the family, a key developmental task, has received scant atten- tion from developmentalists. In this study, college students' dissimilarity ratings and ratings on 22 bipolar adjective scales were obtained for a set o f 20 defini- tions o f home-leaving. Results o f a cluster analysis revealed that conceptualiza- tions o f the definitions are organized in terms o f eight clusters. Ratings on the 22 adjective scales provided an empirical means for interpreting the typological structure o f the home-leaving definitions. Convergence the results o f this induc- tive study o f home-leaving and elements o f ego development theory was noted.
INTRODUCTION
For developmentalists, parent-child attachment and its opposite, separa- tion, during the early years of life is a well-established domain (see, for example, Ainsworth and Wittig, 1969; Bell, 1969; Bowlby, 1970). Furthermore, there is a growing interest in the concept of life span attachment (e.g., Lerner and Ryff, 1978; Antonucci, 1976; Troll and Smith, 1976). However, little attention has been given to the nature of parent-child attachment during adolescence. Perhaps the most extensive treatment of this issue has been byethologists (e.g., Bekoff, 1977). Douvan and Adelson (1966) discussed the changing nature of parent-
a Assistant Professor, Department of Psychology, Clemson University, Clemson, South Carolina. Received Ph.D. from Michigan State University in 1979. Major research in- terests are moral development, parent-adolescent separation, and attribution theory.
2Senior Research Associate, Westinghouse Evaluation Institute, Evanston, Illinois. Re- ceived Ph.D. from Michigan State University in 1979. Major research interests are parent- adolescent separation, attitudes/values in adolescence, and evaluation research.
adolescent attachment under the term "departure." Indeed, they noted that here is one of the universals of the adolescent experience. It is a time when the adolescent prepares to leave home.
Typical of the few studies comprising the literature concerning departure or adolescent-parent separation are investigations designed to examine college students' reactions to living away from parents (Sherman, 1946; Elson, 1964; Coelho et al., 1969; Murphey et al., 1963). Most recently, Sullivan and Sullivan (1980) reported the results of a study in which residence at college was found to be associated with increased affection, communication, satisfaction, and independence with regard to parents.
Problematic separation outside a college context has received some at- tention in clinical literature. In particular, it has been noted that recognition of parents' and adolescents' perceptions and behaviors regarding home-leaving can enhance the effectiveness of therapy with troubled adolescents (Stierlin et aL, 1971; Shapiro, 1969; Kestenbaum, 1978). Normative developmental re- search concerning separation outside the context of college life, however, has been particularly rare. An early investigation of this issue was conducted in the 1930s by McDill and later summarized by Dimock (1937); questionnaire re- sponses of 175 boys ages 10-16 were correlated with a variety of physiological and demographic measures. Recently Hotch (1979) has described attitudes and perceptions related to home-leaving among high school seniors in a small mid- western working class community.
In the absence of a well-established base of descriptive normative data, theoretical formulations have often provided direction for empirical research. The most extensive theoretical treatment of home-leaving has been from a psychoanalytic orientation. Blos (1967), for example, has defined separation as the shedding of family dependencies, although what these specific dependencies are is not clear. His emphasis on disengagement from intrafamilial love and hate objects suggests the dependence to be shed is, at least in part, emotional or affective. Other views of separation can, of course, be offered (e.g., economic independence, physical separation).
Formulations of the process of ego development are also pertinent to studies of adolescent-parent separation. In particular, validations of Erikson's conceptualization of the patterns by which adolescents develop a mature identity status have involved assessments of crisis and commitment in such areas as oc- cupation, ideology, and sexual behavior (Waterman and Waterman, 1971 ; Marcia, 1966; Marcia, 1980). Indeed, attitudes and behaviors related to home-leaving could also be viewed as an area of crisis or commitment involved in the develop- ment of an adult identity.
The present study represents an initial attempt to obtain normative data on adolescent home-leaving. We sought to answer two questions: (1) How do young adults define home-leaving or separation from the family? (2) What is the subjective meaning of these definitions to young adults?
