An Unpublished Medieval Portolan of the Mediterranean in Minneapolis
David Jacoby
The term portolan is commonly applied to two closely related, though different navigation tools of the Middle Ages: first, maps depicting coasts and ports, mistakenly called portolan charts;1 and, secondly, nautical guides providing verbal information on coasts, ports, distances, obstacles and dangers in navigation, as well as sailing instructions.2 It should be noted that in medieval nautical guides the term port also stands for anchorage or safe haven and does not necessarily imply harbour installations.3 Significantly, the thirteenth-century Compasso da navegare states that Trani “è porto de molo” and that at Ancona “lo porto è facto de molo”, the mole creating the harbour, while the so-called Uzzano portolan of ca. 1440 notes that “Gienova à porto fatto a mano” (constructed by hand, or manmade), to distinguish it from natural ports.4
The Liber de existencia riveriarum is considered by Gautier Dalché, its editor, who dates it to ca. 1160–ca. 1200, the earliest among the extant medieval portolans or nautical guides covering the entire Mediterranean. In fact, though incorporating a nautical guide, it is a work intended for a rather learned public capable of understanding Latin, the language in which it was compiled, and appreciating the biblical, literary and ancient geographical texts inserted in it. These same features clearly excluded the practical use of the Liber on board ships.5 The Compasso da
1 For the medieval terms applied to these maps, see Kretschmer 1909: 36–7; Gautier Dalché 1995: 23, 26–9.
2 Kretschmer 1909 has offered the first comprehensive study of portolans, editing and dating several of them. Falchetta 2009: 195–207 has recently argued that the extant portolans of the fifteenth century addressed a different audience than the original one for which they had first been compiled. His proposition that they had ceased to be practical instruments, partly based on numerous errors in the texts, is too sweeping, considering some portolans included in the book of Michael of Rhodes, on which see below.
3 This is also the case in some texts of the late twelfth century dealing with nautical matters: Gautier Dalché 2005: 108–9.
4 Motzo 1947: 28, 29; Pagnini della Ventura 1765–6: 209. On two copies of the Uzzano portolan, see Motzo 1947: XIV–XVIII; for its dating, see Dini 1983: 310–18.
5 For the suggested dating and Pisan author, as well as the structure and content, see Gautier Dalché 1995: 7–16, 83–102, who, however, fails to emphasize the impractical
Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean66
navegare, a proper nautical guide dated to the 1250s by its editor, survives in a copy of 1296.6 Several fourteenth- and fifteenth-century portolans covering the entire Mediterranean are considered to derive from it, yet each of them displays particular features.7 The dates ascribed to the Liber and to the early version of the Compasso are problematic and will be examined below.
The purpose of this short paper is to draw attention and serve as temporary introduction to another medieval nautical guide, unpublished so far. The precise origin of this portolan, cited here as M, is unknown. It was included among the manuscripts acquired by Luigi Celotti (ca.1768–1846) from various monastic libraries in northern Italy. A batch of these manuscripts was purchased at Sotheby’s on 14 March 1825 by Sir Thomas Phillipps (1792–1872), an avid collector who in the course of time amassed some 60,000 manuscripts and 40,000 printed books.8 A label glued to the inner side of the front cover bears the inscription “Bibliotheca Phillippica” above Phillipps’ ex libris, a standing lion, under which another inscription attests to the later acquisition of the manuscript by William H. Robinson Ltd., of London.9 The University of Minnesota bought the portolan in 1954 from this firm, which handled many manuscripts of the Phillipps collection. It is now preserved at the James Ford Bell Library of the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities Campus, Minneapolis, where it bears the call number 1300 Po.
The portolan contains 81 paper folios, each of which is numbered in the upper right hand corner of the recto. It is anonymous, lacks title and colophon, and is undated. Its entire text, in Italian, has been copied by a single hand of the fifteenth century, except for an addition by another fifteenth-century hand on fol. 81v. This general dating is confirmed by several watermarks. The binding is made of vellum over boards. The title PORTOLANO DELL’ ADRIATICO E MEDITERRA M.S.S. is embossed in gold on its spine. The Phillipps ex libris, a standing lion, has been stamped on the first blank leaf attached to the front cover. “Sir T. P.” and “965”, the book mark from the Phillipps’ collection, appear beneath in handwriting. The number “2534” has been added. The ink and handwriting seem to match those of
nature of the Liber. 6 Edition by Motzo 1947; textual corrections and index in Gautier Dalché 1995: 229–37
and 239–53 respectively. For the dating of the two versions, commonly accepted so far, see Motzo 1947: V, XI, XXVI–XXXIII, XLVIII. Motzo mentions several possible dates for the first version, mostly in the 1250s.
7 On these portolans, see Motzo 1947: XI–XVIII. The Grazia Pauli portolan of the second half of the fourteenth century is the only one among them published in a modern critical edition with introduction: Terrosu Asole 1988; for its approximate dating, see ibid., V–IX. Some particular features of the late portolans will be adduced below in due course.
8 On this collector, see Munby 1951–60. 9 Ibid., vol. 3: 50–51.
An Unpublished Medieval Portolan of the Mediterranean in Minneapolis 67
the leaf numbering.10 Therefore, there is good reason to believe that the manuscript has been bound and the folios numbered after M entered the Phillipps’ collection.
M covers the entire Mediterranean, the Adriatic, a section of the Atlantic coast of Morocco, and a section of the Black Sea. It begins with Giro (fol. 1r).11 The Compasso da navigare locates Giro on the eastern shore of the Bosphorus at the mouth of the Black Sea and mentions it as point of departure for navigation in an easterly direction along the coast of Asia Minor (p. 131): “De lo Mare Maiore. Qua deviza de la parte da levante. En primaramente comentza da lo Giro.” Giro may thus be identified with present-day Anadolufeneri. M notes the sailing distance from Giro southward through the Bosphorus to Scutari, presently Üsküdar, while strangely pointing to an opposite, north-northwestern direction: “Giro[a] Scrutan: da Giro a Scurtari milya xx entro greco et tramontana.” M locates Üsküdar two miles south of Galata, the quarter of Constantinople situated north of the Golden Horn: “Scrutari sie contra Galata milia 2 per mezodi.”12 It mentions the Greek Byzantine name of the quarter, while using only once Pera, the appellation coined by the Latins in the Middle Ages, in the entry for Constantinople (fol. 51v).13
After Üsküdar M crosses the Sea of Marmara and proceeds clockwise around the Mediterranean. It follows the shores of Asia Minor and the Levant to Alexandria, and along the North-African coast reaches Cape Spartel, “the last cape of the Maghreb to the west, [from where] the land turns southward” (fol. 22r). M then follows the Atlantic coast of Morocco past Salé, Safi and “Madagur” or Mogador, presently Essaouira,14 as far as 100 miles or 123 km. further south-southeast to Saculo, presumably identical to Agalon and close to the location of present-day Agadir. M notes that from there, after sailing south-southeastward, one reaches “la terra de li nigri” (fols. 22r–v). Both Agalon and the “tera (sic) nigrorum” are noted on the map of Angelino Dulcert, completed in 1339.15 The next paragraph of M begins with Lisbon, for which no sailing specifications are provided (fol.
