Materia medica in the seventeenth-century PaperMuseum of Cassiano dal Pozzo

W. D. IAN ROLFE

4A Randolph Crescent, Edinburgh EH3 7TH, UK (e-mail: ianrolfe@waitrose.com)

Abstract: The Paper Museum comprises c. 10 000 drawings and prints, most of which are in theRoyal Library at Windsor Castle. When viewed in their seventeenth-century context, 25 of thesedrawings depict ‘geological’ material that also served as materia medica: earths, calculi,bezoars, toadstones, corals, calcifying alga, fungus stone, lodestone, eagle-stones, Bolognastone, amber, amulets, figured stones and gems. Some of these are listed in the official 1639 phar-macopoeia of Rome. Eleven of these drawings are reproduced here, nine of them for the first time.A single drawing may depict up to 25 specimens, many of which were in the collections ofmembers of the Academy of the Lynxes (Lincei) or collectors known to them. The archives of Cas-siano dal Pozzo (1588–1657) confirm the Lincei’s interest both in Paracelsian chemistry and inmateria medica. Cassiano owned copies of two fifteenth- and sixteenth-century manuscriptslisting more than 34 minerals with their therapeutic uses. The Lincei also published a sixteenth-century manuscript containing 26 ‘minerals suitable for medical use’: De materia medica NovaeHispaniae, by Francisco Hernandez (1651), whose work in materia medica has been lauded as‘the most original . . . in the entire Renaissance’.

The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo is acollection of almost 10 000 watercolours, drawingsand prints initiated in Rome by Federico Cesi(1585–1630), and continued after his death by Cas-siano dal Pozzo (1588–1657) and subsequently byhis brother Carlo Antonio (1606–1689). Most ofthis collection was acquired by George III in 1762and is today housed in the Royal Library at Wind-sor Castle as part of the Royal Collection. Thewhole collection is currently being published asa catalogue raisonne of 35 volumes (QuaderniPuteani 1993; McBurney 1997; Alexandratos 2007;http://warburg.sas.ac.uk/).

In scope, the collection is encyclopaedic, record-ing collectable products of the natural world and ofhuman creativity that could be seen or recorded inRome during the seventeenth century. A fuller, earlymodern historical context of this natural historymaterial and the early Academy of the Lynxes’ dis-coveries, is given by Freedberg (2002).1 As henotes, however, of the academicians’ own writings:

New and direct observations of nature appear in thecontext of arcane antiquarian researches. Firsthandobservation goes alongside the repetition of stale andobscure passages from classical antiquity. . . . Whatwe would now regard as experimental and empiricalactivity is frequently accompanied by occult expla-nations from the fields of astrology and alchemy.Such explanations might seem like holdovers from

the sixteenth century: what is new is precisely theemphasis on observation and experiment. Even so,the old disciplines, such as physiognomy, phytognomy,and chiromancy, where cause is fundamentally pred-icated on the reading of external appearance, areretained. And the old magical explanations neverseem to be entirely renounced.

Notwithstanding Freedberg’s remarks, the PaperMuseum’s natural history drawings are now seen‘as the culmination of at least a century of refiningthe representation of nature, building upon the workof earlier naturalists such as Fuchs, . . . Gessner, . . .Mattioli, Aldrovandi . . . rather than a revolution-ary departure from’ such precedents (Findlen 2004,p. 283, 2006).

Academy of the Lynxes

Founded by the 18-year-old nobleman Federico Cesiin 1603, this Academy was named after the lynx,famed for its sharp-eyed and penetrating vision,to indicate the academicians’ desire to rewrite thehistory of nature based on observation, rather thanon ancient authority (Findlen 1994; Freedberg2002). Now regarded as the earliest modern scien-tific academy, it was a cosmopolitan but small andactive confraternity, never numbering more than20 members at any one time.2 It enrolled only 31

1Counterbalanced by Baldriga 2002 (Findlen 2004).2While Cesi’s family background was one of deep Franciscan spirituality and piety, his home ‘became an effective

clearing house for news in science’ (Drake 1966). The academy’s motto was ‘the desire for wisdom’; among itsgoals were brotherly love and the love of God, according to recent work (see Shank 2008).

From: Duffin, C. J., Moody, R. T. J. & Gardner-Thorpe, C. (eds) 2012. A History of Geology and Medicine.Geological Society, London, Special Publications, 375, http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/SP375.3# The Geological Society of London 2012. Publishing disclaimer: www.geolsoc.org.uk/pub_ethics

members before it declined following Cesi’s deathin 1630 and the condemnation of Galileo Galilei in1633. In addition to Cesi, prominent early members,with the year of their election to the Academy,include Johannes Heck (1603), Francesco Stelluti(1603), Giovanni Della Porta (1610), Galileo (1611),Johannes Faber (1611), Johannes Schreck (1611),Theophilus Muller (1611), Fabio Colonna (1612),Cassiano dal Pozzo (1622) and Francesco Barberini(1624).3

Cassiano dal Pozzo trained initially as a fellowlawyer with Barberini in Pisa, eventually obtaininga series of influential posts in that cardinal’s house-hold in Rome. He was a deeply serious scholar whoencouraged and supported others, patronized con-temporaneous artists and assembled a library andmuseum that was not simply a Wunderkammer, but‘rather, an embryonic university designed as aninstrument of study and research – one of the firstof its kind in Europe’ (Haskell 1980, p. 100; Qua-derni Puteani 1993). He assisted many spheres ofknowledge but the natural sciences and archaeologywere ‘the two interests which were nearest his heart’(Haskell 1980, p. 104).

Several of the academicians were physicians,or apothecaries (e.g. Della Porta; Egmond 2008).Faber (1574–1629), ‘one of Cesalpino’s star pupils’(Freedberg 2002, p. 369) along with Mercati, was notonly surgeon at Santo Spirito hospital in Rome, butalso held the chair of materia medica at the univer-sity and was director of the pope’s Vatican garden(Freedberg 2002, p. 74; Mason 2009, p. 154). Heplayed a fundamental role in the lively discussionof mineral-based medicine that took place in Romein the early seventeenth century (De Renzi 2007a,b; Brevaglieri 2009; Clericuzio 2009).

Heck was a Dutch doctor and ‘phenomenal herb-alist’ – his two-volume herbal comprised 3000specimens (Garbari & Tongiorgi Tomasi 2007,p. 27). In contrast to the expensive and uncharitableGalenists, Heck favoured local, indigenous reme-dies over foreign ones: such charitable, inexpensivecare for the poor was a Paracelsian characteristic(Van Kessel 1976; Wear 1999). Santo Spirito toowas generous in ‘distributing expensive drugs,including precious stones, to all its patients, regard-less of their social condition’ (De Renzi 1999, p.116). In similar vein, Jesuits in foreign missions

exploited local knowledge of healing properties ofindigenous plants, animals and minerals, ratherthan importing expensive European drugs, whichmoreover lost potency during the long transpor-tation (Anagnostou 2007). Shortly before Aldro-vandi died in 1605, the young Heck wrote to himsuggesting that he lead a campaign against abusesin the use of exotic medicaments.

