MSc Dissertation in Development Studies

Liberation Theology in the Context of Neoliberal Globalisation:

A Theology of Democracy in El Salvador

By Jane Ashley Gagné

Student Identification Reference Number: 548292

Supervisor: Professor Alfredo Saad-Filho

This dissertation is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MSc in

Development Studies of the School of Oriental and African Studies (University of London).

Submission Date: 14 September 2013

Word Count (including footnotes): 10,000

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I undertake that all material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written

for me, in whole or in part, by any other persons(s). I also undertake that any quotation or

paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of another person has been duly acknowledged

in the work which I present for examination.

____________________________

Jane Ashley Gagné

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Table of Contents

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………………5

Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………..6

Abbreviations……………………………………………………………………………………...7

Worker’s Prayer……………………………………………………………………………….......9

Maps of El Salvador……………………………………………………………………...………10

Introduction……………………………………………………………………………......……..11

Structure…………………………………………………………………………………….……16

Methodology……………………………………………………………………….…………….17

Section 1. Background: Liberation Theology in Latin America and El Salvador…………….....19

1.1 Defining Liberation Theology: Methodological and Theoretical Underpinnings...................19

1.2 The History of Liberation Theology in Latin America............................................................21

1.3 The History of Liberation Theology in El Salvador................................................................23

Section 2. Context: The Political Economy of El Salvador……………………………...............25

2.1 The Political Economy of El Salvador: Pre-Colonial Times – 1970s.....................................25

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2.2 The Political Economy of El Salvador: Civil war – Present....................................................26

Section 3. Liberation Theology in El Salvador Today: Comunidad Segundo Montes..................32

3.1 The History of Comunidad Segundo Montes: Pre-war – Period Present................................32

3.2 Community Profile...................................................................................................................34

3.3 Factors that Limit CSM’s Ability to Generate Socioeconomic Transformations....................36

3.4 Factors that Drive CSM’s Ability to Generate Socioeconomic Transformations…………...40

Conclusions....................................................................................................................................45

Appendix 1.....................................................................................................................................49

Appendix 2.....................................................................................................................................50

References......................................................................................................................................51

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Abstract

Despite El Salvador’s transition to liberal democracy, serious socio-economic inequalities

persist, indicating that the hegemonic democratic model does not promote society’s collective

welfare. This links to how the globalised neoliberal agenda, which endorses liberal democracy,

eschews social justice and equity. Yet I propose that practices and values of liberation theology,

the socio-political movement which emerged in Latin America during the 1960s, advocates a

model of participatory democracy which seeks to advance the interests of the public good and El

Salvador’s socioeconomic development. The movement mobilised thousands during the 1970s,

contributing to the downfall of military regimes, but now struggles to combat structural

marginalisation invoked by neoliberal forces. Herein, and drawing from the research of scholars

including George Yudice and Elizabeth Jelin, I discuss factors which limit and drive the

movement’s ability to redress these processes. A central limiting factor is that neoliberal

discourse has co-opted and convoluted the basis for collective action by endorsing civil society’s

role in offsetting the negative equity effects of market-driven policies and by centralising power

in the hands of transnational establishments. Nonetheless, I identify and analyse tensions wherein

liberation theology-inspired movements in El Salvador strive to generate institutional change in

collaboration with state and non-state actors.

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Acknowledgements

The encouragement and expertise of many individuals contributed to this project. I am

grateful to all those who shared of their time and knowledge and steered me to appropriate

resources. I especially thank Carolyn Mae and Cesar Acevedo of the Centre for Global

Education, who first showed me that liberation theology is alive in El Salvador; Sister Anita

Landaverde of Pueblo de Dios, and Sister Noemi Oritz of Nueva Esperanza, whose profound

struggles underline the need for greater research in the field of social movements; José Acosta,

Roddy Hughes, Jessica Reilly, Rosie Ramsey, Donatila Argueta, and Maria Yolanda García of

Comunidad Segundo Montes and Voices on the Border, whose wealth of information and

experiences helped inform my findings, and Governor Miguel Ventura and Deputy Governor

Miguel Guzmán of the department of Morazán, whose generosity of mind and spirit enriched this

work. Also, infinite thanks to Professor Alfredo Saad-Filho of the School of Oriental and African

Studies, who challenged and guided me during the early stages of my work. Lastly, I express

deepest gratitude to my husband, Néfer Munoz, who helped facilitate communications in

Spanish. His integrity and support on many fronts enabled me to produce this research.

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Abbreviations

ARENA Nationalist Republican Alliance

(Alianza Republicana Nacionalista)

CAFTA Central American Free Trade Agreement

CBC Christian Base Communities

(Comunidades Cristianas de Base)

CELAM Latin American Episcopal Conference

(Consejo Episcopal Latinoamericano)

CSM Community of Segundo Montes

(Comunidad Segundo Montes)

ERP People’s Revolutionary Army

(Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo)

FECCAS Christian Federation of Salvadoran Peasants

(Federación Cristiana de Campesinos Salvadoreños)

FMLN Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation

(Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional)

FSM Segundo Montes Foundation

(Fundación Segundo Montes)

FUNPROCOOP Foundation to Promote Cooperatives

(Fundación Promotora de Cooperativas)

NGO Non-Governmental Organisation

PPP Public-Private Partnership

VOB Voices on the Border

(Voces de la Frontera)

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For Néfer and my family.

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Worker's Prayer

Stand up, look at the mountains

Source of the wind, the sun, the water

You, who change the course of rivers,

Who, with the seed, sow the flight of your soul.

Stand up, look at your hands,

Give your hand to your brother so you can grow.

We'll go together, united by blood,

Today is the day

We can make the future.

Deliver us from the master

Who keeps us in misery.

The kingdom of justice and equality come.

Blow, like the wind blows

the wild flowers of the mountain pass.

Clean the barrel of my gun like fire

They will be done at last on earth

Give us your strength and courage to struggle.

Blow, like the wind blows

the wild flowers of the mountain pass.

Clean the barrel of my gun like fire

Stand up, look at your hands,

Give your hand to your brother so you can grow.

We'll go together, united by blood,

Now and in the hour of our death.

Amen.

– Víctor Lidio Jara Martínez,

Chilean songwriter and political activist

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Morazán Department

Maps of El Salvador

Appendix 1: Organisational Networks in Comunidad Segundo Montes Sources:

http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/cia13/el_salvador_sm_2013.gif;

http://www.jica.go.jp/elsalvador/english/;

Guzmán, Gobernación Política Departamental de Morazán 2010

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Introduction

Alongside El Salvador’s transition to electoral democracy in the late twentieth century,

deep social and economic inequalities endure, suggesting that the hegemonic liberal democratic

model, which emphasises the establishment of democratic procedures and institutions, is greatly

severed from notions of socioeconomic equality (Petrella 2004; Peterson et al 2001; Held 1995).

Indeed, increasing levels of social and economic disparity within and across countries since the

late nineteenth century have paralleled the global extension of liberal democracy (Dagnino

1998:21; Linden 1997; Pritchett 1997). This is tied to processes of neoliberal globalisation ―the

exponential expansion of the world market, which promote a minimalist democracy that

“manages the terms on which the South is incorporated into the global economy” and “[support]

pro-west groups aligned with the interests of the free market” (Sousa Santos 2005; Kaufman

2008:30; Jelin 1998:405). This explains in large part why El Salvador’s insertion into the global

economy and adoption of democratic governance structures has not served to redress national

issues of landlessness, low wages, high concentration of income, and significant crime rates.

Conversely, alternative conceptions of democracy such as participatory democracy are

concerned with decentralising power away from elite control and actualising socioeconomic

equity and justice “from below” through inclusive decision-making processes that aim to serve

the interests of the public good (della Porta 2009:24; Kaufman 2008). In this dissertation, I

suggest that liberation theology, a socio-political movement which emerged in Latin America

during the 1960s, has been attempting to build participatory democratic structures and values

which are crucial for the country’s long-term social and economic development (Peterson et al

2001; Petrella 2004). This is because the movement ties theological reflection to social action,

linking situations of poverty and marginalisation to abuses of political and economic power

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(Linden 1997; Boff 1987). This view, reflected in the movement’s theoretical and

methodological underpinnings and the mass mobilisations these inspired which I will later

recount, illustrate how and why liberation theology straddles religion, social organising, and

political activism (Rowland 2007:xiii).