Conceptualizations of Home-Leaving 3
As an initial investigation in the area, we believed it important to use methodologies which minimally constrain subjects' responses. A set of defini- tions, obtained through an open-ended procedure, were analyzed using cluster analysis and an analysis of discriminating characteristics (Weiner et al., 1979). With this procedure and analytic method, it was possible to examine the meaning of home-leaving among young adults while minimally restricting or structuring the domain of inquiry.
METHOD
Selection of Stimuli
Eighteen female and 18 male freshmen, selected at random from a dormitory at a large midwestern university were asked at the outset of a semistructured personal interview if they had left home yet and how they knew (or would know) when they had left home) After duplicate responses had been deleted, the 20 "definitions" of home-leaving presented in Table I were obtained.
Distance Ratings
The input required for cluster analysis is a measure of distance/proximity among the stimuli, in this case home-leaving definitions. Ratings of stimuli similarity have often been used as measures of distance/proximity because such ratings can provide information concerning respondents' conceptualization of the relationship between stimuli without imposing a priori a definition of the relationship on respondents. More specifically, when used as input for cluster analysis, the degree of similarity attributed to a pair of stimuli is assumed to represent the similarity between the cognitions by which the stimuli are internal- ly represented. The criteria respondents use to differentiate the stimuli thus may be determined by examining the pattern of similarity ratings. This method obviates the need to impose criteria and, and such, represents use of an inductive research strategy.
In this study we obtained dissimilarity ratings from 56 undergraduates (28 female, 28 male) for all possible pairings of the 20 definitions of home- leaving. In particular, a random order of the 190 possible (nonduplicate) pairs of definitions was prepared and presented to the respondents with instructions that each pair be rated on a scale from 1-9, on which 1 represented two very dis-
3 We thank John Paul McKinney for allowing use of the interviews, which were conducted as part of a separate study.
4 Moore and Hotch
Table I. Definitions of Home-Leaving
Consider school to be home Dorm is the center of life Feeling of not belonging at home
anymore Feeling of being a visitor when at home Family is not here Physically away from home Financial independence Feel mature enough Must do things for self now Have all my belongings with me
Live in a different place Less parental control Won't go back each summer
Make own decisions Distance from home After graduation Don't feel close to family Moved to an apartment Broken the ties Have a job
similar de f in i t ions , and 9 r ep re sen t ed t w o very similar def in i t ions . Ha l f the
r e s p o n d e n t s received one order , ha l f received the reverse order .
External Ratings
A n o t h e r g roup o f 80 u n d e r g r a d u a t e s (40 male , 40 female ) ra ted the 20
de f in i t ions on 22 9 -po in t b ipo la r adject ive scales se lected to aid in descr ib ing the
c lus ter ing results. Based on our review o f the l i t e ra tu re , these adject ives were
selected as be ing a fair ly c o m p r e h e n s i v e sampl ing o f i m p o r t a n t c o m p o n e n t s o f
home- leaving . These adject ives do no t , o f course , exhaus t the possible descrip-
t ions o f home- leav ing . R e s p o n d e n t s received one o f two fo rms , each c o m p o s e d
o f 11 scales (see Table II). Again , two d i f f e ren t orders o f the scales were p r epa red
and p re sen t ed to the r e s ponden t s . Thus , for e ach o f the t w o forms , ha l f the
r e s p o n d e n t s received one order , while the o the r s r e s p o n d e d to the scales in the
reverse order .
Table II. Bipolar Adjective Scales
Form A a Form Ba
not homesick - homesick not attached - attached distant - close individual - collective personal - interpersonal introverted - extroverted active - passive unconventional - conventional competent - incompetent realistic - unrealistic independent - dependent
assertive - not assertive separate - not separate lonesome - not lonesome remote - intimate individualistic - cooperative private - social dominant - submissive conforming - nonconforming smart - foolish practical - impractical unfriendly - friendly
aNine-point scales were created by anchoring the ends of each scale with the adjectives in the pair.