Materia medica

‘Plant, animal and mineral remedies were centralto therapeutics in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen-turies: they were “the principal part of Physick”’.(Wear 2000, p. 46). Many of the minerals and rockscited below, and listed in key contemporaneousworks like the Rome pharmacopoeia, ‘might seemlike long lists of nonsense. Yet for early modernpatients and practitioners, credibility in the powerof remedies was in principle not an issue’ (Wear2000, p. 67).

Until recently, ‘the part played by medical,chemical (and alchemical) research in the activitiesof the Academy has been almost entirely ignored’(Clericuzio & De Renzi 1995, p. 175). Yet theearly academicians’ description of themselves asthe ‘shrewdest investigators of the secrets of nat-ure and devoted to the Paracelsian disciplines’(Findlen 2004, p. 276) indicates their interest inmedicine via the alchemy avowed by Paracelsus(Clericuzio 2005), whose medical applications theyconsidered highly promising compared with the out-dated four humours of Galen and Avicenna. Heckwrote several manuscripts on this topic and in 1604wrote to the physician Thomas Mermann (1547–1612) in Cologne, on behalf of the Academy as‘lovers of science and investigators of the spagiricart’ (Gabrieli 1938–1942, pp. 30–31; Olmi in Cadei2002, p. 49).4 Both Cesi and Faber had many occultand alchemical treatises in their libraries, whileHeck’s experience from his sojourn at Rudolf II’scourt in Prague ensured access to Paracelsian medi-cine (Baldriga 2002; Findlen 2004). Indeed, the threeGerman Lincei, Faber, Schreck and Muller,5 com-piled c. 1614 their own clear and useful Paracelsiancompendium which, although never published,served for their therapeutic application of alchemy

3Details of these individuals and their achievements can be found elsewhere (Scott & Freedberg 2000; Freedberg 2002;Brevaglieri 2009); individual academicians are identified hereafter as Linceo, plural Lincei.

4Paracelsus’ followers were called spagyrists, from the Greek words for ‘divide’ and ‘unite’, corresponding to thealchemical solve et coagula (Abraham 1998, pp. 104–105, 188; Nicholl 1980, p. 254, n. 41). Such applicationof chemistry to medicine, iatrochemistry, became accepted into European medical tradition by the late seventeenth

century (Trevor-Roper 1990).5Shreck had been in contact with Oswald Croll, author of the influential 1609 Basilica Chymica (Ricci 1992).

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(Ricci 1992). Cassiano dal Pozzo’s interest, later, isshown by his 1647 correspondence with Severinus,for whom he obtained the Paracelsian WilliamDavidson’s 1633 Philosophia Pyrotechnica seuCursus Chymiatricus (Trabucco 1997).

The academicians’ interest in materia medicais indicated by one of the founder’s first PaperMuseum works, an illustrated herbal compiled bythe young Cesi to acquaint himself with the floraof Italy and its medicinal applications (Garbari &Tongiorgi Tomasi 2007). It depicts European andrecently reported exotic plant species, each accom-panied by an account, in Cesi’s own handwriting,of the medicinal uses of the plant, transcribed fromMattioli’s 1568 commentary on Dioscorides’ Demateria medica (Beck 2005). Cesi also had his ownsizeable herb garden (but see Baldriga 2007).

More significant was the Lincei’s huge projectthat was to occupy them for almost 50 years: acqui-sition, illustration and publication of the manuscripttext of a book that became known as the MexicanTreasury (Hernandez 1651). This had been writtenin Mexico by Francisco Hernandez (1515–1587),personal physician to Philip II (1527–1598), kingof Spain and all its dominions.6 The original titlefor this, significantly, was De materia medicaNovae Hispaniae (Recchi 1998), but in 1611 Cesiexpanded the treatment, while still indicating its pri-marily medical purpose, and retitled it Treasury ofthe medical materials of New Spain, or history ofMexican plants, animals and minerals. The historyof this work is complicated and can be foundelsewhere (Baldriga 2002, 2007; Freedberg 2002;Mason 2009). In 1626, Cassiano dal Pozzo saw Her-nandez’s manuscript in the Escorial, Madrid andcommissioned a new copy to include the section‘On materia medica of New Spain, containingminerals suitable for medical use’. This comprises26 such minerals, none illustrated, and eventuallybecame the treatise on minerals found in the SingleBook, the Liber Unicus, that forms the last 95 separ-ately numbered pages of Hernandez (1651). Onerock and four of the minerals cited in the LiberUnicus are depicted in Fossils V: obsidian, amber,bloodstone, jade and amethyst.

On his return from Spain, Cassiano had anothermanuscript copied, a 1552 Aztec herbal notingmore than 30 minerals with their medicinal uses

(Quaderni Puteani 1993, p. 237; Freedberg 2002,p. 263; Anselmi 2004, p. 167, n. 170; Clayton et al.2009; Mason 2009, p. 162). Again none is illus-trated, but bloodstone, turquoise, jade or nephrite,beryl, pearls, gold, earths and red coral are fre-quently mentioned, and are also depicted in PaperMuseum Fossils V. The prescription of expensivemedicaments like ground jade, pearls and coral indi-cates treatment of an indigenous aristocracy ofcentral America.

Amongst Cassiano’s papers in Montpellier is afurther manuscript: ‘About the virtues of certaingems, by Abderrahman Suiutis, an Arab extremelyfamous among the Egyptians’ (Elgood 1962; Ales-sandrini 1978, p. 245). It lists pyrope (garnet or ruby),smaragdus, agate and turquoise and describes theirtherapeutic uses. Copied from the work of al-Suyutı(1445–1505), very similar entries can be found inhis About the properties and medical virtues ofanimals, plants and gems, published in 1647 froma manuscript in Cardinal Mazarin’s library.

Drawings from Fossils V

The material of ‘geological’ relevance is containedin five large volumes with eighteenth-century bind-ings, titled Natural History: Fossils.7 In his pioneer-ing paper of 1947, Bromehead discussed the con-tents of all five volumes, regarding them as depic-tions made c. 1611 of specimens in the museum ofthe Academy of the Lynxes in Rome. The catalogueraisonne of four of these volumes has since been pub-lished (Scott & Freedberg 2000; Scott 2001) andlargely deals with Pliocene fossil woods, concretionsand baked clays, together with the earliest geologicalfield drawings, placing these specimens in context.The remaining volume, Fossils V, contains a greaterrange of material, much of it non-geological in themodern sense, and this is where almost all depictionsof the materia medica discussed below are found.8

Bromehead (1947a) recognized this medical rel-evance, and also that many of these drawings werelife-size.

Unfortunately, unlike many other areas of thePaper Museum (e.g. Scott & Freedberg 2000;Pegler & Freedberg 2005; Garbari & TongiorgiTomasi 2007), there are no written captions on

6Hernandez’s ‘work in materia medica is the most original in the Spanish Renaissance, which is tantamount to saying in

the entire Renaissance’ (Tellez, Guerra & Valverde in Varey & Chabran 1994, p. 126).7‘Fossils’: used here in its old original sense of things dug from the earth (Adams 1938; Rudwick 1976, 2005; Morello

2003); numbered V, XIV, XV, XVI and XVII, the volumes are shown in Scott & Freedberg (2000, p. 23, fig. 3).8Royal Collection catalogue numbers RL 25480–25535; these will be described by Caterina Napoleone and the writer in

the forthcoming catalogue raisonne B.IV–V, Birds, other animals and natural curiosities.

