Page 1
Centro Journal
ISSN: 1538-6279
[email protected]
The City University of New York
Estados Unidos
Rodríguez Domínguez, Víctor M.
The racialization of mexican americans and puerto ricans: 1890s-1930s
Centro Journal, vol. XVII, núm. 1, spring, 2005, pp. 70-105
The City University of New York
New York, Estados Unidos
Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=37717104
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Page 2
CE
NT
RO
Jou
rn
al
7V
olu
me x
v1i N
um
ber
1
spr
in
g 20
05
[ 71]
The
raci
aliz
atio
n of
Mex
ican
Am
eric
ans
and
Puer
to R
ican
s:
1890
s–19
30s
VÍC
TO
RM
. RO
DR
ÍGU
EZ
DO
MÍN
GU
EZ
Thi
s ar
ticl
e de
scri
bes
the
basi
c pr
oces
ses
of r
acia
lizat
ion.
The
pap
er b
egin
s by
ana
lyzi
ng h
ow M
exic
an A
mer
ican
s an
dPu
erto
Ric
ans w
ere
raci
aliz
ed d
urin
g th
e fir
st d
ecad
es o
f the
20th
cen
tury
. T
his
was
a s
igni
fica
nt t
ime,
whe
n th
eid
eolo
gies
of s
cien
tific
rac
ism
and
impe
rial
ism
bec
ame
part
of t
he p
opul
ar c
ultu
re;
it w
as a
lso
a ti
me
whe
n P
uert
oR
ican
s an
d M
exic
ans
wer
e be
ing
colo
nize
d, b
oth
in t
heir
nati
ons
of o
rigi
n an
d in
the
ir d
iasp
oric
hom
elan
ds. W
hile
ther
e is
som
e si
gnif
ican
t des
crip
tive
wor
k on
con
tem
pora
ryra
cial
izat
ion
in t
he C
hica
no a
nd B
oric
ua e
xper
ienc
e,ve
ry l
ittl
e co
mpa
rati
ve a
nd t
heor
etic
al u
nder
stan
ding
supp
orts
the
se e
ffor
ts.
By
look
ing
at t
he p
atte
rns
that
emer
ge i
n th
e pr
oces
s of
sub
ordi
nati
ng,
cont
rolli
ng,
and
clas
sify
ing
Mex
ican
Am
eric
ans
and
Pue
rto
Ric
ans,
we
gain
a p
ersp
ecti
ve o
n th
e ro
le o
f co
loni
alis
m (
both
inte
rnal
and
ext
erna
l), a
s w
ell
as t
he r
ole
of c
lass
and
gend
er i
n ra
cial
izat
ion,
and
we
begi
n to
cre
ate
the
basi
sfo
r a
theo
reti
cally
gro
unde
d pe
rspe
ctiv
e on
rac
ializ
atio
n.[K
ey w
ords
: rac
ializ
atio
n, r
acis
m, P
uert
o R
ican
s, C
hica
nos,
Lati
nos/
His
pani
cs, r
ace/
ethn
icit
y]
AB
STR
AC
T
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 70
Page 3
and
othe
rs. R
acia
lizat
ion
is a
pro
cess
that
incl
udes
soci
aliz
atio
n in
to a
cul
ture
sign
ified
by
race
, wit
h in
divi
dual
s int
erna
lizin
g pa
tter
ns o
f beh
avio
r and
thou
ght t
hat
cont
ribu
te to
thei
r ow
n su
bord
inat
ion
and
to th
e pe
rpet
uati
on o
f the
syst
em.
Sco
pe
and
co
nce
pts
Ren
ato
Ros
aldo
(198
7) d
evel
oped
the
usef
ul n
otio
n of
“cul
tura
l cit
izen
ship
.” T
his i
dea
is c
entr
al to
how
we
unde
rsta
nd ra
cial
izat
ion.
For
Ros
aldo
, rac
ializ
atio
n is
cha
lleng
edby
a w
hole
rang
e of
stra
tegi
es a
nd p
ract
ices
, whi
ch a
llow
s a g
roup
to e
stab
lish
aco
ntes
ted
terr
itory
or s
ocia
l spa
ce, i
n w
hich
Lat
inos
can
cha
lleng
e an
d su
rviv
esu
bord
inat
ion.
The
pro
cess
of c
reat
ing
a so
cial
spac
e is
cal
led
“cul
tura
l cit
izen
ship
.”Ef
fort
s cha
lleng
ing
raci
aliz
atio
n in
clud
e re
sist
ing
the
pola
rize
d sy
stem
of r
acia
lca
tego
ries
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
.A
rece
nt a
ttem
pt to
uti
lize
Ros
aldo
’s co
ncep
t is f
ound
in W
illia
m V
. Flo
res a
ndR
ina
Ben
may
or (1
997)
. How
ever
, whi
le th
ese
narr
ativ
es se
rve
as d
ata
for w
ork
on th
eco
mpa
rati
ve d
iale
ctic
of r
acia
lizat
ion,
they
do
not i
nclu
de w
ithi
n th
em a
com
para
tive
appr
oach
. In
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es, r
acia
l cat
egor
ies a
re c
onst
ruct
ed in
bin
ary
oppo
siti
onto
eac
h ot
her;
they
bec
ome
part
of a
com
para
tive
taxo
nom
y of
whi
te/b
lack
, w
here
in ra
cial
izat
ion
occu
rs in
the
cont
ext o
f com
pari
son
and
cate
gori
zati
on w
ith
an “o
ther
.” It
is p
reci
sely
in th
is p
roce
ss o
f com
pari
son,
whe
re m
eani
ng is
cons
truc
ted
by c
reat
ing
cate
gori
es, t
hat r
acia
lizat
ion
beco
mes
cog
niti
vely
inte
lligi
ble.
In o
rder
to u
nder
stan
d ra
cial
izat
ion,
whi
ch is
in it
s cor
e a
proc
ess o
f cre
atin
gm
eani
ng, o
ne m
ust u
se a
com
para
tive
app
roac
h.E
arly
wor
k on
the
raci
aliz
atio
n of
Afr
ican
Am
eric
ans w
as c
ondu
cted
by
W.E
.B.
Du
Boi
s in
his c
lass
ic tr
eati
se T
he S
ouls
of B
lack
Fol
ks(1
903)
. In
this
wor
k,
he in
trod
uced
the
conc
ept o
f “do
uble
con
scio
usne
ss” a
s a p
ivot
al c
ompo
nent
of
raci
aliz
atio
n.6
How
ever
, whi
le m
uch
can
be g
leam
ed fr
om th
e A
fric
an A
mer
ican
expe
rien
ce, t
he ra
cial
izat
ion
of L
atin
Am
eric
an p
eopl
e re
quir
es a
his
tori
cally
spec
ific
and
com
para
tive
app
roac
h to
be
unde
rsto
od.
It is
impo
rtan
t to
reco
gniz
e th
at th
e ra
cial
izat
ion
of A
fric
ans o
ccur
red
in a
com
para
tive
taxo
nom
y th
at in
clud
ed w
hite
s as t
he “n
on-o
ther
.” A
s Han
ey L
opez
(199
6) h
as re
veal
ed, t
he le
gal p
roce
ss o
f det
erm
inin
g w
hich
imm
igra
nts w
ere
“whi
te”
(so
that
they
cou
ld b
e na
tura
lized
as U
.S. c
itiz
ens)
impl
icit
ly re
cogn
ized
the
dial
ecti
cof
raci
aliz
atio
n:
No
cour
t of
fere
d a
com
plet
e ty
polo
gy li
stin
g th
e ch
arac
teri
stic
sof
Whi
tene
ss a
gain
st w
hich
to
com
pare
the
pet
itio
ner.
Inst
ead,
the
cour
ts d
efin
ed “
whi
te”
thro
ugh
a pr
oces
s of
neg
atio
n,sy
stem
ical
ly id
enti
fyin
g w
ho w
as n
on-W
hite
. (H
aney
Lop
ez 1
996:
27)
Obv
ious
ly, th
e co
urts
ass
umed
that
a p
erso
n w
as “w
hite
” if t
hat p
erso
n w
as n
ot
“non
-whi
te.”
The
dou
ble
nega
tive
sugg
ests
that
raci
aliz
atio
n im
plie
s a p
roce
ssw
here
in th
e in
corp
orat
ion
of in
divi
dual
s and
gro
ups t
akes
pla
ce in
a sy
stem
of
raci
al c
ateg
orie
s tha
t are
not
abs
olut
e; in
stea
d, th
ey a
re “c
ompa
rati
ve ta
xono
mie
s of
rela
tive
diff
eren
ce” (
Han
ey L
opez
1996
: 27)
. T
his m
eans
that
if w
e ar
e to
und
erst
and
raci
aliz
atio
n, w
e m
ust d
o it
in a
com
para
tive
way
. We
need
to se
e th
e st
riki
ng si
mila
riti
es a
nd d
iffer
ence
s tha
t occ
urin
the
raci
aliz
atio
n of
gro
ups.
In th
e U
nite
d St
ates
, the
“bla
ck/w
hite
” rel
atio
nshi
pw
as t
he fo
unda
tion
for
the
cons
truc
tion
of t
he r
acia
l gri
d of
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es.
[ 73
]
Intr
od
uct
ion
Und
erst
andi
ng th
e pr
oces
s of t
he ra
cial
izat
ion
of L
atin
os in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es is
a
nece
ssar
y ta
sk.1
Cla
ra R
odri
guez
(200
0) w
rite
s tha
t the
stud
y of
Lat
inos
serv
es
as a
goo
d ill
ustr
atio
n of
the
“soc
ial c
onst
ruct
edne
ss” o
f rac
e in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es.2
How
ever
, whi
le th
ere
is a
sign
ifica
nt li
tera
ture
that
has
focu
sed
on sp
ecifi
cs a
spec
tsof
this
pro
cess
, ver
y lit
tle c
ompa
rati
ve w
ork
is a
vaila
ble
on th
e si
mila
riti
es a
nddi
ffer
ence
s bet
wee
n th
e ra
cial
izat
ion
proc
ess o
f the
var
ious
“Lat
ino”
gro
ups.3
We
will
hav
e a
bett
er g
rasp
of t
he p
roce
ss o
f rac
ializ
atio
n if
we
unde
rsta
nd th
epa
rtic
ular
itie
s and
sim
ilari
ties
of r
acia
lizat
ion
wit
hin
the
vari
ous e
thni
c co
mpo
nent
sof
the
Lati
no c
omm
unit
y. Fl
ores
(200
0) re
min
ds u
s in
his a
rtic
le “P
an-L
atin
o/Tr
ans-
Lati
no” t
hat t
he L
atin
oco
ncep
t mus
t be
exte
nded
as f
ully
as p
ossi
ble:
The
adeq
uacy
of t
he e
mba
ttle
d ‘L
atin
o’or
‘His
pani
c’co
ncep
thi
nges
on
its
incl
usiv
enes
s to
war
d th
e fu
ll ra
nge
of s
ocia
lex
peri
ence
s an
d id
enti
ties
, and
par
ticu
larl
y it
s br
idgi
ng o
f the
dive
rgen
ce w
ithi
n th
e co
ntem
pora
ry c
onfig
urat
ion
betw
een
rece
nt ‘L
atin
o im
mig
rant
’pop
ulat
ions
and
, for
wan
t of
a b
ette
rte
rm, t
he ‘r
esid
ent
min
orit
y’Ch
ican
o an
d Pu
erto
Ric
anco
mm
unit
ies.
(Flo
res
2000
: 164
)
The
hom
ogen
izat
ion
of d
iffer
ence
s am
ong
peop
le o
f Lat
in A
mer
ican
ori
gin
in th
eU
nite
d St
ates
is p
art o
f the
pro
cess
of r
acia
lizat
ion.
4A
n im
port
ant c
onst
itue
nt o
fpi
geon
holin
g gr
oups
into
a ra
cial
taxo
nom
y is
the
eras
ure
of th
e di
stin
ctiv
e qu
alit
ies
that
hum
aniz
e th
em. R
ough
edg
es a
re e
rase
d in
the
proc
ess o
f cat
egor
izin
g. T
his m
akes
the
fit w
ithin
the
cells
mor
e pr
ecis
e. T
hese
indi
vidu
aliz
ing
char
acte
ristic
s, w
hich
tend
to fa
de in
the
proc
ess,
are
the
hist
oric
al, c
ultu
ral,
and
polit
ical
diff
eren
ces a
mon
g an
dw
ithin
Lat
in A
mer
ican
imm
igra
nts.
To ra
cial
ize
Latin
Am
eric
ans i
s to
desc
ribe
them
with
raci
aliz
ed c
hara
cter
istic
s tha
t will
tigh
tly fi
t the
m in
to th
e ca
refu
lly c
onst
ruct
edso
cial
grid
s tha
t con
stitu
te th
e ra
cial
arc
hite
ctur
e of
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es.
Ast
rate
gic
way
of d
emys
tify
ing
and
reve
alin
g th
e fis
sure
s of t
his p
roce
ss re
quir
esth
e us
e of
a c
ompa
rati
ve m
odel
. By
com
pari
ng d
iffer
ent L
atin
o gr
oups
we
can
high
light
the
salie
nt fe
atur
es a
nd p
atte
rns o
f the
pro
cess
of i
ncor
pora
ting
peo
ple
ofLa
tin
Am
eric
an o
rigi
n in
to th
e na
tion
’s ra
cial
gri
d. It
seem
s str
ateg
ic, t
hen,
to fo
cus
on th
e ex
peri
ence
of t
he tw
o La
tino
gro
ups w
ho h
ave
beco
me,
to u
se F
lore
s’ te
rm,
the
“res
iden
t min
orit
y” g
roup
s am
ong
Lati
nos i
n th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. Man
y La
tino
sw
ho h
ave
arri
ved
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
, par
ticu
larl
y af
ter 1
965,
are
raci
aliz
ed in
the
cont
ext o
f the
pre
cedi
ng a
nd a
ccum
ulat
ed ra
cial
izat
ion
expe
rien
ce o
f Bor
icua
s and
Chi
cano
s. Fo
r man
y pe
ople
of L
atin
Am
eric
an o
rigi
n, p
ast e
xper
ienc
e be
com
es th
efo
unda
tion
for a
raci
aliz
ed id
enti
ty.5
To d
emys
tify
raci
aliz
atio
n, w
e m
ust t
heor
etic
ally
del
inea
te so
me
of th
e sa
lient
feat
ures
of r
acia
lizat
ion.
The
se fe
atur
es w
ill p
rovi
de th
e co
ntou
rs fo
r a fr
amew
ork
that
will
hel
p un
ders
tand
the
part
icul
arit
ies o
f rac
ializ
atio
n. R
e-re
adin
g th
ese
text
sw
ithi
n a
theo
reti
cal f
ram
ewor
k se
rves
to il
lust
rate
the
need
for a
nd b
enef
its o
ffu
rthe
r com
para
tive
wor
k be
twee
n C
hica
nos a
nd B
oric
uas;
addi
tion
ally,
thei
rex
peri
ence
nee
ds to
be
com
pare
d w
ith
the
raci
aliz
atio
n ex
peri
ence
of o
ther
gro
ups.
Rac
ializ
atio
n is
par
t of a
dia
lect
ical
pro
cess
. Tho
se g
roup
s who
are
subo
rdin
ated
not o
nly
chal
leng
e an
d co
ntes
t but
als
o co
ntri
bute
to th
e ra
cial
izat
ion
of th
emse
lves
[ 72
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 72
Page 4
But
the
expe
rien
ce o
f peo
ple
of L
atin
Am
eric
an o
rigi
n is
so v
ery
sign
ifica
ntly
diff
eren
t, a
diff
eren
t fra
mew
ork
is re
quir
ed.
Add
itio
nally
, peo
ple
of L
atin
Am
eric
an o
rigi
n ha
ve b
een
inco
rpor
ated
into
the
raci
al g
rid in
mor
e di
vers
e w
ays.
Som
e ca
me
from
nat
ions
or r
egio
ns th
at w
ere
conq
uere
dan
d co
loni
zed
as th
e U
nite
d St
ates
exp
ande
d, a
nd o
ther
s cam
e as
imm
igra
nts f
rom
nati
ons w
ith
vary
ing
degr
ees o
f neo
colo
nial
invo
lvem
ent w
ith
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es.
Peop
le o
f Lat
in A
mer
ican
ori
gin
cam
e fr
om c
ount
ries
that
alr
eady
had
dev
elop
eddi
ffer
ent s
yste
ms
of ra
cial
hie
rarc
hies
. So
the
proc
ess
of ra
cial
izin
g pe
ople
of L
atin
Am
eric
an o
rigi
n in
to a
“Lat
ino/
His
pani
c” c
ateg
ory
is b
uilt
upon
the
prev
ious
mem
ory
of ra
cial
hie
rarc
hies
the
imm
igra
nts o
r con
quer
ed p
eopl
es b
roug
ht w
ith
them
.7T
he h
omel
ands
(or f
ract
ions
ther
eof)
of M
exic
ans a
nd P
uert
o R
ican
s wer
eco
nque
red,
and
this
con
ques
t was
follo
wed
by
thei
r em
igra
tion
to th
e ne
wm
etro
polis
es. T
his m
eant
that
whi
le th
e re
lati
onsh
ip o
f Mex
ican
s and
Pue
rto
Ric
ans
wit
h th
e U
nite
d St
ates
was
sim
ilar,
it w
as n
ot e
xact
ly th
e sa
me
as th
at o
f Eur
opea
nim
mig
rant
s.8Fo
r exa
mpl
e, th
e tr
aum
a of
the
Afr
ican
mid
dle
pass
age
was
not
par
t of
thei
r his
tori
cal m
emor
y as
a g
roup
. In
fact
, man
y pe
rson
s of L
atin
Am
eric
an o
rigi
nca
me
to th
e U
nite
d St
ates
stro
ngly
bel
ievi
ng in
the
Am
eric
an D
ream
. The
re w
as n
opo
ssib
le A
mer
ican
Dre
am fo
r ens
lave
d A
fric
ans.
The
raci
aliz
atio
n of
peo
ple
of L
atin
Am
eric
an o
rigi
n (in
par
ticu
lar P
uert
o R
ican
san
d M
exic
an A
mer
ican
s) w
as a
lso
dist
inct
from
the
raci
aliz
atio
n of
oth
ers i
n th
e U
.S.
beca
use
emig
rati
ng L
atin
os c
ame
from
cou
ntri
es w
here
mis
cege
nati
on w
as c
omm
onan
d w
here
the
idea
of m
esti
zaje
was
par
t of n
atio
n-bu
ildin
g ef
fort
s (K
lor d
e A
lva
1997
). Fu
rthe
rmor
e, th
eir r
acia
l hie
rarc
hies
, con
trar
y to
the
pola
rize
d sy
stem
of t
heU
nite
d St
ates
, had
inte
rmed
iate
raci
al c
ateg
orie
s tha
t allo
wed
peo
ple
to b
e de
scri
bed
in te
rms o
ther
than
bla
ck (G
uerr
a 19
98).
