Lifestyle travellers and self-development

Word count (incl. footnotes): 10,000

Lifestyle travellers and self-development

Garlen Lo

Garlen Lo

Reference:Lo, Garlen (2014) Lifestyle travellers and self-development. MSc Social Anthropology, University of Oxford.

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Introduction

In the mid-2000s, a little known lifestyle began to be documented via the ‘blog’.1

Online accessibility of this information inspired people to adopt this lifestyle and this

led to more blogs creating a snowball effect.2 This paper examines this lifestyle

involving, primarily, individuals travelling the world with no plans of returning home.

They have rejected the corporate career ladder and switched to temporary jobs abroad

and/or self-employed online work. They have discarded most of their possessions. In

sum, they have left their sedentary lifestyle to adopt a mobile one. Beginning

travelling in 2006 in his mid-20s, American ex-IT worker Anil Polat from the travel

blog Fox Nomad explains:

I don’t have a fixed address. I live out of a backpack. I move from place to place, and if

I like a place I stay a few months to really get an idea of what it’s like to live there and

then I move from there. I’m trying to get to every country but really sort of experience

it along the way. (New Nomad: Anil Polat 2013)

‘Lifestyle travellers’ is the name coined by Scott A. Cohen to describe this

‘distinctive subtype within backpacker tourism’ for whom travel is a ‘way of life’

(Cohen 2010a:2). Of their biography, Cohen (2011:7) writes:

Their first-world citizenships…allowed for admission into foreign nation-states.

Their largely affluent backgrounds, predominant whiteness and able fit bodies

admitted further access to geographically disparate casual employment opportunities,

which helped to finance extended periods of backpacking.

This juxtaposition of ordinary Western background mixed with unordinary nomadic

lifestyle has formed a new group in the twenty-first century in the typology of both

tourists and lifestyles. Drilling into Cohen’s (2010a, 2010b, 2010c, 2010d, 2011)

1 Blog publishing sites Blogger and WordPress were founded in 1999 and 2003 respectively. 2 Google Trends shows the search for ‘travel blog’ peaked and stabilised in 2008. That year,

Technorati indexed over 20 million travel blogs (Banyai and Glover 2012). Its popularity has seen the

formation of Travel Bloggers Unite, 2010; Travel Blog Exchange, 2012; Professional Travel Bloggers

Association, 2013; and Travel Bloggers Conference Asia, 2014.

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research, where he cites in broad terms anomie and self-actualisation as travel

motivations before embarking on constructionist discourse, this paper fills in the gap

by examining the emic perspective via blogs. It identifies specific push-pull factors

and frames them within existential works of anthropology, sociology, philosophy, and

psychology to provide a multilayered, holistic understanding of lifestyle travellers.

Before its conclusion, comparisons are drawn between lifestyle travellers and late

colonial Tswana peoples. Ultimately, it reveals lifestyle travellers’ raison d'être is

self-development framed within a Western conception of being ‘fully human’. Before

starting, it is necessary to provide background on the anthropology of tourism, this

paper’s methodology, anthropology of personhood, and history of leisure travel.

Anthropology of Tourism and Methodology

Beginning in the 1970s, the anthropology of tourism has seen two areas of research

develop: first, culture contact and the impact on hosts, and second, the transformative

nature of tourism for tourists (Nash and Smith 1991). This paper builds on the work

of the latter where discourse (MacCannell 1976, Dann 1977, Graburn 1977, Cohen

1979b, Crompton 1979, Nash 1981, Riley 1988, Urry 1990/2002, Cohen and Taylor

1992, Ateljevic and Doorne 2000, Maoz 2007, Cohen 2010c), in light of the

counterculture, challenged Boorstin’s (1961/2012:78) claim that tourists were

‘cultural dopes’ who participated in ‘pseudo-events’ and, instead, cited the desire to

escape from anomie/alienation and search for self-actualisation/authenticity as

motivational factors, with debate centring on ritualised leisure as modern day

pilgrimage supported by Turner and Turner (1978/2011:38) who, citing Geertz

(1973:448), described it as ‘metasocial commentary’.

However, noted by anthropologists (Cohen 1979a, Graburn 1983, Nash and Smith

1991, Burns 1999, Binder 2004, Cohen 2011) was one particular concern; Desforges

(2000:931) writes, ‘very rarely do academic studies record tourists talking about what

travel means to them. The result is often a “top down” interpretation which

misrepresents tourists’. Addressing the lack of emic perspective created by the

problematic mobile nature of tourists, Lean (2014:14-15) conducted email interviews

with backpackers from 2005-2010, noting non-face-to-face interviews provided

honesty, depth, ‘less contaminated interactions’, and the ability to have longer

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relationships, whilst his major criticism was the lack and speed of response. He

concludes, ‘researchers need to explore new methods that can investigate mobile

lifestyles’ and proposes exploiting online potentialities.

This paper exploits the travel blog.3 Using the tourism industry’s market research

method of discourse analysis (Myers 2010) for these online public diaries, exploring

both quantitative content and qualitative narrative (Banyai and Glover 2012), it

identifies eight ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors (Dann 1977, Iso-Ahola 1982) that explain

lifestyle travellers’ relation to the self. Bringing an ‘ethnographic perspective…[to]

cyberspace’ (Altheide et al. 2008:135), it spreads its net wide across the blogosphere

and mines an mostly untapped source of ‘thick’ (Geertz 1973:5) information

presenting ‘representations of reality and social relationships [that] would [otherwise]

not be articulated at all’ (Mautner 2005:813); thus this paper uniquely contributes to

lifestyle traveller research via ‘digital ethnography’ (Banyai and Glover 2012:274)

providing the emic perspective desired in the anthropology of tourism. This paper

recognises the ‘performance’ nature of blogs, where autobiographical narrator has

power to (re)construct self-identities and allow experiences to be ‘re-storied’ (Banyai

and Glover 2012:272), thus though valuable in interpreting for meaning, it exercises

mindfulness. This author’s own biography and ‘partial truths’ (Clifford 1986) should

also be acknowledged. Although not a lifestyle traveller, I have (like Cohen, a fellow

educated Western male) undertaken several short and long-term backpacking trips,

starting aged 22 in 2006, around Asia, Europe, and North America, and befriended,

worked, and travelled with lifestyle travellers, giving me a certain level of familiarity

when interpreting blog texts.

Anthropology of Personhood

3 Using the one hundred statistically most popular blogs compiled by Nomadic Samuel (see

Appendices), every ‘About’ page or equivalent was read, with forty-nine relevant blogs receiving

deeper analysis. Further material was sourced from other travel bloggers who had commented on posts,

online travel magazines, and YouTube.

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Anthropology has been concerned with two areas of personhood: first,

‘individualism’, the conception of a person in relation to social institutions, and

second, ‘individuality’, the anatomising of a person’s thought and form in the cosmos

(Carrithers 2002, Rapport 2002). Often conflated, this paper focuses on the latter.

Western society recognises full legal personhood from birth (antiabortionists from

pre-born), which is enshrined in the US Declaration of Independence (1776) where

‘all men are created equal…with unalienable Rights’ and even the UN’s Universal

Declaration of Human Rights (1948) where ‘All humans are born free and equal in

dignity and rights’. However, this notion runs contrary to some non-Western peoples

who, instead, have incremental markers towards full personhood. The Tellensi of

Ghana, Taita of Kenya, and Lugbara of Uganda undergo variations of a ‘moral career’

(Harris 1978:48) where only ‘completion of a proper life…qualifies an individual for

full personhood’ (La Fontaine 1985:131) including attaining siblings, property,

marriage, parenthood, and a ‘good death’ involving ancestral sprits. The Gahuku-

Gama of Papua New Guinea believe ‘parts of the body…are essential constituents of

the human personality’ (Read 1955:265) thus their ‘concept of the person

implies…bodily strength’ developed through aggressive behaviour. The Wari’ of

Brazil (Conklin and Morgan 1996:667, 681) show how ‘exchanges of body

substances (breastmilk, blood, semen, and food)’ create ‘processual-relational’

personhood. The Kaulong of Papua New Guinea (Goodale 1980:128) escape being a

‘social non-person’ through a lifetime’s acquirement of knowledge and self-control.

The Tswana of South Africa (Comaroff and Comaroff 2001:271) were ‘engaged

constantly in a praxis of self-construction’ as ‘stasis meant social death’. Legalities

aside, does the notion of gradation of personhood exist in Western culture?