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the drawing sheets of Fossils V to identify the por-trayed specimens.9 Nor are there, with notableexceptions, directly associated publications ormanuscripts that can be consulted to clarify theLincei’s interest in the depicted specimens.10 Identi-fication is therefore based on the judgement of themany geologists who have examined the drawings,and who will be acknowledged in the catalogue rai-sonne. It being impossible to perform diagnosticanalyses of the depicted material, doubt mustremain concerning the identification of particularspecimens and species.

Bromehead (1947a, p. 81) was reluctant todiscuss objects depicted in Fossils V that were‘not geological in the modern sense, but were for-merly reckoned as ‘stones’: they cannot be omitted. . ., though accounts need not be lengthy’. Whenthe word ‘geology’ was introduced by Aldrovandiin 1603, it was in the context of a quite differentworld view with its own set of assumptions andbeliefs: ‘divisions between animal, vegetable andmineral were by no means clear-cut in the earlymodern period’ (Rudwick 1996; Vai & Cavazza2003, 2006; Mason 2009, p. 32). The petrifyingagency responsible for such ‘stoniness’ appeared‘to pervade the entire sublunary sphere; and itseemed legitimate to study all its products together,whether they originated in, on or above the Earth’(Rudwick 1976, p. 24). The Lincei doubtless sharedthat view, and many such products are depicted in thePaper Museum. Furthermore,’stones were used bymedical men as an important part of therapeutics.Indeed, statements are made that stones were moreimportant and useful than herbs’ (Riddle 1970,p. 39). Even if the efficacy of some of the materiamedica was doubted by the Lincei, specimenswould still have been of interest to them, if only his-torically. Those that have a medical relevance willnow be dealt with.

The images will be discussed in the order used inMercati’s Metallotheca, which follows the idealizedsequence of museum cabinets portrayed on the c.1592 title page of that work, analysed by Accordi(1980, p. 4) and Cooper (1995). Although not pub-lished until 1717, much of this work was written,and most of its magnificent engravings produced,in the 1570s (Accordi 1980; Mason 2009, p. 20). Itand the specimens upon which it was based wereprobably available for consultation by the Lincei,who had close links with the Vatican through boththe Barberini cardinal and his uncle, Pope Urban

VIII (Bromehead 1947a, p. 67; Freedberg 2002).Michele Mercati (1541–1593) was both head phys-ician to the papal court and director of the Vatican’sbotanical gardens.

Earths

The first of Mercati’s cabinets was titled Terrae(earths), as was the first drawer of Kentmann’s 1565‘Ark’ or cabinet (Rudwick 1976, fig. 1.5; Freedberg2002, fig. 13.3). Mercati (1717) listed 21 earths withtheir pharmacological applications and the PaperMuseum depicts three of them (Fig. 1). Most areextremely fine-grained aluminosilicate clays, valued

Fig. 1. Earths: black or white in colour, except for thepressed earth at bottom right, which is pink. Scale on thisand subsequent figures is given by the size of the drawingsheet, which here measures 279 ! 186 mm, inside theeighteenth-century drawn border. This and all otherfigures (except Fig. 3) reproduced by permission of TheRoyal Collection # 2011 Her Majesty Queen ElizabethII (RL 25516).

9With the exception of the coral and concretions on RL 25526 (Rolfe & Ceregato 2009); although most of the sheets dobear a contemporaneous manuscript ‘Pozzo number’ (Claridge in Osborne & Claridge 1996; Alexandratos 2007,p. 104), no list of them survives.

10Although ‘the number of unpublished Lincean treatises . . . exceeds their quantity of publications . . . [We need] to spendmore time digging in the archives’ (Findlen 2004, p. 280).

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in the past for treating a wide range of ailments.Their use continues today, although the belief sys-tems relevant to most earlier usages have disap-peared (Reinbacher 2003; Hall & Photos-Jones2008; Photos-Jones & Hall 2011).

One of those depicted (Fig. 1) is a white earth orlimestone that may be galactite (Accordi 1980,n. 76), which could be administered as a suspen-sion in water to increase lactation in wet nurses.Another illustrates a black mass that could be pnigi-tis (Accordi 1980, p. 18), a painters’ pigment that,according to Dioscorides, could be used to reducetumours and inflammations (Beck 2005, p. 399).The bottom depiction (Fig. 1) on this sheet showstwo plain semicircular tablets, probably pressedfrom an earth, like the sealed earths well knownsince classical times that were taken with herbs astherapy. They lack the beaded borders that character-ize most Maltese or St Paul’s sealed earths, used asantidotes to snake bite (MacGregor, 2012). A 1609print of charlatans in Piazza San Marco, Venice,shows a paulianus, or snake handler, selling a vialof St Paul’s earth (Eamon 1994, fig. 9; Park 2001).

‘Stones that grow’

Mercati (1717, p. 171) grouped together stones thatgrow in the bodies of animals.11 Called calculi, theyare produced by an animal’s disturbed metabolism,often resulting from dietary and vitamin deficiencyor glandular imbalance (Milton & Axelrod 1951).Since the natural historian Bartholomaeus Anglicus(c. 1200–1272) had declared that nothing in ananimal’s body lacked medical value,12 all suchstones were esteemed, particularly as poison anti-dotes, and they continued to be used as such intothe twentieth century (Mosby & Cushwa 1969;Fowler 1996). At least one such calculus appears inthe Paper Museum (Royal Collection number RL25498).13 Paracelsian homoeopathy was also used:to cure stone, use stone. An actual stone removedfrom the bladder, or a Jewish stone (fig. 11/19),was first crushed and dissolved in vitro so that itwould dissolve and crush the stone in vivo (Pagel1958, p. 147; 1982, p. 193).

Such inert laminated concretions caused muchorgan damage, disease and sepsis in humans.Although ‘cutting for the stone’ took place from atleast the fifth century BC, and was important inthe development of surgery (Ellis 2001), the pain

caused by stones was ‘considered a main reason forsuicide by ancient authors’ (Heilen 2011, pp. 72,78). As late as 1738 it could be written that:

No malady entail’d upon human creatures more fre-quently occurs; no disease carries along with it moreexcruciating torture, nor a more formidable train ofsymptoms; neither is any cure attended in more barbar-ous circumstances, than that of freeing persons fromthe attack of stony, petrify’d substances found in thecavity of human bladders, by the only effectualmeans hitherto known; to wit, the operation of Lythot-omy. (Shaw 1738, p. 8)

Three of the bladder stones from which PopePius V died in 1572 were figured by Mercati (1717,p. 177) who himself later died of the stone:14

He had hardly finished the first volume [of Metallo-theca], dealing with earths . . . and various stones: when,prevented by premature death, which was inevitableowing to huge and numerous stones in each kidney,and many others to be found in the bladder (as ifwhile he examined the tunnels of the earth things notdissimilar procreated within his own body) he wasforced to leave the work unfinished. (Cesalpino 1596,preface, translated by Cooper 1995, p. 8)

The 1644 autopsy of Pope Urban VIII recorded byCassiano dal Pozzo notes: ‘When the corpse wasopened just two hours after the poor man’s deaththey found six stones in his gall bladder, the larg-est of them the size of a cashew nut, and five orsix smaller stones in his kidneys’ (Lumbroso 1874,p. 185; Haskell 1980, p. 112).