Concep tualizations of Home-Leaving $
Results of the hierarchical cluster analysis (Johnson, 1967) are summarized in Table III. Reference to the clusters reveals that respondents structured the 20 definitions of home-leaving in terms of eight typologies. As with factor analytic solutions, reference to the constituent items provided the basis for the designa- tions given to the clusters. In particular, four definitions ("Less parental control," "Make own decisions," "Must do things for self now," "Feel mature enough"), all o f which are clear in their reference to individual autonomy, were designated Personal Control. "Financial independence" and "Have a job," the two defini- tions which most explicitly refer to the financial component of parent-child separation, constitute a second cluster, labeled Economic Independence. The cluster containing the three items which pertain to the establishment of a re- sidence apart from parents, has been designated Residence and consists of "Have all my belongings with me," "Live in a different place," and "Moved to an apartment."
The fourth cluster, rather than referring to the establishment o f a residence apart from parents, refers to physical distance. This cluster, labeled Physical Separation, contains three items: "Distance from home," "Physically away from home," and "Family is not here." Another duster, containing the two items "Dorm is the center of life" and "Consider school to be home," refers specifical- ly to ties at school and has been designated School Affiliation. The cluster
Table IIL Results of Hierarchical Clustering Analysis
Cluster label Items in cluster
Personal Control Less parental control
Economic Independence
Residence
Physical Separation
School Affiliation
Dissociation
Emotional Separation
Graduation
Make own decisions Must do things for self now Feel mature enough Financial independence Have a job Have all my belongings with me Live in a different place Moved to an apartment Distance from home Physically away from home Family is not here Dorm is the center of life Consider school to be home Won't go back each summer Broken the ties Feeling of being a visitor when at home Feeling of not belonging at home anymore Don't feel close to family After graduation
6 Moore and Hotch
Table IV. Discriminating Characteristics for Each of the Eight Clusters a
Definitions in cluster t
Residence Have all my belongings with me Live in a different place Moved to an apartment
dominant
Graduation conventional
Personal Control
not homesick distant not attached separate
Physical Separation
friendly distant unrealistic social incompetent
School Affiliation
smart homesick attached close friendly conventional realistic not separate intimate
Economic Independence
competent realistic not homesick smart practical independent
Emotional Separation
passive homesick not assertive attached unfriendly lonesome
After graduation
Less parental control Make own decisions Must do things for self now Feel mature enough
Distance from home Physically away from home Family is not here
Dorm is the center of life Consider school to be home
Financial independence Have a job
Feeling of being a visitor when at home Feeling of not belonging at home anymore Don't feel close to family
aThe direction of the effect coincides with the given scale term.
containing the items "Won't go back each summer," and "Broken the ties" has been labeled Dissociation in recognition of the constituent items' reference to detachment from the family. The cluster designated Emotional Separation contains three items having to do with the feeling that one is separate from the family: "Feeling of being a visitor when home," "Feeling of not belonging at home anymore," and "Don't feel close to the family." One definition, "After graduation," did not fall within the domain of any of the above clusters and therefore received a separate designation.
A procedure suggested by Weiner et al. (1979) was followed to use the external ratings to identify the characteristics most descriptive of the cluster. While an effort was made to select labels which could adequately convey the meaning of each cluster, this technique provided an additional empirical means for characterizing the clusters. Specifically, a characteristic is considered discrimi- nating if its mean rating for the items in a given cluster is significantly different (p < 0.01) from its mean rating of the items across the remaining seven combined clusters. Table IV lists the significant discriminating characteristics for each cluster in order of t-value magnitude, with the mean rating following the dis- criminative t value. Thus, for each cluster, a relative (t value) and an absolute (mean rating) index is provided.
The data in Table IV suggest that within the structure suggested by the cluster solution, the eight types of definitions of home-leaving have unique qualities. Two of the typologies were linked with only one characteristic. In particular, when home-leaving was defined in terms of a specific rite of passage, namely, graduation, the definition was rated high only on the conventional- unconventional dimension. High ratings with regard to dominance were charac- teristic only of the establishment of residence outside the family home.
Personal Control emerged as the only cluster that was not clearly linked with at least one evaluative characteristic. As such, the cluster of definitions
8 Moore and Hotch
referring to the acquisition of more personal control was perceived in descriptive, rather than evaluative, terms.
Four characteristics were found to discriminate the constituents of the Physical Separation cluster from the other home-leaving definitions. As indicated in Table IV these are friendly, distant, unrealistic, social, and incompetent.