In M
exic
o, th
e in
dige
nous
peo
ples
who
led
a re
belli
on a
gain
st P
orfir
io D
íaz’
regi
me
(187
6–19
11) u
sed
the
conc
ept o
f the
mes
tiza
jeto
hel
p th
e co
ales
cing
of f
orce
s aga
inst
the
dict
ator
. In
prac
tice
, thi
s mea
nt e
rasi
ng th
eA
fric
an c
ateg
ory
from
the
raci
al h
iera
rchy
of M
exic
o. E
arlie
r, th
e w
ay th
e el
ite tr
eate
dA
fro-
Mex
ican
pat
riot
Vic
ente
Gue
rrer
o, in
con
tras
t to
trea
tmen
t of r
ight
and
left
oppo
nent
s, in
dica
tes a
stro
ng a
nti-A
fric
an u
nder
curr
ent i
n M
exic
an c
olon
ial c
ultu
re.9
In B
ened
ict A
nder
son’
s ter
ms (
1991
), M
exic
o “i
mag
ined
itse
lf” a
s a m
esti
zona
tion
an
d in
corp
orat
ed M
exic
ans o
f Afr
ican
des
cent
into
the
conc
ept o
f the
mes
tiza
je.
The
refo
re, t
he te
rcer
a ra�
z(A
fric
an) i
s con
spic
uous
ly a
bsen
t fro
m th
e M
exic
an im
agin
ary.
In P
uert
o R
ico
the
raci
al sy
stem
was
not
a b
ifurc
ated
syst
em o
f cat
egor
ies,
mak
ing
it e
asie
r to
mov
e fr
om o
ne ra
cial
cat
egor
y to
a m
ore
pres
tigi
ous s
tatu
s.10
The
Pue
rto
Ric
an ra
cial
hie
rarc
hy w
as n
ot b
ased
on
an e
ithe
r/or
fram
ewor
k bu
t rat
her a
seri
es o
fra
cial
cat
egor
ies c
onst
ruct
ed a
ccor
ding
to a
less
rigi
d co
ntin
uum
. Eac
h in
term
edia
teca
tego
ry w
as a
com
posi
te o
f col
or a
nd p
hysi
cal f
eatu
res,
boun
dari
ed o
ne e
nd o
f the
spec
trum
by
the
conc
ept o
f whi
tene
ss a
nd o
n th
e ot
her e
nd b
y th
e co
ncep
t of
blac
knes
s. T
he c
lose
r the
clu
ster
of p
hysi
cal c
hara
cter
isti
cs re
sem
bled
that
of w
hite
s,th
e hi
gher
soci
al st
atus
the
pers
on p
osse
ssed
. Thi
s mea
nt th
at it
was
feas
ible
to m
ove
into
whi
ter c
ateg
orie
s; in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es, h
owev
er, “
pass
ing”
was
onl
y po
ssib
le in
exce
ptio
nal c
ircum
stan
ces.1
1In
Lat
in A
mer
ica,
the
“whi
teni
ng” p
roce
ss w
as fo
rmal
ized
:th
e Sp
anis
h K
ing
Car
los I
II in
1783
issu
ed a
dec
ree
by w
hich
a p
erso
n of
mix
edSp
anis
h an
d A
fric
an h
erit
age
coul
d re
ceiv
e a
“céd
ula
de g
raci
as a
l sac
ar” (
Gue
rra
1998
:21
5). T
his c
�du
law
ould
gra
nt th
e st
atus
of “
whi
te” t
o th
e re
cipi
ent.
The
ext
ensi
ve e
xper
ienc
e of
mis
cege
nati
on a
mon
g La
tino
s has
led
to a
stro
ngch
alle
nge
rega
rdin
g th
is “o
ther
ing”
pro
cess
, esp
ecia
lly in
resp
onse
to th
e bu
reau
crat
icra
cial
izin
g of
the
U.S
. Cen
sus B
urea
u. I
n re
cent
dec
ades
, 42.
2 pe
rcen
t of L
atin
os,
whe
n as
ked
to c
hoos
e a
raci
al c
ateg
ory
for t
he c
ensu
s, ha
ve c
hose
n th
e ca
tego
ry“o
ther
” ins
tead
of b
lack
, whi
te, o
r Am
eric
an In
dian
.12 A
nd in
the
2000
US
Cen
sus m
ore
than
80.
5 per
cent
of P
uert
o R
ican
s in
the
isla
nd c
hose
“whi
te” w
hen
aske
d to
ans
wer
the
raci
al c
ateg
orie
s que
stio
n, g
iven
for t
he fi
rst t
ime
since
1950
.13In
con
tras
t, on
ly 4
6.4
perc
ent o
f Pue
rto
Ric
ans i
n th
e m
ainl
and
chos
e to
des
crib
e th
emse
lves
as w
hite
,w
hile
38.
2 pe
rcen
t cho
se “o
ther
” (In
ter-U
nive
rsit
y Pr
ogra
m fo
r Lat
ino
Res
earc
h 20
02).
Thi
s is a
tren
d th
at, a
ccor
ding
to D
uany
(200
2), s
igni
fies a
gap
in th
e ou
tcom
e of
the
raci
aliz
atio
n ex
peri
ence
of B
oric
uas i
n Pu
erto
Ric
o an
d th
ose
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
.
His
tori
cal
sco
pe
The
com
para
tive
look
at r
acia
lizat
ion
for P
uert
o R
ican
s foc
uses
on
the
peri
od a
fter
the
Span
ish-
Am
eric
an W
ar o
f 189
8 an
d un
til t
he 19
30s f
or a
num
ber o
f rea
sons
.W
hile
Pue
rto
Ric
ans h
ad e
ngag
ed in
sign
ifica
nt tr
ade
rela
tion
s wit
h th
e U
nite
dSt
ates
dur
ing
the
latt
er p
art o
f the
19th
cen
tury
, it i
s not
unt
il th
e co
nque
st a
ndoc
cupa
tion
of t
he is
land
that
Pue
rto
Ric
ans a
s a c
olle
ctiv
e w
ere
sign
ifica
ntly
dra
wn
into
the
proc
ess o
f rac
ializ
atio
n. It
is d
urin
g th
is p
erio
d th
at ra
cial
izat
ion
ises
tabl
ishe
d th
roug
h th
e cr
eati
on o
f bifu
rcat
ed ra
cial
cat
egor
ies a
nd a
bio
logi
cal
ideo
logy
that
asc
ribe
s diff
eren
ces t
o im
mut
able
bio
logi
cal c
hara
cter
isti
cs. A
qual
itat
ive
chan
ge in
raci
aliz
atio
n to
ok p
lace
bet
wee
n th
e Sp
anis
h an
d A
nglo
Sax
on p
erio
ds in
the
isla
nd. A
fter
the
abol
itio
n of
slav
ery
in 18
73 in
Pue
rto
Ric
o, P
uert
o R
ican
s of A
fric
ande
scen
t exp
erie
nced
a re
lati
ve ri
se in
soci
al st
atus
. In
Puer
to R
ico,
inte
rmar
riag
e w
asm
ore
com
mon
, and
the
skill
s acq
uire
d by
ens
lave
d A
fric
ans i
n th
e pl
anta
tion
eco
nom
y,co
uple
d w
ith
the
exis
tenc
e of
a si
gnifi
cant
ly la
rge
popu
lati
on o
f fre
e bl
acks
, ea
sed
thei
r gra
dual
alth
ough
subo
rdin
ated
inte
grat
ion
into
Pue
rto
Ric
o’s s
ocie
ty.
Mea
nwhi
le, t
he U
nite
d St
ates
’ inf
luen
ce in
the
isla
nd, e
spec
ially
its r
acia
lpa
radi
gm, w
as n
ot a
s per
vasi
ve a
s in
Cub
a. U
nlik
e C
uba,
whi
ch w
as v
ery
muc
h in
the
Am
eric
an c
onsc
ious
ness
, Pue
rto
Ric
o w
as n
ot in
the
publ
ic im
agin
atio
n of
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es. T
he e
nd o
f the
“Spl
endi
d Li
ttle
War
” bro
ught
Pue
rto
Ric
o to
a m
ore
visi
ble
plac
e in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es im
agin
atio
n as
the
issu
e of
cit
izen
ship
and
futu
repo
litic
al st
atus
bec
ame
part
of t
he p
olit
ical
dis
cour
se (C
abra
nes 1
979)
. It a
lso
brou
ght
Puer
to R
ican
cul
ture
into
dir
ect c
onta
ct w
ith
the
raci
al p
arad
igm
of t
he U
nite
dSt
ates
. It i
s dur
ing
this
per
iod
that
raci
aliz
atio
n in
Pue
rto
Ric
o be
gins
to c
hang
e,be
com
ing
mor
e an
d m
ore
a pa
rt o
f the
bifu
rcat
ed ra
cial
syst
em o
f the
Uni
ted
Stat
es,
who
se u
nder
stan
ding
of b
iolo
gica
l diff
eren
ces a
re si
gnifi
ed a
nd e
ncod
ed in
way
s tha
tsh
ape
the
raci
aliz
atio
n of
Pue
rto
Ric
ans.
How
ever
, with
in th
e is
land
, Pue
rto
Ric
ans w
ere
bett
er a
ble
to c
halle
nge
raci
aliz
atio
nth
an in
the
mai
nlan
d. T
he re
lati
vely
smal
l num
ber o
f Pue
rto
Ric
ans l
ivin
g in
the
U.S
.du
ring
this
per
iod
limite
d th
eir a
bilit
y to
cha
lleng
e ra
cial
izat
ion
effe
ctiv
ely.
By
the
late
1930
s the
sign
ifica
nt p
olit
ical
and
cul
tura
l cha
nges
that
wer
e ta
king
pla
ce in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es a
nd P
uert
o R
ico
bega
n to
giv
e ri
se to
a n
ew c
onte
xt fo
r rac
ializ
atio
n.W
ithi
n th
e so
cial
scie
nces
, mor
e cu
ltura
lly b
ased
per
spec
tive
s beg
an to
cha
lleng
ebi
olog
ical
and
evo
lutio
nary
fram
ewor
ks; t
he ri
se o
f rad
ical
pol
itics
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
and
natio
nalis
m in
Pue
rto
Ric
o al
so se
rved
to c
onte
st ra
cial
izat
ion
(Dua
ny 20
02: 2
64).
Thi
s tra
nsiti
on n
eeds
furt
her e
xplo
ratio
n an
d an
alys
is. T
he in
tens
ifica
tion
of ra
cial
izat
ion
that
occ
urs a
fter
this
tran
sitio
nal p
erio
d in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es is
of s
peci
al in
tere
st.
The
raci
aliz
atio
n pr
oces
s of M
exic
ans i
n th
e fir
st tw
o-th
irds
of t
he 19
th c
entu
ryw
as q
ualit
ativ
ely
dist
inct
from
the
one
that
dev
elop
ed in
the
late
19th
and
ear
ly 2
0th
cent
urie
s. A
s Tom
as A
lmag
uer (
1994
: 45)
arg
ues,
“Whi
te im
mig
rant
s act
ually
ass
igne
dM
exic
ans a
n in
term
edia
te lo
cati
on in
the
new
soci
ety
they
impo
sed
in th
e re
gion
.”
[ 75
][ 7
4]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 74
Page 5
“Mex
ican
,” th
en, b
ecom
es a
raci
al c
ateg
ory
rath
er th
an a
n et
hnic
des
crip
tor.
The
pro
cess
of r
acia
lizat
ion
of M
exic
ans w
as q
uite
adv
ance
d in
Sou
ther
n C
alifo
rnia
by th
e en
d of
the
cent
ury.
On
Aug
ust 2
0, 18
92, F
ranc
isco
Tor
res a
ccid
enta
lly k
illed
the
fore
man
of a
ranc
h in
Mod
jesk
a C
anyo
n (O
rang
e C
ount
y, C
alifo
rnia
), w
here
he
was
a ra
nch
hand
. Apo
sse
was
org
aniz
ed, a
nd T
orre
s w
as c
aptu
red
and
lync
hed,
w
ith
a si
gn h
ung
arou
nd h
is d
ead
body
sayi
ng “c
hang
e of
ven
ue.”
The
refe
renc
e w
as
in re
spon
se to
eff
orts
to h
ave
him
trie
d el
sew
here
. The
San
ta A
na S
tand
ard
wro
te:
Torr
es w
as a
low
typ
e of
Mex
ican
rac
e, a
nd w
as e
vide
ntly
mor
eIn
dian
tha
n w
hite
. Tru
e to
his
sav
age
natu
re h
e ha
d no
mor
ere
gard
for
hum
an li
fe t
han
for
the
mer
est
trifl
e… H
e be
long
s to
a c
lass
of o
utla
ws
in s
outh
ern
Calif
orni
a an
d ol
d M
exic
o.(A
cuña
198
8: 1
29)
By th
e 18
90s,
Mex
ican
s had
reac
hed
the
stat
us o
f a ra
cial
gro
up in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es;
thei
r pre
viou
sly h
eld
inte
rmed
iate
pos
ition
in th
e ra
cial
hie
rarc
hy n
ow g
ave
rise
to a
new
,m
ore
mod
ern
form
of s
ubor
dina
tion.
In P
uert
o R
ico,
how
ever
, whi
le P
uert
o R
ican
s had
been
raci
aliz
ed, t
hey
still
did
not
ach
ieve
the
fully
raci
aliz
ed st
atus
Mex
ican
Am
eric
ans
had
in th
e U
.S. F
or P
uert
o R
ican
s in
the
mai
nlan
d, th
eir r
acia
lizat
ion
was
mor
e in
tens
ive
than
for t
hose
in th
e isl
and
but l
ess i
nten
sive
than
for M
exic
an A
mer
ican
s.
So
cial
th
eory
, ra
cial
izat
ion
, an
d p
op
ula
r cu
ltu
reC
lara
Rod
rígu
ez (2
000:
ix) r
ecen
tly
argu
ed t
hat
muc
h w
ork
in t
he a
rea
ofra
cial
izat
ion
is n
ot t
heor
etic
ally
rig
orou
s. I
t is
nec
essa
ry to
con
trib
ute
to t
hat
proc
ess
of t
heor
etic
al g
roun
ding
and
cla
rifi
cati
on—
not
only
bec
ause
it m
akes
a
scho
larl
y co
ntri
buti
on, b
ut a
lso
beca
use
it c
lari
fies
how
the
ory
has
insi
nuat
edit
self
into
pop
ular
cul
ture
. No
proj
ect
can
achi
eve
this
wit
hout
hav
ing
anaw
aren
ess
of t
he h
isto
ry o
f the
pro
cess
. It
is u
nfor
tuna
te t
hat
only
unt
il ve
ryre
cent
ly h
ave
soci
olog
ists
and
oth
er s
ocia
l sci
enti
sts
begu
n to
dec
onst
ruct
the
raci
aliz
ed c
hara
cter
of t
he c
onte
nt a
nd c
onte
xt o
f the
ori
gins
of s
ocia
l sci
ence
.T
he p
erio
d in
whi
ch s
ocio
logy
dev
elop
ed it
s fu
ndam
enta
l cha
ract
er in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es is
als
o th
e pe
riod
in w
hich
sci
enti
fic
raci
sm a
nd im
peri
alis
t id
eolo
gyde
velo
ped,
cry
stal
lized
, and
per
haps
mor
e im
port
ant,
per
mea
ted
the
popu
lar
cult
ure
of t
he W
est.
Thi
s bl
ind
spot
in s
ocia
l the
ory
is il
lust
rati
ve o
f how
ste
eped
U.S
. cul
ture
is in
rac
ist
ideo
logy
. B
efor
e w
e ca
n be
gin
to u
nder
stan
d th
e na
ture
and
cha
ract
er o
f rac
ializ
atio
n of
Puer
to R
ican
s and
Mex
ican
s, w
e m
ust c
onte
xtua
lize
raci
aliz
atio
n by
look
ing
at th
eor
igin
s of s
cien
tific
raci
sm. S
cien
tific
raci
sm p
rovi
ded,
at t
he le
vel o
f pop
ular
cul
ture
,th
e id
eolo
gica
l sup
port
for t
he sh
ift in
the
proc
ess o
f rac
ializ
atio
n of
thes
e tw
ogr
oups
. Sci
enti
fic ra
cism
is b
ased
on
the
noti
on o
f bio
logi
cal c
onti
nuit
y th
roug
hbi
olog
ical
evo
luti
on. A
scri
bed
to C
harle
s Dar
win
in h
is O
rigi
n of
the S
peci
es(1
859)
,ev
olut
iona
ry th
ough
t was
qui
te c
omm
on a
s a w
ay o
f thi
nkin
g du
ring
this
per
iod.
A
t thi
s tim
e, m
ost m
acro
and
mic
ro c
once
pts a
bout
soci
ety
wer
e in
fluen
ced
by th
eid
ea o
f evo
luti
on. I
ndee
d, th
e w
orld
vie
w th
at sc
ienc
e ca
n so
lve
soci
al p
robl
ems i
s a
prod
uct o
f the
se in
telle
ctua
l eff
orts
, and
is a
ccom
pani
ed b
y st
rong
raci
aliz
ing
influ
ence
s, pa
rtic
ular
ly in
the
mar
riag
e of
bio
logy
and
stat
isti
cs.
Und
erly
ing
all o
f the
se e
ffor
ts is
a W
este
rn c
ultu
ral t
eleo
logy
def
ined
by
the
need
to fi
nd o
r im
pose
ord
er in
cha
os. I
n ot
her w
ords
, par
t of t
he p
arad
igm
of t
he W
este
rn
[ 77
][ 7
6]
In o
ther
wor
ds, i
n th
e ra
cial
hie
rarc
hy c
onst
ruct
ed b
y w
hite
sett
lers
in th
e ne
wly
conq
uere
d so
uthw
est,
Mex
ican
s, be
caus
e th
ey w
ere
Chr
isti
ans a
nd m
esti
zos a
nd
still
incl
uded
a si
gnifi
cant
land
ed e
lite
who
med
iate
d be
twee
n A
nglo
whi
tes a
ndM
exic
ans,
wer
e no
t ent
irel
y ra
cial
ized
in th
e pr
oces
s. A
s a so
cial
gro
up, M
exic
ans
beca
me
an e
thni
c gr
oup
akin
to E
urop
ean
imm
igra
nts,
in th
e se
nse
that
the
basi
cpr
oces
s of d
iffer
enti
atio
n w
as ro
oted
in c
ultu
re, n
ot ra
ce. D
urin
g th
is p
erio
d,
the
othe
rnes
s of M
exic
ans w
as ro
oted
in c
ultu
re ra
ther
than
in so
me
assu
med
biol
ogic
al d
iffer
ence
.14T
his m
ore
biol
ogic
al ra
cial
izat
ion
begi
ns to
occ
ur a
t the
en
d of
the
19th
cen
tury
and
is p
arti
cula
rly
pow
erfu
l dur
ing
the
20th
cen
tury
. Tr
adit
iona
l Chi
cano
scho
lars
hav
e re
pres
ente
d C
hica
no h
isto
ry a
s a se
amle
ssna
rrat
ive
that
beg
ins w
ith
the
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an W
ar a
nd c
onti
nues
unt
il to
day.