Indeed, social scientists widely agree that liberation theology was instrumental in

increasing citizens’ political participation in El Salvador (and throughout much of Latin

America) prior to and during its twelve-year civil war which ended in 1992 (Peterson 1997;

Lauria-Santiago and Binford 2004; Tombs 2002; Dussell 1976; Sigmund 1990; Petrella 2005;

Rowland 2007). Progressive clergy who envisioned a more just and equal society launched the

movement and succeeded in generating extraordinary levels of socio-political awareness and

organisation among marginalised populations as I will later demonstrate with supporting

evidence (Lauria-Santiago and Binford 2004; Burdick and Hewitt 2000).

While much scholarship on liberation theology addresses its origins and dynamics during

Latin America’s turbulent 1960s and 1970s, less work examines its outcomes and impact in the

current socio-political and economic context of neoliberal globalisation. Although liberation

theology has lost substantial institutional support from the church since the 1980s due to its

association with Marxism, which western institutions have attacked as a threat to the capitalist

order, its preoccupation with social inequality remains relevant in today’s world of polarized

wealth and unequal power relations (Tombs 2009; Kaufman 2008; Pritchett 1997). Further,

segments of its popular base still exist, and updated analyses of their activities are needed given

changing socio-political and economic climates. Therefore, the aim of this study is to assess the

impacts of liberation theology today and to analyse the factors which limit and drive the

movement’s ability to effectively address issues of mass poverty and social inequality in the

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long-term. I argue that liberation theology promotes a model of democracy and citizenship which

supports just and sustained development processes in El Salvador. However, I also contend that

various social, political and economic conditions, both internal and external, challenge the

movement’s ability to achieve its goal of large-scale social transformation. While discussion of

all these factors lies beyond the scope of this paper, I will highlight several which appear

particularly salient.

Exploration of this argument entails an analysis of how the conditions surrounding

liberation theology’s conception and its theoretical foundations and methodologies promote

individual and collective empowerment, which in turn advances a culture of citizenship and

participatory democracy. Focusing on the liberation theology-inspired community of Segundo

Montes (Comunidad Segundo Montes, CSM) in northern El Salvador, which is widely

considered the nation’s most successful post-war community due to its high levels of

organisation, I elucidate how citizenship and radical democratic practices are positively

impacting aspects of the community’s social and economic development (McElhinny 2004;

Acosta, 2013; Cagan 2002; MacDonald and Gatehouse 1995). As CSM’s adoption of radical

democratic practices flowed from wartime experiences of intense marginalisation and unity

oriented against a repressive military state, in a post-war context dominated by liberal ideologies,

it has struggled to achieve its previous levels of political mobilisation (Cagan 2002; McElhinny

2004).1 In this vein, I examine how the interplay of socio-political forces at local, regional, and

international levels inhibits collective action from generating broader institutional change.

One such force is neoliberal ideology itself, which permeates mainstream economic and

development policies. Contrary to predictions, neoliberal reforms, which prioritise the expansion

1 http://www.votb.org/segundo.php, Comunidad Segundo Montes, Voices on the Border 2010, accessed 27 August

2013.

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of profit over human rights, equality, and distribution, have helped sustain and in many cases

worsen the situation of the poor (Peterson et al 2001; Laria-Santiago and Binford 2004; della

Porta 2009). Such economic impacts often obstruct people’s very ability to engage in political

life, illustrating that democratic participation necessitates an economic foundation (Cagan

2002:188). Further, and as noted above, neoliberal logic supports a minimal view of democracy

and state which reduces the ability of emerging nations to determine processes which occur

within their borders (Peterson et al 2001; Laria-Santiago and Binford 2004; Alvarez et al 1998).

This demonstrates how national decisions are embedded within dynamics of the international

political economy. In this context, the aims and impact of liberation theology unintentionally

hover between merely mitigating the negative effects of neoliberalism and transforming the

structures which drive it. Thus, insofar as liberation theology-inspired movements focus on self-

help programmes and local problems, they may not generate the large-scale social transformation

they envision. At worst, in managing the negative impacts of neoliberal policies, they legitimise

the unequal socioeconomic system they contest (Yudice 1998; Sousa Santos 2005).

Linked to this, one internal factor hindering the movement from spreading its example,

concerns the ability of civil society actors to update their analysis of and approach to globalised

forces of oppression. At liberation theology’s outset, the oppressor was clearly identifiable ―the

state and western governments that were complicit in violently repressing the poor (Kaufman

2008). However, sources of repression today are increasingly multi-dimensional and less

tangible as power has shifted from the state to the market and transnational institutions (della

Porta 2009). The multifarious task of understanding and organising to undermine these complex

forces at a grass-roots level challenges prospects for effective political mobilisation. This

demonstrates how neoliberal globalisation has “redefined the politico-cultural terrain in which

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social movements must today undertake their struggles” (Alvarez et al 1998:21). Compounding

this, structures of liberal democracy at the state level minimise people’s ability to access political

power by reducing political mobilisation to political party allegiance (Kaufman 2008:31-32).

Given these factors, Comunidad Segundo Montes may appear as a remnant of a once

vibrant grassroots movement. However, I suggest that it constitutes a building block of a more

genuinely democratic and developed El Salvador. For example, CSM’s numerous civic

organisations and local state offices are working closely to deepen liberal democratic structures

in taking measures to promote a culture of citizenship and participatory democracy. Such

measures aim to increase citizens’ influence over decision-making processes from local to

national levels. They also support a variety of development initiatives that disseminate non-

hegemonic worldviews and practices and aim at improving the ways in which citizens are

incorporated into national and international economic systems. In this sense, liberation theology-

inspired movements are identifying opportunities to reform, broaden, and intensify minimally

democratic structures. Herein, non-state actors at all echelons of society are linking up with local

governments to propel sustainable social and economic development processes. These

relationships indicate potential complementarities between models of liberal and participatory

democracy which support socioeconomic equality and combat neoliberal forces (Sousa Santos

2005:x). However, in order for such collaborations to achieve large-scale transformation, efforts

must transcend poverty-management roles and seek to redress power imbalances in national and

international spheres.

While the long-term impact of liberation theology movements in El Salvador and

elsewhere is difficult to assess given the limited scope of this study, my research suggests that at

minimum, the culture of citizenship which underpins CSM’s participatory democracy is

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indispensable to overcoming wider issues of social inequality as it constitutes a basis for peace

and political and social activism. Nonetheless, challenges lie in developing ways to harness and

strengthen the ability of grassroots communities to drive structural change alongside their efforts

to meet immediate needs.

Before continuing, I will clarify two key terms. By “the poor,” I mean populations in the

global South who are socially, economically, and politically marginalised. Second, by

“community,” I refer to all who identify as members of a local community. I define these terms

as such for the purposes of this dissertation, aware of the heterogeneous divisions, interests, and

perspectives they encompass.

Structure

This work is structured as follows. I first provide a brief history of liberation theology in

Latin America and El Salvador. Specifically, I define liberation theology in terms of its

theoretical and methodological dimensions and link these to conceptions of democracy and

citizenship. I then sketch the shifting political, social, and economic landscapes which have

shaped its origins and trajectory. The second section outlines the political economy of El

Salvador from pre-colonial times to present, emphasising elements of the neoliberal agenda.

Herein, I explore the historical factors which have moulded El Salvador’s political economy

under neoliberalism. The third and final section thus substantiates the first two through a case

study which exemplifies how and with what effect liberation theology operates in El Salvador

today. I illustrate the movement’s dynamics in the context of neoliberal globalisation, examining

tensions between efforts to meet local needs and challenge the structural forces of neoliberalism.

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Lastly, I summarise and join my findings to my main arguments. Beyond synthesizing

the study’s main strands, I discuss the implications of these findings for liberation theology-

inspired movements and the field of development broadly. I likewise offer recommendations

concerning future work and research on development and social movements.

Methodology

This study draws from primary and secondary resources. A literature review of books,

articles, and official documents run throughout. The third section draws from these texts as well

as my interviews with liberation theologians, NGO-workers, and Christian base community

members in El Salvador. Most informants are affiliated with the American NGO, Voices on the

Border (VOB), which has worked with CSM since 1987, prior to the community’s official

founding. Of the various NGOs I contacted throughout my research, VOB representatives were

the most knowledgeable of CSM given their strong historical presence in the region, and the

most responsive and open to collaborating with me. Time and resource restraints limited my

ability to connect with other NGOs that were less accessible and responsive. Overall, ten persons

were interviewed, seven of whom are cited in this work, each possessing deep knowledge of and

experiences with liberation theology and/or development processes in El Salvador. Again, time

and resource constraints limited my number of informants. Correspondence with native Spanish-

speakers was conducted by a native Spanish-speaker and translated into English. Spanish texts

were translated into English with the help of a bi-lingual-speaker and online software.