10 I wish to thank hereby Dr Marguerite Ragnow, Curator of the James Ford Bell Library of the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, as well as Mr Kevin Mummey for information regarding the provenance of the portolan and several of its features. I briefly consulted the manuscript in 1987.
11 I have inserted a modern punctuation in the excerpts adduced below. 12 Distances between specific locations sometimes vary from one portolan to the
other as a result of copy mistakes and different courses of navigation, measurements or estimates, depending also on the reliability of testimonies: see Gautier Dalché 1995: 61–4, 221–8; Gautier Dalché 2005: 101–7; Falchetta 2009: 209–10. The metric value of the mile used in medieval portolans nevertheless appears to have been 1,230 meters: see Motzo 1947: CXXV–CXXVII.
13 On the two names, see Failler 2000: 194–8. 14 The erroneous version “Madagur” is the result of a metathesis. The identification
of Mogador is supported by M’s reference to the island bearing that name situated at the entrance to the bay of Mogador (fol. 22v).
Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean68
22v). From this city M proceeds southward to Cape São Vicente, the southwestern point of Portugal, reaches the mouth of the Guadalquivir River, mentions Sevilla in passing, and through the Strait of Gibraltar re-enters the Mediterranean. M then advances to Barcelona, Montpellier, Aigues-Mortes, Marseilles, Genoa, Pisa, Naples, Amalfi, Messina, Crotone, then sails into the Adriatic to Brindisi, Ancona, Venice, Zara, Ragusa (presently Dubrovnik), and from Durazzo to the Gulf of Corinth, Patras, Modon and Coron in the southwestern Peloponnese, Cape Matapan, Monemvasia, Porto Eximilia, i.e. Kenchreai, the eastern port of Corinth on the Saronic Gulf,16 then to Negroponte, Thessalonica, Gallipoli, Abydos at the mouth of the Dardanelles, and Constantinople.17
From Galata M follows the Bosphorus to Comerco, at “the mouth of the Black Sea, which we want to mention now” (fol. 51v). The Compasso also notes the position of this locality at the entrance to the Black Sea: “Lo Comerquio e la ’ntratade lo Mare Maiore” (p. 47). Comerco is possibly identical to present-day Rumelifeneri. However, M begins its description of navigation in the Black Sea with Grio, a misspelling for Giro (fol. 51v), proceeds eastward to Sile, Sinop, Trebizond, Batumi, and reaches Fason, present-day Poti at the mouth of the Rioni River in Georgia. The last entry in the Black Sea refers to Savastopoli, presently Sokhumi in Abkhazia, situated 100 miles north-northwest of Fason: “Savastropoli: da Fason a Savastropoli son mija 100 per tramontana verso lo maistro” (fol. 52v). Genoese merchants were operating in Savastopoli by 1280.18 The remainder of fol. 52v in M is blank. Clearly, the copyist had abruptly interrupted his work, and the fascicles of the manuscript were assembled without paying attention to the incomplete state of the section regarding the Black Sea. The following large section of M is devoted to the Mediterranean islands. From Cape São Vicente in Portugal it proceeds to Cyprus and concludes with sailing between the islands of the southern Aegean (fol. 53–81v).
As argued below, M derives from a thirteenth-century portolan and it is fitting, therefore, to compare the course of navigation it describes, its structure and its practical content with those presented by two early portolans, the Liber de existencia riveriarum and the Compasso. The features of M differ in several important ways from those found in these portolans and the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century nautical guides akin to the Compasso. Indeed, M begins with the Bosphorus and the region of Constantinople and proceeds clockwise around the Mediterranean. By contrast, the other portolans start at the opposite, western end of the Mediterranean. The Liber advances anti-clockwise from Cape Spartel along the coast of the Maghreb, while the Compasso group moves clockwise from Cape São Vicente in Portugal along the European shore. Along the Atlantic coast
16 On this port in the thirteenth century, see Bon 1969: 476–7.17 I mention here only some of the numerous localities listed in M.18 Balard 1978, vol. 1: 141. Balard 1978, vol. 2: 754, mistakenly identifies Faxon,
called Lo Fasso in fourteenth- century Genoese documents, with Batumi. Both locations appear on the 1313 map of Pietro Vesconte: Mollat 1984: plate 2.
An Unpublished Medieval Portolan of the Mediterranean in Minneapolis 69
of Morocco the Liber reaches Nife (Anfa) (pp. 168–9, par. 40), at the present location of Casablanca, the Compasso stops further south at Safi (pp. 77–8), whereas M pursues the sailing much beyond Mogador, up to 100 miles south of Saculo, yet without precise knowledge about ports in that region. The Genoese had already reached Salé by 1161 and were trading at Safi by 1253.19 The reference of M to Mogador and Saculo points to an extension of western navigation along the Atlantic shore of Africa and, therefore, must reflect a later stage of western expansion in that region. In 1291 the Genoese brothers Vadino and Ugolino Vivaldi, who planned to reach India by sailing along that shore, went even further yet did not return from their voyage. They were known to have reached Gozola, which is marked on the Catalan map of 1375, and one of their ships sank further south close to Amenuan, near the Senegal River.20 Clearly, this was still terra incognita for the Latins by the late thirteenth century.
The respective Black Sea sections in M and the two early portolans also highlight a major difference between them. The Liber proceeds from the Aegean coast of Asia Minor via Constantinople to the Black Sea, in which it pursues the sailing on an anti-clockwise course. It lists the main ports, starting with Herakleia of the Pontos, on the northern coast of Asia Minor, followed by Amastris, Trebizond, Matracha at the Straits of Kerch, Soldaia and Kherson in the Crimea, the Danube, Constanza, Varna, and Mesembria, before returning to Constantinople. After that full circle it re-enters the Mediterranean and follows the shore of Thrace (pp. 139–41, par. 16). The Black Sea was missing in the early version of the Compasso. In the extant version, copied in 1296, a separate section on the region was appended to the text covering the Mediterranean (pp. 129–37), as explicitly stated: “Ora è complito lo libro che se clama Compasso da navegare (…) Ecqui ennanti parlarà e devizarà de lo Mare Maiore de Romania” (= Now the book called Compasso de navegar has been completed […] And here henceforth [we] will speak and converse about the Great Sea of Romania). The Compasso describes two itineraries for navigation in the Black Sea. The first one advances clockwise along the western shore as far as the mouth of the Dniepr River, while the second begins with the coast of Asia Minor and after almost an entire full circle reaches the mouth of the Danube. In contrast to the Compasso, the Black Sea section in M is inserted at the right place in the text and appears as an organic continuation of sailing along the Aegean shore of the Balkans. From Asia Minor it moves northward, yet stops abruptly at Savastopoli and remains incomplete, as noted above.