As o
ther
Chi
cano
/Lat
ino
scho
lars
beg
in to
look
at t
he so
cial
and
eco
nom
icst
ruct
ures
bei
ng d
evel
oped
aft
er th
e co
nque
st, a
mor
e nu
ance
d hi
stor
ical
per
spec
tive
is b
egin
ning
to a
rise
. Gon
zale
z an
d Fe
rnan
dez
(199
8: 8
3) a
rgue
that
in o
rder
for
Chi
cano
his
tory
to a
chie
ve it
s pla
ce w
ithi
n U
.S. m
ains
trea
m h
isto
ry th
ere
is a
nee
d to
“bre
ak d
own
barr
iers
to h
isto
rica
l und
erst
andi
ng a
mon
g th
e va
riou
s gro
ups t
hat c
om-
prise
s the
Uni
ted
Stat
es.”
One
way
to a
ccom
plish
this,
Gon
zale
z an
d Fe
rnan
dez
sugg
est,
is b
y en
gagi
ng in
com
para
tive
rese
arch
and
und
erst
andi
ng th
at “c
apit
alis
m d
id n
otco
me
to e
very
regi
on (o
f the
U.S
.) at
the
sam
e tim
e no
r on
the
sam
e te
rms”
(199
8: 8
3).
For a
true
r pic
ture
, the
pol
itic
al e
cono
my
of th
e re
gion
mus
t also
be
exam
ined
. T
hrou
ghou
t the
Sou
thw
est,
the
expa
nsio
n of
cap
ital
ism
and
the
build
ing
of th
era
ilroa
ds in
crea
sed
the
dem
and
for l
abor
and
con
trib
uted
to si
gnifi
cant
dem
ogra
phic
chan
ges.
Bec
ause
of t
he g
row
th o
f the
whi
te p
opul
atio
n, b
y th
e 18
90s,
Sant
a B
arba
ra,
Cal
iforn
ia, t
he la
st p
olit
ical
ly si
gnifi
cant
Mex
ican
enc
lave
, los
t its
abi
lity
to in
fluen
cean
d m
edia
te w
ith
the
whi
te p
olit
ical
syst
em (G
onza
lez
1999
: 88–
9). I
n Lo
s Ang
eles
,th
e ar
riva
l of t
he ra
ilroa
d ha
d in
crea
sed
the
Ang
lo p
opul
atio
n an
d by
the
1880
s had
plac
ed M
exic
ans i
n a
min
orit
y st
atus
by
the
end
of th
e ce
ntur
y. In
Ari
zona
, it w
as a
lso
arou
nd th
e 18
80s t
hat M
exic
ans l
ost c
ontr
ol o
f loc
al p
olit
ics (
Gon
zale
z 19
99: 9
3).
Dur
ing
that
dec
ade,
the
last
mem
bers
of t
he la
nded
elit
e lo
st th
eir l
ands
and
Mex
ican
slo
st th
eir n
umer
ical
maj
orit
y. In
Los
Ang
eles
, for
exa
mpl
e, in
1850
, 60
perc
ent o
fM
exic
ans o
wne
d so
me
prop
erty
, and
by
1870
, les
s tha
n 24
per
cent
ow
ned
any
prop
erty
(Acu
ña 19
88: 1
27).
The
pol
itic
al c
ontr
ol o
f the
cit
y w
as tr
ansf
erre
d to
the
risi
ng A
nglo
elite
, clo
sing
a c
hapt
er o
f sig
nific
ant r
esis
tanc
e to
raci
aliz
atio
n in
Mex
ican
Am
eric
anpo
litic
al h
isto
ry a
nd o
peni
ng a
new
cha
pter
sign
ified
by
subo
rdin
atio
n.W
ith so
me
exce
ptio
ns, s
peci
fical
ly in
New
Mex
ico,
Mex
ican
s bec
ome
raci
aliz
ed su
bjec
tsra
ther
than
a c
onqu
ered
nat
ion
stru
gglin
g to
resis
t pol
itica
l dom
inat
ion.
In N
ew M
exic
o,th
e pr
oces
s of s
ubor
dina
ting
and
raci
aliz
ing
the
Mex
ican
pop
ulat
ion
took
a w
hile
long
er.
Unt
il th
e 18
90s,
New
Mex
ican
s wer
e ab
le to
mai
ntai
n a
degr
ee o
f loc
al c
ontr
ol e
ven
afte
rsi
gnifi
cant
Ang
lo im
mig
rati
on in
the
1890
s. O
ne in
dica
tor o
f the
ir a
bilit
y to
leve
rage
polit
ical
pro
tect
ion
was
the
crea
tion
of a
subs
tant
ial b
iling
ual e
duca
tion
al sy
stem
. T
he sy
stem
was
mai
ntai
ned
desp
ite si
gnifi
cant
crit
icism
from
whi
tes t
hat i
t was
a sy
mpt
omth
at N
ew M
exic
ans w
ere
not s
uffic
ient
ly “A
mer
ican
” (th
is w
as o
ne re
ason
use
d by
mem
bers
of c
ongr
ess f
or n
ot a
dmitt
ing
New
Mex
ico
as a
stat
e un
til 19
12) (
Nie
to P
hilli
ps 19
99: 5
6).
From
184
8 to
188
0, t
hrou
ghou
t th
e so
uthw
est,
the
nat
ure
of r
esis
tanc
e ag
ains
tA
nglo
enc
roac
hmen
t and
dom
inat
ion
took
the
char
acte
r of a
n an
tico
loni
al st
rugg
le.
Insu
rrec
tiona
ry e
ffor
ts o
f men
such
as J
uan
Nep
omuc
eno
(Che
no) C
ortin
a in
Tex
as,
and
the
Gor
ras B
lanc
asin
New
Mex
ico,
and
the
acts
of s
ocia
l ban
dits
such
as J
uan
Flor
esan
d Jo
aqui
n M
urie
tta i
n C
alifo
rnia
and,
late
r, G
rego
rio C
orte
z in
Texa
s beg
in to
fade
away
asth
e M
exic
an A
mer
ican
pop
ulat
ion
is ra
cial
ized
and
pige
onho
led
into
its n
ew ra
cial
iden
tity.
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 76
Page 6
Tha
t is w
hy S
penc
er is
cru
cial
. His
wor
k m
ost l
ikel
y re
ache
d a
wid
er a
udie
nce
than
any
othe
r soc
iolo
gist
of h
is ti
me,
esp
ecia
lly in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es. H
e co
mpl
eted
a
12-v
olum
e co
mpe
ndiu
m o
f soc
iolo
gica
l ana
lysi
s of e
very
maj
or a
rea
of k
now
ledg
e,fr
om p
sych
olog
y to
eth
ics,
from
bio
logy
to p
hilo
soph
y. A
ndre
w C
arne
gie,
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es m
illio
nair
e, b
roug
ht S
penc
er to
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es, w
here
he
beca
me
very
popu
lar o
n th
e le
ctur
e ci
rcui
t. H
is fo
unda
tion
was
ver
y pr
omin
ent i
n co
ntri
buti
ng
to th
e de
velo
pmen
t of t
he e
ugen
ics m
ovem
ent i
n th
e U
nite
d St
ates
.16In
tera
ctin
g an
d m
utua
lly su
ppor
ting
eac
h ot
her,
a st
rong
ant
i-im
mig
rant
, nat
ivis
tic
mov
emen
t, al
ong
wit
h th
e po
pula
riza
tion
of p
seud
osci
enti
fic ra
cist
thin
king
, bec
ame
part
of m
ains
trea
m d
isco
urse
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. The
se p
reju
dice
s wer
e ev
iden
t in
cong
ress
iona
l deb
ates
, ped
agog
ical
pra
ctic
es, a
nd p
ublic
dis
cour
se. W
hite
s, as
prod
ucts
of a
soci
aliz
ing
proc
ess t
hat n
orm
aliz
ed ra
cial
thin
king
and
tran
sfor
med
itin
to “c
omm
on se
nse,
” bro
ught
to th
eir r
elat
ions
hips
wit
h Pu
erto
Ric
ans a
nd M
exic
ans
a pa
radi
gm st
eepe
d in
the
cultu
re o
f cas
ual r
acis
m. W
hite
peo
ple
wer
e so
cial
ized
into
the
cultu
re a
nd a
cqui
red
atti
tude
s the
y ne
ver q
uest
ione
d. In
deed
, the
se h
idde
npa
radi
gms h
elpe
d th
em e
xpla
in a
nd c
lass
ify so
cial
phe
nom
ena
whi
le a
lso le
giti
mat
ing
thei
r liv
es o
f pri
vile
ge in
a w
orld
of i
nequ
alit
y. W
hite
supr
emac
y w
as e
ffic
ient
ly
and
scie
ntifi
cally
root
ed in
the
basi
c in
stit
utio
nal c
ultu
res o
f the
Uni
ted
Stat
es.
Rac
ializ
ed th
inki
ng w
as so
em
bedd
ed in
U.S
. cor
e cu
lture
that
it w
as u
nque
stio
ned,
beco
min
g an
exa
mpl
e of
Ros
aldo
’s co
ncep
t of “
cultu
ral i
nvis
ibili
ty” (
Ros
aldo
1989
).17
The
raci
aliz
atio
n o
f M
exic
an A
mer
ican
an
d P
uer
to R
ican
s“R
acia
lizat
ion,
” in
the
sens
e th
at O
mi a
nd W
inan
t use
it, m
eans
“to
sign
ify th
eex
tens
ion
of ra
cial
mea
ning
to a
pre
viou
sly
raci
ally
unc
lass
ified
rela
tion
ship
, so
cial
pra
ctic
e or
gro
up” (
1986
: 64)
. Rac
ializ
atio
n is
als
o an
ideo
logi
cal p
roce
ss,
a hi
stor
ical
ly sp
ecifi
c co
ncep
t tha
t ass
igns
eth
nic
grou
ps a
raci
al id
enti
ty a
nd st
atus
:“R
acia
l ide
olog
y is
con
stru
cted
from
pre
-exi
stin
g co
ncep
tual
(or i
f one
pre
fers
,‘d
iscu
rsiv
e’) e
lem
ents
and
em
erge
s fro
m th
e st
rugg
les o
f com
peti
ng p
olit
ical
pro
ject
san
d id
eas s
eeki
ng to
art
icul
ate
sim
ilar e
lem
ents
diff
eren
tly”
(198
6: 6
4). A
mor
ede
scri
ptiv
e w
ay o
f tal
king
abo
ut ra
cial
izat
ion
is se
en a
s fol
low
s:
Raci
aliz
atio
n is
the
soc
ial a
nd h
isto
rica
l pro
cess
of a
ssig
ning
indi
vidu
als
and
grou
ps a
soc
ially
con
stru
cted
rac
ial i
dent
ity
and
stat
us. A
s po
pula
tion
s co
mpe
te fo
r la
nd, s
tatu
s an
dre
sour
ces
they
bui
ld h
iera
rchi
es b
ased
on
clus
ters
of
phen
otyp
ical
bio
logi
cal f
acto
rs w
hich
are
the
n as
sum
ed t
ore
pres
ent
arch
etyp
es fo
r m
embe
rs o
f a p
arti
cula
r ra
cial
gro
up.
Thos
e w
ho b
ecom
e th
e do
min
ant
grou
p in
terp
ret
thos
epr
esum
ed p
heno
typi
cal b
iolo
gica
l diff
eren
ces
as in
dica
tors
of
esse
ntia
l diff
eren
ces
and
assi
gn a
neg
ativ
e m
eani
ng t
o th
em,
subo
rdin
atin
g th
e co
nten
ding
gro
up a
nd li
mit
ing
thei
r ac
cess
to t
hose
thi
ngs
thei
r so
ciet
y va
lues
. The
pro
cess
of r
acia
lizat
ion
in m
oder
n so
ciet
ies,
is h
isto
rica
llysp
ecifi
c, a
nd is
car
ried
out
by
its
basi
c so
cial
inst
itut
ions
: eco
nom
y, e
duca
tion
, fam
ily,
relig
ion,
gov
ernm
ent,
cri
min
al ju
stic
e sy
stem
, med
ia, e
tc.
(Rod
rígu
ez 2
002a
: 7)
[ 79
]
mod
e of
thou
ght i
s its
nee
d to
org
aniz
e, to
cla
ssify
, to
pige
onho
le. T
his n
eed
mad
eta
xono
my
a ba
sic
tool
of s
cien
ce d
urin
g th
is p
erio
d. T
axon
omy
orga
nize
s the
raw
fact
s aris
ing
out o
f exp
erie
nce,
mak
ing
them
inte
lligi
ble
on th
e ba
sis o
f a c
ompa
rativ
efr
amew
ork.
New
ton,
for e
xam
ple,
gav
e us
ord
er in
the
phys
ical
wor
ld, a
nd D
arw
in g
ave
us a
taxo
nom
ical
syst
em fo
r the
bio
logi
cal w
orld
. Afr
amew
ork
for t
he so
cial
wor
ld
was
nee
ded
as w
ell.
Whi
le C
arol
us L
inna
eus,
Joha
nn B
lum
enba
ch, I
mm
anue
l Kan
t, an
d ot
hers
con
trib
uted
term
s use
d to
con
stru
ct ra
cial
taxo
nom
ies,
othe
rs c
ontr
ibut
edto
the
legi
timat
ion
of ra
ce-b
ased
thin
king
in p
opul
ar c
ultu
re a
nd in
the
acad
emy.
Her
bert
Spe
ncer
(182
0–1
903)
was
a t
hink
er w
ho h
ad a
vas
t kn
owle
dge
of m
any
disc
iplin
es. H
e ch
ose
to fo
cus
a m
ajor
por
tion
of h
is w
ork
on s
ocia
l the
ory.
He
was
an
engi
neer
by
prof
essi
on, b
ut u
nlik
e ot
hers
who
dab
bled
in s
ocia
l th
eory
, he
was
not
wea
lthy
, nor
did
he
have
a p
atro
n w
ho w
ould
sub
sidi
ze h
isw
ork.
In
orde
r to
mak
e a
livin
g, h
e de
pend
ed o
n th
e ri
sing
mar
ket
for
prin
ted
mat
eria
ls. A
gift
ed w
rite
r, Sp
ence
r w
as a
ble
to m
ake
a liv
ing
selli
ng a
rtic
les
for
popu
lar
scie
nce
mag
azin
es s
uch
as C
onte
mpo
rary
Rev
iew
in E
ngla
nd a
nd P
opul
arSc
ienc
e M
onth
lyin
the
U.S
. Thi
s w
as a
tim
e in
whi
ch a
gro
win
g m
iddl
e cl
ass
read
ing
audi
ence
in G
reat
Bri
tain
and
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es p
rovi
ded
a m
arke
t fo
rno
vel s
cien
tifi
c th
inki
ng. S
penc
er w
as t
he p
erso
n w
ho c
oine
d an
d po
pula
rize
d th
e ph
rase
ass
ocia
ted
wit
h ev
olut
ion
that
man
y as
crib
e to
Dar
win
: “th
e su
rviv
alof
the
fitt
est”
(Col
lins
and
Mak
owsk
i 199
8).
Spen
cer,
the
pers
on m
ost r
ecog
nize
d fo
r the
dev
elop
men
t of s
ocia
l Dar
win
ism
,ut
ilize
d hi
s po
pula
r wri
ting
s to
acq
uain
t his
mid
dle
clas
s au
dien
ce w
ith
evol
utio
nism
and
lais
sez-
fair
e or
free
mar
ket i
deol
ogie
s. H
e pr
ovid
ed h
is re
ader
sw
ith
a co
mm
on s
ense
way
of a
ppro
pria
ting
and
pop
ular
izin
g th
ese
conc
epts
. H
is b
asic
idea
was
that
soc
iety
was
par
t of t
he n
atur
al o
rder
and
cou
ld n
otfu
ncti
on c
ontr
ary
to th
e la
ws
of n
atur
e. U
sing
a b
iolo
gica
l ana
logy
, he
desc
ribe
dso
ciet
y as
an
orga
nism
, wit
h sp
ecia
lizat
ion
and
divi
sion
of l
abor
(fro
m s
impl
e to
com
plex
). So
me
hum
an b
eing
s w
ithi
n th
is o
rgan
ism
wer
e de
stin
ed to
be
on to
p,so
me
on th
e bo
ttom
. He
gave
an
eleg
ant,
rati
onal
just
ific
atio
n fo
r soc
ial
stra
tifi
cati
on. A
ccor
ding
to h
is fr
amew
ork,
it w
as u
sele
ss to
try
and
civi
lize
the
nati
ves
in th
e co
loni
es. T
hey
can
be “
trai
ned”
but
they
will
onl
y re
ach
a ce
rtai
nst
age
of d
evel
opm
ent.
15Sp
ence
r que
stio
ned
the
valu
e of
a u
nive
rsal
edu
cati
on.
He
belie
ved
that
bef
ore
wom
en a
re g
iven
suf
frag
e th
eir p
sych
olog
y sh
ould
be
stud
ied,
whi
ch in
thos
e da
ys m
eant
that
the
inna
te q
ualit
ies
of w
omen
sho
uld
bead
dres
sed
to d
eter
min
e w
heth
er th
ey d
eser
ved
the
suff
rage
. Spe
ncer
bui
lt th
ein
fras
truc
ture
for t
he id
eolo
gica
lly s
exis
t and
mis
ogyn
ist t
hink
ing
of h
is ti
me.
But
pop
ular
cul
ture
was
not
onl
y in
fluen
ced
by a
cade
mic
soc
ial t
heor
y; it
was
al
so sh
aped
by
othe
r sou
rces
that
pro
vide
d co
nten
t for
the
cons
truc
tion
of th
ese
raci
alta
xono
mie
s. D
urin
g th
ese
year
s num
erou
s tra
vel b
ooks
, pop
ular
eth
nogr
aphi
cde
scrip
tions
of C
apta
in C
ook’
s tra
vels
in th
e So
uth
Seas
, Dr.