Translation processes may have slightly affected the depth of certain information.

The rationale for studying CSM is that it is broadly considered among El Salvador’s

strongest and largest grassroots communities due to the strong influence of liberation theology,

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and because it is located in one of its poorest, historically marginalised regions. Likewise, a

relatively considerable amount of literature about it exists. This literature helped broaden the

scope of my analysis as I examined informants’ views against it. Where possible, I aimed

towards triangulation of data. However, due to limited time and resources, I was unable to

conduct field research. Also, having never previously visited El Salvador, working remotely

limited my ability to present quantitative information, especially regarding CSM specifically.

Also, given the limited scope of this dissertation, I explored a single case study whereas

examination of multiple cases may have yielded different findings.

The rationale for studying El Salvador is that liberation theology was highly influential

there during the country’s civil war period and many popular communities subsequently still

exist. Moreover, El Salvador is among the least studied countries in Latin America and has yet

been greatly affected by neoliberal globalisation, especially given its historical relations with the

United States (Lauria-Santiago and Binford 2004:2).

Finally, though I have based my interpretations on factual information, personal

motivations, preconceived notions, and the inherent subjectivity of qualitative research inevitably

colour this work. Despite these limitations, I am confident that my conclusions are useful and

valid.

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Section 1. Background: Liberation Theology in Latin America and El Salvador

1.1 Defining Liberation Theology: Methodological and Theoretical Underpinnings

Liberation theology is a way of “doing” theology which entails interpreting situations of

poverty and oppression by means of the bible (Rowland 2007:3). While traditional theology

draws on philosophy to engage with scripture, liberation theology draws on the actual struggles

of the poor (McGovern 1994:31). The notion of “praxis” is central to this, which entails living

out faith by contemplating and responding to the sufferings of the poor. For praxis to be

liberating, the poor must become agents of their own transformation through grasping the causes

of oppression and reflecting upon God’s plan for transforming them (McGovern 1994; Sawyer

1992). As founder of liberation theology, Gustavo Gutiérrez states, “Theology no longer merely

reflects on the world, but wants to transform the world, becoming part of the struggle against

oppression and for the building of a just society” (Gutiérrez 1973:34; cited in Sawyer 1992:92).

Further, social theory informs liberation theology in attempting to explain the causes of

poverty (McGovern 1994:30). Marxist analysis in particular, which emphasises class struggle

and the power of ideologies, serves as a tool for understanding the roots of poverty upon which

liberation theologians reflect (McGovern 1994). Liberation theologians maintain the historico-

structural view that poverty is a collective phenomenon resulting from the economic organisation

of society itself under capitalism, which privileges few and exploits the majority, leading them to

call for an alternative social system in which the poor are subjects of their own lives, not objects

of charity and oppression (Petrella 2004; González and González 2008; Boff 1987). Liberation

theology’s structural interpretation of poverty and emphasis on social action precipitates its

overlap with social organising and political struggles. As scholar of religion, Christopher

Rowland observes, its “agenda is distinctive in its emphasis on the dialogue between Christian

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tradition, social theory and the insight of the poor and marginalised into their situation, leading to

actions for change” (Rowland 2007:xv).

Liberation Theology as a Catalyst of Citizenship-building and Participatory Democracy

As discussed above, liberation theologians hold that the poor must become agents of their

own transformation in order to overcome systemic issues of poverty. This process is embodied in

the ‘see-judge-act’ methodology, which fosters empowerment on individual, collective and

potentially institutional levels (Almeida 2008:86). In order to become agents of change, the poor

must recognise their inherent self-worth and capacity to challenge oppressive forces. As

situations of extreme poverty undermine people’s ability to realise their self-worth, a process of

conscientisation helps people recognise their human dignity, see conditions of oppression, and

the possibility of freedom (Gutiérrez 1973:68).

Collective action flows from personal transformations as empowered individuals unite.

This enables the poor to reinvent politics in the context of daily life and thereby exercise

citizenship (Kabeer 2012; Parpart et al. 2002). For example, in popular “Christian base

communities”, discussions emphasise the responsibility of individuals and groups to enact faith

(Levine 1995). Liberation theologian, Leonardo Boff, explains processes of collective action as

follows:

In liberation, the oppressed come together, come to understand their situation

through the process of conscientisation, discover the causes of their oppression, organize

themselves into movements, and act in a coordinated fashion. First, they claim everything

that the existing system can give: better wages, working conditions, health care,

education, housing, and so forth; then they work toward the transformation of present

21

society in the direction of a new society characterised by widespread participation, a

better and more just balance among social classes and more worthy ways of life. (Boff

1987:5)

This passage encapsulates how collective empowerment, built on the consciousness and

capabilities of individuals, is central to theologians’ conception of liberation. Likewise, it

suggests how collective action embodies conceptions of radical democracy. Finally, it alludes to

how citizenship, which, development scholar, Naila Kabeer notes, provides a conceptual bridge

between individual and institutional change (Kabeer 2005). As neoliberal ideology professedly

celebrates civil society’s capacity to manage the marginalising impacts of free market policies,

citizenship practices provide an important window through which civil society might reverse this

role and drive transformative institutional change (Alvarez et al 1998:23).

1.2 The History of Liberation Theology in Latin America

Latin American liberation theology emerged during the 1960s at the juncture of socio-

political tumult and transformations within the Catholic Church (Petrella 2005:1). A significant

factor that ushered in its arrival was the situation of extreme poverty which Iberian colonisers

fostered through the creation of unequal social structures. This led the church to engage in social

and political activism during the twentieth century (Dussell 1976; Berryman 1987; McGovern

1994; Aguilar 2009; González and González 2008). In 1955, the General Conference of Latin

American Bishops (CELAM) was founded to devise a “Latin American” theology that spoke to

the continent’s realities (Dussell 1976:140).

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The Second Vatican Council and Medellín

Changing relations between the church and modern world crystallised during the Second

Vatican Council (1962–65) which affirmed the church’s role in redressing worldly problems

(Sigmund 1990; Peterson 1997; Petrella 2005; Berryman 1987). Papal encyclicals expressed

unprecedented concern over socioeconomic rights, the treatment of poor countries, and the

exploitative effects of colonialism, emphasising human dignity as a basis for human freedom

(Sigmund 1990; Peterson 1997). Further, Vatican II allowed national episcopates to apply church

doctrines to their specific contexts and promoted dialogue with the Marxist left (Petrella 2005;

Levine 1986). According to Boaventura de Sousa Santos, such adoption of new determinations

and norms represents a socio-historical form of democracy (Sousa Santos and Avritzer 2003;

Peterson 1997; McGovern 1994; Sigmund 1990). Thus, in becoming open to theological and

social innovation, the church embraced “a new democratic institutionality” which helped break

alliances with elite powers and create relationships of solidarity with the poor (Sousa Santos and

Avritzer 2003:8).

CELAM met in 1968 to apply Vatican II social doctrines in Latin America (McGovern

1994). The meeting, held in Medellín, Colombia, was a decisive moment in the emergence of

liberation theology (Peterson 1997:48). Significant outcomes included the endorsement of

Christian base communities and the assertion that poverty is entrenched in unjust political and

economic structures (Peterson 1997; González and González 2008; McGovern 1994). The

episcopates critiqued both capitalist and socialist systems, vaguely articulating visions of a freer,

more egalitarian society.

Despite its strong beginnings, liberation theology encountered internal crises in the 1980s

and 1990s (Tombs 2001; Berryman 1987). These stemmed from Vatican and U.S.-led attacks on

23

the movement due to its Marxist affiliations and theologians’ struggle to adapt their methods and

theories to new socio-political and economic settings, as formal democratisation and structural

adjustment reforms washed over Latin America. These factors largely de-mobilised the

movement from grassroots to institutional levels (Tombs 2001).

1.3 The History of Liberation Theology in El Salvador

During the mid-1960s, the Salvadoran government legalised civic associations among

other liberalising measures, enabling the archdiocese of San Salvador to institutionalise Vatican

II-inspired reforms (Peterson 1997; Almeida 2008; Berryman 1986; Booth and Walker 1999;

Almeida and Johnston 2006:13). It undertook extensive organising activities, co-founding a

peasant federation, FECCAS (Federación Cristiana de Campesinos Salvadoreños), a cooperative

programme, FUNPROCOOP (Fundación Promotora de Cooperativas), and peasant training

centres (centros de formación) through which more than 15,000 peasants were educated in

religious and social organising, healthcare, farming, and business skills. Trainings aimed to

create social awareness, and dismantle peasants’ dependency on and distrust of elites. By 1976,

FECCAS held more than 66 chapters and organised 25 popular mobilisations (Sigmund 1990).