As noted by others (Fogelson 1982, La Fontaine 1985, Harris 1989, Spiro 1993,

Sökefeld 1999, Desforges 2000, Smith 2012), clarification of terms is essential when

tackling personhood. This paper uses Mauss’ (1938/1985) seminal notions of moi (the

subjective ‘self’) and personne (the objective ‘person’, akin to identity) as its

foundation. Similarly, James (1890/1981:196) proposed the ‘I’ and ‘me’, where the

‘I’ is ‘at any moment…conscious, whereas the me is one of the things it is conscious

of’. Shweder (1985:195) adds, ‘It is the “I” that looks out at the world and out at the

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“me” in the mirror’. Desforges (2000:930) provides an appropriate summary, stating

that there are

different scales of interaction at which personhood is developed. On the one hand,

notions of identity often look towards the connections between the individual and a

wider social group, such as a class or a region. On the other hand, notions of the self

point towards a more individualistic sense of personhood, one which would normally

be qualified with adjectives such as a moral person, an educated person or a fulfilled

person.

This paper’s focus is not on external, institutional structures like kinship, gender, or

ethnicity that typologise identities – personne – but rather it is interested in the

metaphysical ‘inner conscience’ (Carrithers et al. 1985:vii) of the self – moi. With this

definition, English language terms like ‘self-development’, ‘self-growth’, and ‘self-

fulfillment’ demonstrate a continuum of the moi that does not make the idea of a

Western gradation of personhood so unusual.

With the ‘performance turn’, interpreting behaviour allowed further insight into the

self (Bell 2008). Turner (1988:81) writes, ‘performances are, in a way, reflexive, in

performing he reveals himself to himself’. Thus displays such as weddings, games,

and theatre, Bell (2008:137) writes, make ‘an explicit or implicit claim about who is

important, what is valued, [and] how society ought to function’. For Turner

(1988:24), performances not only hold a mirror but are also ‘active agencies of

change…which creative actors sketch out what they believe to be more apt or

interesting “designs for living”’. Studies on lifestyles, then, if performance texts do

not create ‘misreadings’ (Jackson 2000:22), take on new significance.

As academics reviewed late modernity towards the end of the twentieth century, the

lifestyle-self relationship became central in debate. Giddens (1991:81) noted that

people in traditional societies had self-identity ‘handed down’, whilst people in

modern societies ‘adopted’ self-identities. Thus lifestyle choice took on critical

meaning as ‘lifestyle consumption practices became decisions not only about how to

act but who to be’ (Giddens 1991:81), which is acknowledged in ethnographic

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research amongst lifestyle groups such as surfers, ocean cruisers, ravers, and rural

communards (Veal 1993, Metcalf 1995, Malbon 1998, Macbeth 2000).

Debate began to surround the very concept of the self with the European Romantic

and American Transcendentalist essentialist ‘true inner self’ (promoted in the late

eighteenth and nineteenth century) versus the poststructural dialogical, relational self.

Holland (1997:171) notes the difference in views from those ‘who pay no attention to

the socially positioning power of discourse’ to those who have ‘no interest in the

embodied self’ due to ‘discourse determinism’, the latter gaining support from

Foucault’s (1988) ‘technologies of the self’ theorising that people understood the self

through socially sanctioned procedures of self-reflection and was thus culturally

contingent. In the West, Greek correspondence letters, Catholic confession, and

modern personal diaries produced what Burkitt (2008:6) calls the ‘private world of

self-attention’. As part of the performance turn, Butler (1990:277, 282), influenced by

Bourdieu’s (1977) ‘habitus’ and ‘doxa’ as negotiants between structure and agency

amongst the Kabyle in Algeria, proposed performativity as a bridge claiming that

although one is always ‘on the stage’ and ‘within the terms of the performance’, ‘a

script may be enacted in various ways’ including ‘subversive performances’. There is,

then, no true inner self, but instead permeable multiple ‘social selves’ (Burkitt 2008)

performed in relation to factors like class, age, and gender (James 1890/1981, Berlin

1958, Goffman 1959, Erikson 1968, Taylor 1989, Gergen 1991, Spiro 1993,

Comaroff and Comaroff 2001, Bell 2008, Smith 2012) with similarities found to

Geertz’s (1974) research on the Balinese with their concept of lek (stage fright). For

lifestyle travellers, their journey can be viewed as either chasing an essentialist

Western illusion or developing plural performance skills; either way, Elsrud

(2001:599) writes, ‘no matter how much academic knowledge is extracted from their

testimonies, their experiences are as valid and real to them as the construction is to the

researcher’ and Lefcourt (1973:417) states, ‘illusions do have consequences’. For

lifestyle travellers, the goal is the same: self-development or what Cohen (2010a:5)

calls ‘a process of becoming’. Burkitt (2008:4) writes, ‘“Who am I?” is perhaps a

mistaken question: it should be, “who do I want to be?” or “what shall I become?” It

is not being but becoming that is the question’.

History of Leisure Travel

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The relationship between leisure and lifestyle was first philosophised in the West

2,300 years ago with Aristotle’s ‘classical leisure ideal’ where happiness was equated

to leisure – characterised by freedom, intrinsic motivation for learning, and self-

development – and was thus seen as the ideal way of living (de Grazia 1962, Barnes

1984, Goodale and Godbey 1988).

From the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, leisure found a new form in travel as

predominantly affluent young men embarked on educational trips around Europe,

called Grand Tours, designed as a type of finishing school to increase one’s

worldliness (Adler 1985). The same period saw European working class craftsman,

called ‘tramps’ or ‘journeymen’, travel from town to town, sometimes country to

country, looking for work and accommodation around an a established circuit, often

as part of a vocational apprenticeship, and sometimes as a ruse for travel in itself. It

has been described as a ‘commoner’s Grand Tour’ (Adler 1985:341).

The creation of the railroad in the nineteenth century saw the decline of Grand Tours

and tramping and, in its place, the emergence of Thomas Cook and imitators in

organising rail, and later cruise, excursions for the increasing urban middle classes.

The impact of this early mass tourism would create inter-relational macro and micro

tourism industries around the world that would pave the way for independent

travellers.

The 1960s saw the masses of Western youth, known as the Baby Boomer generation,

rebel against their parents’ conservative values and the increasing power of the

Western political and commercial establishment. The counterculture protested against

the Vietnam War, advocated for black and women’s civil rights, and pioneered new

styles in fashion and the arts. Many – of all classes and genders – sought more

spiritual, often hedonistic, lifestyles by becoming the first modern day backpackers

and establishing the ‘hippie trail’ from Europe to Asia (MacLean 2006).

By the 1990s and 2000s, deviant backpacking was commercialised into Western

culture as part of a liberal education, called the ‘gap year’, involving Lonely Planet

guidebooks and volunteering. Via Hollywood movies, notably The Beach (1999) and

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Into the Wild (2007), mainstream audiences were enticed to backpacking tropes of

anti-establishment, risk-taking, authenticity, and journeys ‘off the beaten track’

(Wilson and Richards 2004). Digital technology like wi-fi capable laptops, e-banking,

and Skype made travelling easier, whilst online enterprises like Couchsurfing (Picard

and Buchberger 2013) and WWOOF (Kosnik 2010) have not only extended travelling

durations but are redefining the tourism experience.

From Grand Tours to Couchsurfing, long-term travel has been driven by self-

development. The next two sections of this paper – Escape from Anomie and Search

for Self-Actualisation – identifies eight push and four pull factors that explain lifestyle

travellers’ relation to the self.

Escape from Anomie

Anomie, as used in this paper – the term has been interpreted differently by authors

(Olsen 1965, Puffer 2009) – is the mismatch between personal and societal values,

which leads to a loss of social solidarity (Merton 1938, Seeman 1959, Star et al.

2003). It encompasses both under-regulation, sometimes called ‘normlessness’

(Dohrenwend 1959), and excessive regulation, sometimes called ‘fatalism’

(Durkheim 1897/2002) or ‘alienation’ (Marx 1927/2007). Most importantly, anomie

can lead to a loss of self and the sense of ‘being human’. For lifestyle travellers, the

following four push factors – socialised life model, worker alienation, materialistic

values, and overwhelming identity choice – amount to an escape from anomie.

(i) Socialised life model

Lifestyle travellers push away from the socialised life model because like how a

prison physically restrains the body, so the socialised life model metaphysically

restrains the self. Beginning travelling in 2010 aged 23, American ex-office worker

Stephanie Yoder (n.d.) from Twenty-Something Travel echoes many lifestyle

travellers:

Most of us (particularly in the US) have been told our entire lives that there is a

specific life model we need to follow: go to school, get a job, get married, have kids,

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work work work, retire…Well I’m not buying it. There is no one size fits all path to a

happy and fulfilled existence.