Livi
ngst
one’s
exp
erie
nces
in A
fric
a, a
nd th
e nu
mer
ous C
arib
bean
trav
elog
ues b
ecam
e po
pula
r with
the
grow
ing
num
ber o
f rea
ders
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. The
se w
riti
ngs c
ontr
ibut
ed to
pro
vidi
ng a
cont
ext t
o th
e ra
cial
izat
ion
of th
e O
ther
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. As l
ay e
thno
grap
hies
, th
ey fu
lfille
d th
e ne
eds o
f a c
onsu
mer
pub
lic w
hich
vic
ario
usly
exp
erie
nced
thes
e tr
avel
sw
hile
at t
he sa
me
tim
e in
tern
aliz
ing
noti
ons o
f diff
eren
ce th
at c
ould
now
be
easi
lyin
tegr
ated
into
a w
orld
vie
w. W
hy d
id th
e di
ffer
ence
s occ
ur? T
he e
xoti
c de
scri
ptio
nsw
ere
final
ly p
rovi
ded
wit
h a
taxo
nom
ical
syst
em th
at h
elpe
d m
ake
sens
e of
this
raw
info
rmat
ion
(Mat
os R
odríg
uez
1999
). T
he n
ew fr
amew
orks
and
taxo
nom
ies c
ontr
ibut
edto
raci
aliz
e—th
at is
, to
give
raci
al/b
iolo
gica
l mea
ning
to c
ultu
ral d
iffer
ence
s.
[ 78
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 78
Page 7
I si
tuat
e m
y pr
elim
inar
y pr
ojec
t wit
hin
wha
t Om
i and
Win
ant c
all t
he n
eed
for
acco
unts
of “
raci
aliz
atio
n pr
oces
ses t
hat a
void
s the
pit
falls
of U
.S. e
thni
c hi
stor
y”(1
986:
64)
. In
othe
r wor
ds, I
ask
the
ques
tion
, How
has
this
subj
ect b
een
cons
titu
ted
in th
e so
cial
scie
nces
and
pop
ular
cul
ture
? I w
ill il
lust
rate
this
mod
el b
y ci
ting
hist
oric
al e
vent
s con
trib
utin
g to
the
raci
aliz
atio
n of
Pue
rto
Ric
ans a
nd M
exic
ans.
The
his
tori
cal c
onte
xt o
f rac
ializ
atio
n oc
curs
dur
ing
the
peri
od w
hen
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es b
ecam
e an
em
pire
and
its e
cono
my
effe
cted
a tr
ansi
tion
from
com
petit
ive
capi
talis
m to
the
capi
talis
m o
f tru
sts a
nd c
orpo
ratio
ns. D
urin
g th
is p
erio
d, a
t the
end
of
the
19th
cen
tury
, the
pop
ular
Am
eric
an se
nse
of m
anife
st d
estin
y cl
early
bec
ame
glob
al in
cha
ract
er a
nd p
roje
ctio
n (R
odríg
uez
1988
). R
acia
lizat
ion,
then
, occ
urs w
ithin
a
natio
n de
finin
g its
elf p
oliti
cally
and
eco
nom
ical
ly a
s an
empi
re, a
nd ra
cial
izat
ion,
dom
estic
ally
and
abr
oad,
bec
omes
a w
ay o
f man
agin
g th
e “n
ativ
es” a
nd/o
r “su
balte
rns,”
fore
ign
and
dom
estic
, by
plac
ing
them
with
in ra
cial
ized
hie
rarc
hies
of p
ower
.
His
tori
cal
Pro
cess
es o
f R
acia
liza
tio
n
The
re ar
e at
leas
t fou
r ide
ntifi
able
pha
ses o
r mom
ents
in th
e ra
cial
izat
ion
proc
ess
(Rod
rígue
z 20
02a:
9).
The
four
mom
ents
of r
acia
lizat
ion
are
delin
eate
d in
the
tabl
e be
low
:
Rat
her t
han
bein
g di
chot
omou
s and
mut
ually
exc
lusi
ve, t
hese
pha
ses o
verla
p ea
chot
her a
nd d
o no
t nec
essa
rily
follo
w a
spec
ific
sequ
ence
. Eac
h of
thes
e st
ages
cont
ribu
tes t
o th
e so
cial
con
stru
ctio
n of
a c
ultu
ral g
roup
(in
Ros
aldo
’s te
rms)
, tha
t is,
a gr
oup
that
bec
omes
a ra
cial
gro
up in
the
perc
epti
on a
nd e
xper
ienc
e of
the
dom
inan
t whi
te p
ower
stru
ctur
e.
Imp
osi
tio
n/s
ub
ord
inat
ion
The
firs
t sta
ge is
a p
roce
ss o
f sub
ordi
nati
on th
at e
ntai
ls li
mit
ing
the
colle
ctiv
eco
ntro
l and
/or a
cces
s to
land
. Thi
s pro
cess
may
ent
ail s
ome
degr
ee o
f vio
lenc
e an
d/or
coer
cion
that
has
the
func
tion
of l
imit
ing
the
rang
e of
resp
onse
s. In
the
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an e
xper
ienc
e th
is p
roce
ss in
clud
es th
e co
loni
al c
onqu
est a
nd ra
cial
izat
ion
ofM
exic
ans i
n M
exic
o’s f
orm
er n
orth
ern
prov
ince
s (th
e So
uthw
est o
f the
U.S
. tod
ay)
and
the
neoc
olon
ial e
xper
ienc
e of
Mex
ico
that
follo
wed
its d
efea
t in
the
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an W
ar, w
hich
end
ed in
1848
. The
pro
cess
of l
and
expr
opri
atio
n re
nder
edM
exic
ans s
ubje
cts o
f the
raci
aliz
ing
forc
es o
f Uni
ted
Stat
es’ s
ocia
l ins
titu
tion
s. T
he b
asic
soci
al in
stit
utio
ns—
gove
rnm
ent,
educ
atio
n, st
ate,
eco
nom
y, et
c.—
prod
uced
a n
ew ra
cial
ized
subj
ect t
hat w
as th
en p
osit
ione
d in
its p
rope
r pla
ce
in th
e ra
cial
hie
rarc
hy o
f the
his
tori
cal m
omen
t. T
his s
tage
als
o se
t the
scen
e fo
r the
mig
rati
on o
f mill
ions
of M
exic
ans,
who
wer
etr
ansf
orm
ed in
to ra
cial
ized
subj
ects
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. The
se e
vent
s exc
lude
d
mill
ions
of M
exic
ans f
rom
hav
ing
cont
rol a
nd/o
r acc
ess t
o la
nd, b
oth
in th
eir
hom
elan
d an
d in
the
dias
pora
. In
the
Sout
hwes
t, th
is p
roce
ss in
clud
ed th
e le
gal a
ndill
egal
way
s in
whi
ch th
e w
hite
, Ang
lo p
ower
stru
ctur
e to
ok c
ontr
ol o
f the
mill
ions
of
acr
es o
f lan
ds th
at w
ere
in th
e ha
nds o
f the
Mex
ican
land
ed e
lite
(Acu
ña 19
88).
The
land
s wer
e ap
prop
riat
ed b
y la
ws t
hat e
ased
the
expr
opri
atio
n of
the
land
ed e
lite,
by o
utri
ght t
heft
(thr
ough
squa
ttin
g), a
nd b
y th
e in
term
arri
age
betw
een
Ang
lo m
enan
d th
e da
ught
ers o
f the
land
ed a
nd li
ghte
r-sk
inne
d M
exic
an e
lite
(Acu
ña 19
88: 8
9).18
Alth
ough
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es si
gned
the
Trea
ty o
f Gua
dalu
pe H
idal
go w
ith
Mex
ico
(184
8), w
hich
incl
uded
pro
tect
ion
for t
he re
ligio
us, c
ivil,
and
land
righ
ts o
f the
Mex
ican
com
mun
ity
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
, Am
eric
an le
gal i
nsti
tuti
ons d
id n
ot im
pede
the
alm
ost c
ompl
ete
expr
opri
atio
n of
the
Mex
ican
com
mun
ity.
In th
e w
ords
of
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an h
isto
rian
Gri
swol
d de
l Cas
tillo
: “T
he p
rom
ises
the
U.S
. gov
ern-
men
t mad
e w
ith
resp
ect t
o th
e co
nque
red
Mex
ican
pop
ulat
ions
… h
ave
rem
aine
dla
rgel
y un
fulfi
lled”
(199
0: 17
3).
Thi
s fir
st m
omen
t of r
acia
lizat
ion
not o
nly
led
to th
e ex
prop
riat
ion
of M
exic
ans
in th
e ne
wly
con
quer
ed te
rrito
ries
of t
he S
outh
wes
t, it
als
o ex
tend
ed it
self,
geog
raph
ical
ly, to
the
inte
rior
of t
he M
exic
an n
atio
n. I
n a
rece
nt e
ssay
, Gilb
ert
Gon
zale
z an
d R
aul F
erna
ndez
(200
2) e
xpla
in h
ow th
e ex
pans
ion
of U
.S. i
mpe
rial
hege
mon
y in
sert
ed it
self
into
Mex
ico,
cre
atin
g “i
nter
nal m
igra
tion
mov
emen
ts, m
ass
popu
lati
on c
once
ntra
tion
s alo
ng th
e bo
rder
, the
bra
cero
pro
gram
, low
wag
e m
aqui
lapl
ants
, Mex
ico’
s agr
icul
tura
l cri
sis,
and
mor
e im
port
ant,
a ce
ntur
y of
mig
rati
ons t
oth
e U
nite
d St
ates
” (20
02: 4
2). T
hese
are
the
dyna
mic
s in
Mex
ico
that
run
para
llel t
oin
stit
utio
nal c
hang
es ta
king
pla
ce in
the
Sout
hwes
t, w
hich
in th
e la
te 19
th a
nd 2
0th
cent
urie
s led
to th
e la
ter c
ryst
alliz
atio
n of
a M
exic
an A
mer
ican
raci
al g
roup
. If
pol
itic
al, e
cono
mic
, and
cul
tura
l dyn
amic
s are
exa
min
ed, r
athe
r tha
n lim
itin
gth
e fo
cus t
o a
cultu
ral m
odel
, as t
radi
tion
al C
hica
no h
isto
rian
s hav
e do
ne, t
he h
isto
ryof
the
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an/C
hica
no c
omm
unit
y is
not
a c
onti
nuou
s his
tory
beg
inni
ngin
1848
, but
a d
isco
ntin
uous
pro
cess
wit
h an
ear
ly p
hase
of e
xpro
pria
tion
, dis
en-
fran
chis
emen
t, an
d co
nque
st, l
eadi
ng to
a se
cond
pha
se fo
rmin
g a
raci
aliz
ed C
hica
nopo
pula
tion
. Whi
le it
was
true
that
the
raci
aliz
atio
n pr
oces
s beg
an e
arlie
r, it
did
not
prod
uce
a ra
cial
ized
subj
ect u
ntil
this
last
per
iod
desc
ribe
d by
Gon
zale
z an
dFe
rnan
dez
(199
8).
Thi
s dis
tinc
tion
is c
ruci
al b
ecau
se it
und
erlie
s a d
isti
nct p
erio
diza
tion
of t
hera
cial
izat
ion
proc
ess,
a pr
oces
s qui
te d
iffer
ent f
rom
that
env
isio
ned
by tr
adit
iona
lC
hica
no h
isto
riog
raph
y. It
pro
vide
s a fr
amew
ork
to u
nder
stan
d th
e fo
rms o
fre
sist
ance
aga
inst
raci
aliz
atio
n du
ring
the
earl
y pr
oces
s of e
xpro
pria
tion
, whe
n a
raci
aliz
ed M
exic
an A
mer
ican
subj
ect a
rose
. Dur
ing
the
peri
od p
rece
ding
the
late
19th
cen
tury
, res
ista
nce
to ra
cial
izat
ion
had
an in
surr
ecti
onis
t cha
ract
er, s
imila
r to
an a
ntic
olon
ial s
trug
gle.
19
As t
he ra
cial
izin
g pr
oces
s cry
stal
lized
dur
ing
the
late
19th
cen
tury
and
ear
ly 2
0th
cent
urie
s, re
sist
ance
to ra
cial
izat
ion
revo
lved
aro
und
com
mun
ity-b
ased
, leg
ally
def
ined
civi
l rig
hts.
Dur
ing
the
early
stag
e of
raci
aliz
atio
n, b
efor
e th
e 20
th c
entu
ry, r
esis
tanc
e is
from
the
outs
ide,
whi
le in
the
latt
er st
age
the
resi
stan
ce is
from
the
insi
de.
Dur
ing
this
latt
er p
erio
d, re
sist
ance
to ra
cial
izat
ion
took
the
form
of m
utua
lista
s(m
utua
l aid
soci
etie
s), l
abor
uni
ons,
and
com
mun
ity
cultu
ral g
roup
s. W
hile
oth
erfo
rms o
f res
isti
ng ra
cial
izat
ion
did
not d
isap
pear
ent
irel
y, th
ey w
ere
no lo
nger
as
prev
alen
t as i
n th
e pe
riod
aft
er 18
48. W
hile
the
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an p
opul
atio
n w
as b
eing
exp
ropr
iate
d, it
was
als
o gr
adua
lly b
eing
pro
leta
rian
ized
. The
mod
e of
inte
grat
ion
of M
exic
ans i
nto
the
soci
al a
nd e
cono
mic
stru
ctur
e of
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es,
[ 81]
[ 80
]
Prim
ary
Proc
esse
s
Lim
itin
g ac
cess
/con
trol
of l
and
Ideo
logy
/cul
tura
l rac
ism
Neg
otia
tion
/con
test
atio
n
Acce
ptan
ce a
nd p
arti
cipa
tion
in d
iscr
imin
atio
n
by e
thni
c gr
oups
Assi
mila
tion
/Am
eric
aniz
atio
n,
hom
ogen
izat
ion
(lum
ping
), in
tern
aliz
ed r
acis
t
oppr
essi
on, e
tc.
Cons
eque
nces
Impo
siti
on/s
ubor
dina
tion
Inst
itut
iona
l arr
ange
men
ts
Plac
emen
t in
rac
ial s
yste
m/h
iera
rchy
Crys
talli
zati
on o
f a r
acia
lized
iden
tity
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 80
Page 8
othe
r U.S
. cor
pora
te in
tere
sts.
It is
with
in th
is hi
stor
ical
con
text
that
Pue
rto
Ric
ans w
ere
raci
aliz
ed. A
mer
ican
forc
es an
d in
tere
sts e
vent
ually
wou
ld g
ive
rise
to th
e fo
rces
that
crea
ted
the
proc
ess o
f mig
ratio
n an
d th
e be
ginn
ing
of th
e Pu
erto
Ric
an d
iasp
ora.
Dur
ing
this
stag
e Pu
erto
Ric
ans w
ere
raci
aliz
ed in
the
dias
pora
and
in th
e isl
and
with
dist
inct
con
sequ
ence
s. In
Pue
rto
Ric
o, th
e Pu
erto
Ric
an la
nded
elit
e w
as n
ot e
ntire
lyex
prop
riate
d, a
s hap
pene
d in
the
U.S
. Sou
thw
est.
Inst
ead,
mem
bers
of t
he e
lite
wer
ein
tegr
ated
into
the
suga
r pla
ntat
ion
com
plex
con
trol
led
by m
ajor
Uni
ted
Stat
es su
gar
corp
orat
ions
and
inte
rest
s. T
he in
tegr
atio
n of
the
land
ed e
lite
took
pla
ce in
the
form
of
cent
ral s
ugar
mill
ow
ners
, or a
s col
onos
, who
wer
e sm
all-
and
med
ium
-sca
le fa
rmer
s who
culti
vate
d su
gar c
ane
for t
he su
gar m
ills.
Asig
nific
ant n
umbe
r of t
he P
uert
o R
ican
elit
ew
ere
able
to d
evel
op a
nd m
aint
ain
thei
r ow
n su
gar m
ills a
nd c
ontr
ol a
sign
ifica
nt a
mou
ntof
agr
icul
tura
l lan
d. In
fact
, dur
ing
the
1920
s, Pu
erto
Ric
an p
rodu
cers
wer
e in
con
trol
of
58 p
erce
nt o
f the
suga
r out
put i
n th
e isl
and.
Thi
s per
cent
age
was
eve
n hi
gher
than
the
perc
enta
ge u
nder
the
cont
rol o
f the
Cub
an b
ourg
eoisi
e at
that
tim
e.21
The
Pue
rto
Ric
an e
lite
serv
ed a
s a fo
rce
med
iati
ng b
etw
een
the
colo
nial
inst
itut
ions
and
the
Puer
to R
ican
pop
ulat
ion.
Thi
s med
iati
on w
as m
uch
mor
eco
mpl
ex b
ecau
se o
f tw
o ba
sic
fact
ors:
one,
con
trar
y to
the
Mex
ican
land
ed e
lite
inth
e So
uthw
est,
who
not
onl
y w
ere
expr
opri
ated
of t
heir
land
but
wer
e al
so in
tegr
ated
by m
arri
age
into
the
Ang
lo p
opul
atio
n, so
me
mem
bers
of t
he P
uert
o R
ican
elit
esu
ppor
ted
forc
es th
at o
ffer
ed o
ppos
itio
n to
the
colo
nial
nat
ure
of P
uert
o R
ico;
an
d tw
o, w
hile
onl
y 10
0,00
0 M
exic
ans l
ived
in th
e co
nque
red
Sout
hwes
t, cl
ose
to o
nem
illio
n Pu
erto
Ric
ans w
ere
livin
g in
the
isla
nd w
hen
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es c
onqu
ered
it.
The
se tw
o fa
ctor
s mad
e th
e pr
oces
s of r
acia
lizat
ion
mor
e co
mpl
ex a
nd it
s out
com
em
ore
dive
rse
in P
uert
o R
ico
than
in th
e So
uthw
est.
Whi
le ra
cial
izat
ion
was
dev
elop
ing
in P
uert
o R
ico,
thou
sand
s of P
uert
o R
ican
sfo
und
them
selv
es th
row
n in
to th
e m
igra
tory
out
flow
s cre
ated
by
econ
omic
and
colo
nial
pol
icie
s. T
he c
olla
pse
of th
e co
ffee
indu
stry
, hur
rica
nes,
and
labo
r bro
kers
from
Haw
aiia
n su
gar p
lant
atio
ns a
ll co
ntri
bute
d to
a p
roce
ss o
f out
-mig
rati
on th
atin
volv
ed c
oerc
ion
mor
e th
an th
e ex
erci
se o
f fre
e w
ill.22
The
cof
fee
indu
stry
did
not
rece
ive
the
sam
e ta
riff
pro
tect
ion
suga
r did
, and
was
una
ble
to c
ompe
te in
the
U.S
.Pu
erto
Ric
an im
mig
rant
s in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es, p
arti
cula
rly
befo
re U
.S. c
itiz
ensh
ipw
as im
pose
d on
Pue
rto
Ric
ans,
foun
d th
emse
lves
vul
nera
ble.
The
y w
ere
stat
eles
s in
the
sens
e th
at th
ey w
ere
citi
zens
of a
col
ony
wit
h no
inte
rnat
iona
l sta
ndin
g, a
nd d
idno
t hav
e th
e pr
otec
tion
of a
con
sula
te o
r an
emba
ssy
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. The
y di
dno
t spe
ak E
nglis
h, a
nd a
sign
ifica
nt n
umbe
r wer
e bl
ack
or m
ulat
to.