The four remaining clusters were differentiated in two regards: (1) degree of separation and (2) positive/negative evaluation. School Affiliation was linked with several positive characteristics, amongthese, smart, realistic, and friendly. This cluster was also associated with attributes which suggest attachment to the family, namely, homesick, attached, and not separate. On the other hand, Emotional Separation and Dissociation were associated with such negative quali- ties as passive, foolish, unrealistic, and unfriendly. Like School Affiliation, however, these clusters were also associated with characteristics connoting at- tachment (viz., lonesome and homesick).
When defined in terms of the economic considerations typified by the Economic Independence cluster, home-leaving clearly receives the most positive evaluation. Important as well is this cluster's association with being independent and with not being homesick.
DISCUSSION
At a general level, it is apparent that individuals make rather marked distinctions among several types of home-leaving definitions. Specifically, Economic Independence is notable for the several positive characteristics (e.g., competent, realistic, practical, smart) which are associated with it. In contrast, Emotional Separation and Dissociation are marked by negative characteristics (e.g., foolish, unfriendly, passive, homesick), suggesting these two clusters con- note psychological withdrawal. Emotional Separation and Dissociation are also different from virtually all the other clusters with regard to the dependency and attachment that respondents associate with them. Such characteristics as de- pendent, attached, and lonesome are attributed only to one or the other of these two typologies, or to the grouping designated School Affiliation.
Like Economic Independence, which received high ratings on a variety of positive dimensions, School Affiliation is also characterized in positive terms. However, in contrast to Economic Independence, School Affiliation also received high ratings for characteristics which imply attachment, notably, attached, homesick, and not separate. Thus, as noted previously, respondents' ratings suggest that School Affiliation, like Emotional Separation and Dissociation, is contraindicative of separation from the family.
Personal Control, like Economic Independence, was perceived by re- spondents as being indicative of separation. Its discriminating characteristics were somewhat less positive than those distinguishing Economic Independence.
Conceptualizations of Home-Leaving 9
However, high ratings with regard to several characteristics which imply separate- ness (viz., not homesick, distant, not attached, and separate) suggest that gaining more control is perceived to be an acceptable means for separating from the family.
It is interesting to note the convergence between respondents' differentia- tion and evaluation of the home-leaving definitions and the treatment of this issue in the professional literature. Josselson's (1980) review of studies of adolescent ego development addresses a distinction between individual and separation/withdrawal; she has observed, "Physical and emotional separation from parents does not necessarily imply intrapsychic separateness or individua- tion. Adolescents who attempt to cope with the individuation process by whole- sale abrogation of parents, through withdrawal or physical separation, are often masking their incapacity to separate from internal objects" (p. 195). In a similar vein, respondents in this study questioned whether the definitions of home- leaving which clustered in the typologies Dissociation and Emotional Separation, like School Affiliation, actually constituted detachment from the family. Further- more, Emotional Separation and Dissociation received uniquely high ratings on a number of negative characteristics, implying that respondents perceived these typologies to represent withdrawal, rather than optimal or mature bases for departure. In contrast, gaining more personal control emerged as an acceptable means for separating from the family. The most highly regarded mode of separa- tion was represented by the composite designated Economic Independence.
In summary, this research has indicated that the domain of young adults' conceptualizations of home-leaving may be understood in typological terms. Definitions of home-leaving appear to differ in a variety of ways, each quite possibly having a different bearing on how individuals who are leaving home are perceived by themselves and others. For example, these results suggest that an individual's reactions to separation and his/her attitudes toward home-leaving may well be related to whether s/he defines home-leaving in the terms implied by Economic Independence or by Dissociation. If we are better to understand postadolescent development, systematic examination of the structure, basis, and implications of various home-leaving strategies will be required.
Examinations of home-leaving conceptualizations among adolescents living in different settings would provide valuable comparative data. Comparisons between adolescents' conceptualizations of separation and those of their parents would extend the base of theory and research concerning family relations which impinge on adolescents' home-leaving attitudes and behaviors.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors thank John Paul McKinney and Hiram Fitzgerald for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper.
I0 Moore and Hotch
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