For lifestyle travellers, this socialised life model via ideological state apparatus

(Althusser 1970/2006) is society’s control of the self through normalisation (Foucault

1975). Beginning travelling in 2006 aged 24, American ex-office worker Matthew

Kepnes (2009, emphasis in original) from Nomadic Matt recognises this invisible

ideological power: ‘Society boxes you in and restricts your movements to their

expectations. It’s like the matrix. And any deviation is considered abnormal and

weird…. the general attitude in the States is “do it this way if you want to be

normal”’. Kepnes (2011) continues in a later post, ‘In a way, it was more than my job

I quit that day. I quit my life. I quit the American Dream’.

The socialised life model deems the same happiness goals (e.g. property, car, material

goods, in other words, the American Dream) for all and does not cater for those with

alternative ambitions. Thus the development of the self is homogenised by the state.

By leaving their country, lifestyle travellers are creating a new self with new values,

one that exists beyond the American production line. This rejection of both the goals

and means of society is typologised in Robert K. Merton’s (1938:677) strain theory as

‘rebellion’ and he describes this group as sociologically ‘aliens’. They are publicly

nonconformist deviants who as ‘members of a rising class…locate the source of

large-scale frustrations in the social structure and portray an alternative structure

which would not, presumably, give rise to frustration of the deserving’ (Merton

1968:210-211). Their label as ‘deviants’ by society and even the pejorative terms used

by academics – ‘drifters’ (Cohen 1972), ‘wanderers’ (Vogt 1976), and ‘dropouts’

(O’Reilly 2006) – although intended to discourage deviant behaviour, only further

alienate lifestyle travellers in their anomic home society pushing them to seek a more

comfortable sense of self elsewhere.

So what has shaped the mentality of these lifestyle travellers who want to escape the

socialised life model? Personal biography could be one answer, although little data in

this area arose from the discourse analysis of blogs. In Madison’s (2006:12) research

on existential migration, he writes, ‘while acknowledging that early parental

relationships often had an impact on their plans to leave, co-researchers frequently

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cautioned that their feelings about home and travel couldn’t be reduced to these

dynamics’. Madison (2006:21), instead, referring to global capitalism, cites ‘the

ubiquitous malaise of our ‘post-modern’ world’. This paper finds much to agree with,

but there is one area it will also examine.

Generational analysis looks at changing Western attitudes from one generation of

youth to the next brought on by a cohort’s sharing of political, economical, and

cultural change (Mannheim 1923/1972, Strauss and Howe 1991). The majority of

lifestyle travellers as members of Generation Y, also known as Millennials, are a

cohort whose year of birth is given by different authors as between the late 1970s to

the mid-2000s, although leading academics in the field Strauss and Howe (2000)

recognise 1982 to 2004. They are seen as particularly special due to the opportunities

offered by the advanced technological conditions that have made them the first ever

‘digital natives’. Unlike their Silent Generation grandparents who experienced the

Second World War in the 1940s and their Baby Boomer parents who witnessed civil

rights protests and trade union strikes in the 1960s and 1970s, Generation Y have

grown up without relative hardship and, instead, been accustomed to the privileges of

state welfare, access to education, material consumption, and advanced technology.

The consequence of this is that, for some of Generation Y, the life model of school-

university-career-marriage-mortgage-children-retirement is no longer an adequate

model to meet new aspirations. Beginning travelling in 2007 aged 23, American ex-

student Turner Barr (n.d.) from Around the World in 80 Jobs writes, ‘I had graduated

school with the typical guidance a young American gets…[to] live the American

dream…from parents who grew up in a different time with different expectations with

different opportunities presented to them’. Similarly, beginning travelling in 2008

aged 27, Canadian ex-lawyer Jodi Ettenberg (2011) from Legal Nomads says:

I remember saying to him [grandpa], ‘I know you think my job is awesome but I’m

leaving it and I’m about to travel around the world to places you probably don’t want

me to go to’. And he said ‘I can’t even imagine, if I had the luxury, of

conceptualising my life based on what made me happy’. And it’s true, he was in the

war, he had a family to support, he had a very different upbringing, and a lot of us

here have this luxury and this ability to take control of our lives and really make those

changes if we want to…I really ought to find out what makes me happy.

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Where a life following intrinsic motivations might have been both unthinkable for the

youth in the twentieth century, it is less so for the privileged youth in the twenty-first

century. High standards of living have now made the classical leisure ideal feasible

and presented Generation Y with questions regarding the merits of their current life

model.

(ii) Worker alienation

Lifestyle travellers push away from worker alienation – specifically insignificant,

monotonous, and uncreative work – because it destroys the self and thereby debases

the person to a state resembling a victim, a machine, and an animal. In the

advancement of capitalism in Western society, even though the factories of the

industrial revolution, which exist now in the East, have been replaced with the offices

of modern corporations, the trope of Western individuality in the workplace does not

always exist and division of labour remains. This paper’s lifestyle traveller research

show twenty-first century concerns that still align with Marx’s (1927/2007) theory of

alienation written in 1844.

Insignificant work alienates the worker from the product. Beginning travelling in

2006 aged 35, American ex-IT worker Sherry Ott (2006a) from Ottsworld describes

her job pre-travel: ‘Most days I feel like I’m stuck – stuck in my white box, not really

knowing what value I’m adding to the world – let alone what value I’m adding to the

numerous meetings I’m attending’. As companies grow so too does administrative

and support services with employees become so far removed from the end product

that they feel not only their efforts but their selves are of insignificance. For Marx

(1927/2007), when a product becomes an ‘alien object’ that carries no ‘personality’ of

the worker, then the worker’s ‘essential nature’ is not objectified and thus they

receive no affirmation of their being. Graeber (2013) notes that some workers in

advanced capitalist societies accept that their job is meaningless – citing

telemarketing, human resources, and public relations as examples – and describes this

as ‘psychological violence’ as, unlike Bourdieu’s (1990) ‘symbolic violence’ or

Marxian ‘false consciousness’, workers are fully aware of their alienating conditions

but are passive for fear of destabilising order and meaning, or what Giddens (1991)

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calls their ‘ontological security’. Graeber (Graeber@GDI 2013) asks, ‘What does that

do to our sense of ourselves? How can you have dignity in labour if you go there and

secretly feel your job shouldn’t actually exist’. Graeber (2013:10) adds, ‘The moral

and spiritual damage that comes from this situation is profound. It is a scar across our

collective soul’.

Monotonous work alienates the worker from the act of production. Beginning

travelling in 2009 aged 24, American ex-office worker Michael Tieso from the Art of

Adventuring writes, ‘I was working in a corporate office for a few years and I was

shuffling around the same papers over and over and it was never really advancing

myself or learning anything knew so I had to break away from that and say “what am

I really getting out of this?”’ (New Nomads: Michael & Stephanie 2013). Durkheim

(1893/1994:306) wrote that conditions where one ‘repeats the same movements with

monotonous regularity, but without having any interest or understanding of them’

breaks down organic solidarity and reduces the worker ‘to the role of a machine’

where they experience the ‘anomic divison of labour’. Marx (1927/2007:24) made the

same metaphorical conclusion writing that monotonous work made one ‘depressed

spiritually and physically to the condition of a machine’. For Marx, when workers no

longer owned their labour, instead selling it for a wage, part of themselves is lost and

they are reduced to an employer’s instrument that limits their Gattungswesen or

‘species-being’. Weber (1909/944:96) said that bureaucracy had created workplaces

where ‘the performance of each individual worker is mathematically measured, each

man becomes a cog in a machine and, aware of this, his one preoccupation is whether

he can become a bigger cog’, which is akin to Mauss’ predetermined and highly

defined personnage found in rigidly structured clan societies.

Uncreative work alienates the worker from themselves. Beginning travelling in 2011

in his late thirties, Canadian ex-office worker Raymond Walsh (2011) from Man on

the Lam remembers his old job: ‘I found myself in front of a screen filled with

windows of documents I did not understand, and did not care about. Staring out a 26th

floor window, scanning the river below for bodies just so I could say something

interesting happened today’. If mental disengagement reduces being human, as put

forward by Marx’s (1927/2007:75) thought that ‘Conscious life activity distinguishes

man from the life activity of animals’, then, it follows, uncreative work suppresses

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personhood. For Marx (1927/2007:76), creative actions, ‘in accordance with the laws

of beauty’, and not instinctual actions produced ‘only when [there was] immediate

physical need’, allowed people to express their ‘species-being’, and he condemned

capitalism’s uncreative demand on workers as dehumanising. Sherry Ott (2006b)

from Ottsworld recognised this: ‘I just know I need a break…from New York…from

Information Technology…and I need to stretch my creative muscles – and sorta find

myself’. Ultimately for Marx, people create themselves through labour, which should

provide not just subsistence but existence.