As B
erna
rdo
Vega
, one
of t
he e
arly
Pue
rto
Ric
an im
mig
rant
s, re
calls
in h
ism
emoi
rs, “
We
cam
e fr
om a
col
ony
and
had
no c
itiz
ensh
ip o
f our
ow
n” (1
984:
xiii
).T
he c
olon
izat
ion
proc
ess o
f Pue
rto
Ric
o ha
d re
nder
ed P
uert
o R
ican
s eve
n m
ore
vuln
erab
le in
the
dias
pora
. In
Puer
to R
ico
the
land
ed e
lite
serv
ed a
s a c
ushi
on a
gain
stra
cial
izat
ion,
but
in th
e m
etro
polis
, rac
ializ
atio
n w
as m
ore
inte
nse.
For
Ber
nard
oVe
ga, “
forc
ed m
igra
tion
of c
olon
ial p
eopl
es w
as ju
st a
noth
er w
ay o
f hol
ding
them
inbo
ndag
e” (1
984:
x).
Puer
to R
ican
s wer
e ex
clud
ed fr
om tr
ade
unio
ns d
espi
te th
e fa
ctth
at m
any
of th
em w
ere
mili
tant
soci
alis
ts w
ho h
ad ta
ken
part
in tr
ade
unio
nst
rugg
les i
n Pu
erto
Ric
o.
In su
m, l
imit
ing
the
acce
ss o
f a p
eopl
e to
land
beg
an a
pro
cess
of s
ubor
dina
tion
and
of c
ultu
ral c
hang
e. M
ost o
f the
isla
nd’s
polit
ical
, eco
nom
ic in
stit
utio
ns w
ere
inth
e ha
nds o
f the
mili
tary
bet
wee
n 18
98 a
nd 19
01 a
nd, l
ater
, U.S
.-app
oint
ed c
ivili
anau
thor
itie
s. T
he p
roce
ss o
f sub
ordi
nati
on w
as a
ided
bec
ause
lack
of a
cces
s to
and
cont
rol o
f the
land
lim
ited
and
shap
ed c
onte
stat
ion
of th
e ra
cial
izat
ion
proc
ess.
[ 83
]
part
icul
arly
in th
e la
ter d
ecad
es o
f the
19th
cen
tury
, was
root
ed in
thei
rtr
ansf
orm
atio
n in
to p
role
tari
ans,
nam
ely,
wor
kers
wit
hin
the
expa
ndin
g in
dust
rial
capi
talis
t eco
nom
y of
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es. I
t is w
ithi
n th
is p
roce
ss th
at ra
ce, c
lass
, an
d ge
nder
wer
e w
oven
toge
ther
in th
e M
exic
an A
mer
ican
exp
erie
nce.
T
his d
isti
ncti
on a
lso
serv
ed to
hig
hlig
ht th
e so
cial
, eco
nom
ic, a
nd p
olit
ical
forc
esun
leas
hed
by th
e U
nite
d St
ates
whe
n it
bec
ame
a m
oder
n em
pire
. It w
as in
Mex
ico
that
the
first
full-
scal
e im
peri
al m
odel
of c
ontr
ol, w
hich
Gon
zale
z an
d Fe
rnan
dez
(200
2) c
all t
he “t
rans
nati
onal
mod
e of
eco
nom
ic d
omin
atio
n,” w
as im
plem
ente
d.T
he n
eoco
loni
al p
roce
ss in
Mex
ico
bega
n in
ear
nest
dur
ing
the
1870
s. Jo
hnK
enne
th T
urne
r des
crib
ed th
e pr
oces
s in
his c
lass
ic st
udy
Bar
baro
us M
exic
o(1
911)
:“T
he p
artn
ersh
ip o
f Día
z an
d A
mer
ican
cap
ital
,” he
arg
ued,
“has
wre
cked
Mex
ico
as
a na
tion
al e
ntit
y. T
he U
nite
d St
ates
gov
ernm
ent,
as lo
ng a
s it r
epre
sent
s Am
eric
anca
pita
l…w
ill h
ave
a de
cidi
ng v
oice
in M
exic
an a
ffai
rs” (
1906
: 256
–7).
The
Uni
ted
Stat
esal
lied
itse
lf as
a se
nior
par
tner
wit
h th
e M
exic
an e
lite
and
part
icul
arly
wit
h th
eir r
epre
-se
ntat
ive
Pres
iden
t Por
firio
Día
z. D
urin
g hi
s reg
ime,
cal
led
the
Porf
iria
to(fr
om 18
76to
1911
), th
e U
nite
d St
ates
, usi
ng th
reat
s of m
ilita
ry in
terv
enti
on, i
nves
ted
heav
ily in
railr
oads
, min
ing,
cat
tle
farm
ing,
and
cot
ton
prod
ucti
on (G
onza
lez
and
Fern
ande
z20
02: 3
). By
1902
, U.S
. inv
estm
ents
in M
exic
an ra
ilroa
ds ro
se to
$28
1 mill
ion;
80
perc
ent
of a
ll in
vest
men
ts in
railr
oads
in M
exic
o ca
me
from
U.S
. sou
rces
(200
2: 17
):
Fore
ign
inve
stm
ent
(alm
ost
enti
rely
of U
.S. o
rigi
n) w
as o
n th
eor
der
of t
wo
thir
ds o
f the
tot
al fo
r th
e de
cade
of 1
900–
1910
;fo
reig
n ow
ners
hip
by 1
910
has
been
est
imat
ed a
t ha
lf th
ena
tion
al w
ealt
h. (2
002:
18)
Thi
s mod
el a
llow
ed th
e U
nite
d St
ates
to c
ontr
ol e
cono
mic
ally
an
enti
re n
atio
nw
itho
ut h
avin
g to
con
trol
it m
ilita
rily.
Aft
er th
e Sp
anis
h A
mer
ican
War
of 1
898,
Puer
to R
ico
and
Cub
a, h
owev
er, e
xper
ienc
ed a
diff
eren
t mod
el. I
n Pu
erto
Ric
o,
a cl
assi
c co
loni
al m
odel
was
impo
sed,
and
the
isla
nd w
as d
irec
tly
cont
rolle
d by
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es. I
n C
uba’s
cas
e, a
mor
e in
tens
e m
odel
of n
eoco
loni
al c
ontr
ol w
asim
plem
ente
d, u
nder
the
faca
de o
f a fo
rmal
ly in
depe
nden
t cou
ntry
, wit
h U
.S.
inve
stm
ent a
nd th
e Pl
att a
men
dmen
t.20
As U
.S. S
ecre
tary
of S
tate
John
Fos
ter D
ulle
sw
ould
late
r say
in th
e 19
50s,
in re
fere
nce
to G
uate
mal
a an
d Ir
an: “
ther
e [a
re] t
wo
way
s of d
omin
atin
g a
fore
ign
nati
on, i
nvad
ing
it m
ilita
rily
or c
ontr
ollin
g it
finan
cial
ly” (
Gon
zale
z an
d Fe
rnan
dez
2002
: 3).
Cub
a w
as c
ontr
olle
d us
ing
both
met
hods
of n
eoco
loni
al c
ontr
ol.
In su
mm
ary,
by th
e en
d of
the
19th
cen
tury
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es h
ad e
xten
ded
its
impe
rial
heg
emon
y ov
er M
exic
o w
hile
at t
he sa
me
tim
e co
mpl
etin
g th
e su
bord
inat
ion
and
raci
aliz
atio
n of
Mex
ican
Am
eric
ans i
n th
e So
uthw
est.
The
Mex
ican
s, di
spla
ced
byth
e di
sloca
ting
forc
es o
f U.S
. cap
ital
in M
exic
o, e
nded
up
mig
rati
ng in
to th
e ra
cial
ized
spac
e of
the
Sout
hwes
t. T
hese
new
ly a
rriv
ed M
exic
ans c
onst
itut
e th
e m
ater
ial o
ut o
fw
hich
a ra
cial
ized
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an p
opul
atio
n w
as c
onst
ruct
ed.
Pu
erto
Ric
ans
For P
uert
o R
ican
s, th
e fir
st st
age
in th
e pr
oces
s of r
acia
lizat
ion
occu
rs la
ter,
afte
r the
islan
d ha
s bec
ome
a pos
sess
ion
of th
e U
nite
d St
ates
follo
win
g th
e de
feat
of S
pain
, dur
ing
the
Span
ish-A
mer
ican
War
. On
the
islan
d, th
e Am
eric
an c
olon
izat
ion
proc
ess (
econ
omic
,po
litic
al, s
ocia
l, cu
ltura
l) of
Pue
rto
Ric
o w
as c
ompl
eted
by
suga
r, to
bacc
o, te
xtile
, and
[ 82
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 82
Page 9
Thi
s ide
olog
y, si
mila
r to
thin
king
in re
gard
to P
uert
o R
ico
late
r in
the
20th
cent
ury,
led
to th
e ex
port
of r
acia
lizin
g so
cial
eco
nom
ic p
ract
ices
, suc
h as
the
dual
wag
e sy
stem
, in
whi
ch w
hite
s and
Mex
ican
s rec
eive
d un
equa
l wag
es fo
r the
sam
ew
ork,
and
the
segr
egat
ion
of M
exic
an w
orke
rs fr
om U
.S. p
erso
nnel
and
thei
r fam
ilies
.In
min
ing,
oil,
and
railr
oad
cam
ps, U
.S. c
ompa
nies
kep
t sep
arat
e qu
arte
rs fo
r the
irM
exic
an a
nd U
.S. e
mpl
oyee
s. T
he c
ivili
zing
eff
orts
nev
er h
ad th
e ob
ject
ive
ofeq
ualiz
ing
colo
nize
r and
col
oniz
ed; i
nste
ad, t
hey
mer
ely
had
the
obje
ctiv
e of
teac
hing
the
Mex
ican
his
or h
er p
rope
r pla
ce in
the
raci
aliz
ed o
rder
.A
lso,
the
ideo
logy
ass
umed
a b
iolo
gica
l con
tent
as i
t cry
stal
lized
into
a w
ay o
fun
ders
tand
ing
the
diff
eren
ces b
etw
een
Mex
ican
s and
U.S
. whi
tes.
One
wri
ter,
Che
ster
Llo
yd Jo
nes,
com
men
ted:
“It m
ust b
e co
nfes
sed
that
(mes
tizo
s) o
ften
exh
ibit
the
wel
l-kno
wn
tend
ency
to fo
llow
the
vice
s and
wea
knes
ses o
f bot
h si
des o
f the
iran
cest
ry ra
ther
than
the
virt
ues”
(Gon
zale
z 20
00: 1
0).
Thi
s ide
olog
y w
as th
en a
pplie
d in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es to
the
educ
atio
n of
Mex
ican
Am
eric
ans a
s the
y un
derw
ent t
he p
roce
ss o
f bei
ng tr
ansf
orm
ed in
to ra
cial
ized
prol
etar
ians
. The
ster
eoty
ping
isol
ated
Mex
ican
Am
eric
ans;
raci
aliz
ed w
orke
rs w
ere
desc
ribe
d as
chi
ldis
h, b
ruti
sh, a
nd h
ighl
y se
xual
. Wal
lace
Tho
mps
on, i
n hi
s boo
k T
he M
exic
an M
ind:
ASt
udy
in N
atio
nal P
sych
olog
y(1
922)
, arg
ues t
hat M
exic
ans h
ave
com
puls
ive
sex
driv
es a
nd th
at th
ey “h
ave
a ch
ild’s
or sa
vage
’s un
wav
erin
g gr
asp
ofth
e de
tails
of d
esir
e.” T
hese
neg
ativ
e re
pres
enta
tion
s wer
e th
en sa
id to
be
rela
ted
toth
e fa
ct th
at M
exic
ans w
ere
a pr
oduc
t of m
isce
gena
tion
(Gon
zale
z, 2
000:
16).
It b
ecom
es c
lear
that
a ra
cist
ideo
logy
was
impl
emen
ted
in th
e de
velo
pmen
t of a
ned
ucat
iona
l pol
icy
that
just
ified
segr
egat
ion
and
the
Am
eric
aniz
ing
of M
exic
ans i
nto
raci
aliz
ed M
exic
an A
mer
ican
s. A
s rac
ializ
ed su
bjec
ts, M
exic
ans w
ould
eve
ntua
lly b
edo
mes
tica
ted,
bec
omin
g th
e do
cile
and
obe
dien
t lab
or fo
rce
that
the
vari
ous s
ecto
rsof
the
U.S
. eco
nom
y ne
eded
. Ara
cial
ized
vie
w o
f Mex
ican
s was
alre
ady
anti
cipa
ted
inth
e w
riti
ngs o
f var
ious
aut
hors
who
influ
ence
d ed
ucat
iona
l pol
icy,
incl
udin
g V
icto
rC
lark
, who
als
o w
rote
a si
gnifi
cant
boo
k on
Pue
rto
Ric
o, e
ntit
led
Puer
to R
ico
and
Its
Prob
lem
s, in
1930
and
who
ear
lier w
as in
cha
rge
of th
e is
land
’s ed
ucat
iona
l sys
tem
. In
1908
, Cla
rk d
escr
ibes
the
Mex
ican
wor
ker a
s “un
ambi
tiou
s, lis
tless
, phy
sica
llyw
eak,
irre
gula
r and
indo
lent
. On
the
othe
r han
d he
is d
ocile
, pat
ient
, usu
ally
ord
erly
in c
amps
” (G
onza
lez
2000
: 27)
. In
sum
, whe
n U
.S. e
duca
tors
beg
an to
dev
elop
a p
edag
ogy
to e
duca
te M
exic
ans,
they
tapp
ed in
to th
e m
ater
ials
wri
tten
abo
ut M
exic
o. S
o th
e “M
exic
an P
robl
em”
was
in n
eed
of a
dos
e of
Am
eric
aniz
atio
n in
ord
er to
snug
ly se
t the
new
ly ra
cial
ized
subj
ect i
nto
the
raci
al h
iera
rchy
of t
he U
nite
d St
ates
. Bet
wee
n 19
12 a
nd 19
57 n
o le
ssth
an 2
5 th
eses
and
dis
sert
atio
ns w
ere
wri
tten
cit
ing
the
ideo
logy
of p
eopl
e su
ch a
sT
hom
pson
and
Cla
rk (G
onza
lez
2000
: 29)
. The
raci
aliz
ed v
iew
of t
he M
exic
an h
adbe
com
e a
com
mon
sens
e pe
dago
gica
l per
spec
tive
on
how
to e
duca
te a
ndA
mer
ican
ize
the
Mex
ican
. Sin
ce th
e ob
ject
ive
of A
mer
ican
izat
ion
was
to fo
rge
ado
cile
and
obe
dien
t lab
or fo
rce,
Mex
ican
chi
ldre
n w
ere
educ
ated
usi
ng “a
sepa
rate
curr
icul
um, e
mph
asiz
ing
Eng
lish
and
Am
eric
an st
anda
rds o
f con
duct
, voc
atio
nal
educ
atio
n ov
er a
cade
mic
wor
k, g
roup
dis
cipl
ine
over
indi
vidu
atio
n an
d lo
gica
lly,
low
er e
xpec
tati
ons”
(Gon
zale
z 20
00: 3
6). A
lso,
wit
h th
e ex
cept
ion
of N
ew M
exic
o,
in m
any
area
s of t
he S
outh
wes
t, Sp
anis
h an
d so
me
Mex
ican
cus
tom
s wer
e pr
ohib
ited
as u
nciv
ilize
d. T
o ac
hiev
e th
e su
bord
inat
ion
of M
exic
ans,
the
colo
nize
r had
to is
olat
eth
em fr
om a
lang
uage
and
cul
ture
that
aff
irm
ed th
em a
nd th
at p
rovi
ded
reso
urce
s for
resi
stan
ce. B
ut th
is p
roce
ss o
f rac
ializ
atio
n w
as n
ot w
itho
ut c
halle
nges
, par
ticu
larl
yin
thos
e in
stan
ces w
here
the
raci
aliz
ed su
bjec
ts h
ad a
cces
s to
som
e fo
rms o
f
[ 85
]
Whi
le th
e Pu
erto
Ric
an la
nded
elit
e ha
d so
me
econ
omic
pow
er, t
heir
eco
nom
icfo
unda
tion
was
bas
ed o
n th
e fa
ct th
at th
e U
nite
d St
ates
incl
uded
Pue
rto
Ric
o w
ithi
nit
s tar
iff st
ruct
ure.
Its a
bilit
y to
sell
its p
rodu
ct, s
ugar
, was
dep
ende
nt o
n th
e st
ate
polic
ies o
f the
em
pire
. But
, lik
e th
e M
exic
ans,
Puer
to R
ican
s als
o un
derw
ent a
proc
ess o
f pro
leta
rian
izat
ion,
bot
h in
the
hom
elan
d an
d in
the
dias
pora
. For
mer
peas
ants
and
smal
l agr
icul
tura
l pro
duce
rs b
ecam
e a
part
of t
he g
row
ing
and
expa
ndin
g su
gar p
lant
atio
n co
mpl
ex u
nder
the
hege
mon
y of
U.S
. cap
ital
ist
inve
stm
ent.
In th
e m
etro
polis
, Pue
rto
Ric
ans b
ecam
e pa
rt o
f the
risi
ng in
dust
rial
wor
king
cla
ss in
cit
ies s
uch
as N
ew Y
ork.
It is
pre
dom
inan
tly
as p
role
tari
ans t
hat
Puer
to R
ican
s and
Mex
ican
s exp
erie
nced
the
proc
ess o
f rac
ializ
atio
n du
ring
this
peri
od. F
or b
oth
Mex
ican
s and
Pue
rto
Ric
ans,
mig
rati
on to
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es si
mpl
ych
ange
d th
e co
ntex
t of r
acia
lizat
ion,
not
its c
onse
quen
ces.
Ideo
log
y an
d i
nst
itu
tio
nal
arr
ang
emen
tsT
he se
cond
stag
e of
raci
aliz
atio
n en
tails
wha
t Kar
enga
(200
2) d
escr
ibes
as a
pro
cess
in w
hich
“ins
titu
tion
al a
rran
gem
ents
” are
con
stru
cted
and
supp
orte
d w
ith
anid
eolo
gy th
at g
ives
legi
tim
acy,
stab
ility
, and
con
tinu
ity
to a
syst
em o
f exp
loit
atio
nba
sed
on c
lass
, rac
e, e
thni
city
, and
gen
der.
The
se in
stit
utio
nal a
rran
gem
ents
com
pris
eth
e sy
stem
s and
soci
al in
stit
utio
ns th
at e
nsur
e th
e co
ntin
ued
subo
rdin
atio
n of
raci
aliz
ed su
bjec
ts. T
hey
perp
etua
te su
bord
inat
ion—
but w
itho
ut th
e sa
me
degr
ee
of c
oerc
ion
that
mar
ks th
e fir
st st
age.