The data regarding the islands also distinguish M from the early portolans. The Liber begins with Cyprus and proceeds westwards, ending with Sardinia (pp. 171–8, pars. 44–7), whereas the corresponding section of the Compasso starts with Capo de
19 Lopez 1936: 40–47. On other Westerners reaching these ports in the same period, see Picard 1997: 165–6, 412–15. The Muslims had already sailed further south by the mid-twelfth century, as recorded by the Arab geographer al-Idrisi (Picard 1997: 193–5, 430).
20 Atlas Catalán 1975: fol. 3. On the voyage, see Heyd 1885–6, vol. 2: 140–43.
Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean70
Palos, close to Cartagena in southeastern Spain, and ends with Cyprus (pp. 79–129).21 As noted above, M departs from Cape São Vicente in Portugal, proceeds to Cyprus, and concludes with the islands of the southern Aegean.
M mentions a much larger number of localities and contains far more elaborate and precise nautical data and sailing instructions than the Liber de existencia riveriarum and the Compasso da navegare. For instance, the Liber (pp. 124–9) lists 11 and the Compasso 16 anchoring sites between Acre and Alexandria (pp. 62–3), whereas M refers to 24 (fol. 9r–10r). The wealth of information in M is particularly obvious in the description of major ports such as Genoa, Naples and Venice, to name a few, as well as in its section on the islands. In short, while M has much information in common with the Liber, the Compasso and the portolans akin to it, it clearly stands apart from them.
Descriptions of coasts and ports and sailing instructions were compiled by pilots or experienced seamen for specific sections of the Mediterranean and other maritime regions, yet only rarely can these authors be identified. A pilot who compiled a portolan for navigation from Trafalgar to Flanders identified himself: “Portolan fatto per Zuan Pires, pedotta del mar di Fiandria.” This portolan was copied, presumably between 1434 and 1436, by Michael of Rhodes, a Greek in Venetian service whose book includes varying materials related to ships and navigation.22 Benedetto di Piero Sori states his name as author of a portolan covering navigation from southern Italy across the Aegean to the Levantine coast, which was compiled in Venice some time between 1470 and 1529.23 Information from seamen was also collected by other individuals.24 Some compilations covering specific itineraries, compiled by different authors, survive in their original state. They differ in content from simple statements on directions and distances separating localities to more elaborate data, including detailed information regarding tides, soundings, and sailing into ports. Michael of Rhodes copied such nautical guides, some between 1434 and 1436 and others in 1444–5. The portolans for entering the port of Venice, for sailing from Spain along the Atlantic coast to the English Channel, for the coasts of Apulia and for the Gulf of Salonica appear to have been of practical use, despite errors in their extant version.25 The itineraries from Venice to the mouth of
21 Identification of the cape by Kretschmer 1909: 584.22 Edition by Stahl 2009: 350–80; the portolan is within the section of the manuscript
to fol. 199a inclusive, dated 1434–6 by Rossi 2009: XXXIII. There is no reason to doubt the authorship of the pilot, as done by Falchetta 2009: 204–5. One may wonder whether Michael of Rhodes met the pilot on his voyages to Flanders in 1430 or 1436, mentioned in his service record: Stahl 2009: 278. The Flanders portolan appears in some later manuscripts, yet without the pilot’s name: Rossi 2009: XIX. On Michael of Rhodes and his book, see the studies in Long 2009.
23 Edition by Bonfiglio Dosio 1987: 63, 67; for the dating, see Prefazione, IX.24 Gautier Dalché 1995: 53–5; Gautier Dalché 2005: 117–18.25 Stahl 2009: 346–82 and 532–40; for the dating, see Rossi 2009: XXXIII–XXXIV.
An Unpublished Medieval Portolan of the Mediterranean in Minneapolis 71
the Black Sea, for the Adriatic, from Cape Maleas to Cyprus, and from Venice to Tana, of the rudimentary type, are of a different hand.26
A portolan extant in a truncated version describes several itineraries from Acre to Venice. It may be ascribed to ca. 1270, like the trade manual of Acre to which it is adjoined.27 It opens with a sailing from Acre to Cape St Andreas, at the northeastern tip of Cyprus, without anchoring in the island, followed by another from Acre to Cypriot Limassol. Still another itinerary leads from Acre directly to Cape Sideros, at the northeastern tip of Crete, followed by a sailing from Acre via Alexandria toward that cape. After Modon and the island of Zante the itinerary stops in the Adriatic between Ragusa and Venice, in the middle of a sentence. It is noteworthy that these itineraries from Acre to Venice differ from all those recorded in known Mediterranean portolans, since they point to voyages along Cyprus or from the island to Crete across the high seas. It has been suggested that the truncated portolan was compiled by a merchant and reflected his interest in specific itineraries.28 However, rather than being an original compilation, its garbled structure suggests that it was copied from an existing portolan by a somewhat confused merchant or notary.
It is impossible to determine precisely when or where in the Middle Ages nautical guides for specific itineraries were first assembled and combined into a portolan covering the entire Mediterranean. The late twelfth or first half of the thirteenth century appears the most likely period in which such work was carried out, considering the expansion of commercial navigation at that time.29 As noted above, the Liber is based on a nautical guide. Its editor ascribes it to the period extending from ca. 1160 to ca. 1200, yet from a paleographic point of view also envisages a dating after 1200.30 This seems far more plausible, considering its sketchy and deficient itinerary in the Black Sea, which sharply contrasts with the detailed and precise data on the region offered in the extant version of the Compasso copied in 1296 and with M’s section on the Black Sea. In the twelfth century the Italians displayed only marginal interest in trade and transportation in that region and at best operated there on a limited scale. Italian trade must have been very restricted, and navigation even more so since Byzantium prohibited from 1169 onward the sailing of Genoese ships along the western and northern shore of the Black Sea as far as the Sea of Azov. It may be safely assumed that this
26 Stahl 2009: 570–604; on the scribe, see Rossi 2009: XXXIV. Several portolans transcribed in the book of Michael of Rhodes appear in later compilations: Rossi 2009: XIX–XX; see for example Bonfiglio Dosio 1987: 28–30, 35–8, 43–67, 95–7, 140–52.
27 The faulty rendition of this portolan in Kretschmer 1909: 235–7, is now superseded by the edition in Gautier Dalché 1995: 181–2, in which, however, there are two spelling mistakes. For the dating, see Jacoby 1986: 406–9, 411–15.
28 Gautier Dalché 1995: 40–41.29 On some late twelfth-century texts with nautical content, see Gautier Dalché 1995. 30 Ibid.: 7.
Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean72
prohibition also applied to other Italian vessels.31 Moreover, despite the progressive expansion of Italian maritime trade in the Black Sea after the Latin conquest of Constantinople in 1204, which reached a first peak after 1240, the earlier version of the Compasso lacked a section on the Black Sea.32 In view of these considerations, there is good reason to believe that the compiler of the Pisan nautical guide upon which the Pisan compiler of the Liber relied obtained information on the Black Sea from Pisans operating in that region or involved in its trade after the Latin conquest of Constantinople in 1204.33 It would seem, therefore, that the insertion of the partial information on the Black Sea in the Liber, and this compilation itself, should be ascribed to the first three decades of the thirteenth century.