(iii) Materialistic values

Lifestyle travellers push away from capitalist society’s materialistic values because it

opposes their own experiential values, which are concerned with self-development.

Beginning traveling in 2010 aged 27, American ex-IT worker Raam Dev (2011) from

Raam Dev writes, ‘My possessions had become chains around my life, tying me down

physically and mentally, each one holding hostage large swaths of my time and

preventing me from choosing how I wanted to live my life’. Dev (2009) revealed:

‘finding my purpose would be much easier if I had less material stuff cluttering and

clouding my world…So I’ve decided to change my lifestyle’.

Although from the practical perspective, possessions provide unnecessary distraction

and responsibility to lead a nomadic lifestyle, it is the metaphysical perspective that is

more important. Belk (1988:139), in his seminal essay on possessions and the

extended self, states ‘we are what we have’, so ownership of a Jeep may signal

‘adventurous family man’ (Kirmani 2009), whilst ‘identity kits’ (Belk 1988:142, 152),

such as the overcoat, business suit, and briefcase, can form a ‘collective conception of

self’. For lifestyle travellers, ridding themselves of possessions equates to ridding

themselves of their old, often conformist group identities and, instead, remedying

their angst-ridden selves (La Branche 1973) allowing them to be reborn with a blank

slate for self-development.

However, for lifestyle travellers, it is not just a rejection of possessions. They are

rejecting a value system. Specifically, they are rejecting late modernity’s capitalist

constructed value system – created by instilling fear for non-consumption and

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offering symbolic psychological reward for consumption through twenty-four hour,

cross-media, personalised advertising – that is entrenched into the psyche of Western

society (Baudrillard 1970/1999, Fromm 1976/2008, Klein 2000). Beginning travelling

in 2007 aged 28, American travel photographer, Charlie Grosso from Spy Travelogue

states, ‘I think there is this movement to wanting to travel and travel perpetually

because I believe we’re disenfranchised for the last thirty years of possession

marketing, of owning things, and the more you own, the bigger house you have. You

win, you know’ (New Nomad: Charlie Grosso 2013). Beginning travelling in 2007

aged 22, American ex-legal administrator Jasmine Stephenson (2011) from Jasmine

Wanders writes, ‘One of the saddest and most irritating things about modern culture is

the ever-present message of consumerism. BUY. SPEND. You need things to be

complete. Success is directly correlated to the number and quality of your

possessions’.

In opposition to society’s materialistic values, lifestyle travellers live by their own

value system based on experiences. Beginning traveling in 2010 aged 29, American

ex-nightclub photographer Matthew Karsten (n.d.) of Expert Vagabond writes:

[Buying] a bunch of fancy crap I didn’t actually need was not the life I wanted…I

sold everything I owned, and bought a plane ticket to Guatemala…Becoming wealthy

with new experiences was my mission’. The lifestyle travellers’ experiential value

system aligns with Fromm’s (1976/2008) theory of modes of existence: to have and to

be. In capitalist society, people are interested in ‘having’ rather than ‘being’; meaning

to life is found in shopping centres. But Fromm (1976/2008:89-90, emphasis in

original) writes, ‘If I am what I have and if what I have is lost, who then am I?…If I

am who I am and not what I have, nobody can deprive me of or threaten my security

and my sense of identity. My centre is within myself’. Comparing the spiritual East

with the industrial West, Fromm (1976/2008:16) writes, ‘The difference is rather

between a society centered around persons and one centered around things’.

Psychological research has outlined the benefits of experiences over possessions with

the two main findings being: clearer identity formation and increased social

interaction (James 2007; Carter and Gilovich 2010, 2012; Dunn and Norton 2013;

Caprariello and Reis 2013). Commercial research (Talent Smoothie 2008, Deloitte

2009, Ashridge 2009, Hays 2013, The Boston Consulting Group 2014) suggest that

15

Western society is indeed heading towards a phase of post-materialism as economic

and physical security needs are satisfied and, instead, ‘self-expression values’

(Inglehart 2008:145) are adopted.

However, experiential value systems can still be measured in cultural capital, and

with the continued mainstreaming of gap year backpacking increasing lifestyle

travellers’ ‘tourist angst’ – described as ‘a gnawing suspicion that after all…you are

still a tourist like every other tourist’ (Cohen 2010d:6) – further distinction may be

needed to maintain their sense of identity (Bourdieu 1979/1984). Thus the same social

status pressures affecting Veblen’s (1899/1994) ‘leisure class’ may also induce

lifestyle travellers to their own form of ‘conspicuous consumption’, such as number

of countries visited, duration of travel, and ‘authenticity’ of experiences (Munt 1994,

Elsrud 2001, Sørenson 2003, Westenhausen and Macbeth 2003, O’Reilly 2006,

Wilson and Richards 2008).

(iv) Overwhelming identity choice

Lifestyle travellers push away from overwhelming identity choice – brought on by

late modernity – because it creates confusion for the self. Beginning traveling in 1999

aged 22, American ex-student Derek Earl Baron (2010a) from Wandering Earl writes:

After graduating, I spent some time working at random jobs back in Boston while

trying to sort out my confusion. But after six months of making no progress

whatsoever…I decided that a backpacking trip to Southeast Asia might help me

decide what I wanted to do with my life. The plan was to travel around for 3-months

and then return home. That 3-month trip has now turned into 11 years!

Late modernity – which in various guises has also been labelled ‘reflexive modernity’

(Giddens 1990), ‘second modernity’ (Beck 1992), and ‘liquid modernity’ (Baumann

2000) – has seen ‘the lifting out of social relations from local contexts of interaction

and their restructuring across indefinite spans of time-space’ (Giddens 1990:21). For

Giddens (1990, 1991), people in traditional societies were born into customary social

roles based on genealogy, class, gender, religion, nationality, ethnicity, location, etc.

In post-traditional society, social roles are fluid due to people ‘disembedding’ from

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fixed ‘grand narratives’ to take advantage of new opportunities offered by

developments such as advanced communications networks, mass media and

consumerism, social equality laws, and secularisation. However, ‘detradionalization’

has led to ‘manufactured uncertainty’ and created a culture of unscripted

individualism. Gergen (1991) observed that late moderns had reached a state of

‘social saturation’, where excessive pluralism of life options led to self-doubt and

‘multiphrenia’, where the individual splits into a ‘multiplicity of self-investments’.

Giddens (1991:70) writes, ‘What to do? How to act? Who to be? These are focal

questions for everyone living in circumstances of late modernity’. This reflection can

be both a threat in the form of confusion and self-loss or an opportunity in the form of

freedom and self-development (Giddens 1990, Beck 1992, Baumann 2000). For

lifestyle travellers, experience of the former led them to seek the latter. Beginning

travelling in 2010 aged 32, Canadian ex-advertising agent Ayngelina Brogan (2011,

emphasis in original) from Bacon is Magic writes:

Throwing myself into this situation [traveling] forced me to take a good look at

myself and answer tough questions like: who am I? what do I really want in

life?…We are all self-conscious and unsure. No one knows what they are doing with

their life. If we all talked about this we would feel far less lonely. We wouldn’t have

to pretend that everything is fine. Everything isn’t always fine.

This blog post received similar comments from readers, such as, ‘I want to travel

almost as a way of hitting the reset button on life too’ (Dan 2011) and ‘None of us

know what the f*ck we’re doing…we’re all just trying our best’ (Laur 2011) and ‘I’m

very glad to hear that I am not alone in not knowing what I’m doing with my life. I

tend to be quite honest about this with people but rarely meet others who say they feel

the same way’ (Andrea 2011), to which Brogan (2011) replies, ‘One of the great

things about being on the road, you realize so many people have no idea and have no

problem admitting that’. However, the problem of excessive identity choice is not

necessarily solved by leaving Western society. In fact, excessive foreign travel may

exacerbate self-loss as Cohen (2011:9) notes in some of his research participants:

‘years of backpacking led them to a more pointed sense of identity confusion, or a

feeling of being lost in a “sea” of cultural differences’. From the ‘chaos of competing

opportunities’ (Gergan 1991:73) in the West, lifestyle travellers may find themselves

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in a similar chaos on their extended travels from culture to culture. The multiple

selves of Gergan’s (1991:74, 16) multiphrenia can be both a positive ‘sense of

expansiveness and adventure’ and a negative ‘fragmenting and populating of self-

experience’.