The
arr
ange
men
ts in
clud
e th
e es
tabl
ishm
ent
of c
lust
ers o
f nor
ms s
uch
as sl
aver
y an
d Jim
Cro
w L
aws i
n th
e A
fric
an-A
mer
ican
expe
rien
ce, r
eser
vati
ons a
nd fe
dera
l law
s in
the
Am
eric
an-I
ndia
n ex
peri
ence
, an
d du
al w
age
syst
ems,
scho
ol se
greg
atio
n, a
nd A
mer
ican
izat
ion
prog
ram
s in
the
Chi
cano
and
Bor
icua
exp
erie
nce.
As a
n id
eolo
gy, A
mer
ican
izat
ion
legi
tim
ates
inst
itut
iona
l arr
ange
men
ts th
at le
ad to
a p
roce
ss o
f cul
tura
l rac
ism
that
dis
tort
s an
d tr
ivia
lizes
the
indi
geno
us c
ultu
re a
nd im
pose
s a d
iffer
ent w
ay o
f life
on
the
subj
ects
. The
mos
t str
ateg
ic in
stit
utio
nal a
rran
gem
ents
incl
ude
educ
atio
n an
d th
eor
gani
zati
on o
f pro
duct
ion
and
the
ideo
logi
es th
at su
ppor
t the
ir ro
le a
nd fu
ncti
on.
The
edu
cati
onal
syst
em a
nd th
e or
gani
zati
on o
f pro
duct
ion
will
be
brie
fly e
xam
ined
in th
eir r
ole
in b
oth
the
Puer
to R
ican
and
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an c
onte
xts.
In th
e M
exic
an A
mer
ican
exp
erie
nce,
bot
h in
Mex
ico
and
the
conq
uere
d So
uthw
est,
“a w
idel
y pr
omul
gate
d im
peria
l ide
olog
y ap
pear
ed h
ighl
ight
ing
a pa
thol
ogic
al M
exic
ancu
lture
that
con
clud
ed th
at a
‘Mex
ican
Pro
blem
’ exi
sted
for f
orei
gner
s, es
peci
ally
Am
eric
ans,
to re
solv
e” (G
onza
lez
2000
: 1).
Thi
s “M
exic
an P
robl
em” i
deol
ogy
was
cons
truc
ted
on th
e ba
sis o
f writ
ings
of t
rave
lers
, Pro
test
ant m
issi
onar
ies,
jour
nalis
ts,
acad
emic
s, bu
sine
ssm
en, a
nd e
ngin
eers
who
wen
t to
Mex
ico
durin
g th
e la
te 19
th a
ndea
rly 2
0th
cent
ury.
The
writ
ings
shap
ed a
pop
ular
und
erst
andi
ng o
f Mex
ican
s, w
ho w
ere
seen
as a
gro
up th
at h
ad to
be
colo
nize
d an
d ra
cial
ized
bot
h in
Mex
ico
and
with
in th
eU
nite
d St
ates
. The
U.S
. had
a p
utat
ive
civi
lizin
g m
issi
on; M
exic
ans,
dom
estic
ally
and
abro
ad, w
ere
to b
e th
e su
bjec
ts o
f the
se e
ffor
ts. T
he fo
llow
ing
quot
e, fr
om a
n ar
ticle
by
F. E
. Pre
nder
gast
for a
n 18
81 is
sue
of H
arpe
r�s N
ew M
onth
ly M
agaz
ine,
capt
ures
the
raci
aliz
ed c
onte
nt o
f the
civ
ilizi
ng m
issi
on:
It is
evi
dent
tha
t an
y pr
ogre
ss in
Mex
ico
mus
t co
me
thro
ugh
colo
niza
tion
by
som
e hi
gher
and
mor
e pr
ogre
ssiv
e ra
ce,
or b
y th
e in
trod
ucti
on o
f cap
ital
in la
rge
amou
nts
to d
evel
ophe
r na
tura
l res
ourc
es b
y th
e ai
d of
nat
ive
race
s….(G
onza
lez
2000
: 2)
[ 84
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 84
Page 10
mos
t act
ive
and
radi
cal M
exic
an la
bor l
eade
rs. D
urin
g th
is p
erio
d be
ing
accu
sed
ofbe
ing
a so
cial
ist o
r rad
ical
was
tant
amou
nt to
bei
ng a
ccus
ed o
f sed
itio
n an
d w
ould
ensu
re re
patr
iati
on b
ecau
se so
cial
ist a
ctiv
ity
was
an
excu
se c
omm
only
use
d to
dep
ort
Mex
ican
s dur
ing
the
1930
s (B
alde
rram
a an
d R
odrí
guez
1995
: 48)
.A
ll of
thes
e in
terv
entio
ns le
d to
the
dem
ise o
f the
Can
nery
Agr
icul
tura
l Ind
ustr
ial
Wor
kers
Uni
on (C
AIW
U) a
nd to
the
defe
at o
f the
strik
e. In
man
y w
ays,
the
role
of t
heco
nsul
ar o
ffice
rs w
as to
less
en th
e co
ncer
n of
gro
wer
s tha
t, in
fact
, Mex
ican
wor
kers
wer
e no
t as d
ocile
as t
hey
thou
ght.
The
con
sula
r offi
cers
rein
forc
ed th
e st
ereo
typi
cal a
ndra
cial
ized
not
ion
that
Mex
ican
s wer
e in
nate
ly d
ocile
and
mal
leab
le. T
his c
ontr
ibut
ed to
an in
tern
aliz
atio
n of
raci
al id
eolo
gy b
y m
any
wor
kers
who
, by
follo
win
g th
e le
ad o
f the
cons
ular
offi
cers
, led
the
unio
n to
its d
emise
and
to th
e de
feat
of t
heir
strik
e. A
raci
aliz
edid
eolo
gy a
lso le
d to
raci
al a
nd e
thni
c di
visio
ns b
etw
een
Mex
ican
and
oth
er w
orke
rs,
nota
bly
Filip
inos
. In
this
cont
ext,
raci
aliz
atio
n pr
ogre
ssed
muc
h fu
rthe
r.T
he JM
LA, a
fter
win
ning
the
stri
ke, c
olla
psed
in a
few
yea
rs. A
gric
ultu
ral u
nion
sar
e di
ffic
ult t
o m
aint
ain
beca
use
of th
e se
ason
al n
atur
e of
wor
k of
thei
r mem
bers
.T
he o
nly
way
that
loca
l agr
icul
tura
l uni
ons s
urvi
ve is
by
ally
ing
them
selv
es w
ith la
rger
unio
ns, p
artic
ular
thos
e in
the
indu
stria
l sec
tor.
The
Am
eric
an F
eder
atio
n of
Lab
or(A
FL),
the
larg
est o
rgan
izat
ion
of w
orke
rs a
t tha
t tim
e, re
fuse
d to
org
aniz
e ag
ricul
tura
lw
orke
rs, p
artic
ular
ly ra
cial
ized
min
oriti
es. U
nfor
tuna
tely
for t
he JM
LA, t
he A
FLre
fuse
d to
gra
nt w
orke
rs a
cha
rter
bec
ause
Sam
uel G
ompe
rs d
id n
ot w
ant t
o ha
veJa
pane
se m
embe
rs in
his
uni
on. (
Dur
ing
that
tim
e th
e fe
ar o
f Asi
an g
roup
s was
fore
mos
t in
popu
lar c
ultu
re.)
Afr
ican
Am
eric
ans h
ad a
ver
y sm
all p
rese
nce
in C
alifo
rnia
,an
d M
exic
an A
mer
ican
s wer
e ra
cial
ized
as a
mor
e do
cile
and
mal
leab
le g
roup
.In
the
mea
ntim
e in
Pue
rto
Ric
o, th
e sa
me
Sam
uel G
ompe
rs w
ho h
ad re
fuse
d to
allo
w Ja
pane
se a
gric
ultu
ral w
orke
rs in
his
AFL
allie
d hi
mse
lf w
ith
Sant
iago
Igle
sias
Pant
ín, t
he le
ader
of P
uert
o R
ico’
s Fed
erac
ión
Libr
e de
Tra
bajo
(Fre
e La
bor
Fede
rati
on—
FLT
), w
hich
con
sist
ed m
ainl
y of
suga
r and
toba
cco
wor
kers
. Bla
ck a
ndm
ulat
to P
uert
o R
ican
s com
pris
ed a
sign
ifica
nt p
art o
f the
wor
kfor
ce. F
or e
xam
ple,
Prud
enci
o R
iver
a M
artí
nez,
refe
rrin
g to
the
lead
ersh
ip o
f the
FLT
in th
e fir
stde
cade
s of t
his c
entu
ry, a
rgue
d th
at o
f eac
h te
n le
ader
s “8
wou
ld b
e m
ulat
toes
”(G
uerr
a 19
99: 2
2). I
n Pu
erto
Ric
o th
e FL
Tin
man
y w
ays a
ccep
ted
the
tute
lage
of
whi
te m
en in
ord
er to
dev
elop
the
leve
rage
the
orga
niza
tion
nee
ded
to d
eal w
ith
thei
r loc
al e
cono
mic
con
tend
ers,
the
suga
r mill
ow
ners
, who
wer
e bo
th A
nglo
and
Puer
to R
ican
(Rod
rígu
ez 19
88).
How
ever
, in
Puer
to R
ico,
bec
ause
the
labo
r mov
emen
t had
a st
rong
pre
senc
e an
d a
stro
ng e
galit
aria
n so
cial
ist a
nd a
narc
hist
ideo
logy
, rac
ializ
atio
n w
as c
halle
nged
mor
e st
rong
ly w
ithi
n th
e la
bor m
ovem
ent t
han
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. Alth
ough
the
situ
atio
n is
not
oft
en d
iscu
ssed
by
isla
nd h
isto
rian
s, du
ring
the
first
dec
ades
of U
.S.
dom
inat
ion
labo
r ac
tivi
sts
bega
n to
eng
age
in a
pub
lic d
iscu
ssio
n of
rac
e (S
uáre
z Fi
ndla
y 19
99).
In fa
ct, s
ocia
list a
ctiv
ists
oft
en p
ublic
ly id
enti
fied
as b
lack
:
Inst
ead
of d
ista
ncin
g th
emse
lves
from
bla
ckne
ss a
nd r
acia
ldi
vers
ity,
num
erou
s fe
dera
tion
org
aniz
ers
clai
med
the
m a
s an
inte
gral
par
t of
Pue
rtor
ican
ness
. Man
y FL
T(F
eder
atio
n of
Fre
e La
bor)
mem
bers
and
lead
ers
wer
e cl
earl
y of
Afr
ican
desc
ent
them
selv
es. T
hey
also
aff
irm
ed t
his
heri
tage
for
the
enti
re w
orki
ng c
lass
. The
whi
te m
an w
as o
ur fa
ther
. Th
e B
lack
wom
an w
as o
ur m
othe
r. (1
999:
141
)
[ 87
]
orga
niza
tion
. The
abs
ence
of l
ande
d el
ites i
n th
e 20
th c
entu
ry in
tens
ified
the
soci
alco
nstr
ucti
on o
f Chi
cano
s as r
acia
lized
subj
ects
; how
ever
, lab
or o
rgan
izat
ions
wer
eab
le to
med
iate
bet
wee
n ra
cial
izat
ion
and
the
suba
ltern
s. D
urin
g th
is e
arly
per
iod,
mos
t Mex
ican
Am
eric
ans w
ere
invo
lved
in th
e ag
ricu
ltura
l sec
tor i
n th
e So
uthw
est.
Cal
iforn
ia, e
spec
ially
, thr
ough
irri
gati
on sy
stem
s tha
t ena
bled
the
dese
rts t
o flo
wer
,be
cam
e on
e of
the
larg
est e
mpl
oyer
s of a
gric
ultu
ral l
abor
in th
e U
.S.
Alm
ague
r (19
94),
in h
is a
naly
sis o
f the
suga
r bee
t wor
kers
’ str
ike
in V
entu
ra,
Cal
iforn
ia, i
n 19
03, p
rovi
des a
goo
d ex
ampl
e of
how
agr
icul
tura
l pro
leta
rian
s wer
eab
le to
con
test
thei
r rac
ial a
nd c
lass
exp
loit
atio
n. F
or th
e fir
st ti
me
in a
gric
ultu
ral
labo
r str
uggl
es, a
gro
up o
f Jap
anes
e an
d M
exic
an w
orke
rs w
on a
dec
isiv
e vi
ctor
yag
ains
t sug
ar b
eet g
row
ers.
Thi
s was
a ra
ther
unu
sual
eve
nt in
a n
umbe
r of w
ays.
Uni
on o
rgan
izin
g am
ong
agri
cultu
ral w
orke
rs w
as n
ot fa
vore
d by
the
maj
or la
bor
orga
niza
tion
s in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es. T
he A
mer
ican
Fed
erat
ion
of L
abor
(AFL
),pa
rtic
ular
ly, d
id n
ot o
rgan
ize
agri
cultu
ral w
orke
rs. S
o th
e su
gar b
eet w
orke
rs o
rgan
ized
them
selv
es u
nder
one
of t
he fi
rst m
ulti
ethn
ic u
nion
s in
the
U.S
.: th
e Ja
pane
se-M
exic
anLa
bor A
ssoc
iati
on (J
MLA
). T
he JM
LAw
as a
ble
to o
rgan
ize
a st
rike
in 19
03,
desp
ite e
thni
c di
ffer
ence
s, be
caus
e or
gani
zers
cou
nted
on
a nu
mbe
r of f
acto
rs:
1.T
he ti
min
g of
the
stri
ke c
oinc
ided
wit
h th
e ne
ed fo
r thi
nnin
g th
e su
gar
beet
cro
ps. I
f the
wea
ker b
eets
wer
e no
t thi
nned
qui
ckly,
the
crop
cou
ldbe
lost
. Thi
s gav
e th
e st
rike
rs so
me
leve
rage
wit
h th
e bo
sses
.2.
Org
aniz
ers c
aref
ully
dev
elop
ed a
n et
hnic
ally
sens
itiv
e, c
ultu
rally
appr
opri
ate
dem
ocra
tic
proc
ess,
whe
reby
bot
h M
exic
an a
nd Ja
pane
sew
ere
info
rmed
in th
eir r
espe
ctiv
e la
ngua
ges a
bout
the
kind
s of s
tyle
sgo
vern
ing
the
orga
niza
tion
al p
roce
ss. T
hey
also
shar
ed re
sour
ces a
ndde
velo
ped
a gr
owin
g se
nse
of c
amar
ader
ie a
nd b
roth
erho
od.
3.So
cial
ist i
deol
ogy
led
orga
nize
rs to
em
phas
ize
thei
r cla
ss p
osit
ion
rath
erth
an th
eir r
acia
l sta
tus.
Thi
s was
rein
forc
ed b
y th
e pa
rtic
ipat
ion
of F
red
C. W
heel
er a
nd Jo
hn M
urra
y fr
om th
e Lo
s Ang
eles
Cou
ncil
Labo
rC
ounc
il, w
ho p
rovi
ded
mor
al su
ppor
t to
the
stri
kers
thro
ugho
ut th
ene
goti
atio
n pr
oces
s. T
hese
labo
r org
aniz
ers w
ere
soci
alis
t rad
ical
s who
had
been
act
ive
in th
e Lo
s Ang
eles
labo
r mov
emen
t.4.
Org
aniz
ers w
ere
able
to m
aint
ain
a ve
ry c
onsi
sten
t pol
icy
of m
ilita
ncy.
Mos
t of t
he ti
me,
in a
pea
cefu
l but
non
ethe
less
mili
tant
way
, the
y co
nvin
ced
mos
t of t
he w
orke
rs b
roug
ht in
to jo
in th
em in
thei
r org
aniz
ing
effo
rt.
Chi
cano
s and
Japa
nese
org
aniz
ers a
nd st
rike
rs w
ere
quite
eff
ecti
ve in
con
test
ing
raci
aliz
atio
n by
avo
idin
g th
e ki
nd o
f div
isio
ns th
at h
elp
the
perp
etua
tion
of th
e pr
oces
s.T
hey
avoi
ded
cate
goriz
ing
each
oth
er in
mer
ely
raci
al te
rms b
y us
ing
thei
r cla
ss a
ndet
hnic
bac
kgro
und
as u
nify
ing
mec
hani
sms a
nd a
s too
ls fo
r com
mun
icat
ion
and
inte
rnal
uni
ty. T
hey
avoi
ded
thei
r bos
ses’
tact
ics o
f div
idin
g th
em a
gain
st e
ach
othe
r.T
his c
ontr
asts
qui
te c
lear
ly w
ith
anot
her i
mpo
rtan
t agr
icul
tura
l str
ike
stud
ied
byG
ilber
t Gon
zale
z (1
999)
: the
El M
onte
farm
wor
kers
stri
ke o
f 193
3. I
n th
is c
ase,
Mex
ican
farm
wor
kers
wer
e al
lied
wit
h Fi
lipin
o w
orke
rs. D
urin
g th
e E
l Mon
tew
orke
rs’ s
trik
e th
e M
exic
an C
onsu
l, th
roug
h V
ice-
Con
sul R
icar
do H
ill, m
ade
sure
that
the
stri
kers
did
not
dev
elop
the
stra
tegi
es th
at le
d to
the
vict
ory
that
the
JMLA
achi
eved
. Hill
att
empt
ed to
lim
it th
e m
ilita
ncy
of th
e st
rike
rs b
y is
olat
ing
the
mos
tm
ilita
nt, s
ome
of w
hom
wer
e so
cial
ists
or r
adic
als.
In fa
ct, t
he c
onsu
late
alli
ed it
self
wit
h th
e Lo
s Ang
eles
Pol
ice
Dep
artm
ent’s
not
orio
us R
ed S
quad
by
iden
tify
ing
the
[ 86
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 86
Page 11
The
Amer
ican
tea
cher
s en
joy
a be
tter
sal
ary
than
the
Pue
rto
Ric
an t
each
ers,
yet
inst
ruct
ions
are
giv
en t
o th
e Sc
hool
Boa
rds
in t
he o
ffic
ial n
ewsp
aper
, La
Gac
eta,
tha
t al
l Am
eric
an t
each
ers
mus
t si
gn t
heir
con
trac
t fo
r ne
xt y
ear.
No
men
tion
is m
ade
ofPu
erto
Ric
an t
each
ers,
who
are
in m
ore
need
bec
ause
the
yea
rn lo
wer
sal
arie
s. (1
970:
55)
The
dua
l wag
e sy
stem
taug
ht A
mer
ican
teac
hers
they
wer
e su
peri
or a
nd P
uert
oR
ican
teac
hers
that
they
wer
e in
feri
or. T
his i
nsti
tuti
onal
arr
ange
men
t was
par
t of t
hepr
oces
s to
soci
aliz
e th
e Pu
erto
Ric
an p
opul
atio
n in
to a
ccep
tanc
e of
its n
ew in
feri
orst
atus
in re
gard
to w
hite
Am
eric
ans.