The church also produced some 8,000 copies of Justicia y Paz, a newsletter that promoted public

debate on civil and economic rights among peasants. Literacy programmes in 450 church-run

Radio School Centres helped maximise the publication’s effectiveness (Almeida 2008).

Additionally, Christian base communities (CBCs), small lay groups that discussed bible

readings in light of current events and daily struggles greatly contributed to political

mobilisations (Peterson 1997; Almeida 2008). Members gained social consciousness, organising

skills and a sense of solidarity which enabled them to pursue large-scale mobilisation

24

(McGovern 1994). Thus, regions where CBCs proliferated became centres for politicised and

often militant groups (Peterson 1997:58). By the mid-1970s, CBCs existed in all fourteen

national departments, involving some sixty thousand Salvadorans (Almeida 2008).

The proliferation of popular mobilisations in conjunction with national economic crises

in the mid-1970s led the state to resume repressive tactics (Almeida 2008). Mass street protests

and land occupations resulted in response to government-attributed failures such as the

crumbling Central American Common Market and a global economic recession which incited

inflation, wage reductions and unemployment spikes. The church urged the state to meet

peasants’ demands for increased agricultural supports, land reform, and an end to military

violence. In retaliation, the government closed all peasant training centres by 1980 (Almeida

2008:114-15).

As unrest escalated, militant opposition groups heavily recruited church-based activists,

including priests (Almeida 2008; Berryman 1987). While clerical leaders condemned violence on

all sides, they sympathised with revolutionaries’ efforts to correct the social ills of capitalism

(Sigmund 1990). 1980 marked the onset of a civil war which killed 75,000 people and displaced

twenty percent of the population (Almeida 2008; Almeida 2008; Peterson 1997; Segovia 1996).

25

Section 2. Context: The Political Economy of El Salvador

2.1 The Political Economy of El Salvador: Pre-Colonial Times – 1970s

Second to Belize, El Salvador is Central America’s smallest and most densely populated

country.2 Guatemala and Honduras border its north and the North Pacific Ocean its south.

Shortly preceding the sixteenth-century Spanish conquest, its indigenous population numbered

approximately 750,000 (Lange et al. 2006:1426). The people sold agricultural products such as

maize, beans, and cotton through a regional exchange system (Booth and Walker 1999). Spanish

colonisers dismantled this and imposed a “mercantile, military, individual capitalism” which

inserted El Salvador into the global market through the export of indigo and coffee, and reliance

on the forced labour of indigenous populations (White 1987:27; cited in Peterson 1997).

Following independence in 1821, El Salvador’s coffee economy cemented an agrarian class

structure in which ruling classes exercised political and economic dominance. They privatised

indigenous communal farmlands, forced famers to work as wage labourers, and violently quelled

peasants’ occasional attempts to protest the socioeconomic order (Almeida 2008:4).

Following World War II, capitalist and communist powers competed for political

influence over the developing world. Herein, El Salvador faced international pressures to

integrate into the world capitalist system and transition to liberal democracy (Bernard 1996:649).

The country’s subsequent espousal of a state-led development model which emphasised

industrialisation and export diversification failed to redress the unequal social relations which

underlay issues of mass poverty and instability (Leys 1996). Elites blocked land reform, stunting

agricultural development, and the fledgling industrial sector depended on foreign inputs (Rapley

2007; Solomon 2010). Further, the government’s efforts to diversify crop production exacerbated

2 http://data.un.org/CountryProfile.aspx?crName=El%20Salvador, accessed 10 September 2013.

26

the concentration of land, with the landless population increasing 11.8% to 65% between 1961

and 1980 (Almeida 2008; Peterson 1997). Global economic recession simultaneously spurred a

debt crisis which caused high inflation and interest rates, and falling commodity prices. These

factors resulted in heightened levels of poverty, inequality and joblessness, with 90% of rural

households unable to meet their basic needs by the mid-1970s (Booth and Walker 1999). These

crises triggered renewed uprisings and state repression, resulting in a civil war that flamed

throughout the 1980s. During that decade, the world economy shifted toward free market lines

which continue to dominate the nation’s development processes (Almeida 2008; Peterson 1997;

Bernard 1996; Leys 1996).

2.2 The Political Economy of El Salvador: Civil war – Present

El Salvador’s adoption of neoliberal economic and political reforms flowed from U.S.-

led pressures to meet expanding market imperatives and combat leftist uprisings which allegedly

threatened the U.S.-dominated capitalist order (Almeida 2008; Lauria-Santiago and Binford

2004). Indeed, the United States has held strong political and economic interests in El Salvador

in recent decades, funding and micromanaging its army during the civil war and now serving as

the country’s main trading partner (Seelke 2013; Meyer and Seelke 2013). I will now sketch the

main features of neoliberalism and its policy impacts on El Salvador.

The Neoliberal Agenda

Since the fall of state-led development, international finance institutions have imposed on

poor countries neoliberal policy prescriptions such as trade liberalisation, fiscal discipline,

deregulation, privatisation, and measures to boost foreign direct investment (Yudice 1998;

27

Segovia 1996). These policies are founded on neoclassical economic theories which assume that

free trade operates in a democratic manner, harmonising prices, outputs, and income distribution

(Hunt 2002: 425). Proponents argue that such policies foster increased investment and

productivity. However, when applied to situations of debt crisis, poverty and unemployment as

in El Salvador, they instead reduce growth, wages, and government spending on social services

(Yudice 1998; Almeida and Johnston 2006). Privatisation likewise generates unemployment and

promotes flexible labour laws which leave workers economically and socially unprotected

(Yudice 1998). Further, powerful countries do not subject themselves to many of these

prescriptions, making the world trading field uneven (Oya 2005; Almeida and Johnston 2006).

In response, neoliberals maintain that a strong civil society can offset the negative equity

effects of such policies (Yudice 1998:363). Given the state’s reduced capacity to control

economic processes in the neoliberal system, civil society effectively takes responsibility for

managing the adverse impacts of neoliberal policies, as this ensures stability alongside economic

transition. Therefore, as cultural studies scholar, George Yudice elucidates, “even a civil society

that works against neoliberalism is ultimately a benefit to market society because it ‘corrects’ the

excesses of the market and thus stabilizes and legitimizes the system” (Yudice 1998:364).

Herein lays a ‘perverse confluence’ between neoliberals and progressives on the need for

civil society (Dagnino 2005). The right maintains that a healthy level of tension among civil

society actors advances “the process of democratization…in the interests of capital,” while the

left contends that democracy can undermine the dictatorial forces of capital by enabling people

to promote their own interests (Yudice 1998:364). In this way, and as I will demonstrate by

means of a case study below, civil society actors risk co-optation of their strategies for social

change as they operate within liberal democratic parameters. For where they aim to deepen

28

democracy, they may unintentionally assume responsibilities previously held by the state, which

has retreated under neoliberal policy regimes (Dagnino, 2005).

In addition to economic liberalism and civil society-strengthening, the promotion of

liberal democracy is an integral aspect of the neoliberal agenda. Liberal democracy basically

entails “[holding] an election roughly free of fraud” while social and participatory forms of

democracy involve “high levels of participation and an increasing equality in social and

economic outcomes” (Huber et al, 1997:324). Though liberal democracy offers windows of

opportunity for oppressed groups to participate in political decision-making processes, it

simultaneously “[centralizes power and wealth] in the hands of corporations and world bodies…

[and this reduces] citizen input in decisions that profoundly affect people’s lives” (Bystydzienski

and Sekhon 2002:2, 4). Here, liberal democracy, founded on principles of individual liberty is

largely confounded with economic liberalisation. In this way, neoliberal ideology functions “as

much through authoritarianism as through freedom” (Montoya 2013:2; Ronfeldt 1995 in Yudice

1998). Thus, the following section illustrates how political and economic liberalism in El

Salvador contradicts ideals of social inclusion, equality, and freedom.