The modern editor of the Compasso identified sections varying in origin in this portolan and, as a result, assumed that its early version, no longer extant, was an original compilation.34 Rather, it would seem that this version merely reproduced a previous work that also retained traces of its multiple sources. The scribe responsible for the 1296 version of the Compasso acted likewise. This was common practice among later copyists. Indeed, all known medieval portolans of the entire Mediterranean, including M, preserve particular data and linguistic or other features deriving from different sources and were updated over time, though selectively as illustrated below. It is, therefore, impossible in the present state of knowledge to identify an original compilation that may have served as model for later portolans of the entire Mediterranean. Nevertheless, the specific traits of M mentioned above, combined with several chronological clues it contains, enable us to trace a “model” from which it derives and to reconstruct to some extent its progressive updating.35
Aigues-Mortes (fol. 27v) possibly offers the earliest component of this chronological stratification. The construction of this city’s harbor installations must have begun in the 1240s, before the departure of the fleet assembled by King Louis IX of France for his first crusade in 1248, yet the work continued until the 1280s.36 M mentions a jetty at Manfredonia (fol. 40v), a city founded by King Manfred of Sicily in Apulia in 1256.37 The entry regarding Clarentza, on the western coast of the Peloponnese, offers a more precise and especially precious indication: “Item intro Porto Palas [sic, for Palis] sie facto novamenti una citae laquale a nome Clarensa. [C]larença sie bon porto et a dui scogli davanti” (fol. 47r) (= In the port of Palis a new city has been recently built, which is called Clarentza. Clarentza is a good anchorage and has two rocks at its entrance). From the phrasing it is clear that this entry was composed shortly after the city’s construction and that the latter’s anchorage was not
31 Jacoby 2007a.32 Jacoby 2005: 195–214.33 Jacoby 2007a: 686.34 Motzo 1947: XXXV–XLI.35 I use here “model” with some reservations.36 Jehel 1989: 203–9. 37 Motzo 1947: XXX.
An Unpublished Medieval Portolan of the Mediterranean in Minneapolis 73
yet well known by that time. Clarentza was founded on princely land in the reign of William II, who ruled Frankish Morea from 1255 to 1278. It is first mentioned in the Chronicle of the Morea in relation to an event that occurred shortly after the battle of Makryplagi, fought in 1264 between Frankish and Byzantine troops.38 A charter of 1268 drafted at Ragusa (Dubrovnik) mentioning Clarentza provides a more secure terminus ad quem for the city’s construction.39 Clarentza thus appears to have been built in the 1260s. The “model” from which M derives must have been updated shortly afterwards.
The earlier version of the Compasso could not have an entry on Clarentza, unless it would have been copied after the city’s foundation. Significantly, however, the later version of that nautical guide, copied in 1296, does not have one either. Its scribe failed to update the section on the Peloponnese, although he appended a section on the Black Sea to his model, as noted above. Clarentza is also missing in fourteenth- and some fifteenth-century portolans akin to the Compasso, despite its importance as a commercial centre and the principal maritime outlet of the Frankish Peloponnese until the late fourteenth century.40 It appears in the Gratiosus Benincasa portolan of 1435, in the Parma-Magliabecchi portolan of the first half of the fifteenth century, in the section of the book of Michael of Rhodes dated to 1444–5, and in the Rizo portolan of the sixteenth century (“sia bon porto”), although the city was abandoned and in ruins from the 1450s.41 These portolans, each with its particular reference to Clarentza, do not refer to the city’s state, because it was irrelevant to anchoring at the shore nearby. It is noteworthy that two portolans included in the book of Michael of Rhodes omit the name Clarentza and, instead, revert to the Greek name of the site, Killini.42
M contains additional chronological clues for the updating of the portolan from which it derives. Its section on Genoa mentions a second wharf with a lighthouse, provides instructions for sailing into the harbour at night, and notes the shipyard next to the Porta dei Vacca (fol. 31v–32r), mainly built for ships carrying wine shortly after 1276.43 This last item is missing both in the Liber and in the Compasso. M’s section on Cyprus has a fairly extensive entry on the port of Famagusta providing instructions for sailing into the harbour. It mentions the
38 Tzavara 2008: 26–9. On the dating of the battle at Makryplagi, see Bon 1969: 132, 422.
39 Krekic 1961: 169, no. 9.40 On the economy of Clarentza, see Tzavara 2008: 201–300. On coins and minting,
see the broader, updated, and more reliable study by Athanasoulis and Baker 2008. 41 Texts in Kretschmer 1909: Gratiosus Benincasa, 406 (par. 147), and for the dating,
213–17; Parma-Magliabecchi: 316 (par. 135), and for the dating, 206–8; Rizo: 507 (pars. 214–15), and for the dating, 220; Stahl 2009: 592. Tzavara 2008: 74–6, describes the city as ruined from the 1430s, yet has overlooked its trading until the 1450s, on which see Schmitt 1995: 115–21, 126–35.
42 Stahl 2009: 576 and 592.43 Grossi Bianchi, Poleggi 1980: 94–5, 104, 124–5; Rose 2002: 10.
Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean74
mole, the tower at the port’s entrance to which a chain was attached, and the depth of the water nearby reaching 20 palms or ca. 5 meters (fol. 79v).44 The tower is already attested by 1232.45 The economic rise of Famagusta began in the 1260s and accelerated after the fall of the Frankish states on the Levantine mainland in 1291.46 It is likely that the harbour installations were somewhat expanded and upgraded around that time, and this is apparently the period in which the entry on Famagusta was added in M.47 The Liber, presumably compiled within the first three decades of the thirteenth century, as suggested above, refers to Famagusta only in passing (pp. 129 and 171, lines 648 and 2123 respectively). Although the city already appears on the Pisan map of 1290,48 it is missing in the 1296 copy of the Compasso and several later portolans akin to it.49
In addition to the entry on Famagusta, M notes the distance from the city to the ruins of Constantia: “Costansa fo grande citae e aora e destruta” (fol. 79v) (= Constantia was a large city and is destroyed now). Constantia was called after emperor Constantius II (r. 337–61) who built the city on the site of Salamis, destroyed by several earthquakes at the beginning of the fourth century. It is noteworthy that Constantia does not appear in M in relation to navigation instructions, and the entry thus reflects interest in the site for other reasons, most likely religious. An English pilgrim passing through Cyprus in 1345 described at some length three sites venerated at Constantia, citing the Cypriot-born apostle St Barnabas, considered to have brought Christianity to Cyprus, who was stoned to death and buried about 61 CE; St Epiphanius, bishop of Constantia from 367, who was also thought to be buried there; and St Catherine, venerated at the monastery bearing her name in Sinai, who according to a local tradition was born
44 The medieval palm measured ca. 0.25 m. A sixteenth-century plan of the port states that the water depth at the entrance of the harbour is 14 feet or ca. 4.2 m.: Frigerio 1986: 298, and Balard 1995: 17, repr. in Balard 2007: 128. The assertion of Gertwagen 2006: 116–17, that because of the shallow waters the ships of John of Ibelin attacking Famagusta in 1232 “scraped their bottoms” at the rocky entrance of the outer port, is groundless. The account written by Philip of Novara shortly after the event, the source of the sixteenth-century chronicle called after Francesco Amadi on which she relies, mentions a ford (French “gué”) between a small rocky island and the Cypriot mainland, without any reference to Famagusta’s port: Filippo da Novara, 1994: 178–80, paras 89–90.