The
impl
emen
tati
on o
f thi
s edu
cati
onal
syst
em in
clud
ed th
e us
e of
Eng
lish
as th
em
ediu
m o
f ins
truc
tion
and
the
rele
gati
on o
f Spa
nish
to a
subo
rdin
ate
stat
us w
ithi
nth
e cu
rric
ulum
. The
Pue
rto
Ric
an, l
ike
the
Mex
ican
, was
bei
ng d
omes
tica
ted
into
acce
ptin
g hi
s pro
per p
lace
wit
hin
a ra
cial
hie
rarc
hy th
at h
ad w
hite
s as t
he a
rche
type
of w
hat P
uert
o R
ican
s sho
uld
aspi
re to
be.
23 T
his i
nter
naliz
atio
n w
as e
xpec
ted
to b
esm
ooth
, par
ticu
larl
y si
nce
Puer
to R
ican
s alre
ady
wer
e un
ders
tood
by
Am
eric
ans t
obe
a m
alle
able
and
pea
cefu
l peo
ple.
Vic
tor S
. Cla
rk’s
repr
esen
tati
on o
f Pue
rto
Ric
ans
is re
pres
enta
tive
of s
uch
a co
ncep
t:
The
grea
t mas
s of
Pue
rto
Ric
ans
are
as y
et p
assi
ve a
nd p
last
ic…
Thei
r id
eals
are
in o
ur h
ands
to
crea
te a
nd m
old.
We
shal
l be
resp
onsi
ble
for
the
wor
k w
hen
it is
don
e, a
nd it
is o
ur s
olem
ndu
ty t
o co
nsid
er c
aref
ully
and
tho
ught
fully
tod
ay, t
he c
hara
cter
we
wis
h to
giv
e th
e fin
ishe
d pr
oduc
t of
our
influ
ence
and
eff
ort.
(Neg
rón
de M
onti
lla 1
970:
13)
In a
man
ner s
imila
r to
wha
t had
hap
pene
d in
the
Mex
ican
exp
erie
nce,
trav
eler
s,ac
adem
ics,
and
busi
ness
men
, beg
an to
shap
e th
e po
pula
r not
ion
of P
uert
o R
ican
s as
chi
ldre
n, a
s inf
erio
r pro
duct
s of m
isce
gena
tion
, who
nee
ded
the
stro
ng p
ater
nal
hand
of t
he m
aste
r in
orde
r to
lear
n th
eir p
rope
r rol
e in
a ra
cial
ized
rela
tion
ship
. A
s his
tori
an M
atos
Rod
rígu
ez (1
999)
exp
lain
s in
his a
rtic
le, U
.S. w
rite
rs re
pres
ente
dPu
erto
Ric
o an
d Pu
erto
Ric
ans a
s a p
robl
em:
Raci
al s
tere
otyp
es in
the
U.S
. als
o re
info
rced
the
visi
on th
atPu
erto
Ric
ans
wer
e in
telle
ctua
lly in
feri
or p
eopl
e gi
ven
the
high
inci
denc
e of
“m
esti
zaje
.” U
.S. w
rite
rs a
nd g
over
nmen
t off
icia
lsco
nstr
ucte
d a
perf
ect j
ustif
icat
ion
for
colo
nial
ism
: a d
isor
der
inne
ed o
f int
erve
ntio
n, a
n ab
le U
nite
d St
ates
will
ing
to s
erve
as
prob
lem
sol
ver,
and
an a
nxio
us P
uert
o R
ican
peo
ple
stri
ving
toim
prov
e un
der
U.S
. gui
danc
e. (1
999:
42)
How
ever
, suc
h a
“dis
orde
r,” w
hile
in n
eed
of re
orga
niza
tion
, non
ethe
less
had
the
pote
ntia
l for
hel
ping
Pue
rto
Ric
ans a
chie
ve a
hig
her i
f sti
ll su
bord
inat
e st
atus
in th
eU
nite
d St
ates
. Tho
mps
on (1
995)
, in
his r
eadi
ng o
f Our
Isla
nds a
nd th
eir P
eopl
e, fin
ds th
atso
me
U.S
. obs
erve
rs b
elie
ved
that
Pue
rto
Ric
ans w
ere
to so
me
exte
nt re
deem
able
:
[ 89
]
So, i
n or
der t
o ch
alle
nge
the
raci
aliz
atio
n pr
oces
s the
y w
ere
unde
rgoi
ng a
sw
orke
rs, P
uert
o R
ican
labo
rers
con
stru
cted
an
iden
tity
that
cha
lleng
ed th
e di
vide
-an
d-co
nque
r tac
tics
of U
.S. a
nd lo
cal w
hite
elit
es. T
hey
also
wen
t fur
ther
and
ques
tion
ed th
e w
hite
ness
of t
he lo
cal e
lites
, giv
en th
e hi
gh d
egre
e of
mis
cege
nati
onin
the
isla
nd. I
n ad
diti
on, t
he e
xist
ence
of s
igni
fican
t and
impo
rtan
t pol
itic
al le
ader
sw
ho w
ere
blac
k, su
ch a
s Jos
é C
elso
Bar
bosa
, am
ong
the
supp
orte
rs o
f sta
teho
od fo
rPu
erto
Ric
o, a
nd P
edro
Alb
izu
Cam
pos,
amon
g pr
o-in
depe
nden
ce su
ppor
ters
,sh
aped
raci
aliz
atio
n dy
nam
ics.
Inte
rest
ingl
y, th
e sy
stem
of b
ipol
ar ra
cial
cat
egor
ies
that
the
U.S
. cul
ture
dev
elop
ed a
t the
tim
e di
d no
t tak
e ho
ld, u
nlik
e Pu
erto
Ric
oto
day.
Now
mos
t of t
he p
olit
ical
lead
ersh
ip in
Pue
rto
Ric
o, b
oth
on th
e le
ft a
nd o
nth
e ri
ght,
is w
hite
. H
owev
er, t
he u
nder
stan
ding
then
that
Pue
rto
Ric
an a
ctiv
ists
had
of r
acis
m w
ason
e th
at fo
cuse
d on
att
itud
es a
nd n
ot o
n th
e in
stit
utio
naliz
ed a
nd sy
stem
ic n
atur
e of
raci
sm. T
he m
etap
hors
of f
reed
om a
nd sl
aver
y w
ere
used
to u
nite
wor
kers
inch
alle
ngin
g ra
cial
pre
judi
ce (S
uáre
z Fi
ndla
y 19
99).
How
ever
, ide
olog
ical
soph
isti
cati
on w
as g
reat
er in
issu
es o
f gen
der t
han
in is
sues
of r
ace.
In
fact
, mos
tla
bor l
eade
rs d
irec
tly
addr
esse
d is
sues
of g
ende
r opp
ress
ion
as im
port
ant i
ssue
s in
the
clas
s str
uggl
e:
In t
he y
ears
bef
ore
Wor
ld W
ar I,
left
ist
labo
r le
ader
s re
cogn
ized
that
wom
en’s
opp
ress
ion
was
roo
ted
in b
oth
wag
ed la
bor
expl
oita
tion
and
the
dom
inan
t no
rms
and
sexu
al p
ract
ices
of
the
day.
(199
9: 1
43)
The
y sa
w th
at g
ende
r iss
ues r
aise
d by
inst
itut
iona
lized
pra
ctic
es w
ent b
eyon
dat
titu
des a
nd w
ere
root
ed in
the
dom
inan
t eco
nom
ic sy
stem
. Act
ivis
ts sa
w th
e ne
edto
tran
sfor
m in
stit
utio
ns su
ch a
s mar
riag
e an
d fa
mily
in o
rder
to li
bera
te w
omen
from
opp
ress
ion.
Unf
ortu
nate
ly, w
ith
the
exce
ptio
n of
labo
r ide
olog
ue R
amón
Rom
ero
Ros
a, m
ost o
f the
labo
r int
ellig
ents
ia d
id n
ot se
e th
e in
ters
ecti
on o
f rac
e,cl
ass,
and
gend
er. A
s Suá
rez
Find
lay
expl
ains
: “R
adic
al a
ctiv
ists
nev
er a
ckno
wle
dged
that
wom
en’s
raci
al id
enti
ties
mig
ht sh
ape
thei
r exp
erie
nces
. Thu
s the
y im
plic
itly
reco
gniz
ed g
ende
r as a
sepa
rate
and
mor
e en
duri
ng so
cial
diff
eren
ce th
an ra
ce,
dem
andi
ng m
ore
exte
nded
ana
lysi
s and
pra
ctic
al re
form
s” (1
999:
143)
.In
the
educ
atio
nal s
yste
m in
Pue
rto
Ric
o, ra
cial
izat
ion
thro
ugh
Am
eric
aniz
atio
nto
ok it
s cou
rse.
But
in te
rms o
f for
m a
nd c
onte
nt, t
he e
xper
ienc
e of
Pue
rto
Ric
ans
in th
e is
land
and
Chi
cano
s in
the
Sout
hwes
t was
qui
te d
iffer
ent.
The
att
empt
toA
mer
ican
ize
the
enti
re P
uert
o R
ican
pop
ulat
ion
pres
ente
d ob
stac
les.
How
ever
,be
caus
e Pu
erto
Ric
ans w
ere
the
num
eric
al m
ajor
ity
in th
e is
land
, the
re w
as n
o ne
edto
segr
egat
e th
em. H
owev
er, t
each
ers w
ere
brou
ght i
n fr
om th
e U
nite
d St
ates
tote
ach
Am
eric
an c
ultu
ral n
orm
s to
dom
esti
cate
Pue
rto
Ric
ans a
nd in
still
the
kind
of
loya
lty th
e U
nite
d St
ates
requ
ired
to m
aint
ain
its c
olon
ial d
omin
atio
n. M
arti
n G
.B
rum
baug
h, C
omm
issi
oner
of E
duca
tion
(190
0–1
901)
, sai
d, “U
nder
wis
e an
dco
nser
vati
ve o
ffic
ers,
the
peop
le o
f Pue
rto
Ric
o ha
ve tu
rned
to th
is R
epub
lic w
ith
apa
trio
tism
, a z
eal,
and
enth
usia
sm th
at is
per
haps
wit
hout
par
alle
l” (N
egró
n de
Mon
tilla
1970
: 37)
. A
lso,
as h
appe
ned
in o
ther
are
as o
f the
Uni
ted
Stat
es a
nd in
the
Mex
ican
eco
nom
y,th
e pr
oces
s of s
ubor
dina
ting
Pue
rto
Ric
ans i
nclu
ded
the
dual
wag
e sy
stem
.A
ccor
ding
to N
egró
n de
Mon
tilla
(197
0), a
new
spap
er a
rtic
le sa
id in
1900
:
[ 88
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 88
Page 12
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es w
ante
d to
ass
ure
cont
rol o
ver P
uert
o R
ico
for s
trat
egic
reas
ons—
as P
edro
Alb
izu
Cam
pos,
the
nati
onal
ist l
eade
r, sa
id, “
The
U.S
. wan
ts th
e ca
ge,
not t
he b
irds
.” Se
cond
, man
y m
embe
rs o
f con
gres
s per
ceiv
ed th
e is
land
as t
hew
hite
st o
f the
Ant
illes
.24T
his p
roce
ss, w
hich
ena
bled
Pue
rto
Ric
ans t
o be
gra
nted
U.S
. cit
izen
ship
in 19
17, i
nclu
ded
the
perc
epti
on th
at th
ey w
ere
less
soci
ally
dis
tant
than
Fili
pino
s in
Am
eric
an p
opul
ar c
ultu
re (C
abra
nes 1
979:
17–8
). Se
ctor
s of U
.S.
cong
ress
wer
e co
ncer
ned
abou
t ope
ning
the
door
s to
a na
tion
of “
Ori
enta
ls” a
ndw
orri
ed th
at P
uert
o R
ico
wou
ld b
ecom
e a
prec
eden
t for
the
Phili
ppin
es. O
nce
it
was
cle
ar th
e Ph
ilipp
ines
wou
ld n
ot b
e an
nexe
d, C
ongr
ess g
rant
ed st
atut
ory
U.S
.ci
tize
nshi
p to
all
Puer
to R
ican
s. T
he ra
cial
ized
com
pari
son
wit
h re
gard
to F
ilipi
nos
was
als
o pr
esen
t in
mus
eum
repr
esen
tati
ons o
f Pue
rto
Ric
ans a
nd F
ilipi
nos d
urin
gth
e ea
rly
20th
cen
tury
(Dua
ny 2
002)
. Pu
erto
Ric
ans l
ivin
g in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es h
ad a
diff
eren
t exp
erie
nce
from
thos
e in
the
isla
nd. J
esús
Col
ón (1
961)
, in
his c
olle
ctio
n of
stor
ies b
ased
on
his e
xper
ienc
e in
New
Yor
k in
the
earl
y de
cade
s of t
he 2
0th
cent
ury,
desc
ribe
s how
som
e Pu
erto
Ric
ans f
aced
the
raci
ally
bifu
rcat
ed sy
stem
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. Pue
rto
Ric
ans i
n th
eU
nite
d St
ates
exp
erie
nced
raci
aliz
atio
n by
bei
ng p
erce
ived
as n
on-w
hite
. In
the
earl
yda
ys m
any
lived
wit
hin
Afr
ican
Am
eric
an c
omm
unit
ies a
nd e
xper
ienc
ed ra
cial
disc
rim
inat
ion
in e
mpl
oym
ent (
1961
: 44)
. Jes
ús C
olón
, a so
cial
ist a
nd se
lf-ed
ucat
edm
an w
ith
sign
ifica
nt w
riti
ng sk
ills,
had
been
hir
ed to
do
som
e pa
rt-t
ime
tran
slat
ions
for a
film
age
ncy
that
dis
trib
uted
a fi
lm se
ries
pop
ular
in th
e Sp
anis
h-sp
eaki
ngco
mm
unit
y. T
he a
genc
y lik
ed h
is w
ork
so m
uch
he w
as o
ffer
ed a
job.
But
whe
n C
olon
show
ed u
p at
the
agen
cy’s
door
, the
off
ice
man
ager
said
: “Ye
s, I
wro
te th
at le
tter
….
Tha
t was
to b
e yo
ur d
esk
and
type
wri
ter.
But
I th
ough
t you
wer
e w
hite
” (19
61: 5
1).
Thi
s exp
erie
nce
also
was
repr
oduc
ed w
ith
Puer
to R
ican
mus
icia
ns w
ho p
erfo
rmed
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. Jua
n Fl
ores
(200
2) te
lls th
e st
ory
of D
avili
ta, t
he P
uert
o R
ican
mus
icia
n, w
ho re
calle
d ho
w P
uert
o R
ican
s and
Cub
ans,
the
dark
est a
mon
g La
tino
s in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es, w
ere
paid
less
than
oth
er L
atin
Am
eric
ans (
Flor
es 2
002:
69)
. In
add
itio
n, P
uert
o R
ican
s exp
erie
nced
dis
crim
inat
ion
in c
ultu
ral c
ente
rs b
egun
by
Span
ish
imm
igra
nts.
In h
er b
ook
on P
uert
o R
ican
mus
icia
ns, R
uth
Gla
sser
(199
5)ex
plai
ns h
ow A
stur
ian,
Gal
icia
n, V
alen
cian
, and
oth
er S
pani
sh c
ultu
ral c
lubs
and
cent
ers h
ad p
olic
ies t
hat e
xclu
ded
non-
whi
tes.
In a
n ef
fort
to m
aint
ain
thei
r sta
tus
as a
spir
ing
whi
tes,
Span
ish
imm
igra
nts c
oped
by
raci
ally
dis
crim
inat
ing
agai
nst
Puer
to R
ican
s. A
sim
ilar e
xper
ienc
e oc
curr
ed a
mon
g C
uban
s in
Tam
pa, F
lori
da,
at th
e tu
rn o
f the
cen
tury
. The
raci
al c
odes
of t
he so
uth
divi
ded
whi
te fr
om b
lack
—ca
tego
riza
tion
s tha
t wen
t unc
halle
nged
by
Cub
ans a
spir
ing
to a
whi
te st
atus
(San
tiag
o-Va
lles 2
000:
15–6
).In
the
Mex
ican
exp
erie
nce,
diff
eren
ces b
etw
een
nati
ve a
nd fo
reig
n-bo
rn M
exic
ans
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
sign
ified
diff
eren
t pos
itio
ns o
f sta
tus w
ithi
n th
e M
exic
an-
Am
eric
an c
omm
unit
y. W
hile
the
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an w
as ra
cial
ized
and
subo
rdin
ated
to w
hite
s, a
fore
ign-
born
, non
-cit
izen
Mex
ican
occ
upie
d a
low
er p
osit
ion
in th
e ra
cial
hie
rarc
hy. T
he c
onfli
cts t
hat e
xist
ed in
the
Mex
ican
com
mun
ity
in th
e 19
30s,
whe
n cl
ose
to o
ne m
illio
n M
exic
ans w
ere
repa
tria
ted,
rais
ed th
e is
sue
of w
hooc
cupi
ed a
low
er ra
cial
stat
us w
ithi
n th
e co
mm
unit
y (B
alde
rram
a an
d R
odrí
guez
1995
). T
hose
who
wer
e no
t rep
atri
ated
wer
e ab
le to
avo
id, t
empo
rari
ly, b
eing
pla
ced
in th
e lo
wes
t rac
ial s
tatu
s pos
sibl
e in
the
Sout
hwes
t dur
ing
this
per
iod.
Als
o, th
e co
nflic
ts b
etw
een
the
“Spa
nish
” Mex
ican
s and
the
“Ind
ian”
Mex
ican
s,w
hich
aro
se a
s gr
oups
neg
otia
ted
thei
r st
andi
ng w
ithi
n th
e ra
cial
hie
rarc
hy, w
ere
root
ed in
an
acce
ptan
ce o
f the
raci
al h
iera
rchy
and
an
atte
mpt
to le
vera
ge a
hig
her
[ 91]
[The
Pue
rto
Ric
ans]
are
a d
iffer
ent
race
from
the
sod
den
popu
lati
ons
of t
he O
rien
t an
d th
e hu
mbl
ed a
nd d
egra
ded
mas
ses
of m
any
Euro
pean
cou
ntri
es. W
hen
one
look
s in
to t
hein
telli
gent
face
s of
the
Por
to R
ican
gir
ls o
r bo
ys e
mpl
oyed
inth
e va
riou
s lit
tle
fact
orie
s th
at e
xist
in t
he is
land
, he
real
izes
that
the
y ha
ve s
ouls
…. S
pani
sh t
yran
ny, d
urin
g th
e th
ree
hund
red
year
s of
its
iron
rul
e, d
id a
ll it
cou
ld t
o cr
ush
the
spir
it o
f the
peo
ple
but
the
beni
gn c
limat
e an
d fr
ucti
fyin
g so
ilco
unte
ract
ed t
he p
oiso
n of
off
icia
l rep
ress
ion,
and
the
mas
ses
of t
he P
orto
Ric
an a
re t
oday
nea
rer
the
high
sta
ndar
d of
Amer
ican
tho
ught
and
inte
llige
nce
than
the
com
mon
peo
ple
of a
ny o
ther
cou
ntry
. (19
95: 5
5–7)
The
se in
stit
utio
naliz
ed a
rran
gem
ents
, sup
port
ed b
y a
raci
st id
eolo
gy sp
read
thro
ugh
the
econ
omy,
the
educ
atio
nal s
yste
m, c
rim
inal
just
ice
syst
em, r
elig
ious
inst
itut
ions
, am
ong
othe
rs, h
elpe
d m
aint
ain
the
syst
em o
f rac
ializ
atio
n, w
hile
inte
grat
ing
lead
ers o
f the
subo
rdin
ated
gro
ups a
s gat
ekee
pers
. The
se in
stit
utio
nal
arra
ngem
ents
per
petu
ated
whi
te su
prem
acy,
sim
ulta
neou
sly
unde
rmin
ing
the
resi
stan
ce o
f oth
er se
ctor
s of t
he ra
cial
ized
com
mun
itie
s. T
he st
ruct
ural
org
aniz
atio
nof
raci
aliz
atio
n se
t the
stag
e fo
r fur
ther
dev
elop
men
t of a
raci
aliz
ed h
iera
rchy
.