El Salvador under Neoliberalism

As El Salvador’s foreign debt quintupled from $1 billion in 1973 to $5 billion in the early

2000s due to the global debt crisis noted above, it became increasingly dependent on

Washington-based institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, which have prescribed

neoliberal policies that erode the nation’s socioeconomic infrastructure and increase its uneven

income distribution (Segovia 1996:43). Throughout the 1980s, wartime losses, compounded by

29

structural adjustment led to fiscal austerity, increased poverty rates, steeply declining wages and

a fall in many economic and social indicators.3, 4

The 1992 Peace Accords brought the right-wing Nationalist Republican Alliance

(Alianza Republicana Nacionalista, ARENA) party to power and the main left-wing Farabundo

Marti Front for National Liberation (Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional,

FMLN) legal party status (Boyce 1996:14). The United States played a key role in helping

ARENA establish liberal democratic institutions and neoliberal policies. Privatisations between

1989 and 2009 led to the loss of 15,000 public-sector jobs and over $5.7 billion worth of public

assets (Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador 2013). Despite strong growth

during the 1990’s, El Salvador’s consistently low growth in recent years leaves 47% of the

population living in poverty (Seelke 2013; Booth and Walker 1999).5 Moreover, dollarisation of

the national currency in 2001 suspended the government’s use of exchange rate and monetary

adjustments, exposing the economy to external shocks (Seelke 2013:11). Further, the country’s

2004 signing of the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) has left small Salvadoran

producers unable to compete with heavily subsidised American farmers (McElhinny 2004:10).

U.S. officials informally admit that CAFTA has devastated the country’s agricultural sector

(Seelke 2013; Voices on the Border 2013).

Subsequently, the U.S. foreign aid agency, the Millennium Challenge Corporation, in

collaboration with the Salvadoran government, is implementing mega-tourism projects in order

to draw foreign investment and boost productivity. Critics argue that these will disrupt

3 Government spending comprised 25% of GDP in 1980 and only 11% in 1990 (Segovia 1996).

4 The number of Salvadorans living in poverty rose 68% to 74% between 1980 and 1990 (Segovia 1996).

5 Poverty rates cited in this dissertation are not stated as absolute or relative where sources did not specify this, but

according to the World Bank, 34.5% of the population lives below the national poverty line,

http://data.worldbank.org/country/el-salvador#cp_wdi, accessed 30 July 2013.

30

livelihoods, harm the environment, and benefit corporations instead of local communities.

Regardless, El Salvador has failed to attract substantial foreign investment, and proponents of

neoliberalism attribute this to poor public security, corruption, and “a low-skilled labour force

that is too expensive to compete with other low-cost producers” (Seelke 2013:12). Thus, a

central aim of the new U.S.-Salvadoran initiative, the Partnership For Growth (PFG), is to

improve public security through prevention and rehabilitation programmes.6 Yet analysts link

issues of public insecurity with economic insecurities flowing from the marketization of social

domains under neoliberal policies, as well as high inflows of Salvadoran criminal deportees from

the U.S. (Meyer and Seelke 2013; Montoya 2013). All this illuminates how neoliberal

frameworks view issues of poverty as necessitating legislative solutions, “thereby

depoliticizing…and eradicating …any reference to the forms of power that lie at their roots”

(Sousa Santos 2005:xlix).

FMLN candidate, Mauricio Funes, took presidential office in 2009, but has largely

maintained a neoliberal policy regime, suggesting the inability of a single party to resolve issues

that are nested within larger structures of power (Kaufman 2008:49). While his administration

has taken measures to strengthen public healthcare, education, and tax reform, it has undertaken

neoliberal-oriented development initiatives including those mentioned above and passed

legislation supporting public-private partnerships (PPPs), which incentivise private firms to

invest in public services and infrastructure projects.7,8 Critics fear that PPPs will result in the loss

of thousands of public-sector jobs, threaten workers’ rights and benefits, and lead to lower wages

6 El Salvador’s murder rate is 69 per 100,000, one of the highest in the world (Seelke 2013:7).

7 http://www.coha.org/the-2014-presidential-elections-in-el-salvador-the-debate-on-the-salvadoran-left/, accessed 2

August, 2013. 8 The U.S. embassy made passage of the bill a “prerequisite for a second compact with the U.S. foreign aid agency,

the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC),” (Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador 2013).

31

and higher costs for public services (Voices on the Border 2013).9 Analysts also maintain that

PPPs could lead to the legalisation of transnational mining projects.10

Moreover, high

unemployment has prompted large-scale immigration which batters the country’s economic and

social structures.11

With two million Salvadorans (approximately one quarter of the population)

living overseas, remittances constitute approximately 17% of the country’s GDP (Seelke

2013:21).12,

13

These points elucidate how El Salvador’s political and economic situation has long been

conditioned by forces of the global political economy ―forces that likewise shape the terrain on

which grassroots communities organise (Alvarez et al 1998). As I will illustrate below, the rise

of neoliberalism has led social movements, including those inspired by liberation theology, to

mobilise increasingly around self-help programming instead of unequal power dynamics (Sousa

Santos 2004; Kaufman 2008). This suggests that formerly politicised mobilisations have been

co-opted under neoliberal notions of citizenship and democracy. I will now discuss these issues

in reference to Comunidad Segundo Montes, a grass-roots community that formed upon the

values and practices of liberation theology.

9 http://www.world-psi.org/en/el-salvador-public-private-partnership-law, accessed 1 August 2013.

10 http://www.ceicom.org.sv/index.php/en/mineria/303-rechazamos-la-ley-de-asocio-publico-privado-porque-abre-

posibilidades-para-la-mineria-metalica-en-el-salvador, accessed 10 August 2013. 11

The national unemployment rate in 2012 was 6.9 percent, with higher rates in rural areas (Seelke 2013). 12

https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/es.html, accessed 11 September 2013. 13

56.9% of residents in the municipalities of northern Morazán receive remittances (Ventura 2012).

32

Section 3. Liberation Theology in El Salvador Today: Comunidad Segundo Montes

3.1 The History of Comunidad Segundo Montes: Pre-war Period – Present

Comunidad Segundo Montes is a grassroots community of 7,000 repatriated refugees in

rural northeastern El Salvador (Ventura, 2013; Macdonald and Gatehouse 1995). It comprises

five small villages, located in the municipalities of Meanguera and Jocoaitique and the Morazán

department from which many of the refugees originated14

(Cagan 2002; García and Reilly,

2013). Its residents founded the settlement in 1990 upon returning from their camp in

neighbouring Colomocagua, Honduras where they were deeply influenced by liberation theology

(Macdonald and Gatehouse 1995).15

The progressive church was also active in pre-war Morazán,

where the predominantly peasant population was historically characterised as docile and

fatalistic about their lowly position within the Salvadoran social hierarchy (McElhinny 2004).

However, revolutionary and liberation theology-inspired mobilisations helped transform their

attitudes. Progressive priest, Miguel Ventura, who has served as governor of Morazán since

2009, was a leader in helping organise peasants throughout the region. Given the presence of

politicised organisation, the area became a stronghold of revolutionary activity and warfare

which led thousands of residents to flee in 1980 (McElhinny 2004; Macdonald and Gatehouse

1995; Peterson 1997).

During their nine-year exile, the refugees devised a participatory governance and

egalitarian resource distribution system based on the social teachings of liberation theology

(McElhinny 2004; Macdonald and Gatehouse 1995). Albeit dependent on humanitarian aid for

resources and services, the contained nature of camp life enabled them to create relatively decent

living conditions (Ventura 2013). This gave them the confidence to return home during a period

14

http://voicesfromcsm.wordpress.com/category/Fundación-segundo-montes/, accessed 5 September 2013. 15

http://www.votb.org/segundo.php, accessed 27 August 2013.

33

of intense fighting. They established a settlement named after Segundo Montes, a Jesuit

sociologist who encouraged them to repatriate upon observing their radically democratic

microcosm in the camp (Macdonald and Gatehouse 1995:1; McElhinny 2004).

The community encountered strong internal divisions, land re-distribution, and

governance issues upon repatriation. However, with assistance from numerous aid agencies that

operated in the area, they managed to establish schools, clinics, a general assembly, bank, and

“popular economy” of cooperatives, communally-owned enterprises, and small private

businesses (Macdonald and Gatehouse 1995; McElhinny 2004). At their peak, these

organisations employed 1,700 residents who were symbolically compensated through access to

community-based services and projects (Cagan 2002:177).

Despite its tumultuous transition in the post-war period, today CSM is characterised as

holding high levels of participation, efficacy, and tolerance (McElhinny 2004; Acosta, 2013).

Morazán governor, and CSM pastoral leader, Miguel Ventura summarises the community’s main

goal as follows:

[We want to] transform the reality that surrounds us, to build an alternative society

that is more collective, more equal. This involves giving dignity to human life and changing

the reality of “structural sin” which has influenced national reality…We want to promote

change from below, and that change must come from the common people. This is a long-

term process. (Ventura, 2013)

This vision expresses many values of liberation theology. However, neoliberal institutions have

co-opted and disarticulated the political aspects of such goals, thereby challenging CSM to adjust

their strategies to a more liberal socio-political climate.