45 Filippo da Novara 1994: 172, par. 81.46 Jacoby 1984: 145–79. 47 The water depth in various sections of the harbor enabled the anchoring of several
large ships: Frigerio 1986: 297–8; Balard 1995: 17, repr. in Balard 2007: 128.48 Mollat 1984: plate 1, and see p. 198 on this map.49 Gertwagen 2006: 117, assumes that the poor conditions she ascribes to Famagusta’s
port explain its omission from the Compasso. However, the water depth in the harbor and M’s description mentioned above clearly invalidate this hypothesis. The city also appears in the Parma Portolan of the fifteenth century and in the Gratiosus Benincasa portolan of 1435: Kretschmer 1909: 331 (par. 170) and 376 (par. 57) respectively.
An Unpublished Medieval Portolan of the Mediterranean in Minneapolis 75
in Constantia.50 In short, the entries of M on Famagusta and Constantia illustrate a fairly intimate acquaintance with the city and its surroundings.
The Black Sea section in M appears to reflect another updating of its model, possibly carried out in the last decade of the thirteenth century, as in the Compasso. By contrast, two entries in M display a lack of updating. Like the Compasso (p. 20), M mentions the two towers located at the entrance of Porto Pisano, the sea harbour of Pisa (fol. 32v). The towers, depicted on a Genoese bas-relief with a chain connecting them, were destroyed in 1290 after Pisa’s defeat by the Genoese forces led by Corrado Doria.51 The entry of M on Acre also contains evidence relevant for an earlier period. It reflects the city’s prosperity: “[A]cre è citae grande e bene habitata de ogni zente” (= Acre is a large city and well populated by people from various origins) (fol. 9r), and mentions the houses of the Templars and of the royal constable as points of reference for sailing into Acre’s harbour. However, the city, including these two structures, was destroyed by the Mamluk troops of Egypt in 1291. The information regarding the two towers of Porto Pisano and Acre had become irrelevant by the time M was copied, yet was nevertheless maintained in this portolan, in the 1296 copy of the Compasso, and even in the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century portolans akin to it.52 Nautical guides, like trade manuals, often retained outdated names or data.53
At this point, a brief note regarding additions and omissions as well as the dating of portolans is warranted. Although executed in 1296, the extant copy of the Compasso refers to Aigues-Mortes (p. 11), like M, yet omits Manfredonia, Clarentza, Famagusta, and the new shipyard in Genoa. Both the Compasso and M overlook the events of 1290 and 1291 in Porto Pisano and Acre respectively. They also omit Laiazzo in Cilician Armenia, which in the wake of the Mongol expansion served as the main Mediterranean outlet of the Asian overland route from around the mid-thirteenth century.54 It follows that if a portolan lacks secure chronological clues for its copy or updating, specific entries may provide a terminus a quo in this respect, yet their absence does not allow any deduction regarding the terminus ad quem. A comparison between portolans reveals that some of them were copied without being updated, while others were only updated selectively or
50 Golubovitch 1906–27, vol. 4: 447. Another pilgrim mentioned in 1394 a slightly different tradition regarding St Catherine, as well as the marshes of Constantia, responsible for the “bad air” at Famagusta: Le Grand 1895: 631–2. On the traditions related to Constantia in the thirteenth–fifteenth centuries, see Calvelli 2009: 175–94.
51 Rossetti 1989: 267–72 and fig. 137.52 Terrosu Asole 1988: 67; Pagnini della Ventura 1765–66: 236.53 For examples in trade manuals, see Jacoby 1986: 409–11, 415–16, 420–21.54 Heyd 1885–6, vol. 2: 73–92; Jacoby 2001: 240–41, with additional bibliography.
The portolan of Grazia Pauli mentions Manfredonia and Laiazzo, yet ignores Clarentza and Famagusta: Terrosu Asole 1988: 31, 64; same in the Uzzano portolan: Pagnini della Ventura 1765–6: 215, 234. On other differences between the Compasso and these portolans in the listing of localities, see Motzo 1947: V–XVIII.
Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean76
after much time. This is not surprising, since there always was a time lag between developments in navigation and trade and the integration of new information in nautical guides and commercial manuals. Thus, for instance, the Black Sea does not appear in the Venetian trade manual composed in Acre around 1270, nor in the one compiled in Pisa in 1278.55 These considerations call into question the attribution of the earlier version of the Compasso to the 1250s, proposed by its editor. There is nevertheless good reason to believe that this version was copied in the second half of the thirteenth century, several years before 1296 when the section on the Black Sea was appended to the existing text. Since this section mentions Caffa, it must have been compiled or updated after the foundation of the city by the Genoese in the 1270s.56
Two instances of updating in M’s model or in a copy deriving from it definitely occurred after 1291. One of them is implied by the reference to Villefranche-sur-Mer in Provence, founded in 1295 by Charles II, King of Sicily and Count of Provence: “Cavo de Olivoli (= Cape of Montolif) fa porto: el dicto porto a nome Villafrancha et è gran porto” (fol. 30v).57 The second instance is suggested by two references to the island of Cephalonia as ducato or dukedom (fol. 45v), references missing in the Compasso. In fact, Cephalonia, together with the island of Zante (Zakynthos), was part of a county by 1233.58 Shortly before May 1357 Leonardo I Tocco became count of Cephalonia and Zante, yet he is not known as duke of Leucadia and count of Cephalonia before September 1373.59 In popular parlance the extension of the term “dukedom” to the entire Tocco lordship, including Cephalonia, must have occurred around that time and, therefore, its appearance in M may be ascribed to the 1370s or somewhat later.60 This is the latest chronological clue contained in M.
It is impossible to determine whether the scribe of M directly relied upon the thirteenth-century model from which his portolan derives and updated it himself, or whether he copied an intermediate, updated version. The same question arises regarding the authorship of some particular features found in M. Both Roman and Arabic numerals appear throughout the manuscript. To be sure, the Pisan Leonardo Fibonacci, author of the Liber abbaci completed in 1202, acquainted western merchants with Arabic numbers, which swiftly spread in Italian commercial accounting. Nevertheless, for a long period their diffusion did not put an end to
55 See respectively Jacoby 1986: 407, 414–15, 425, and Jacoby 2007b: 449–64, esp. 462–4.
56 Balard 1978, vol. 1: 116–18, for Caffa’s foundation.57 Motzo 1947: XXVII–XXVIII. 58 Bon 1969: 170–71, 706.59 Luttrell 1964: 136, 138–9.60 It is noteworthy that the portolan of Grazia Pauli, ascribed to the second half of
the fourteenth century, still distinguishes between Cephalonia and the “Duchatto”: Terrosu Asole 1988: 35, lines 18–21.