Another Paper Museum calculus, depicted(Fig. 2) in quite a different style from that foundelsewhere in Fossils V, is thought to have grownwithin a human prostate gland. Its shape resemblesthat of the hydroxyapatite prostatic calculus illus-trated by Rodgers & Spector (1981, fig. 9) and,although large at c. 8 cm long, this is smaller thanthe largest recorded by them. A similar, but moreregularly triangular or tetrahedral, calculus wasillustrated by the Lincei in Hernandez (1651, p. 326;Recchi 1998, pp. 746–751; Varey 2000, p. 218, fig.64) (Fig. 3).

Bezoars

The word ‘bezoar’ comes from the Persian pa zahar,which means an antidote against poison, and bezoarscan apparently be effective in removing arseniccompounds (Benson & Summons 1981). At least

11They exemplified the Neoplatonic relationship between Man and his world, microcosm and macrocosm, as explained

by Rudwick (1976, pp. 18–19, 24–25).12Stemming from the belief that animals were put on Earth for the use of man (Page 2004, p. 23).13It was perhaps inserted as a space-filler at the foot of this plate of semi-precious stones and artefacts.14Kunz 1915, p. 220; Accordi 1980, p. 41, n. 79; Palmer 1990, p. 67; Kircher’s museum contained a remarkably large

bladder stone removed from the Jesuit Leo Sanctus (Bedini 1986, p. 262).

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three of these particular calculi appear in the PaperMuseum, the most striking example being thatshown here (Fig. 4), which grew concentricallyaround a stick 164 mm long swallowed by its host.A large scrape mark reveals the internal laminae ofthis bezoar, proving it to be authentic, and perhapsalso indicating the removal of material for thera-peutic use.

Given their very high price, faking of bezoarswas widespread: for every ‘ten genuine stones, wereceive 100 which are counterfeited’ (Monardes1565 f. 72r; Asua & French 2005, p. 106). A secondlarge bezoar, first identified by Bromehead (1947a,p. 82; RL 25484), is also scraped but lacks lami-nation, indicating that the original specimen mayhave been a fake. Cassiano dal Pozzo owned a

manuscript 1640s transcription of this authenticitytest, published by Garcia da Orta in 1563.15 His fam-iliarity with this key characteristic of genuinebezoars is confirmed by his diary entry for 6 July1626 in which, after examining a gold-mountedbezoar in Madrid, he wrote: ‘The banding clearlyshowed that it was a true stone, natural and not arti-ficial, really magnificent’ (Anselmi 2004, p. 222).

Bezoars occur in the stomach of the bezoar goat,Capra aegagrus Erxleben, and the blackbuck fromIndia, Antilope cervicapra (L.), also then called abezoar goat (Staudinger 2007). Successive layersof minerals are deposited in the stomach, usuallyaround a nucleus of some irritating foreign body(Milton & Axelrod 1951). Residues of the high-altitude aromatic herbs on which these mammalsbrowsed are incorporated into the bezoar, account-ing for many of the virtues claimed for them aspharmaceuticals. When abraded, the bezoar there-fore gives off a pleasant and characteristic odour

Fig. 4. Bezoar, around stick, scraped to reveal internallaminae (RL 25488, 95 ! 164 mm).

Fig. 3. Calculi: above, triangular or tetrahedral calculus;bottom left, bezoar, showing scrape mark (Hernandez1651, p. 326).

Fig. 2. Prostatic calculus or stone (RL 25482,145 ! 196 mm).

15Medicines of the East Indies (De medicina Indorum, Montpellier Medical School MS H.101 ff. 82v–84v), copied from

the pioneer work on tropical medicine by James Bontius (1592–1621), physician to the Dutch East-India Company atBatavia (Bontius 1642, 1769, pp. 214–221).

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that serves as another proof of authenticity. Otherbezoars came from various South American came-lids: early in the seventeenth century thousands ofthem were shipped to Spain via the Jesuits’ collegepharmacy in Lima, Peru (Asua & French 2005,p. 92; Mason 2009).

Such bezoars could be found in most signifi-cant collections: Emperor Rudolf II, who was para-noid about being poisoned, had at least 17 of themand used them as protection against the 1599plague16 Some were carved or mounted in preciousmetal ‘poison cups’ to make their contents harm-less (Cocheton & Poulet 1973; Van Tassel 1974;Gundestrup 1991, vol. 2, p1. 17; MacGregor 2007,fig. 34).

The Lincei’s interest in bezoars is well documen-ted; for example Cesi wrote to Cassiano dal Pozzoon 6 March 1625, on the eve of his departure withCardinal Francesco Barberini’s legation to Spain:‘It would give me particular pleasure to have somesmall part for my compositions of bezoardicessence, alexipharmacons and other things, apartfrom being very useful in themselves.’ He alsoasked him to obtain ‘Oriental bezoar and artificialbezoar from the Indies’17 Cesi wanted this not onlyfor his own experimentation, but also editoriallyfor the materia medica section of his ongoingMexican Treasury (Hernandez 1651, p. 326). Cas-siano’s tour diary (Anselmi 2004, p. 539) containsmany references to bezoars that he saw on thisdiplomatic mission.

Bezoars were still being extolled in 1675 forcolic, fevers, indigestion, melancholy and variouspains, and Sloane (1660–1753) had several in hiscollection (Sweet 1935). From the 1690s, how-ever, physicians lost confidence in them and, by1771: ‘if it serves no other purpose, [the bezoar] isof an excellent use in the apothecaries bill’ (Estes1995, n. 87).

Toadstones

Bromehead (1947a, p. 70) identified two circularblack stones in the Paper Museum (RL 25489/778) as possible toadstones, objects once valued asantidotes to poison. They are included in thissection since from antiquity these were thought to

grow within in the heads of toads. Imperato (1599;Accordi 1981; Findlen 1994), a close Neapolitanassociate of the Lincei, disproved this view bykeeping toads and discovering that no such stonesformed in their heads. A full account of the historyof toadstones, their medicinal uses and later recog-nition as teeth of the Mesozoic fossil fish Lepidotes,is given by Duffin (2008).18

Coral, calcifying alga and fungus stone

Images of the stony skeletons of Recent corals occurin Paper Museum Fossils V (Fig. 11), but also inthe herbal volume (Garbari & Tongiorgi Tomasi2007, p. 378). They illustrate Cesi’s interest insuch things of ‘different natures, joined in a singlespecies’ (Freedberg 2002, p. 183), in this case redcoral Corallium rubrum (L.); the best came fromSicily (Ceccarelli & Castelli 1639). Then termed azoolithophyte, and regarded as between plants, ani-mals and stones, it was valued in medicine, in phar-macy for the diacorallion electuary and also as anamulet (Hickson 1924; Cherry 2001; Seipel 2006).Red coral, according to al-Suyutı (1647, p. 151),‘not only gladdens the heart of man but strengthensit also’ while, following on Leonardus’s 1502 lapid-ary citation, Bromehead (1947a) commented that‘the value of a coral to prevent convulsions inbabies is not yet quite forgotten, though we do not[unlike Leonardus] encourage the swallowing of it’.