34

3.2 Community Profile

The Salvadoran state has historically marginalised Morazán, which is among the

country’s poorest departments (Macdonald and Gatehouse 1995; Guzmán 2010; McElhinny

2004). It consists of 47% men and 53% women and holds poverty and unemployment rates of

more than 53% and 9% respectively ―some of the highest rates nationally (Guzmán 2010;

Seelke 2013:18; Ventura 2010). The malnutrition rate is 34%. With an area of 1,447 square

kilometres and a population density of 120 inhabitants per square kilometre, overcrowding and

housing shortages prevail in rural areas (Ventura 2012)16

. Nestled in steep mountains, it has a

high concentration of small farmers and limited economic activity given the area’s thin rocky

soils (Voices on the Border 2013). The main economic sectors are agriculture and commerce and

primary industries include the production of cereals, dairy products, henequen, sugar and poultry

(Ventura 2012).

Politically, CSM residents have generally supported left-wing groups such as the

People’s Revolutionary Army (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo, ERP) and the FMLN (Reilly,

2013; Macdonald and Gatehouse 1995). This pattern reflects ties which formed between militant

opposition groups and church-based organisations during the 1970s. For instance, in the 1994

elections, the FMLN won the Meanguera municipality which then consisted wholly of CSM

residents (Macdonald and Gatehouse 1995:197).

CSM has integrated into regional and national capitalist systems, but has sought to

channel entrepreneurial activities toward meeting communal needs, not individual profit (Cagan

2002). In terms of local governance, neighbourhoods have their own mission statements and

associations that help address local issues and oversee social and economic projects to overcome

16

2.81% of the population lives in houses with 10 people or more, and 26.91% of the population lives in

overcrowded housing (Ventura 2012).

35

these (Reilly, 2013; Voices on the Border 2013). The community presently runs its own schools,

including a branch of the National Catholic University, a library, health clinic, radio station,

pastoral team, and numerous other organisations and associations which address the needs of

vulnerable groups such as youth, seniors, women, and those wounded in the war.17

Women’s

organisations have long played a strong leadership role in the community’s economic and

governance structures and are very active in addressing gender-specific development issues

(Cagan 2002; Reilly, 2013).18

Regarding the presence of liberation theology, while only 33% of the population

participates in the community’s estimated 45 CBCs, CBCs have been instrumental in

establishing civil society organisations throughout the region (Ventura, 2013). Further, the

department’s holding of the lowest national homicide rates is attributed to the culture of

solidarity which liberation theology has fostered (Guzmán 2010; Ventura and Acosta, 2013).19

Likewise, it retains the highest national literacy rate of 73.4%, also largely credited to the

influence of liberation theology (Macdonald and Gatehouse 1995; Ventura, 2013; Ventura 2010).

During exile, the literacy rate among refugees in the Colomoncagua camp jumped from 40% to

85% and the establishment of CSM raised the number of qualified teachers in northern Morazán

from less than twenty to several hundred (Macdonald and Gatehouse 1995:108). These patterns

demonstrate the positive role liberation theology has played in the region’s social development.

17

http://www.votb.org/segundo.php, Comunidad Segundo Montes, Voices on the Border 2010, accessed 27 August

2013. 18

Upon repatriation, approximately 54% of women in CSM were single heads of households (Cagan 2002). 19

288 homicides were reported in Morazán between 2007 and 2013 as compared with the highest number ―3,096,

reported in La Libertad department,

http://www.fundemospaz.org.sv/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=13&Itemid=21&lang=es,

accessed 28 July 2013.

36

3.3 Factors that Limit CSM’s Ability to Generate Socioeconomic Transformations

One external factor that challenges the ability of CSM to create structural transformation

concerns the destabilizing social and economic impacts of neoliberal policies (Cagan 2002;

Acosta, Ventura, Ramsey, and Reilly 2013). For example, agreements such as CAFTA have

marginalised farmers in CSM and dismantled El Salvador’s agricultural sector as a whole (email

correspondence 6 August 2013; Voices on the Border 2013; Seelke 2013). Moreover, in the early

1990s, the ARENA government privatised or abandoned support mechanisms such as grain

storage programmes, the ability to control basic food prices, and favoured large agro-businesses

in import and export schemes (email correspondence 6 August 2013; Boyce 1996). This

situation has in part prompted more than 4,000 CSM residents to immigrate, mainly to the

United States in search of economic opportunities (Voices on the Border 2013; Acosta and

Ventura, 2013). Since the war, Morazán holds some of the highest national immigration and

remittance levels, leading to the disintegration of family structures and social networks

(McElhinny 2004; Acosta and Ventura, 2013; Ventura 2010). As Governor Ventura remarked,

“economic desperation has weakened people’s ability to generate alternatives to

neoliberalism…we are exporting people because of neoliberal policies” (Ventura, 2013). Indeed,

numerous residents report that economic difficulties impinge on their ability to engage in

political life, reinforcing Professor Elizabeth Cagan’s view that “democracy is not possible if

people are effectively disfranchised of material resources” (Cagan 2002:188; Reilly and Acosta,

2013).

In this vein, observers attribute high remittance flows and NGO assistance as sources of

economic support in CSM, where poverty is reportedly less severe than in other parts or Morazán

(Ventura 2012; Acosta, 2013). This suggests that strong participation hinges on foreign support,

37

increasing the threat of dependency syndrome. All this demonstrates how neoliberal policies

exacerbate interlinking issues of unemployment, poverty, immigration, and the NGO-isation of

social services which hinder economic autonomy and the ability to undermine neoliberalism.

These aspects further illustrate how global structures of inequality dictate the scope and nature of

local collective action (Veltmeyer and O’Malley 2001).

Flowing from this, another external factor which challenges CSM’s ability to incite

transformative change regards that way in which neoliberalism has altered the grounds on which

communities assume their struggles (Alvarez et al 1998:21). As spaces for participation and

elections open within liberal democratic discourse, relations of economic exploitation and

marginalisation remain intact (Jelin 1998:408). Compounding this contradiction, elite power has

shifted from the state to transnational market-based institutions, challenging grassroots

communities’ to articulate their aims and confront intricate webs of oppression. In this context,

networks of non-state actors collaborate with CSM organisations to combat the challenging

impacts of neoliberal policies. For example, with assistance from local, national and international

NGOs, CSM civic associations engage in numerous community projects concerning healthcare;

popular education; violence prevention; gender-based issues; human rights; food sovereignty;

civic capacity-building; microfinance enterprises; and solidarity economics (Reilly, Ramsey, and

Hughes 2013; Fundación Segundo Montes 2012). These activities and partnerships, which are

listed in appendix two, indicate an engaged citizenry attempting to remedy local issues that link

with larger issues of political power. Many community members express awareness of the

political roots of poverty. As municipal counsellor and CSM resident, Maria García, remarks,

“Many years ago, the community became aware of national reality [and] this made us see how

important and necessary it is to change structures of power in this world.”

38

However, the politically neutral philosophy and programming of many community

organisations such as Fundación Segundo Montes (FSM), “an apolitical non-profit organization”

indicates simultaneous disengagement with the political arena (FSM 2012). In fact, many of

FSM’s “innovative” community-based projects resemble mainstream development programmes

that aim to build social capital and local poverty management systems (Kaufman 2008; FSM

2012). While some NGO actors with whom I spoke noted their organisation’s support for local

political campaigns and protests, such activities did not feature prominently among the projects

and groups I surveyed.20

These conditions exemplify how civil society’s strategies for social

change inadvertently complement the neoliberal agenda which utilises civil society to off-set the

negative equity effects of the free market system. In this sense, many of CSM’s organisations

fulfil responsibilities normally assumed by the state (Dagnino, 2005). Thus, CSM’s vibrant

citizenship practices may support economic autonomy and democratic practices internally, but

possess limitations that may hinder wider application and structural change (Kaufman 2008:67).

Neoliberal-related challenges thus shape CSM’s internal struggle to adjust their

organising strategies and aims to the post-war context. For example, observers cite educating and

involving youths with local struggles as a difficulty, since younger generations are not unified

through painful histories and often face different social and economic concerns than older

generations (Reilly and Argueta, 2013). While past struggles constitute an important organising

principle, new challenges require different mobilisation tactics (Kaufman 2008:55). For instance,

projects concerning historical memory and healing from the physical and emotional wounds of

war play a strong role in CSM organisation (Hughes and Reilly, 2013).21

While such personal-

20

Given the limited scale of my research, I cannot generalise this finding. 21

http://voicesfromcsm.wordpress.com/category/alges/ and

http://voicesfromcsm.wordpress.com/category/historical-memory/, accessed 6 September 2013.