An Unpublished Medieval Portolan of the Mediterranean in Minneapolis 77
the use of Roman numerals.61 It is noteworthy that the Compasso version of 1296 used exclusively Roman numbers, and so did the portolan of Grazia Pauli, dated to the second half of the fourteenth century.62 This was likely also the case in M’s model. It is unclear whether the copyist of M already found the Arabic numerals in the manuscript upon which he directly relied or whether he introduced them.63
The inconsistency in M also extends to the terms capo and cavo for cape or promontory. Both terms occur throughout the manuscript. Venetian cavo is attested from the twelfth century onward.64 M’s use of this term suggests the intervention of a Venetian at some stage in the process leading from the compilation of the original thirteenth-century model of M to our portolan. The prospect of such intervention is enhanced by M’s entry on Venice (fol. 41v), far more elaborate than the one included in the Compasso (p. 30) and the portolans akin to it.65 M’s entry, which deserves to be cited in full, begins with the sailing from Chioggia, southwest of Venice, not cited in the Compasso:
De la sopradicta Chiosa a la citae de Venexia son milya 25 intro greco e tramontana. Item in bocha del porto de Venecia sie 1 ysola che a nome Sancto Nicolo de Lido et è lunçi de la citae de Venecia milya 2 verso la bocha. El porto de Venecia sie un gran canale per meço. La cognoscença del dicto porto sie tale: lo campanino de Sancto Marcho sie maiore de tuti li deficij de la terra e vedese da lonçi mija 25 in 30, e quando te vegni acostando a la citae ella pare multi et assai campanini. [V]enecia sie gran citae et e in mare lonçi de terraferma milya 9 per syrocho. Deverso ponente circa mijo 1 sie una ysula che a nome Murano che si fa la ogni lavore de vitro. De la a un mijo sie una altra ysula che a nome Maiorbo e multi altri. Da Murano a Lido son mija 5. Lido sie porto de fiume per legni picoli, e si è de aque dolce.66
61 Endrei 1978. 62 Terrosu Asole 1988.63 The extant version of the Pisan trade manual composed in 1278 uses Roman
numerals throughout its text, yet there are Arabic numerals in some entries, which is not surprising since it is a seventeenth-century copy: see Jacoby 2007b: 449–50.
64 Motzo 1947: XXIII–XXIV, XXXIV–XXXV. For examples of cavo standing for head, extremity, and by extension promontory in Venetian documents, see Stussi 1965: 198; Stussi 1967: 97 (fol. 57r, line 2). Chavo also appears in a mid-fifteenth-century Venetian manual: Pitarello 2006: 154–73 passim; on its compiler, a Venetian seaman or naval commander, and its dating, see ibid., 60–62.
65 On the entry on Venice in the book of Michael of Rhodes, see below.66 “From the above-mentioned Chioggia to the city of Venice there are 25 miles in a
north-northeastern direction. Item, at the entrance to the port of Venice there is an island called San Nicolò di Lido and [it] is at 2 miles from the city of Venice [measured] from the entrance. The port of Venice is a large canal in the middle [of the city]. The identification of the said port is as follows: the church-tower of San Marco is larger [= taller] than all
Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean78
The statement that the island of San Nicolò di Lido is surrounded by sweet water is obviously incorrect and, after realizing his mistake, the scribe who executed M expunged the last six words. Strangely, he nevertheless retained the reference to the river-port.
The Compasso also refers to the church-towers of Venice (p. 30), yet fails to mention the campanile of San Marco and the islands of San Nicolò di Lido, Mazzorbo and Murano. M’s references to Mazzorbo, Murano, and especially to glass manufacture in this island are also noteworthy, since they are not found in any other portolan. They seem to display more than the passing acquaintance with Venice typical of visiting seamen.67 Incidentally, some glassworks operated in Murano by the 1270s, yet the concentration of all Venetian glass manufacture in this island followed a decree of 1291 banning such activity in Venice proper.68 M’s entry on Venice, or at least its second part, reflects the outcome of this process. It must, therefore, be ascribed to a later date and excludes a Venetian authorship of M’s thirteenth-century model, compiled before 1291.
The Venetian identity of a later copyist is enhanced by M’s entry on the Strophades, a complex of two small rocky islands in the Ionian Sea situated at 46 km south-southeast of Cape Keri on Zante and at 54 km west of the Peloponnese. The islands are flat and low, no place on them being higher than 11 metres above sea level. They nevertheless served as land-mark in navigation. The monastery on the larger islet is thought to have been founded by Theodore I Laskaris (r. 1206–22) and his daughter Irene. The two islands are mentioned in the Liber de existencia riveriarum, presumably compiled in the first three decades of the thirteenth century, yet without reference to that structure.69 As noted earlier, there was always a
the other buildings of the land and visible from a distance of 25 to 30 miles, and when you arrive and draw close to the city the latter appears [to be composed of] many and numerous church-towers.
Venice is a large city and is [surrounded by] the sea, at 9 miles southeast of the mainland. Around one mile to the west is an island called Murano, where all works of glassmaking are executed. From there [at a distance of] one mile is another island called Mazzorbo and many other [islands]. From Murano to the Lido there are five miles. Lido is a river-port for small crafts, and is [surrounded] by sweet water.”
67 Still, the mid-fifteenth-century Venetian manual cited above, n. 64, has a far more elaborate entry on Venice, which is not surprising: Pitarello 2006: 153–4. The same entry has been included in a later Venetian compilation: Bonfiglio Dosio 1987: 95–7. On the copyist, see ibid., Prefazione, XXX–XXXI.
68 Zecchin 1987–90, vol. 3: 5–8.69 Soustal 1981: 266, on the location. Record in the Liber: Gautier Dalché 1995: 148,
line 1273; for the latter’s dating, see above p. 71. Pope Boniface VIII mentioned in 1299 the appointment of a new abbot after four years of vacancy, which had thus begun in 1295; this is the earliest secure documentary evidence regarding the existence of the monastery. On the latter’s history in the thirteenth-fifteenth centuries, see Lambropoulou 1994: 294–9; Mousouras 2004. I wish to thank hereby Dr Anna Lambropoulou for sending me her study and Dr Nicky Tsougarakis for providing further information.
An Unpublished Medieval Portolan of the Mediterranean in Minneapolis 79
chronological gap between the appearance of new information and its inclusion in nautical guides. Both the Compasso’s entry for Stanfarie (p. 34), compiled later in the thirteenth century, and M’s entry for Sancta Farie (fol. 46v) mention the monastery. However, M adds the following noteworthy information: “Item in la ysula grande sie una glexia e una torre la che fa fanar che arde per le nave che vano a Venexia lo yverno” (fol. 46v) (= On the large island there is a church and a tower there serving as lighthouse [with a fire] that burns for the ships going to Venice in the winter).70 The author of this precious addition, not found in any other portolan, was most likely Venetian. A pilgrim sailing close to the islands in 1335 reports that many ships sank on their banks at night after failing to avoid them.71 It would seem, therefore, that the lighthouse was established after 1335 and that, accordingly, the reference of M to its operation must have been added later.