Search for Self-Actualisation

For its original exponent Goldstein (1939/1995:162), self-actualisation was ‘the

tendency to actualize, as much as possible, its individual capacities, its “nature,” in

the world…the only drive by which the life of the organism is determined’. For its

populariser Maslow (1962/1999:106), self-actualisation – preceded by physiological,

safety, love, and esteem needs – was the final tier of a ‘hierarchy of needs’, and

described as being ‘more truly himself, more perfectly actualizing his potentialities,

closer to the core of his Being, more fully human’. For both, self-actualisation was the

full expression of being human. For lifestyle travellers, the following four pull factors

– radical freedom, experiential learning, flow, and sacred time – amount to a search

for self-actualisation.

(v) Radical freedom

Lifestyle travellers pull towards radical freedom because it liberates the self, which is

suppressed by the home society. Whilst excessive freedom can lead to confusion as

outlined of late modernity (Giddens 1990, Gergen 1991, Beck 1992, Baumann 2000),

it has been put forward that freedom embraced effectively can avoid anomie and help

self-actualisation as people operate in a middle ground achieving an ‘optimal human

condition’ (Acevedo 2005:75). However, for lifestyle travellers, the desire for

freedom is not in the form of the middle ground but in the form of totality. Beginning

traveling in 2013 aged 22, South African Ruann Weidermann (2014) from Solo Uncut

Travel writes of the latter, ‘There is nothing more satisfying than knowing for sure

that whatever situation I’m in, good or bad, happy or sad, was entirely up to me’.

Lifestyle travellers’ view of freedom is reflected in Sartre’s (1943/1992, 1946/1948)

existentialism. He believed individuals had radical freedom to the extent that ‘man is

condemned to be free’ (1946/1948:34), meaning people have full responsibility for

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their actions. Those who blamed others were acting in self-deception, or ‘bad faith’,

by following external moral systems – like religion, government, parents, cultural

norms – and living an ‘inauthentic’ life under the collective consciousness where

‘morality is the herd-instinct’ (Nietzsche 1882/2006:86) and where ‘“the crowd” is

untruth’ (Kierkegaard 1859/1998:108). Beginning traveling in 2010 in his late 20s,

Irish ex-IT worker Paul Goodchild (2009) from Plog highlights how the socialised

life model leads to ‘bad faith’:

There are many of us with the dream to travel, see the world and explore some of our

surrounding, but we never make it. What’s your excuse? ‘I’ve got a

job/house/mortgage/responsibilities/kids/a wife-husband-girlfriend-

boyfriend/car/pets/family/parents to look after/etc’. When you strip away the excuses

and get to the core of the problem, you’ll find that your mindset and the limitations

you impose on yourself by your own thoughts are the culprits.

For Sartre, radical freedom meant being human. He defined humanness by proposing

two categories: the being-in-itself and the being-for-itself. The being-in-itself are

objects that are created with an essence, in other words, meaning and purpose. For

example, a car is built with the function to be driven; an acorn grows with the

function to become an oak tree. The being-for-itself are humans who have no

predetermined essence. Thus for humans, ‘existence precedes essence’ and ‘each man

makes his essence as he lives’, in other words, each person has the freedom to give

themselves whatever meaning and purpose they want, they are a tablua rasa (Sartre

1943/1992:568, 630). Matthew Kepnes (2009) from Nomadic Matt concurs with

Sartre’s philosophy: ‘Life is what you make it out to be. Life is yours to create…We

get to be the captains of our ships. But it is a freedom we chose to have…I am

running towards the world and my idea of life’. When Sartre (1943/1992:440) writes,

‘the refusal of freedom can be conceived only as an attempt to apprehend oneself as

being-in-itself’, he means that submitting to an external moral system is rejection of

what is fundamentally human. For the lifestyle traveller who wrote, ‘there is nothing

more that makes us feel more alive than travel’ (Makepeace 2013), it is not

necessarily the physical freedom that makes them feel alive but the radical freedom

that Sartre equates to being human.

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(vi) Experiential learning

Lifestyle travellers pull towards experiential learning because through new

subjectivity they come to understand the Other, which holds a mirror to themselves.

Grand Tours, journeymen, the hippie trail, gap years, Couchsurfing, WWOOF; long-

term travel has been underpinned by learning. Beginning travelling in 2009 aged in

their late-twenties, Canadian couple Dalene and Peter Heck from Hecktic Travels

(2012) write:

The constant state of learning, the absorption into new cultures and the pursuit of

understanding human nature. We need to walk blindly into new locales, to be

unfamiliar with our surroundings and rise to the challenge of communicating, finding

our way, and satisfying our basic needs. Travel is a necessary component of our

personal fulfillment.

Rousseau (1755/2011:53) stated that whilst ‘an animal, at the end of a few months, is

what it will be all its life’, man over the course of a lifetime has ‘the faculty of self-

perfection’, or ‘perfectibility’. This virtually unlimited openness for development, to

continually become through learning, is what defines the human species against the

predetermined, confined nature of the animal. For lifestyle travellers, experiential

leaning allows for twenty-four hour, multi-sensory, environmental immersion that

amplifies being human. Ruaan Weidermann (2014) from Solo Travel Uncut writes:

[Travelling has] sharply cut paths that led to wisdom and happiness…If I start to

explain how much one can learn on the road I’ll look like a preacher on a magic

carpet, and that I’m not. It’s a certain level of education not found in books or history.

We deal with these situations, you see, we make mistakes and come out on the other

end as richer human beings.

Experiential learning was the message of Mauss’ (1938/1985) essay on the

physiological nature of being. His cross-cultural study of ‘habitus’, from Polynesian

swimming to African squatting, proposed that culture affects the body, which in turn

affects how one views culture. In bodily behaviour there is ‘no “natural way”’

(1938/1985:460), thus Mauss advocates bodily education claiming it provides ‘actions

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governed by a clear consciousness’ over ‘brutal, unreflected, unconscious reaction’

(1938/1985:475). Mauss (1938/1985:461), like Rousseau, defines the human through

learning: ‘This, above all, is what distinguishes man from the animals: the

transmission of his techniques’. For lifestyle travellers, experiential learning

encourages new phenomenological ways of being through performances like eating,

drinking, cooking, sleeping, dressing, talking, playing, and shopping like the locals –

what Jackson (1983:340) calls ‘practical mimesis’ and what Stoller (1989:153)

advocates as ‘enter[ing] a sensual world of evocation’ – and thus gives them the

perspective to view their previously unconscious Western habitus as well as their new

learned self. Ayngelina Brogan (2010) from Bacon is Magic writes, ‘Living with a

family in Leon has changed me…I would have never known that Nicaraguans don’t

eat dessert after dinner or how to cook fried beans. My Spanish teacher, Karin, taught

me so much more than the language, she helped me understand what it was to be a

Nicaraguan’.

As lifestyle travellers spend year-on-year, not just exposed to, but becoming like, the

Other, they, like an anthropologist doing fieldwork, learn to ‘grasp the native’s point

of view’ (Malinowski 1922:25). Derek Earl Baron (2009) from Wandering Earl

writes, ‘I have little interest in the actual sights…instead preferring to focus on the

human interactions and lessons learned’, all of which acts, somewhat, as navel-gazing

self-development.

(vii) Flow

Lifestyle travellers pull towards flow because they desire the maximisation of the

present to satisfy the self. Beginning travelling in 2010 in her mid-twenties, German

Yvonne Zagermann (n.d.) from Just Travelous repeats a popular quote: ‘Life’s

journey is not to arrive at the grave safely in a well preserved body. But rather to skid

in sideways, totally worn out, with a beer in one hand, shouting: “Whohooo, what a

ride”’.

Csikszentmihalyi (1990) proposed a state of ‘optimal experience’ called ‘flow’. He

(1990:3) writes, ‘The best moments in our lives are not the passive, receptive,

relaxing times…The best moments usually occur if a person’s body or mind is

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stretched to its limits in a voluntary effort to accomplish something difficult and

worthwhile’. Flow is experienced frequently in sports, arts, meditation, and games,

where one is ‘in the zone’, but it can also be found in the everyday where ‘routine

details can be transformed into meaningful games that provide optimal experiences’,

such as reading, gardening, or having a conversation (Csikszentmihalyi 1990:51). For

lifestyle travellers, flow is experienced through navigating foreign cities,

communicating in another language, reading maps, planning an itinerary, trying new

foods, and generally embracing new cultural customs. In this way, their lifestyle is an

extended period of flow made of up many different flow moments. Charlie Grosso

from Spy Travelogue gives an example: ‘So the bus doesn't show up, the train doesn’t

leave on time, nothing works out the way think it is, and you try to get to that point

where it just doesn’t phase you anymore. And so you’re out on the road and you feel

amazing and present and alive’ (New Nomad: Charlie Grosso 2013).