39

development type projects help unify and strengthen communities’ ability to confront hardships,

they do not necessarily incite mobilisation around the causes of such problems. In this light,

other programmes do seek to address questions of political power which underpin many daily

challenges (Kaufman 2008:34). For example, Deputy Governor of Morazán, Miguel Guzmán

teaches a free public course about how neoliberalism links with local and national issues

(Ventura, Reilly, and García, 2013).22

While this may help people critically judge and find

solutions to their situations, it is simultaneously very difficult to effectively convey and address,

as social scientist, Nicholas Kaufman underscores,

…the existence of a multi-faceted and impersonal global economic system that

affects different people in different ways, extends in both local and global

configurations, and which contains a vast array of different manifestations, degrees of

intensity, and consequences. (Kaufman 2008:59)

A central challenge which all these issues elucidate is not only how to organise, but how

to exercise influence on political and economic decision-making and push institutional reforms

―“new tasks for which old strategies of mobilisation are not necessarily appropriate or

effective”(Kaufman 2008:41).

A final factor linked to power dynamics within liberal frameworks, is CSM’s ability to

institutionalise social change through state channels. While structures of power extend beyond

the state as previously noted, prospects for driving national-level policy changes do require

grassroots communities such as CSM, to confront the state (Evans 1996). However, many

FMLN-supporters within the community feel that the party, which has advanced many neoliberal

policies, no longer represents them (Acosta and Hughes, 2013). Additionally, observers remark

22

45 people are currently enrolled in the certificate course (Ventura, 2013).

40

that political mobilisations decreased after the FMLN took presidential power, as its followers

hesitated to protest the administration’s decisions for fear of legitimising opposition parties

(Acosta and Hughes, 2013). This reveals how liberal democratic structures can reduce

mobilisation to party allegiances, thereby restricting citizens’ political leverage (Bystydzienski

and Sekhon 2002; Kaufman 2008).

These points illustrate the complexities of reformulating organising tactics in response to

the neoliberal context. While communities remain mobilised, the political basis of their

organisation has been diluted for lack of ability to articulate a new strategy and/or genuine

cognizance of how issues to which they respond connect with power struggles in national and

international arenas (Kaufman 2008:33).

3.4 Factors that Drive CSM’s Ability to Generate Socioeconomic Transformations

Despite the challenges discussed above, my research also reveals tensions wherein

democratic organisation around local issues can connect to higher political arenas (Kaufman

2008; Kabeer 2005). For example, Governor Ventura’s “2010-2020 Road to Democratisation

and Development Plan” in part focuses on improving citizenship participation at municipal,

departmental, and potentially national levels. For instance, participatory governance structures

were instituted to increase citizens’ influence over public policy and access information on

budgets and other areas of civic interest (Reilly and Ventura, 2013; Guzmán 2010). This

approach reflects Naila Kabeer’s notion of “inclusive citizenship” which entails integrating a

broad concept of citizenship into all levels of society and exposing marginalised populations

whose concerns are not always reflected in neoliberal development policies (Kabeer 2005;

41

Dagnino 2005). It also implicates philosopher, Enrique Dussell’s view that grassroots

participation must be institutionalised within structures of liberal democracy to be effective.23

For example, municipal offices of CSM conduct “citizenship consultations” which

facilitate neighbourhood discussions on social issues so that local state offices can better address

people’s needs (Ventura 2010; Reilly, 2013). Municipal offices likewise provide local

workshops, sensitising citizens on how they can impact decision-making processes beyond local

spheres. Participants are encouraged to present their concerns to municipal commissions that

deal with thematic areas such as economic development, trade unionism, and environment, and

can propel issues onto national and potentially international levels. Such trickle-up structures aim

to enable citizens’ participation in decision-making processes that impact them, thereby

democratising institutional arrangements (Dagnino 1998; Bystydzienski and Sekhon 2002;

Ventura 2010; Kabeer 2005).

This mirrors Boaventura de Sousa Santos’ view that forms of complementarity exist

between liberal and participatory models of democracy whereby each model deepens the other,

paving new paths to social emancipation (Sousa Santos 2005:x). It also reflects the notion that

vertical state-society relations alongside horizontal civil society relations can produce new

development outcomes (Kabeer 2005; Estava and Prakesh 1997; Hickey 2007). Prospects for

complimentary structures to democratise free market mechanisms beyond state control, however,

is debatable. For instance, the state’s habitual acceptance of neoliberal policy prescriptions under

international pressure weakens prospects for local governments and grassroots actors to generate

national policy changes (Reilly 2013; Ventura 2010).

23

http://www.ceicom.org.sv/index.php/en/democracia-participativa/28-democracia-participativa-disolucion-del-

estado-y-liderazgo-politico, accessed 10 August 2013.

42

Though it was difficult to identify specific policy-changes resulting from Morazán’s

inclusive citizenship strategies given their recent implementation, such practices resemble

aspects of the Participatory Budget Council of Porto Alegre, Brazil, and The People’s Campaign

for Decentralised Planning in Kerala, India ―democratic organisations which have fostered

progressive social and economic development outcomes (Baierle 1998; Heller and Isaac 2005).

While analysing the potential impact and replicability of similar structures in El Salvador lies

beyond the scope of this paper, the adoption of these mechanisms is worth highlighting given

their effects elsewhere (Sousa Santos 2005:x).

Further, other elements of the department’s development plan, which focus on

strengthening education and the economy, have been accomplished through collaborations

between civil society organisations and government entities from local to international echelons

(Ventura 2013; Guzmán 2010). Forty percent of the plan, which consists of twenty-two

development projects carried out in partnership with organised groups including CSM, has been

achieved. Major projects include the building and renovation of houses; the promotion of

henequen and honey production; the establishment of an agricultural research centre; measures to

strengthen cooperatives, and the building of a complex to house governmental offices that

address women’s rights. These projects aim to foster communities’ equitable integration into

national and international economic systems, thereby undercutting the negative impacts of

neoliberal policies. For instance, the new agricultural research centre seeks to generate new

products and farming techniques that will help increase local farmers’ productivity and

strengthen regional trade networks. At minimum, in helping to alleviate poverty, these

programmes represent efforts to enable poor people’s participation in political life and hence, the

ability to push for deeper structural reforms. While many of these projects depend on foreign aid,

43

they signify strengthened engagements between civil society and government institutions that,

once sustainably established, strive to achieve greater autonomy over time. Further outcomes

remain to be seen given the plan’s recent initiation. However, all these mechanisms symbolise

democratic openings through which citizens can access higher planes of political power and

strengthen development processes. Contrary to critics’ claims that such structures merely

promote local-level poverty management, they also offer the possibility of deepening democracy

and re-politicising bases for collective action (Guzmán 2010; Kaufman 2008; Petrella 2004;

Sousa Santos 2005).

Another avenue through which liberation theology-inspired values can drive

socioeconomic transformations, lies in the establishment of institutions that foster non-

hegemonic world views and forms of knowledge. For example, in September 2013, a new public

branch of the University of El Salvador opened in Morazán through the collaborative efforts of

Governor Ventura’s office and Latin American development practitioners: the National Institute

of Science and Technology (INCTAUES). The school is open to CSM citizens and possesses

many liberation theology-based philosophies. It offers programmes in ecological and cultural

tourism; product design and craft; agro-industrial biotechnology; and municipal management.

While these courses may allude to hegemonic market-oriented vocations, a main objective of the

INCTAUES is to provide students with a critical understanding of and capacity to confront the

social and economic mechanisms of neoliberalism in their professional fields. Here, the school’s

curricula and participatory pedagogy also aim at redressing many of El Salvador’s

socioeconomic issues (Cruz de León 2013). As authors of the curricula assert, “We cannot be

passive consumers of information, we must take a critical stance and understand the multi-

faceted social and cultural dimensions of development” (Cruz de León 2013). In this way, the

44

school constitutes a “nexus around which ‘new forms of power and knowledge can converge”

(Escobar 1992:424 in Kaufman 1998:34).