As noted above, M offers more detailed and precise information and sailing instructions than the Compasso and the portolans for the entire Mediterranean akin to it.72 At times, though, it would seem at first glance that the Compasso has an edge over M. A close examination of the data in the two portolans leads to a different conclusion, as illustrated by a striking example. The Compasso has the following entry on the island of Zante (p. 33, lines 30–31): “Del dicto capo de Castello entro Andreville, che so en la Morea, xv millara per greco. La Morea è terra ferma” (= From the aforesaid Cape of Castello to Andreville, which is in the Morea, 15 miles to the northeast. The Morea is mainland).73 The stated figure is inaccurate when applied to the distance between the two locations. M’s version is shorter and seems to be deficient, since it fails to mention Andreville. However, it reveals that the figure of 15 miles is correct if applied otherwise: “Da cavo Castello a terraferma son milya 15 per levante” (= From Cape Castello to the mainland there are 15 miles to the east) (fol. 46v).
M displays several defects, despite its substantial advantages over the Compasso. Lack of familiarity with place names accounts for numerous inconsistencies in their spelling. For example, three variants, Scrutan, Scurtari and Scrutari for Scutari/Üsküdar, appear in the first two lines of the manuscript (fol. 1r), while Sancta Fare, Sancta Farie, Stanfarie, all standing for the Strophades, appear on a single folio (fol. 46v). There are also outright mistakes, especially in figures defining distances, which were crucial for navigation. It is impossible to determine whether the copyist of M reproduced these and other flaws from the manuscript on which he relied, or whether he is responsible for them. The latter is certainly the case with respect to a curious feature deriving from the absence of capitals at the beginning of paragraphs. Clearly, ornamental initials appeared or were to appear
70 The existing tower is ascribed to the sixteenth century: Lambropoulou 1994: 293–4. 71 Röhricht 1895: 174. 72 On the other hand, some portolans included in the book of Michael of Rhodes are
more elaborate.73 Cape Castello is presumably identical to present-day Cape Kryoneri, some 2 km
north-northeast of the fortifications of the city of Zante: Soustal 1981: 134.
Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean80
at these places in M’s direct model and were envisaged for M itself. The copyist of M inserted one at the beginning of the text, yet foolishly used capitals for the second letter of words opening the following paragraphs, for instance “Amiata” for Damiata (fol. 9v), “Lexandria” for Alexandria (fol. 10r), and so on.
In sum, despite its shortcomings, M is an important and precious addition to the small body of medieval nautical guides covering the entire Mediterranean. It substantially differs from all of them, whether the Liber de existencia riveriarum, the Compasso da Navegare, or later portolans such as those copied by Michael of Rhodes and his contemporaries. M presumably derives from a “model” compiled in the first half of the thirteenth century. Its original entry on Clarentza points to updating between the 1260s and 1290s, when further entries regarding Famagusta, Mogador and the Black Sea were possibly inserted. It is unclear whether the later updating was performed by a fourteenth-century copyist or by the scribe who executed M in the fifteenth century. M’s entries on Venice and the Strophades islands imply that a Venetian left his imprint in this portolan at some stage between the thirteenth-century “model” and the execution of M. The entries on Famagusta and Constantia suggest direct acquaintance with the city and its surroundings, yet it is impossible to determine whether their author was identical with the Venetian just mentioned. Although original, M’s entry on Venice is much shorter and far less informative than the detailed entry copied by Michael of Rhodes between 1434 and 1436 and subsequently by other copyists.74 Unfortunately, this shortcoming does not allow any conclusions regarding the dating of M within the fifteenth century.
The rich information contained in M warrants a full critical edition of this portolan, accompanied by an extensive commentary dealing inter alia with its linguistic aspects and its nautical instructions, which require close scrutiny. This daunting enterprise will hopefully be completed within the next two or three years.
References
Athanasoulis, D. and J. Baker, 2008. “Medieval Clarentza. The coins 1999–2004, with additional medieval coin finds from the Nomos of Elis”, The Numismatic Chronicle 168: 241–301.
Atlas Catalán 1975. Els Atlas Catalán de Cresques Abraham. Primera edición con su traducción al castellano, en el sexto centenario de su realización, 1375–1975 (Barcelona).
Balard, M. 1978. La Romanie génoise (XIIe–début du XVe siècle), 2 vols (Rome).Balard, M.1995. “La place de Famagouste génoise dans le royaume des Lusignan
(1374–1464)”, in Mutafian 1995: 16–27.Balard, M. 2007. Les marchands italiens à Chypre (Nicosia).
74 Stahl 2009: 346–50, and for the dating, Rossi 2009: XXXIII. On later copies, see Rossi 2009: XIX.
An Unpublished Medieval Portolan of the Mediterranean in Minneapolis 81
Bon, A. 1969. La Morée franque. Recherches historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principauté d’Achaïe (1205–1430) (Paris).
Bonfiglio Dosio, G. 1987. Ragioni antique spettanti all’arte del mare et fabriche de vasselli: manoscritto nautico del sec. XV (Venezia).
Calvelli, L. 2009. Cipro e la memoria dell’antico fra Medioevo e Rinascimento. La percezione del passato romano dell’isola nel mondo occidentale (Venezia).
Dini, B. 1983. “Nuovi documenti su Giovanni di Bernardo di Antonio da Uzzano”, in G. Motta, ed., Studi dedicati a Carmelo Tasselli (Soveria Manelli, CZ): 309–29.
Endrei, W. 1978. “De l’abaque aux chiffres arabes, leur lutte en Europe”, in Studi in memoria di Federigo Melis, vol. 1 (Napoli): 279–300.
Failler, A. 2000. “Retour à Péra par Ta Pikridiou et Diplokionion”, Revue des études byzantines 58: 185–98.
Falchetta, P. 2009. “The Portolan of Michael of Rhodes”, in Long 2009: 193–210Filippo da Novara 1994. S. Melani, ed., Filippo da Novara, Guerra di Federico II
in Oriente (1223–1242) (Napoli).Frigerio, F. 1986. “Un plan manuscrit inédit du XVIe siècle du port de Famagouste”,
in T. Papadopoullou and S. Chatzestylle, eds, Praktika tou Deuterou Diethnous Kyprologikou Synedriou, vol. 2 (Nicosia): 296–302.
Gautier Dalché, P. 1995. Carte marine et portulan au XIIe siècle. Le Liber de existencia riveriarum et forma maris nostri Mediterranei (Pise, circa 1200) (Rome).
Gautier Dalché, P. 2005. Du Yorkshire à l’Inde: une “géographie” urbaine et maritime de la fin du XIIe siècle (Roger de Howden?) (Genève).
Gertwagen, R. 2006. “Harbours and facilities along the eastern Mediterranean sea lanes to Outremer”, in Pryor 2006: 95–118.