The most vital element of flow is the intrinsic nature of the activity, which

Csikszentmihalyi calls the autotelic experience (auto meaning self; telos meaning

goal). Unlike Marx’s alienated workers who work for monetary rewards, an autotelic

experience, although it can involve extrinsic rewards, is done for the joy of the

activity and is thus an end in itself. Someone with an ‘autotelic personality’

(1990:149) seeks flow experiences. Derek Earl Baron (2013) from Wandering Earl is

such a person: ‘My theory has always been to wake up each day and do what I love

most. Right now, that is still travel. But if I wake up tomorrow and decide that it’s

time to stop and I really want to settle down, then that’s what I’ll do’. Yvonne

Zagermann (2013) from Just Travelous writes:

Find out what makes you happy. Try to earn your money with that. If you have

enough money to live and do things which makes you happy than you’re living a

good life. You don't have to focus on making a career. If it makes you happy to mix

cocktails, do that. If it makes you happy to illustrate children books, do that. If it

makes you happy to sing, do that.

Those without an autotelic personality are ‘people who resign themselves to live

within the constraints of the barren reality they feel they cannot alter’

(Csikszentmihalyi 1990:149), similar to Sartre’s ‘bad faith’. Beginning his travels in

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2006 aged 22, Irish ex-student Johnny Ward (2013) from One Step 4Ward writes, ‘A

lot of people moan and complain about not achieving things, about not fulfilling their

potential. It p*sses me off to be honest, this is your life. Do something amazing.

Achieve something. And don’t wait for it to happen, go and get it, and do it today’.

Interestingly, several lifestyle travellers acquired an autotelic personality after the

death of a loved one or upon being close to death themselves. Encountering death

appeared to have shattered their ontological security allowing them to accept their

mortality and thereby freeing themselves of life’s fears to live as they wished, which

in their case was to travel. Beginning travelling in 2013 aged 32, British ex-lawyer

Tristan Cano (2013), wrote an online article detailing his travel motivations upon the

diagnosis of his brain tumour in 2012:

It was time, I thought, to try to get my life back on track, and more than ever, seize

that elusive day which had become so central in the calculation of my future life. It

may be a macabre thought, but every passing day brings all of us a little closer to

death…It was time to take stock of what was really important to me, seeing as much

of the world as possible, meeting interesting people, and enjoying fresh, new

experiences.

Tristan Cano proposed to his girlfriend in Paris, road tripped across the USA, married

in Las Vegas, and quit his job to become a lifestyle traveller with his wife. On New

Year’s Eve 2013, Tristan Cano died from his brain tumour three months after

publishing his article. His last paragraph began, ‘That although the opportunity will

never seem quite right, there really is no time like the present to really start living’.

(viii) Sacred time

Lifestyle travellers pull towards sacred time because it allows them to step back from

fast-paced and rational chronos time (quantitative clock time) and, instead, gain

perspective and meaning under kairos time (qualitative moments beyond the clock) so

as to better self-reflect and self-develop. ‘Sacred time’, from the perspective of

lifestyle travellers, moves away from Durkheim (1912/1995) and Eliade’s (1957)

religious-secular dichotomy but retains the importance of its ‘time out of time’ nature.

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One traveller (Prana 2014) writes, ‘sacred time…[is]…a time for us to set an

intention, allow our brains to wake up (or wind down) and reflect on the details of the

day’, whilst another traveler (Holliday 2013) writes, ‘sacred time…[is]…designated

time for us to share the details of our lives, which get lost in quick facebook messages

or texts’.

The changing pace of late modernity has led to Virilio’s (1995/2001:23-27) work on

the ‘dromosphere’ (dromos meaning running or race) where, in the name of progress,

capitalism’s cultural maxim of ‘time is money’ has created a ‘dictatorship of speed’

ruling, for the first time in history, under a ‘one-time-system’ of ‘global time’,

resulting in people experiencing ‘time poverty’ and a ‘fundamental loss of

orientation’. Hassan (2008:184) noted people were reduced to ‘abbreviated thinking’

– aptly termed in light of social media – due to ‘time constraints which social

acceleration places upon us’. Heidegger (1927/2006) philosophised that the artificial

clock time, or ‘time of the everyday’, distorts the temporal ‘reality’ of existence that

prevents people from realising ‘authentic being’ or Eigenlich. For some, ‘temporal

reflexivity’ (Luhmann 1982:305), or sacred time, may be practised as a morning walk

with the dog, yoga or meditation, or a beach holiday. For lifestyle travellers, driven by

self-development, sacred time is all the time. Sherry Ott (n.d.) from Ottsworld writes,

‘It’s no longer about taking a little break from my life…it’s a complete change in

lifestyle and how I look at time, connections, places, and each day’, adding (New

Nomad: Sherry Ott 2013), ‘all of us, because we’re so plugged-in, are yearning for

simplicity again’.

In reducing chronos time and increasing kairos time – types identified by the ancient

Greeks pursuing the classical leisure ideal (Howard 2012) – lifestyle travellers are

also reacting to the ‘disenchantment’ of the modern world characterised by scientific

certainties and depersonalised law, which replaced the ambiguities of religion and

personal values (Weber 1919/2004). Lifestyle travellers’ search for sacredness

supports studies (cited in the Anthropology of Tourism section of this paper) such as

MacCannell’s (1973:589), who writes, ‘Tourism absorbs some of the social functions

of religion in the modern world’, and aligns with the ‘secular pilgrim’ concept-

metaphor (Salazar 2014) used to compare tourism with ritual, notably building on the

work of van Gennep (1909/1960); indeed, ‘holiday’ comes from the Old English

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‘holy day’. For lifestyle travellers, their form of tourism maximises sacred time and,

as such, provides unique commentary about the self, society, and re-enchantment.

Turner (1974:77), in his essay on liminality and leisure, writes:

In tribal societies and other pre-industrial social formations, liminality provides a

propitious setting for the development of these direct, immediate, and total

confrontations of human identities. In industrial societies, it is within leisure,

sometimes aided by the projections of art, that this way of experiencing one’s fellows

can be portrayed, grasped, and sometimes realized.

Three issues are worth exploring regarding the liminoid experience of lifestyle travel.

Firstly, for lifestyle travellers, travel is a pilgrimage for self-actualisation. Whilst

Turner (1974:58) states that pilgrims seek a ‘sacred shrine’, the adage, ‘life is a

journey, not a destination’, can also hold true. Frey’s (1998) ethnography on the

pilgrims of Santiago de Compostela descibe inner transfomation happening on the

road and not at its end. Following Madison’s (2006: 238) interviews with existential

migrants, he argues for the idea of ‘home as interaction’ rather than ‘home as place’.

Similarly, Germann Molz’s (2008:338) research showed that some backpackers had

found a sense of ‘home-on-the-move’. For lifestyle travellers, the ‘spiritual centre’

(Cohen 1979b) is a state of mind. Ruaan Weidermann (2014) from Solo Travel Uncut

writes, ‘I’ll keep on searching for complete and utter happiness, and if I never find it

out there, hopefully the journey will teach me how to find it within myself’.

Secondly, lifestyle travellers’ prolonged existence within Turner’s (1974) anti-

structure (they are rarely in one place long enough to embed themselves within the

structures of a host country) frees the self from societal norms, or as Turner (1974:82)

describes, a ‘more “liberated” way of being human’. This is witnessed in ‘behaviour

reversal’ where holidays allow tourists to drop certain social barriers and let off steam

– like increased play activity, excess food and drink, experimenting with new

clothing, openness to sexual relations – before returning to the restrained pressure

cooker of modern life (Graburn 1983). Indeed, Turner notes that such behaviour may

provide ‘proto-structure’ for new societal norms, as witnessed with counterculture’s

hedonistic backpacking being commoditised by travel agents into the educational gap

year.

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Thirdly, lifestyle travellers’ existence within Turner’s (1974) communitas frees the

self (moi) from their social identity (personne) and the hierarchies they exist in at

home. Turner (1974:77, emphasis in original) noting the ‘authentic human essence’,

writes, ‘human beings play their roles in human ways. But full human capacity is

locked out of these somewhat narrow, stuffy rooms’. For lifestyle travellers, their

extended time in an egalitarian backpackers’ bubble allows them to focus on the self

in a way impossible in their domestic social structures or on short touristic holidays.

However, although communitas may be experienced with other travellers ‘who

experience liminality as a group’ (Turner 2005:97), it is more difficult to achieve with

non-liminal locals playing their role in the host-guest dynamic, and who may be

further excluded by greater differences in economic, social, and cultural capital. None

the less, a degree of communitas is strived for through everyday local interaction such

as eating street food instead of at Western chain restaurants, finding work as an

English teacher or volunteering instead of simply sightseeing, and Couchsurfing with

locals instead of staying in hostels or hotels. This attitude of local participation,

bridging cultures, and adding positiveness is part of the sacredness of travel that

differs from the profane time of home. Derek Earl Baron (2010b) from Wandering

Earl writes: ‘[One] travels to…reduce misunderstandings and enhance lives, both

their own and those of the entire world community’.