Calcifying alga, Acetabularia

Lincei doubtless viewed the subjects of Figure 5as ‘fungi that seem to grow directly out of rocks andstones’ and therefore as a lithophyte.19 The calcar-eous skeleton of this living marine alga disintegratesafter death into limestone-forming crystallites.Medicinally, under the name Androsaces, it wasused to reduce tumours and as a desiccant (Mattioli1568).

Fungus or Lynx stone

An isolated sclerotium of the stone fungus Polyporustuberaster (Pers.) Fr. is seen in Figure 6. Also

16Bauer & Haupt 1976; Findlen 1997; see also Barroso, this volume; a painting from Rudolf’s Kunstkammer shows threeof his bezoars (Staudinger 1990, pl. 16; Seipel 2006 cat. 2.58).

17Gabrieli, 1938–42, p. 1028. Cesi’s library contained key works on bezoars by Bauhin (1613), Giraldini (1626) andImperato (1628). Since supplies of genuine bezoars were limited, Jesuit monks in Goa started to produce man-made

bezoars (‘artificial bezoar’) in the seventeenth century. On Goa stones see Duffin (2010).18Note the ring-mounted toadstone, misidentified as ‘white glass’, illustrated from the Colmar Black Death hoard

(Descatoire 2009, p. 76, cat. 22b).19Freedberg 2002, p. 322; this misinterpretation continues to this day, as in Freedberg’s caption to his Fig. 8.36 of a

pre-1624 print by Heck’s Flemish engraver.

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termed Lapis lyncis and Pietra fungifera, these sub-terranean storage bodies, of fungal tissue and soil,will yield edible fungi if watered, and one possi-bly grown by Cesi himself is illustrated by Graniti(2002, 2006) and Pegler & Freedberg (2005). Mar-cus Aurelius Severinus (1580–1649), professor ofanatomy and medicine at the University of Naples,corresponded with Cassiano dal Pozzo about thesestructures, and dismissed the idea that they resultedfrom lynx urine. Severinus (1649, p. 170, 1778,p. 3) also tells of Linceo Della Porta’s (1588/1591)self-medication with fungus stone: ‘when dried,powdered and drunk with old urine, early in themorning, it so powerfully cleanses the kidneys that

they will never again form stones. I have tried thisseveral times, and its success seems always moremarvellous’.

Pegler (2000) records medicinal uses of sclero-tium from several countries: as an antidote to plantpoisoning, to combat infection, for head and stom-ach pains, and in treating asthma and hypertension.It ‘is probably the most utilized fungus in Chinesemedicine . . . employed in 90 per cent of all concoc-tions. It is used both as a cough medicine and as adiuretic, and there are claims that it can lowerblood sugar content’ (Pegler 2000, p. 101).

Occult secrets of nature: virtue, power

and attraction

The Lincei aimed to understand: ‘the operations ofnature that work internally, just as the lynx is saidto do with its look, seeing not only that which ison the outside, but also that which is hiddeninside’ (Stelluti 1630; Eamon 1994, p. 292; Freed-berg 2002, p. 187). ‘This quest for an understandingof the hidden natures or virtues of medically signifi-cant objects was what united all those who [like theLincei] practised medicinal chemistry within muse-ums’ (Arnold 2003, p. 78). Such occult secretsincluded forces like magnetism that were not know-able directly, but only by their effects. Naturalmagic, exemplified by Della Porta’s (1558) bookof this title, attempted naturalistic explanations ofsuch extraordinary phenomena, in contrast to natu-ral philosophy, which explained everyday aspectsof nature. Thus ‘technology is always called magicuntil it is understood, but after a while it becomesordinary science. The . . . use of the magnet [was]once regarded as magic, but now that everyoneunderstands the art, it is common knowledge’ (Cam-panella 1636 in Eamon 1983, p. 171).

Lodestone

The Paper Museum drawings of a piece of lodestone(RL 9162) with its accompanying magnetic appar-atus (RL 9163) are illustrated by Osborne & Clar-idge (1998, p. 290). In 1602, William Gilbert’sDe Magnete (1600) was read by Galileo, who laterdemonstrated a similar lodestone apparatus tofellow-Linceo Cassiano dal Pozzo, in Florence in1626 (Solinas 1989a, p. 113; Anselmi 2004, pp.342–343).20

Although Gilbert, physician to Elizabeth I, hasa chapter on the medicinal virtue of lodestone, andcites Dioscorides’ use of it ‘to expel gross humors’,

Fig. 5. Mermaid’s wineglass calcifying alga,Acetabularia acetabulum (L.) P.C. Silva, attached to astone (RL 25487, 110 ! 129 mm).

Fig. 6. Lapis lyncis – fungus stone (sclerotium) of thestone fungus Polyporus tuberaster (Pers.) Fr. Notecircular scars where fruit-bodies have been removed (RL25486, 76 ! 128 mm).

20Cassiano’s library contained a copy of De Magnete (MS Rome, Biblioteca dell’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei eCorsiniana: Archivio dal Pozzo, Carteggio puteano. 40, f 15r).

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he is sceptical about most usages: ‘Thus do preten-ders to science vainly and preposterously seek forremedies, ignorant of the true causes of things . . .albeit a lodestone may be found capable of purg-ing the bowels . . . the effect would be due to somevice of the stone, not to its magnetic force . . . Para-celsus . . . makes lodestone an ingredient of hisplaster for stab-wounds’ (Gilbert 1958, pp. 52–54). Various magnetic therapies were practisedand promoted, but ‘belief in magnetic therapeuticpowers was effaced from most published texts atthe end of the seventeenth century, although it sur-vived in practice’ (Fara 1996, p. 194).

Eagle-stone

An eagle-stone or aetites is ‘any hollow stone con-taining loose material, a smaller stone or sand, thatrattles when shaken’ (Bromehead 1947a, p. 77;1947b, p. 16). It was hence regarded as a ‘pregnantstone’, and valued from antiquity as a talismanpreventing miscarriage and easing childbirth. Alarge spherical eagle-stone, 155 mm in diameter,mounted in gold to hang or stand at the expectantmother’s bedside, is depicted in the Paper Museum(Fig. 7).

Cesi found many Pliocene siderite concretionson his Acquaspartan estate, which can now be seenin the fine drawings, captioned ‘Aetites’, in thePaper Museum, catalogued in Scott & Freedberg(2000, pp. 262–284; Scott 2001). Freedberg (2002,p. 462, nn. 11, 12) sees them as part of the Lincei’swider interest in ‘pregnant species’ and reproduc-tion in general.

Since most eagle-stones contain iron, they werethought to work by an ‘attractive vertue, as theLoadstone attracts Iron’, acting at a distance onthe child during delivery (Barb 1950, p. 318, n. 5;Forbes 1963, p. 392). Some early writers questionedthe efficacy of eagle-stones, but belief in them con-tinued until the end of the seventeenth century;nineteenth-century requests for them are recordedand Accordi (1984, p. 22) notes that they were usedin eastern Germany even into the twentieth cen-tury. Two other Paper Museum images, regardedas ‘almost certainly, two ironstone aetites’ and fig-ured by Bromehead (1947a, p. 78; 1947b, pl. I;RL 25515), are now regarded as plant materialeagle-stones (Barb 1950).