Golubovich, G. 1906–27. “Itinerarium cujusdam Anglici Terram Sanctam et alia loca sancta visitantis anno 1344”, in G. Golubovich, ed., Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra Santa e dell’Oriente francescano, vol. 4 (Firenze): 435–60.
Grossi Bianchi, L. C., and E. Poleggi. 1980. Una città portuale del Medioevo, Genova nei secoli X–XVI (Genova).
Heyd, W. 1885–6. Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen âge, 2 vols (Leipzig)Jacoby, D. 1984. “The rise of a new emporium in the Eastern Mediterranean:
Famagusta in the late thirteenth century”, Meletai kai Ypomnemata (Nicosia), vol. 1: 145–79 (repr. in Jacoby 1989: no. VIII).
Jacoby, D. 1986. “A Venetian manual of commercial practice from Crusader Acre”, in G. Airaldi and B. Kedar, ed., I comuni italiani nel regno crociato di Gerusalemme: 403–28 (repr. in Jacoby 1989: no. VII).
Jacoby, D. 1989. Studies on the Crusader States and on Venetian Expansion (Northampton).
Jacoby, D. 2001. “Mercanti genovesi e veneziani e le loro merci nel Levante crociato”, in G. Ortalli and D. Puncuh, eds, Genova, Venezia, il Levante nei secoli XII–XIV (Genova): 213–56 (repr. in Jacoby 2009: no. V).
Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean82
Jacoby, D. 2005. “The economy of Latin Constantinople, 1204–1261”, in A. Laiou, ed., Urbs capta. The Fourth Crusade and its Consequences. La IVe Croisade et ses conséquences (Paris): 195–214.
Jacoby, D. 2007a. “Byzantium, the Italian maritime powers, and the Black Sea before 1204”, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 100: 677–99.
Jacoby, D. 2007b. “The Pisan commercial manual of 1278 in the Mediterranean context”, in F. Cardini and M. L. Ceccarelli Lemut, eds, “Quel mar che la terra inghirlanda”. Studi mediterranei in ricordo di Marco Tangheroni, vol. 2 (Pisa): 449–64.
Jacoby, D. 2009. Latins, Greeks and Muslims: encounters in the Eastern Mediterranean, tenth–fifteenth centuries (Farnham).
Jehel, G. 1989. “Les conditions techniques de l’installation d’un établissement portuaire en Méditerranée: l’exemple d’Aigues-Mortes (1240–1289)”, in Poleggi 1989: 203–9.
Krekic, B. 1961. Dubrovnik (Raguse) et le Levant au moyen âge (Paris – La Haye).Kretschmer, K. 1909. Die italienischen Portolane des Mittelalters. Ein Beitrag zur
Geschichte der Kartographie und Nautik (Berlin).Lambropoulou, A. 1994. “Stathmoi sten istorian tes mones Strophadon mia prote
proseggise”, in Praktika Eleiakou Pneumatikou Symposiou 1993 (Athenai): 289–310.
Le Grand, L. 1895. “Relation du pèlerinage à Jérusalem de Nicolas de Martoni, notaire italien (1394–1395)”, Revue de l’Orient latin 3: 631–2.
Long, P. O., ed. 2009. The Book of Michael of Rhodes: a fifteenth-century maritime manuscript, 3 vols (Cambridge, Mass.).
Lopez, R. 1936. “I Genovesi in Affrica Occidentale nel Medio Evo”, in R. Lopez, Studi sull’economia genovese nel Medio Evo (Torino): 3–61.
Luttrell, A. 1964. “Vonitza in Epirus and its Lords: 1306–1377”, Rivista di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici, n. s., 1 (XI): 131–41 (repr. in: Luttrell 1982: no. VII).
Luttrell, A. 1982. Latin Greece, the Hospitallers and the Crusades, 1291–1440 (London).
Mollat du Jourdin, M. and M. de la Roncière. 1984. Sea Charts of the Early Explorers: 13th to 17th century, trans. L. le R. Dethan (New York).
Motzo, B. R. 1947. Il Compasso da Navigare. Opera italiana della metà del secolo XIII (Cagliari).
Mousouras, D. I. 2004. “He mone Strophadon (1200–1500). Ena paradeigma amyntikou monachismou”, in V. Konte, ed., Ho monachismos sten Peloponneso, 4os -15os ai. (Athenai): 215–41.
Munby, A. N. L. 1951–60. Phillipps Studies, 5 vols (London).Mutafian, C., ed. 1995. Les Lusignans et l’Outre-Mer (Actes du Colloque de
Poitiers-Lusignan, 20–24 octobre 1993) (Poitiers).Pagnini della Ventura, G. F. 1765–66. “Compasso a mostrare a navicare dall’uno
stretto all’altro”, in Della decima e di varie altre gravezze imposte dal comune di Firenze, della moneta e della mercatura de’ Fiorentini fino al secolo XVI, vol. 2.4 (Lisbone e Lucca): 199–276.
An Unpublished Medieval Portolan of the Mediterranean in Minneapolis 83
Picard, Ch. 1997. L’océan Atlantique musulman. De la conquête arabe à l’époque almohade. Navigation et mise en valeur des côtes d’al-Andalus et du Maghreb occidental (Portugal-Espagne-Maroc) (Paris).
Pitarello, O. 2006. Algune raxion per marineri. Un manuale veneziano del secolo XV per gente di mare (Padova).
Poleggi, E., ed. 1989. Città portuali del Mediterraneo, storia e archeologia (Genova).
Pryor, J. H., ed. 2006. Logistics of Warfare in the Age of the Crusades (Aldershot).Röhricht, R. 1895. “Le pèlerinage du moine augustin Jacques de Vérone (1335)”,
Revue de l’Orient latin 3: 171–302.Rose, S. 2002. Medieval Naval Warfare, 1000–1500 (London).Rossetti, G. 1989. “Pisa: assetto urbano e infrastruttura portuale”, in Poleggi 1989:
263–86.Rossi, F. 2009. “Introduction to the manuscript”, in Stahl 2009: XI–XLVIII.Schmitt, O. J. 1995. “Zur Geschichte der Stadt Glarentza im 15. Jahrhundert”,
Byzantion 65: 98–135.Soustal, P. 1981. Nikopolis und Kephallenia (Tabula Imperii Byzantini 3; Vienna).Stahl. A. M., ed. 2009. The Book of Michael of Rhodes: a fifteenth-century maritime
manuscript, vol. 2: Transcription and Translation (Cambridge, Mass.).Stussi, A., ed. 1965. Testi veneziani del Duecento e dei primi del Trecento (Pisa).Stussi, A., ed. 1967. Zibaldone da Canal. Manoscritto mercantile del sec. XIV
(Venezia).Terrosu Asole, A. 1988. Il portolano di Grazia Pauli: opera italiana del secolo
XIV, trascritta a cura di Bacchisio R. Motzo (Cagliari).Tzavara, A. 2008. Clarentza, une ville de la Morée latine, XIIIe–XVe siècles
(Venise)Zecchin, L. 1987–90. “Vetrerie muranesi dal 1276 al 1482”, in idem, Vetro e vetrai