For lifestyle travellers, sacred time means escaping the dromosphere and

disenchantment of society’s chronos time and existing in the temporal reflexivity and

re-enchantment of personal kairos time, thus providing the best environment to

nurture the self. Where, once, sacred time meant collective consciousness and the

public worship of God, in late modernity sacred time is individualised and privately

worships the self (Reader 2007).

Comparison with the Tswana and Others

Socialised life model and Radical freedom: When compared to incremental

‘processual-relational’ personhood (Conklin and Morgan 1996: 667) found in

indigenous communities in Africa, Melanesia and the Amazon, Western society

seems more alike to the ‘structural-relational’ personhood system found in Asia, such

26

as with Lock’s (1995:22) research on Japan where, ‘individuals…are conceptualized

as residing at the center of a network of obligations, so that personhood is constructed

out-of-mind, beyond body, in the space of ongoing human relationships’. For lifestyle

travellers seeking freedom from societal structure, they prefer the processual-

relational system where, like the Tswana of South Africa, they are in constant self-

development, embodying Sartre’s existentialism where if ‘existence precedes essence’

then, as Comaroff and Comaroff (2001:272) wrote of Tswana philosophy, ‘being-is-

becoming’.

Worker alienation: Upon colonialism, the ‘polite language of the Protestant ethic’

(Comaroff and Comaroff 2001:269, 273) neglected the Tswana notion of personhood

where social beings were ‘made and remade by tiro’ (labour) that ‘could not exist as

alienable labour power’. Alverson (1978:132) writes, ‘An individual not only

produce[d] for himself, but actually produced[d] his entitlement to be a person’,

identical to Marx’s species-essence.

Materialistic values: Amongst the Tallensi of Ghana, ‘A person’s most intimate

belongings…[clothing, bow and arrows, tools, ornaments]…are said to be imbued

with the owner’s sii’ (Fortes 1987:267), both self and identity, and, in particular,

status. But just as personhood be may gained through acquisition of possessions

through victory in battle or inheritance, it may also be lost. For lifestyle travellers,

whose Western culture also believes in Belk’s maxim ‘we are what we have’,

disposing of possessions symbolises one’s death and but also rebirth.

Overwhelming identity choice: Amongst the Tswana of South Africa, ‘autoplexy’

(Comaroff and Commaroff 2001:277) involved ‘“playing with” a multiplicity of

shifting roles and identities to secure freedom of action and social

position…analogous in Africa to the autonomous individual of the post-

Enlightenment Western imagination’ or Gergan’s multiphrenia. For lifestyle

travellers, as yet unaccustomed to autoplexy/multiphrenia they seek sacred time to

reflect on their position in the modern world.

Experiential learning: In a life of ‘self-construction’, acquiring information was one

way the Tswana ‘build themselves up’ and avoid being spiritually ‘eaten’ by their

27

rivals, thus knowledge became the ‘secrets of being-and-becoming’ and would only

be revealed at their tatalo (funeral) in a ‘existential denouement’ (Comaroff and

Comaroff 2001:276). Similarly for lifestyle travellers (although no need for secrets),

everyday learning – like map reading, cooking, languages – is self-development.

Flow: If the Tswana experienced ‘arrested becoming’ (Comaroff and Comaroff

2001:272-273), one becomes a sebibi or sehihi (non-being) where ‘manhood is dead,

though the body still lives’, similar to a zombie. There is an ‘erasure of self-

determination’ for the ‘empty shells of humanity who toil mindlessly for others’. For

lifestyle travellers, their autotelic personalities ensure they follow intrinsic

motivations where they feel challenged and avoid feelings of depression.

Sacred time: Weber’s (1905/1930:123) ‘iron cage’ of bureaucracy disenchanted

Tswana culture as colonial values of ‘contracts, titles, and deeds, a mode of

textualising relations’ dehumanised them into ‘paper persons’ (Comaroff and

Comaroff 2001:277). The Tswana called these instruments of legality ‘the English

mode of warfare’ (MacKenzie 1887:1). Lifestyle travellers feel the same way and

seek ‘time out of time’ via travelling to better understand themselves.

Comaroff and Comaroff (2001:278) conclude that whilst some embraced sekgoa

(European ways) over setswana (Tswana ways), others, unable to avoid Western

imposition, ‘forged hybridity out of the antinomy’. The same can be said of lifestyle

travellers.

Conclusion

In mining a rich and vast field of travel blogs, this paper has revealed the emic

perspective of a recently discovered nomadic tourist and framed their thoughts within

existential works to understand their sense of personhood.4 Although not strict

4 Possible research development: (1) Allow lifestyle travellers to read and feedback in ‘collaborative

ethnography’. (2) Fieldwork following lifestyle travellers. (3) Research into ex-lifestyle travellers. (4)

Research different perspectives shaped by experience, age, class, nationality, and gender. (5) Research

non-English language blogs.

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dichotomies, the push-pull factors provide a framework of opposites: socialised life

model vs. radical freedom, worker alienation vs. experiential learning, materialist

values vs. flow, and overwhelming life choices vs. sacred time. From these, this paper

summarises lifestyle travellers’ principles for self-development:

1. Freedom to act beyond structures

2. Self-invested learning

3. Intrinsically motivated challenging experiences

4. ‘Time out of time’

These principles, via behaviour that might be called ‘mobile-existential praxis’

(Howard 2012:12), can lead lifestyle travellers from anomie to self-actualisation,

from loss of self to ‘fully human’ (Maslow 1962/1999:106). Merton claimed

‘rebellion’ deviants had the strongest self-values. Marx advocated for the expression

of ‘species-being’ in work and not estranged labour. Fromm championed a life of

‘being’ rather than ‘having’. Gergan’s ‘multiphrenia’ of multiple selves in late

modernity can sit at either end of a continuum of fulfilled or unfulfilled self. Sartre

viewed freedom as defining ‘authentic’ human being. Rousseau’s ‘perfectibility’ and

Mauss’ ‘transmission’ allowed humans to learn, distinguishing them from animals.

Csikszentmihalyi proposed a state of ‘optimal experience’. Turner recognised ‘full

human capacity’ in liminal conditions. Lifestyle travellers, then, self-develop to self-

actualise. They seek being fully human. The impact on the anthropology of

personhood is the knowledge that there exists hundreds, maybe thousands,5 of

predominantly Western individuals traversing cultures on a self-developing journey to

become ‘fully human’ in the modern world.

Returning to Mauss’ 1938 essay, late modernity and lifestyle travellers could be

viewed as the next epoch and group to be commentated on in the evolution of

Western personhood. Late modernity’s advanced capitalism has simultaneously

created the anomic environment that alienates the self whilst fostering the

technological and global political conditions that lifestyle travellers rely on to

5 The Facebook group ‘NOMADS – a life of cheap/free travel’ has, as of 2014, over 38,000 members,

although it is difficult, if not impossible, to quantify lifestyle travellers.

29

transport themselves around the globe in search for self-actualisation. These ‘cultural

contradictions of capitalism’ (Bell 1978) has created an ideal push-pull environment

for would-be travellers of Generation Y. Lifestyle travellers, then, are the product of

late modernity. With their privileged background, they have resisted capitalism’s cult

of individualism and sought existentialism’s moral individualism. Lifestyle travellers

are the twenty-first century pioneers of the moi, distancing themselves from the

personne of their jobs, family, nationality, religion, and material goods. Betwixt and

between their learned home culture and their host foreign culture, their nomadic

lifestyle allows them to be, not global citizens, but non-citizens, even a transcendent

non-person (non-personne), and exist within their own space and time that focuses

solely on self-development.

Appendix A 'Top 100 Travel Blogs' (calculated using Domain and Page Authority, SEMRush, and Alexa) by nomadicsamual.com/top100travelblogs. Content analysis by Garlen Lo conducted 02/01/2014.