Bologna stone

As Bromehead (1947a, p. 77) notes, this stone ‘washeld in great repute from the sixteenth to the

eighteenth century’: the Paper Museum drawing ofit is given as Figure 8. It is an unusual form of bary-tes, the crystals occurring as nodules of radiatingfibrous masses, rather than the more usual tabu-lar to prismatic habit, in Miocene marls on MountPaderno, near Bologna. They were discovered in1602 by Vincenzo Casciarolo, a cobbler and alche-mist, who then found that the mineral could bemade luminescent, if prepared by calcining andcrushing.21 He therefore termed it a sun sponge,spongia solis22 since it was thought that, whenluminescent, the stone attracted ‘luminous corpus-cles’ like a magnet attracts iron filings. Galileo,with his interest in the physics of light, knew thisLapis bononiensis and showed it to some fellowLincei in 1611, where it created much discussion,as is evocatively reconstructed by Findlen (1994,pp. 230–231) and Freedberg (Scott & Freedberg2000, pp. 36, 41; 2002, pp. 314, 319–322, 462, n. 16).

Cassiano dal Pozzo corresponded with manyeminent researchers about this stone and probably

Fig. 7. Eagle-stone (concretion) mounted in gold tohang or stand at an expectant mother’s bedside, to easechildbirth (RL 25480, 244 ! 160 mm).

21Cellio’s 1680 depictions of Casciarolo’s calcining oven are reproduced in Roda et al. (1999).22Some of its many other early names are given by Harvey (1957, p. 95).

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sent a specimen to the English physician GeorgeEnt FRS (1604–1689), who wrote to Cassiano in1639 to say that he was ‘extremely pleased with theBologna Stone shining in the dark’. Ent also allowedWilliam Harvey (1578–1657) to test the specimen,but without success (Cook 2005, pp. 9, 17).

Pierre Pomet (Sherman 2004; Duffin 2008),apothecary to Louis XIV, thought the only use of thisstone was for its luminescence (Bromehead 1947a,p. 77). The royal physician Pierre Potier, however,advocated it as a depilatory, even though its arse-nic sulphide made it offensively odorous. Potier,who combined French use of plants with Germanuse of minerals as medicine, was a correspondentand frequent house guest of Cassiano dal Pozzo,and dedicated his Pharmacopoea spagirica (1622,1643) to him (Solinas 1989b, p. 71, n. 38; Secret1996; Barker 2004; Clericuzio 2009).

Amber

Amber is included in this section for its occult staticelectrical property ‘of magnetic coition; and, first, ofthe attraction exerted by amber, or more properlythe attachment of bodies to amber’ (Gilbert 1958,p. 74).

The Paper Museum (RL 25481) depicts a specta-cular specimen of amber containing two frogs that,by 1664, was in Manfred Settala’s museum inMilan (Terzago 1664; Kircher 1678, p. 81 fig. R;Bromehead 1947a, pl. 2 fig. 1; Napoleone 1989a,p. 96; Freedberg 2002, fig.1.22). Although Brome-head was ‘inclined to regard it as genuine’, andgenuine tree frogs are indeed known from theDominican amber, current presumption is that thisspecimen must have been a forgery. Authenticfossilized vertebrates are unknown from the Balticamber, whereas faked specimens are recorded fromat least 1558 (Grimaldi et al. 1994; Grimaldi 1996;Ross 1998; Poinar & Poinar 1999).

Such a specimen was much too valuable tobe used as materia medica, but another specimenwas recorded posthumously from Cesi’s museum(Nicolo & Solinas 1986, MS c. 85v). Cesi was inter-ested in such plant resins and performed distillationsto reveal their glutinous juices, or humours, in thehope of discovering their role in the fundamentallife of plants (Guerrini 2006). As Napoleone (1989a,p. 96) notes, amber is often mentioned in Cesi andCassiano dal Pozzo’s papers, especially in thelatter’s 1626 Spanish diary (Anselmi 2004). Lin-ceian interest in Baltic amber is further shown bythe presence of two manuscripts on this topic inthe Montpellier archive (Alessandrini 1978, p. 242,MS. H.170, ff. 13–18). Referring to amber, Faberconfirmed in 1628 that ‘Our most illustrious andexcellent Prince Cesi was the first to discover andreveal this middle nature between plants and min-erals which he treats specifically in his books onmetallophytes’ (Hernandez 1651, pp. 573–574,translated in Scott & Freedberg 2000, p. 49; Freed-berg 2002, p. 329).

The many medical uses of amber are fully dealtwith and tabulated by Duffin (2008). He also illus-trates recent reconstructions of sixteenth-centuryamber pills and troches (tablets), noting that amberis still marketed both in India as a Siddha drugand around the Baltic region in various medicalpreparations.

Amulets

Amulets are objects thought to have occult ormagical powers to avert evil (apotropaism) and illluck, or to bring healing (Hansmann & Kriss-Rettenbeck 1966; Baldwin 1993; Morris 1999;Simpson 2000; Cherry 2001; Paine 2004). Their use‘for medical purposes did not require a rationalbasis. Their ability to cure might simply dependon the patient’s belief in their efficacy: an early rec-ognition of . . . the placebo effect’ (Page 2004,p. 23).

Many amuletic stones can be recognized in thePaper Museum drawings: some are shown pierced

Fig. 8. Lapis bononiensis – two views of a Bolognastone (RL 25483, 264 ! 160 mm).

W. D. IAN ROLFE

and with suspension cords, while others are mountedin precious metals with fastening loops (Fig. 12/79).Three pierced amulets are shown in Figure 9. Thegreen object may be of nephritic jade (mineralogi-cally, actinolite), like that identified by Bromehead(1947a, p. 76) from another amuletic drawing (RL25496), reproduced in colour elsewhere (Napoleone1993b, p. 47; Alexandratos 2007, p. 1,100).

Our word ‘jade’ derives from the early Mexicanhijada (flank or side), since this range of green min-erals was employed as piedra de hijada – stones torelieve the agony of kidney calculi. Among Cas-siano dal Pozzo’s manuscripts is a 1626 copy ofHernandez’s sixteenth-century description of howsuch an amulet was used:

When it is tied on to the arm or applied to a painfulkidney, it cures kidney pain and breaks up kidneystones. It is diuretic, and expels all waste matter; butit is used in the following manner: when pain strikes,it is applied to the affected area, and once the painhas gone, it is tied to the metacarpus on the sameside as the affected kidney. They say that by cleansingthe urinary tracts, it prevents stones from forming or itdissolves them and stops gravel from coming togetherin a lump, because of its viscous humour, and flushes itout with the urine. (Hernandez 1651, p. 337; Recchi1998, p. 766)

An almost identical amulet portrayed by Aldrovandiin the sixteenth century shows an attachment cordthreaded through the two peripheral holes (Alessan-drini & Ceregato 2007, tav. 484). That the Linceiwere not above using such amulets is apparentfrom the Linceo Fabio Colonna’s account of usinga jade amulet as described above to expel stones

and gravel from two individuals in the Convent ofSaint Catherine of Formello (Hernandez 1651,p. 337).