For example, in an effort to challenge the prevailing neoliberal ideology which guides El

Salvador’s economic, social and political processes, the school’s critical education model

emphasises learning to re-learn, learning to make, learning to be a participative citizen, and

learning to view development issues in socio-cultural, -historical and economic terms (Cruz de

León 2013). Likewise, defining goals, strategies, and trade policies that respect national and

cultural identities are integral aspects of the programme. The curricula are also unique in

emphasising “basic” knowledge that derives from Salvadoran needs and contexts. Curricula

authors maintain that such knowledge “differs from neoliberal-oriented knowledge which merely

equips people with technical skills that serve to perpetuate or worsen the conditions of poverty in

which many ordinary Salvadorans live (Cruz de León 2013). All these objectives aim to help

students recognise and question forces of neoliberalism in view of spurring endogenous

development and collective welfare. Though the scope and nature of the school’s impact remain

to be seen given its fresh establishment, it is important to highlight this institutional effort to

promote social awareness and non-hegemonic discourse which offers new possibilities to drive

broader social and economic change (Sousa Santos 2005:xxx).

45

Conclusions

In this dissertation, I have sought to discuss the impact of liberation theology in the

context of neoliberal globalisation. Examining the grassroots community of Segundo Montes as

a case study, I outline various factors which limit and drive the movement’s ability to transform

forces of neoliberalism which marginalise and impoverish poor populations. My analysis rests on

the premise that El Salvador’s transition to formal democracy has not stimulated measures to

redress socioeconomic inequalities and the unequal power relations which drive them (Kaufman

2008:31). In this light, I argue that the practices and values of liberation theology embody a

model of participatory democracy which endeavours to build a more egalitarian and just society.

However, I also illuminate many external and internal challenges which hinder the movement

from realising its goal of structural transformation. While liberation theology-inspired

movements effectively mobilised thousands of peasants during the country’s civil war, it now

struggles to overcome social inequality in the current era of neoliberal globalisation which

prioritises the expansion of profit over equity and human rights.

A central challenge which threatens the ability of liberation theology-inspired

communities, such as Segundo Montes to generate transformative change is that neoliberal

ideology has co-opted the basis for collective action by embracing civil society’s role in

mitigating the negative equity impacts of free market policies (Yudice 1998). CSM’s facilitation

of numerous community-based projects which respond to issues imposed by neoliberalism

demonstrates this. While residents display awareness of the structural causes of these problems,

their organisation largely supports apolitical locally-oriented programming to undercut the

impacts of these dynamics. CSM’s ability to help neutralise such negative impacts legitimises the

neoliberal system. Furthermore, the marginalising effects of neoliberal policies erode people’s

46

ability to engage in social mobilisations, as economic hardships strain people’s time and

resources. Linked to these factors, grassroots communities are internally challenged to update

their analysis of and approach to the complex forces of neoliberalism. While a liberal democratic

polity offers channels through which citizens can access political power, a web of elite

transnational actors and institutions accompany it, challenging activists to direct their grievances

at multiple, decentralised sources oppression.

At the same time, I have identified tensions through which CSM can spread their

example of radical democracy in order to help transform forces of neoliberalism. For instance,

many of CSM’s civil society organisations are closely engaged with local governments to

operationalize inclusive citizenship practices. Municipalities and departmental offices have

institutionalised community forums and workshops which enable citizens’ influence over local

and national decision-making processes that effect their lives. This dynamic indicates

complementarity between liberal and participatory forms of democracy that could help deepen

and broaden democratic structures (Sousa Santos 2005). Furthermore, local governments are

taking steps, in collaboration with civil society groups to institute sustainable development

initiatives that could at minimum, improve the terms on which local communities are integrated

into larger economic systems. Finally, the department of Morazán recently opened a branch of El

Salvador’s national university, which disseminates non-hegemonic worldviews and forms of

knowledge that seek to help students better understand and combat the multidimensionality of

neoliberal forces and impacts. All these collaborations, which involve actors at different levels

and sectors of society, represent efforts to challenge and transform neoliberal forces.

However, I contend that such efforts may only yield large-scale change under certain

conditions. First, apolitical community projects must be accompanied by politically-oriented

47

mobilisations that address unequal power dynamics underlying problems of poverty. In this

sense, democratisation requires not only the institutionalisation of citizenship participation, but

specifically, the institutionalisation of politicised participation to redress social inequalities.

Herein, local civil society groups and the national and international organisations that support

them could strengthen efforts to genuinely understand the neoliberal context and the implications

of their strategies for change that are embedded within it. Herein, the development of courses

(such as the one currently taught in CSM) and forums addressing this topic at local and

institutional levels could be effective. For outcomes that many activists may render an

accomplishment, could be an unintended effort to perpetuate the neoliberal system within which

they struggle (Sousa Santos xxvi:2005). Deeper understandings might shape new forms of

analysis and praxis which are needed to redress complex systems of oppression. For instance,

CSM might consider forming ties with transnational networks such as the Vía Campesina

peasant movement in order to bridge local action with wider struggles and strengthen existing

politicised groups.

Further, recent Vatican statements suggest the possibility of renewed institutional

backing for liberation theology. For example, upon taking papal office, Pope Francis unblocked

the beatification process of Archbishop of San Salvador, Oscar Romero, a leading liberation

theologian who was martyred during El Salvador’s civil crisis.24

Moreover, Archbishop Gerhard

Ludwig Müller, Prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, recently praised

liberation theology as “among the most important currents in 20th century Catholic theology,” in

24 http://ncronline.org/blogs/ncr-today/francis-unblocks-romero-beatification-official-says, accessed11 September

2013.

48

a tribute to the movement’s central founder, Gustavo Gutiérrez.25

However, concrete actions

substantiating these signs of openness remain to be seen.

In offering these recommendations, I do not intend to suggest that the groups and

processes discussed above pave the way for new social movements or political orders, nor can

discussion of these elements alone produce a blue print for undermining structures of oppression.

Nevertheless, they indicate that collaborations flowing from new analyses and practices could

help deepen and broaden democratic structures in view of promoting socioeconomic equality and

development. While my research indicates that existing efforts to overcome poverty and

inequality have positively impacted the social, economic, and emotional well-being of

marginalised communities in many ways, I present these findings so as to illuminate possibilities

for deeper, long-term transformation.

25

http://vaticaninsider.lastampa.it/en/the-vatican/detail/articolo/teologia-della-liberazione-freedom-theology-

teologia-de-la-libertad-vaticano-vatican-25842/, accessed 11 September 2013.

49

Appendix 1: Organisational Networks in Comunidad Segundo Montes

The table below outlines some of the most active civil society institutions, projects and

collaborations in Comunidad Segundo Montes. Many of these organisations participate in wider

civic networks to help develop solutions to social and economic problems and influence public

policies from local to national spheres.

CSM Civil Society

Organisations Governmental Partners International Partners/Donors

Association of Salvadoran

Women (AMS)

Association of the War-wounded

of El Salvador (ALGES)

Federation of Agricultural

Cooperatives of Northern

Morazán (FECANM)

Open House of Segundo Montes

Youth Group (OSCA)

Pastoral Team

Regional Health Alliance of

Morazán

Regional Programme for Food

Security and Nutrition of Central

America (PRESANCA)

Salvadoran Association Health

Promoter (ASPS)

Segundo Montes Foundation

(FSM)

Women’s Association of

Morazán (ACMM)

Youth Mission Social

Organisation (OSMIJ)

Institute for Women’s

Development

Ministry of Agriculture

Department of Morazán

Municipal Office of

Jocoaitique

Municipal Office of Meanguera

Bruder Und Schwester In Not

CARE

International

Castilla-La Mancha

Cooperacion Austriaca para el

Desarrollo

Dka Austria

Government of Australia

Government of Japan

Government of Taiwan

Habitat for Humanity

Montgomery

Horizont 3000

Junta de Andalucia

Katholische Frauenbewegung

Montgomery County, Maryland

USA

Paz Con Dignidad

Peace Corps

United Nations Development

Programme (UNDP)

Voices on the Border

Sources: http://voicesfromcsm.wordpress.com/category/Fundación-segundo-

montes/, accessed 6 September 2013; Ventura and Reilly, 2013; Fundación Segundo

Montes 2012

50

Appendix 2: Photographs of Segundo Montes

A local agronomist works with students to

construct a fruit tree nursery as part of a

community project to strengthen local

environmental groups. (photo: Fundación

Segundo Montes, November 2011)

A march for violence against women as part of

an annual forum, ‘Stop Violence against

Women’ in commemoration of the

‘International Day of Non-Violence Against

Women.’ (photo: Fundación Segundo Montes,

November 2011)

Representatives of Fundación Segundo Montes

facilitate a workshop to strengthen leadership

skills among the members of community

neighbourhood associations. (photo: Fundación

Segundo Montes, October 2011)

The Comunidad Segundo Montes church.

(photo: José Acosta/Voices on the Border, July

2013)

Source: http://voicesfromcsm.wordpress.com/category/Fundación-segundo-montes/,

accessed 6 September 2013.

51

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