30

Blog nameFacebook 'Likes'

Starting year of travel (Starting year of blog if different)

Years travelled as of 2014

Number of travellers Label as self-described

Age as of 2014 (Where data could not be found, an approximation is given) Nation Ethnicity Gender Education

Profession before travel

1 Nomadic Matt 40,265 2006(2008) 7 1 n/a 32 USA White Male Graduate Office worker

2 Everything Everywhere 109,048 2007 7 1 World traveller Early 40s USA White Male Graduate Business owner

3 The Planet D 29,512 2008 5 2 n/a 44, mid-40s Canada White F, M n/a Film crewman

4 Nomadic Samuel 107, 474 2007 6 1 n/a 32 Canada White Male Graduate Student

5 Wandering Earl 11,898 1999(2009) 13 1 Permanent nomad 36 USA White Male Graduate Student

6 Legal Nomads 18, 938 2008 5 1 n/a 34 USA White Female Graduate Lawyer

7 The Everywhereist

8 Y Travel Blog 17,713 2010 3 4 Global traveller Early 40s Australia White F, M, F, F Graduate Teacher

9 Go Backpacking

10 Travel Dudes

11 Adventurous Kate 12,380 2010 3 1 n/a 29 USA White Female Graduate Online marketer

12 Twenty Something Travel 6,718 2010 3 1 n/a 27 USA White Female Graduate Office worker

13 Uncornered Market 9,442 2006 7 2 Full-time traveller Early 40s USA White F, M Graduate Consultant

14 The Expert Vagabond 8,161 2010 3 1 Long-term traveller 32 USA White Male Graduate Photographer

15 Wandering Trader 173,379 2009 5 1 n/a 29 USA White Male n/a Day trader

16 LandLopers

17 Solo Traveler

18 Almost Fearless 4,729 2008 5 2 n/a Mid-40s USA White Female n/a Office manager

19 Amateur Traveler

20 Fox Nomad 18,864 2006 7 1 Digital nomad Mid-30s USA Arab Male Graduate IT consultant

21 Wild Junket 6,682 2003(2008) 5 2 n/a Early 30s Singapore, Spain East Asian Female Graduate Graduate

22 Wandering Educators

23 The Vacation Gals

24 Travels of Adam 4,892 2010 3 1 Hipster travel blogger 29 USA White Male Graduate Graphic designer

25 Bacon is Magic 10,381 2010 3 1 n/a 36 Canada White Female Graduate Advertising agent

26 Hecktic Travels 5,349 2009 4 2 Digital nomad Mid-30s Canada White F, M n/a Office worker

27 That Backpacker 81,893 2010 3 1 Full-time travel blogger 26 Canada White Female Graduate Student

28 A Little Adrift 4,935 2008 5 1 Long-term traveller 30 USA White Female Graduate Actress

29 Migrationology 14,691 2008 5 1 Full-time traveller 27 USA East Asian Male Graduate Student

30 A Dangerous Business


31

Blog nameFacebook Likes


Years travelled as of 2014 Travellers Label as self-described

Age as of 2014 (Where data could not be found, an approximation is given) Nationality Race Gender Education


31 The Professional Hobo 5,720 2007 6 1 n/a 36 Canada White Female n/a Financial planner

32 Camels & Chocolate

33 My Itchy Travel Feet

34 Ottsworld 2,712 2006 7 1 Wanderer/New nomad 43 USA White Female Graduate IT worker

35 Ordinary Traveler

36 Art of Adventuring 16,667 2009 4 1 n/a 29 USA Latino Male n/a Office worker

37 Green Global Travel

38 Never Ending Voyage 6,213 2008(2010) 3 2 Digital nomad 33, mid-30s UK White F, M Graduate Office worker

39 Runaway Juno 3,248 2011 2 1 Full-time traveller Mid-20s South Korea East Asian Female Graduate Mech. Engineer

40 Travel O Café

41 Go See Write 20,823 2008 5 1 n/a Early 40s USA White Male Graduate Attorney

42 Beers and Beans

43 Hole in the Donut Cultural Travel 4,168 2007(2009) 7 1 n/a 60s USA White Female n/a Esate Agent

44 As We Travel

45 Around the World in 80 Jobs 8,165 2008 5 1 n/a 28 USA White Male Graduate Student

46 Inside The Travel Lab

47 Delicious Baby

48 Family On Bikes

49 Johnny Vagabond 2,561 2010 3 1 n/a 43 USA White Male n/a Graphic designer

50 2 Backpackers

51 Brendan’s Adventures 22,886 2010 3 1 n/a 28 Canada White Male Graduate Tour guide

52 Dave’s Travel Corner

53 Velvet Escape

54 Man on the Lam 6,561 2011 2 1 n/a Early 40s Canada White Male n/a Office worker

55 Plum Deluxe

56 Francis Tapon n/a 2006 7 1 n/a 43 USA White Male Graduate IT worker

57 Ken Kaminesky Photography

58 Nerd’s Eye View

59 My Beautiful Adventures

60 Muza Chan


32






61 The Aussie Nomad 3,035 2010 3 1 n/a Early 30s Australia White Male n/a n/a

62 Crazy Sexy Fun Traveler 17,688 2010 3 1 n/a 29 Slovakia White Female n/a Air stewardess

63 Indie Travel Podcast 4,512 2006 7 2 n/a Early 30s New Zealand White F, M Graduate n/a

64 Inspiring Travellers

65 E Tramping 7,076 2011 2 2 F/T traveller/Vagabond 23, mid-20s Poland White F, M Graduate Banker

66 Over Yonderlust 5,128 2011 2 2 n/a Late 20s USA White F, M Graduate Videogames ind.

67 Nomadic Notes 3,354 2003(2010) 7 1 Digital nomad Late 30s Australia White Male n/a Entrepreneur

68 The Expeditioner

69 Soul Travelers 3 1,776 2006 8 3 Long-term traveller Mid-50s, 12 USA White F, M, F n/a n/a

70 Travel Experta

71 Nomadic Chick 2,856 2010 3 1 n/a Mid-40s Canada East Asian Female n/a Engineer's officer

72 Finding The Universe

73 One Step 4Ward 21,127 2006(2009) 7 1 n/a 30 Ireland White Male Graduate Student

74 Life Cruiser

75 Escape Artistes 2,316 2010 4 2 Nomad Early 40s, 12 UK White F, M n/a n/a

76 Pause the Moment

77 Just Travelous

78 Traveling Canucks

79 We Said Go Travel

80 Matt Gibson

81 Monkeys and Mountains

82 Changes in Longitude 1,308 2011 2 2 n/a Mid-40s USA White F, M Graduate Business manager

83 Breathe Dream Go

84 Cheapest Destinations Blog

85 GranTourismo

86 Globetrotter Girls

87 Leave Your Daily Hell

88 Europe Up Close

89 Four Jandals

90 Flip Nomad


33






91 Never Ending Footsteps 2,623 2011 2 1 Digital nomad Mid-20s UK White Female Graduate Student

92 1 Dad, 1 Kid 2,169 2011 2 2 Full-time nomad Mid-40s, 12 USA White M, M n/a Hospice chaplain

93 Alex In Wanderland n/a 2009(2011) 4 1 n/a 24 USA White Female Graduate Student

94 Around the World L

95 Savoir Faire Abroad

96 Heather on Her Travels

97 Time Travel Turtle 6,733 2011 2 1 n/a Late 20s Australia White Male Graduate Journalist

98 Turkish Travel Blog

99 LL World Tour

100 Young Adventuress 6,654 2011 2 1 Wanderer 23 USA White Female Graduate Student

34

Appendix B Forty-nine of the one hundred most popular blogs were authored by lifestyle travellers.

The other blogs were either holiday blogs or magazines-style blogs with multiple editors

and authors. These tables are produced to help interpret the data in Appendix A.

Table 1

Table 2

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10 11 12

1999 2003 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011

No.

of l

ifest

yle

trav

elle

rs

Starting year of travel

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 13

No.

of l

ifest

yle

trav

elle

rs

Years travelled as of 2014

35

Table 3

There were two cases of a single parent travelling with child; this has been categorised

under ‘couple’.

Table 4

Where data could not be found, approximations were given.

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

1 (single) 2 (couple) 3 (family) 4 (family)

No.

of l

ifest

yle

trav

elle

rs

Number of travellers

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10

No.

of l

ifest

yle

trav

elle

rs

Age as of 2014

36

Table 5

‘Other’ consisted of single representatives from Ireland, New Zealand, Poland,

Singapore, Slovakia, South Korea, and Spain.

Table 6

Although recognising the problems of racial classifications, especially when non-self-

ascribed, an attempt has been made to shed what little light there is on race and lifestyle

travellers.

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

USA Canada Australia UK Other

No.

of l

ifest

yle

trav

elle

rs

Nationality

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

White East Asian Arab Latino

No.

of l

ifest

yle

trav

elle

rs

Ethnicity

37

Table 7

Table 8

‘n/a’ corresponds to educational information being non-available on some travel blogs, as

oppose to those bloggers definitely not attending university.

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Female Male

No.

of l

ifest

yle

trav

elle

rs

Gender

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Graduate n/a

No.

of l

ifest

yle

trav

elle

rs

Education

38

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