The subcircular amulet on the right of Figure 9 isa variola stone, so called from the Latin word forsmallpox, variola, hence its rock name ‘variolite’.Another piece is seen in Figure 11/15. In 1632 Cas-siano dal Pozzo corresponded with Claude Menes-trier (?1569–1639) about the field rediscovery ofthe locality for this rock (Napoleone 2001, p. 135,n. 153). Found as pebbles along the Mediterraneancoast near Marseille, they were derived from theFrench Alps near Briancon (Cole & Gregory 1890).The doctrine of signatures suggested that the visiblespots and blotches were signs of a hidden innervirtue to cure, or protect from, the scourge of small-pox, one of the commonest major causes of death inthe early modern world, especially for children,until it was eliminated in 1979 (McNeill 1977;Tucker 2001). The Lincei were not exempt, and atouching 1624 letter from Faber to Cesi tells of hisown daughter’s illness with the disease, and thatanother daughter had already died of it (Gabrieli1938–1942, pp. 940–942).

As with smallpox pustules themselves, marks onthe stone range from the discrete circles to confluentblotches visible in these two depictions. Aldrovandi(1648, p. 883) figured two specimens and describedhow this stone was used: ‘When [the stone] is sus-pended from the neck so that it touches the bareregion over the heart, it draws the essence of thesmallpox pustules towards the skin, immediatelyfreeing patients from this condition.’ Other speci-mens are illustrated by du Molinet (1692, pl. 45,

Fig. 9. Amulets, left to right: jade, indeterminable black rock or mineral and variola stone (RL 25485, 116 ! 254 mm).

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fig. XIII; Schnapper 1988, fig. 9; Godard 2005,fig. 1), while two very similar oval, polished speci-mens are in Sloane’s collection (Sweet 1935, p. 159;Thackray 1994, p. 130).

Another drawing depicts what may be back andfront of the same gold-mounted oval amulet, of eithera ?Syringopora limestone or variolite (illustrationnumbered 76 in Napoleone 1993b, p. 47 and Alex-andratos 2007, p. 1,100). Plattner’s 1525 portraitof Barbara Straub shows a similarly mounted, buthexagonal, amulet suspended from a carcanet(collar of jewels: Hansmann & Kriss-Rettenbeck1966, fig. 722).

Drawings of two other amulets, one threadedwith two pink attachment laces, the other gold-mounted and with a red ribbon, have been broughttogether on one Paper Museum sheet (Fig. 10). Thedetail of the round-ended amulet’s material sug-gests it may be bone or antler, the latter renownedfor its regenerative powers (Paine 2004, p. 111).The fine-grained rock of the other amulet is uniden-tifiable, but may be a pale specimen of Lapis basa-nites, a meta-greywacke from Egypt, or one of theRoman volcanic rocks used for small decorative

panels (Borghini 1989, p. 266; Price 2007, pp. 191,212, 214).

Bromehead (1947a, p. 74) thought that ‘practi-cally every named variety can be found’ among themany agates and jaspers depicted in Fossils V; twoplates containing some of the agates are illustratedby Napoleone (1989a, fig. 73: RL 25493; 1993b,p. 73: RL 25496/63) and Alexandratos (2007,p. 1,100: RL 25496/63). Several are heart-shapedand thus amuletic (RL 25496/63, 25498/106–108), the first of these being very similar in shapeto an East Indian specimen that has been in theRoyal Danish Kunstkammer since the seventeenthcentury (Gundestrup 1991, vol. 1, p. 233, fig. DFa12).Leonardus’s influential 1565 lapidary claimed thatsuch agates endowed their owners with a boldheart (Adams 1938; Rudwick 1976; Mottana 2006;Duffin 2008). They had many medical usagesfrom at least the time of Pliny, especially for dispel-ling poisons, when ground to a fine powder andtaken in wine, as described in the sixteenth-centurymanuscript discovered by Cassiano (del Riccio1996, p. 184).

Figured stones

As Accordi (1980, p. 27) states, Mercati’s descrip-tion of his cabinet IX, of idiomorphic or figuredstones, ‘constitutes the most important part of theMetallotheca, whether from the wealth and diversityof specimens, or the passion and enthusiasm withwhich the author describes them’. A similarly impor-tant, and frequently reproduced drawing fromFossils V, also comprises a miscellany of objectsthat can only be unified under this old term.23 It isshown as Figure 11 and includes so many of theobjects described from Mercati’s cabinet IX that itmight have been composed with that accountin mind.

As their name suggests, ‘figured stones’ werethose bearing a striking image or shape, whether itbe simply geometrical – like the inorganic cross-stone chiastolite (Lapis crucifer, Fig. 11/4), or theskeleton of a complex, genuine fossil.

What Boccone first showed in 1674 to be fossi-lized corals were known as star-stones, stellaria orastroites, and were popular as amulets: they werethought to originate as occult irradiations from thestars (Hickson 1924, p. 80; Accordi 1975; Rudwick1976). This may account for the same manuscriptnumber 4 being used both for the two astroites anda cross-stone in the one drawing (Fig. 11). It

Fig. 10. Amulets: above, of bone or antler; below,a gold-mounted, fine-grained rock (RL 25514,240 ! 184 mm).

23Attributed to the artist Vincenzo Leonardi ( f l. 1621–1646); reproduced by Bromehead 1947a, pl. II, Fig. 2; Napoleone

1989a, back cover, 1993a, p. 213, 1993b, p. 49; McBurney 1997, p. 33; Solinas 2001, fig. 4; Freedberg 2002, fig. 1.18;Clayton 2004, p. 110; Moore & Larkin 2006, p. 59.

W. D. IAN ROLFE

probably reflects the Lincei’s interest in Para-celsian beliefs in the influence of stars on humanaffairs and disease: within a month of their initialmeeting in 1603, ‘they cast the academy’s horo-scope to assure themselves that the heavens favoredtheir enterprise’ (Siraisi 1997; Freedberg 2002,pp. 67, 200, 443, n. 3; Findlen 2004). ‘All the astro-logical data which were of use to medical science’were assembled in a document by Heck, and VanKessel (1976, p. 112) reproduces his 1596–1597drawing showing the astrological relation of dif-ferent constellations to various human organs,senses and capacities. After Cesi’s death, Stellutirecorded that he ‘had discovered . . . how stars areformed in astroite and stellaria stones, crosses incross-stones [and] those furrows in Jewish stones’(Stelluti 1637, p. 12; Scott & Freedberg 2000, pp.61, 387).

Such figured stones were thought either to havegrown in situ, within the rock itself, or to havebeen derived from the organism that they resem-bled (Rudwick 1976, 1996; Gould 2004; Cohen &Wakefield 2008; Cutler 2009; Vai 2009). The latterview was held by Fabio Colonna (1567–1640): byanalysis and experiment, Colonna (1616) was ableto show that the fossil shark teeth Carcharocles,one of which is depicted in Fossils V (Napoleone1989b, fig. 38, 1993a, p. 212, 1993b, p. 48), were pet-rified parts of once-living animals (Morello 1981,2003, 2006; Hsu 2009). Since the middle ages suchteeth, called glossopetrae, were believed to be anti-dotes against poison, both mounted for dipping intowine and worn as amulets (Oakley 1975; Cohen &Wakefield 2008).

Items of medical interest in Figure 11, apartfrom the variola stone (15) and corals (4) dealtwith above, start with the Abur stone (25) identifiedby Bromehead (1947a, p. 80). This is a dark varietyof Jaisalmer marble (Price 2007, p. 160), a Meso-zoic haematitic fossiliferous rock (lumachelle) fromRajasthan, India. Cesi coined the term ‘castracane’for it (del Riccio et al. 1996, p. 193 XI, n. 1), whileCassiano referred to it in his 1626 diary as ‘a shellystone from Persia’, indicating that the stone wasprobably traded in Iran (Anselmi 2004, p. 71).A larger slice of this rock from another PaperMuseum drawing is reproduced life-size by Alexan-dratos (2007, p. 104; RL 25496). In the seventeenthcentury Abur stone was much sought after for itsapotropaeic and therapeutic powers (Napoleone2001, p. 124, n. 62, tav. VI C9).

A spine of Balanocidaris glandifera (Munster inGoldfuss), depicted at 19, probably came from theJurassic of Lebanon. Known as Lapis Judaicus orJewish stone, Della Porta (1588/1591, p. 360)recorded Dioscorides’ use of it to break bladdercalculi (Beck 2005, p. 395). It had been valued asa diuretic since classical times, and is still sold in

the Middle East for clearing urinary obstructions;other uses and its history are given by Duffin(2006a, b, 2008; Cohen & Wakefield 2008; Heilen2011, pp. 64–66, 72–78). Lapis Judaicus, pulver-ized in a porphyry mortar, was recommended as asubstitute in the absence of Lapis lyncis (v.s.), bythe official Roman pharmacopoeia (Ceccarelli &Castelli 1639, p. 331).

Figure 11/24 shows the smooth outer surface ofan operculum of the Recent Mediterranean turbansnail Astraea (Bolma) rugosa (L.). Known as Lapisocularis, the eye of Saint Lucy or a Venus navel, thiswas used to treat various eye complaints and toextract splinters of wood or iron up until the earlytwentieth century, and ‘was serviceable in girls’special complaints’ (Annoscia 1981, p. 87; Rulan-dus 1999, p. 324). Although Mattioli (1568, p. 328)had illustrated this operculum closing the snail’saperture, it was found as isolated ‘stones’ on Medi-terranean beaches so its true origin was little knownin sixteenth-century Italy. Cesi had his own copy ofMattioli (1568), so probably knew of this relation-ship between shell and operculum, but only in1647 did de Laet state that it was a mistake toregard opercula as stones (Bromehead 1947a, p. 82).

Bromehead (1947a, p. 73) cites many medicaluses for the piece of fossil bone or ivory seen inFigure 11/3, possibly sent to Cesi by Sicilianfellow Linceo, Vincenzo Mirabella (1570–1624).It would have been regarded as a fragment of oneof that strikingly reconstructed series of humangiants, but now known to belong to fossil elephants(Findlen 1990; Gould 2004; Agnesi et al. 2007;Godard 2009; Godwin 2009). The pharmacistPotier ‘saw a large amount of this [fossil ivory] atthe house of his well respected patron in Rome, Cas-siano dal Pozzo, where he showed us many wonder-ful secrets of nature. We received from him twoexcellent specimens of this kind of ivory, one ofthem an earth made of it which resembled Lemnianearth, very effective for infectious diseases’ (Potier1643, p. 197; Secret 1996), although this may referto the material illustrated by Scott & Freedberg(2000, p. 290).

Gems

Very few of the 21 spherical gems and semi-precious stones shown in Figure 12 are identifiable:‘it is obviously impossible from a painting whichshows no crystal faces to name any one with cer-tainty’ (Bromehead 1947a, p. 74). Some of themwere probably valued as pharmaceuticals. The twopaintings numbered 83 are of pearls: Della Porta(1957, p. 270) describes how to extract a magisteryof pearls after dissolving them in vinegar. Wirsung(1598) states that ‘Pearles shall be beaten very

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Fig. 11. Corals, lapidary and ‘figured’ stones, minerals and fossils. Drawing attributed to the artist Vincenzo Leonardi( fl. 1621–1646) (RL 25497, 394 ! 255 mm).

W. D. IAN ROLFE

small . . . grind them on a mortar or marble stonewith rose water, until thou finde or feele no sharp-nesse or sandinesse between thy fingers . . . : onthis manner are all other pretious stones prepared’,including both red and white coral. The Rome Anti-dotario repeats this advice and describes how toprepare an electuary of gems and herbs (Ceccarelli& Castelli 1639; see also Duffin, this volume). Agreenish gem, possibly emerald or beryl, thatbegins row three would have been called smaragdus(Riddle 1970; Healy 1999). This is one of severalminerals noted in Cassiano’s fifteenth-centuryal-Suyutı manuscript on the therapeutic value ofstones, described above. Smaragdus was used tocure many diseases including, when taken in milk,those of heart and stomach.

Pompholyx

One other depiction in the Fossils volumes that maybe of medical significance is the pompholyx figuredby Scott & Freedberg (2000, p. 322). Pompholyxis Dioscorides’ term for the zinc oxide sublimate

obtained from furnace walls, as described by Hoo-ver & Hoover (1950, p. 394, n. 36), Riddle (1985),Rulandus (1999) and Beck (2005). It was used as adermatological therapeutic agent in ointments, andalso in eye medicines (collyria), a usage noted byImperato (1599, p. 701) that continues today. Arecipe for the ointment Unguentum diapompholi-gos, using pompholyx with white wax and oil ofroses, is given in the Rome Antidotario (Ceccarelli& Castelli 1639). Sloane’s only medical treatise(1745) was for an eye liniment incorporating pom-pholyx (called tutty in Sweet 1935, p. 163).

It is unclear whether the depiction was of truepompholyx, bound out of context into FossilsXVII, as many other drawings are bound intoFossils V. This seems unlikely; the inscription Pom-pholigum may simply have been used to describeanother baked sediment, like those illustrated byScott & Freedberg (2000, pp. 294, 309). It forms asuitable image with which to conclude this series,since it would have occupied the last cabinet(XIX) of Mercati’s museum, which housed ‘metals’found in furnaces.24

Fig. 12. Gems, including pearls (bottom row), probably used as pharmaceuticals (RL 25491, 153 ! 244 mm).

24Although Bromehead (1947a, p. 78) identified two further Paper Museum depictions as furnace slags, these have sincebeen reinterpreted as pyrite-encrusted fossil wood (Scott & Freedberg 2000, pp. 294, 309).

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I thank The Royal Collection for permission to work onthese images and to reproduce them here # 2011 HerMajesty Queen Elizabeth II, and especially M. Clayton,R. Alexandratos and K. Owen for much guidance andsupport; H. McBurney for the initial invitation to under-take this work; for translations: J. S. Richardson (Latin),G. Tait and R. Alexandratos (Italian); for research assist-ance and reidentification: G. Accordi, S. Berger,C. Duffin, F. Egmond, J. Faithfull, G. Godard, A. Graniti,A. Hall, A. Kitchener, K. Mackay, D. Mann, P. Mason,A. Milner, D. Pegler, J. Rayer Rolfe, B. Rosen, A. Ross,R. Symes, P. Tandy and R. Watling.

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