Pla
cem
ent
in t
he
raci
al h
iera
rch
yD
urin
g th
is th
ird
phas
e th
e ra
cial
ized
gro
up is
ass
igne
d a
raci
al st
atus
wit
hin
the
raci
al sy
stem
of s
trat
ifica
tion
. Com
mun
itie
s of c
olor
par
tici
pate
d in
wha
t Cla
raR
odrí
guez
cal
ls “t
he a
ccep
tanc
e of
and
par
tici
pati
on in
dis
crim
inat
ion
agai
nst
peop
le o
f col
or” (
2000
: 17)
. Thi
s sta
ge le
ads i
nto
“neg
otia
tion
s reg
ardi
ng th
e gr
oup’
spl
acem
ent i
n th
e U
.S. r
acia
l eth
nic
queu
e” (2
000:
18).
Dur
ing
this
pha
se th
e ra
cial
ized
“Oth
er” i
s tak
en u
p by
the
cultu
re o
f bot
h th
e do
min
ant a
nd th
e do
min
ated
gro
up.
Sinc
e ra
cial
cat
egor
ies a
re c
ompa
rati
ve ta
xono
mic
al sy
stem
s, a
proc
ess o
fca
tego
riza
tion
incl
udes
a p
roce
ss o
f com
pari
son.
The
com
pari
son
and
cate
gori
zati
onno
t onl
y oc
curs
bet
wee
n w
hite
s and
the
raci
aliz
ed “O
ther
,” bu
t may
als
o in
clud
ead
diti
onal
raci
aliz
ed su
bjec
ts. T
his s
tage
of r
acia
lizat
ion
is sh
aped
by
hist
oric
ally
spec
ific
reco
gnit
ions
of p
ower
and
by
soci
al a
nd e
cono
mic
cha
nges
taki
ng p
lace
wit
hin
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es.
Prec
isel
y be
caus
e th
e sy
stem
is b
ased
on
com
para
tive
taxo
nom
ies,
new
gro
ups
ente
ring
the
raci
aliz
ed sy
stem
beg
an to
inte
rnal
ize
the
norm
s tha
t gui
ded
and
mai
ntai
ned
the
raci
al h
iera
rchy
. As t
hese
gro
ups w
ere
soci
aliz
ed a
nd a
ssim
ilate
d,
they
att
empt
ed to
gai
n le
vera
ge b
y di
scri
min
atin
g ag
ains
t the
gro
up e
ithe
r jus
tbe
neat
h th
em o
r clo
se to
thei
r ow
n st
andi
ng in
the
raci
al la
dder
. The
Iri
sh d
iscr
imi-
nate
d ag
ains
t bla
cks t
o es
tabl
ish th
eir w
hite
ness
, or m
ore
accu
rate
ly, th
eir n
on-b
lack
ness
,an
d as
sure
for t
hem
selv
es a
bet
ter p
lace
men
t in
the
raci
al ra
nkin
g. B
lack
s bec
ame
the
“Oth
er” t
hat w
hite
ned
them
. Bor
icua
s and
Chi
cano
s att
empt
ed to
dis
tanc
eth
emse
lves
from
Afr
ican
Am
eric
ans o
r oth
er L
atin
os. T
his d
ista
ncin
g al
so to
ok p
lace
with
in ra
cial
ized
gro
ups,
part
icul
arly
in te
rms o
f the
nat
ive
vers
us th
e fo
reig
n bo
rn.
In 19
17, a
ll Pu
erto
Ric
ans w
ere
gran
ted
U.S
. cit
izen
ship
, an
anom
alou
s act
giv
enth
at a
sig
nifi
cant
pro
port
ion
of t
he p
opul
atio
n w
as, i
n th
e U
.S. r
acia
l sys
tem
,no
n-w
hite
. The
re w
ere
a nu
mbe
r of
fact
ors
invo
lved
. One
was
geo
polit
ical
:
[ 90
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 90
Page 13
The
civ
ilizi
ng m
issi
on o
f the
Uni
ted
Stat
es u
tiliz
ed A
mer
ican
izat
ion
effo
rts
tobr
ing
the
“nat
ive”
into
a c
lose
r, al
beit
sti
ll un
equa
l, st
atus
wit
h U
.S. w
hite
s. N
ativ
ein
habi
tant
s w
ere
seen
as
amor
al, p
rim
itiv
e, v
iole
nt, c
hild
ish,
ove
rly
sexu
al b
eing
sw
ho r
equi
red
dom
esti
cati
on. T
he m
ulti
vale
nced
imag
e of
Pue
rto
Ric
ans
prov
ided
a co
ntra
dict
ory
imag
e of
the
new
col
onia
l sub
ject
s, w
ho w
ere
seen
as
doci
le y
etvi
olen
t, in
noce
nt y
et a
mor
al; t
hese
opp
osed
cat
egor
ies
defi
ned
Pue
rto
Ric
ans
asno
ble
sava
ges.
Tho
mps
on (1
995)
des
crib
es h
ow P
uert
o R
ican
s w
ere
read
in t
heir
pict
oria
l rep
rese
ntat
ions
as
livin
g in
Ede
n ye
t en
gagi
ng in
“un
civi
lized
” be
havi
ors
that
wer
e no
t co
nduc
ive
to e
qual
sta
tus
wit
h th
e co
loni
zer:
They
[the
Pue
rto
Ric
ans]
live
so
clos
e to
nat
ure
that
the
thi
ngs
whi
ch w
ould
see
m im
prop
er t
o us
are
wit
h th
em t
he in
noce
ntaf
fair
s of
the
ir d
aily
life
. In
man
y re
spec
ts t
hey
are
still
in t
hat
Eden
ic s
tate
whi
ch t
hink
s no
evi
l and
con
sequ
entl
y kn
ows
none
. (Th
omps
on 1
995:
30)
Thi
s cha
ract
eriz
atio
n al
so le
ads t
o de
hum
aniz
ing
Puer
to R
ican
s bec
ause
a ra
cial
ized
conc
eptio
n of
iden
tity
sees
ratio
nal p
eopl
e as
wei
ghin
g th
e co
nseq
uenc
es o
f the
ir ac
tions
,w
hile
ani
mal
s are
judg
ed b
y in
stin
cts r
athe
r tha
n re
ason
. In
fact
, Pue
rto
Ric
ans w
ere
desc
ribe
d as
ani
mal
s by
auth
ors b
ent o
n pe
rpet
uati
ng a
raci
aliz
ed c
once
ptio
n of
self:
Mor
als,
in t
he t
echn
ical
sen
se, t
hey
have
non
e, b
ut t
hey
cann
otbe
sai
d to
sin
, bec
ause
the
y ha
ve n
o kn
owle
dge
of t
he la
w,
and
ther
efor
e, t
hey
cann
ot c
omm
it n
o br
each
of l
aw. T
hey
are
nake
d an
d ar
e no
t as
ham
ed…
The
re is
evi
l, bu
t th
ere
is n
ot t
hede
mor
aliz
ing
effe
ct o
f evi
l. Th
ey s
in, b
ut t
hey
sin
only
as
anim
als,
wit
hout
sha
me,
bec
ause
the
re is
no
sens
e of
bei
ngw
rong
. (Th
omps
on 1
995:
31)
Als
o, th
e na
tive
s, in
ord
er to
fit w
ithi
n th
e ne
w sy
stem
, had
to h
ave
thei
r sex
ualit
yan
d fa
mily
life
resh
aped
. Am
eric
aniz
ing
the
cultu
re b
ecam
e a
way
of t
rans
ferr
ing
Yank
ee m
oral
stan
dard
s int
o th
e ev
eryd
ay p
ract
ice
of th
e su
balte
rn. S
uáre
z Fi
ndla
y(1
999:
111)
cle
arly
dem
onst
rate
s the
alm
ost e
vang
elic
al w
ay c
olon
ial a
dmin
istr
ator
sso
ught
to a
lter t
he P
uert
o R
ican
:
They
end
eavo
red
to h
omog
eniz
e th
eir
new
col
onia
l sub
ject
sse
xual
ly, t
o re
duce
div
erse
pop
ular
sex
ual p
ract
ices
and
mor
als
to a
uni
fied
stan
dard
of h
eter
osex
ual m
arri
age
and
two-
pare
ntfa
mili
es, t
hus
inst
illin
g th
eir
Angl
o-Sa
xon,
bou
rgeo
is s
ocia
l and
cult
ural
idea
s in
the
isla
nd’s
pop
ulac
e.
Bot
h M
exic
ans a
nd P
uert
o R
ican
s fou
nd p
lace
men
t in
the
new
raci
al o
rder
and
,ra
ther
con
trad
icto
rily,
con
trib
uted
to th
eir o
wn
subo
rdin
atio
n. T
he n
ew ra
cial
iden
tity
and
stat
us c
reat
ed c
ompe
titi
on w
ithi
n an
d be
twee
n gr
oups
, all
of w
hich
soug
ht to
leve
rage
the
mos
t adv
anta
geou
s and
leas
t sti
gmat
izin
g po
siti
on w
ithi
n a
hier
arch
y in
whi
ch w
hite
s wer
e at
the
top
whi
le th
e su
balte
rns w
ere
divi
ded
agai
nst e
ach
othe
r.
[ 93
]
stat
us b
y di
stan
cing
them
selv
es fr
om th
e lo
wer
raci
al c
ateg
ory
(Alm
ague
r 199
4).
The
cre
atio
n of
a H
ispa
no c
ateg
ory
in N
ew M
exic
o w
as a
lso
a w
ay o
f est
ablis
hing
dist
ance
bet
wee
n th
e ne
wly
arr
ived
Mex
ican
imm
igra
nts a
nd th
e na
tive
New
Mex
ican
s of M
exic
an a
nces
try.
In fa
ct, t
he te
rm “M
exic
an” h
ad b
ecom
e so
raci
aliz
edth
at M
exic
an A
mer
ican
s pre
ferr
ed to
be
desc
ribe
d as
“Spa
nish
” or “
His
pano
” tha
n as
“Mex
ican
.” T
hese
dis
tinc
tion
s rei
nfor
ced
a sy
stem
that
in p
ract
ice
wou
ld n
ot m
ake
any
mea
ning
ful d
isti
ncti
on b
etw
een
one
or th
e ot
her.
In so
me
stat
es, f
or e
xam
ple,
Texa
s, th
e di
stan
cing
was
so g
reat
that
the
Mex
ican
elit
es a
t tim
es e
ven
allie
dth
emse
lves
wit
h th
e K
u K
lux
Kla
n, h
opin
g to
ach
ieve
in th
is a
llian
ce a
mea
sure
of
whi
tene
ss (A
cuña
1988
).A
mon
g Pu
erto
Ric
ans,
the
inte
rnal
dist
inct
ions
bet
wee
n da
rker
- and
ligh
ter-s
kinn
edPu
erto
Ric
ans b
ecam
e m
ore
pron
ounc
ed. T
he U
nite
d St
ates
, in
its p
roce
ss o
fA
mer
ican
izat
ion,
also
tend
ed to
nar
row
the
rang
e of
raci
al c
ateg
orie
s in
the
raci
alco
ntin
uum
(Rod
rígue
z 19
97).
The
idea
l Pue
rto
Ric
an w
as n
ot a
real
, con
cret
e m
ulat
to
or m
estiz
oPu
erto
Ric
an b
ut a
“Spa
nish
” Pue
rto
Ric
an. F
or so
me,
the
real
Pue
rto
Ric
anw
as w
hite
, and
, cou
ld tr
ace
his l
inea
ge to
Spa
in (n
ever
to A
fric
a). L
illia
n G
uerr
a (1
998)
expl
ains
how
the
Puer
to R
ican
hist
oria
n C
ayet
ano
Col
l y C
uchi
, who
was
edu
cate
d in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es, b
egan
to q
uest
ion
U.S
. im
peria
l pol
icie
s in
Puer
to R
ico
by a
ssum
ing
aH
ispan
ic P
uert
o R
ican
iden
tity.
His
resis
tanc
e id
entit
y, ho
wev
er, w
as st
ill p
robl
emat
ic:
Yet,
impo
rtan
tly,
the
ref
eren
ce p
oint
for
the
resi
stan
t id
enti
tyth
at C
oll y
Cuc
hi d
isco
vere
d w
ithi
n hi
mse
lf he
did
not
art
icul
ate
as e
ssen
tial
ly “
Puer
to R
ican
,” b
ut a
s Sp
anis
h. C
oll y
Cuc
hi’s
defe
nsiv
e pr
escr
ipti
on a
gain
st A
mer
ican
izat
ion’
s cr
itiq
ue o
f all
thin
gs P
uert
o R
ican
as
wel
l as
his
own
avow
al o
f tha
t cr
itiq
uew
ere
both
equ
ally
col
onia
l. (G
uerr
a 19
98: 4
6)
Effo
rts t
o w
hite
n th
e im
age
of b
eing
a P
uert
o R
ican
as a
way
of r
esis
ting
raci
aliz
atio
nth
roug
h A
mer
ican
izat
ion
led
to a
pro
cess
of w
hite
ning
one
of t
he m
ost i
mpo
rtan
tsy
mbo
ls o
f Pue
rtor
ican
ness
, the
j�ba
ro: t
he P
uert
o R
ican
pea
sant
. As a
sym
bol o
f the
true
Pue
rto
Ric
an, t
he jí
baro
bega
n to
spre
ad th
roug
h Pu
erto
Ric
an p
opul
ar c
ultu
redu
ring
the
19th
cen
tury
. The
opp
osin
g “O
ther
,” ra
cial
ly sp
eaki
ng, w
as c
ompo
sed
of th
eSp
anis
h at
that
tim
e; h
owev
er, i
n th
e 20
th c
entu
ry, t
he c
ateg
ory
of th
e “O
ther
”co
mpr
ised
U.S
. whi
tes,
who
wer
e de
vote
d to
the
proc
ess o
f Am
eric
aniz
atio
n.Li
llian
Gue
rra
(199
8) fu
rthe
r dev
elop
s Jos
é Lu
is G
onzá
lez’
(199
3) a
naly
sis o
f how
the
conc
ept o
f the
jíba
robe
cam
e an
inst
rum
ent u
sed
to le
vera
ge th
e Pu
erto
Ric
anin
to a
whi
ter s
tatu
s with
in th
e ra
cial
ized
hie
rarc
hy in
Pue
rto
Ric
o. T
he m
yth
of th
e jíb
aro
as re
pres
enta
tive
of t
rue
Puer
tori
cann
ess p
ivot
ed o
n th
e “d
enia
l of a
n A
fro-
Mes
tizo
hist
oric
al re
alit
y fr
om w
hich
man
y Pu
erto
Ric
an c
usto
ms a
nd w
orld
vie
ws w
ere
deri
ved—
even
by
creo
le p
easa
nts,
the
j�ba
rost
hem
selv
es” (
1998
: 55)
. H
owev
er, U
.S. w
hite
col
oniz
ers w
ere
not e
ntir
ely
conv
ince
d:
Bri
gadi
er G
ener
al G
eorg
e W
. Dav
is, o
ne o
f the
col
onia
l gov
erno
rsof
Pue
rto
Rico
, sta
tes
that
‘bet
wee
n th
e N
egro
and
the
peon
ther
e is
no
visi
ble
diff
eren
ce.’
Dav
is fo
und
it di
ffic
ult t
o ‘b
elie
veth
at th
e pa
le, s
allo
w a
nd o
ften
em
acia
ted
bein
gs’w
ere
inde
ed‘th
e de
scen
dant
s of
the
conq
uist
ador
s.’(
Sant
iago
-Val
les
1994
: 45)
[ 92
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 92
Page 14
blac
ks a
nd m
ulat
tos.
Alth
ough
ther
e w
ere
thou
sand
s of w
hite
s who
, pro
mpt
ed b
y th
e lib
eral
imm
igra
tion
ince
ntiv
es o
f the
1815
Céd
ula
de G
raci
as, m
igra
ted
from
Hai
ti, S
pain
, and
oth
er p
arts
of E
urop
e, th
eir i
nflu
ence
in th
e w
hite
ning
pro
cess
was
bala
nced
by
the
illeg
al im
mig
rati
on o
f tho
usan
ds o
f bla
cks f
rom
the
Eng
lish-
spea
king
Wes
t Ind
ies.
In fa
ct, t
he fi
rst c
ensu
s of P
uert
o R
ico
carr
ied
out b
y th
e U
.S. g
over
nmen
tin
1899
show
ed th
at 3
8.2
perc
ent o
f the
Pue
rto
Ric
an p
opul
atio
n w
as n
on-w
hite
(Dua
ny 2
002:
248
). B
y 19
20 th
e no
n-w
hite
pop
ulat
ion,
stat
isti
cally
spea
king
, fel
l to
27 p
erce
nt w
itho
ut a
ny m
ajor
em
igra
tion
of b
lack
Pue
rto
Ric
ans t
akin
g pl
ace.
A
ddit
iona
lly, a
ccor
ding
to G
uerr
a (1
998)
, no
sign
ific
ant
mig
rati
on o
f whi
tes
into
Pue
rto
Ric
o oc
curr
ed b
etw
een
1910
to 1
920;
the
7.5
5 pe
rcen
t in
crea
se in
the
whi
te p
opul
atio
n co
uld
not
be ju
stif
ied
in t
his
way
. The
onl
y th
ing
that
had
chan
ged
is t
hat
Pue
rto
Ric
ans
did
not
wan
t to
be
cons
ider
ed b
lack
. To
be b
lack
in
an
Am
eric
aniz
ing
colo
ny m
eant
bei
ng le
ft in
the
low
est
rung
of t
he r
acia
lized
colo
nial
ord
er. A
ltho
ugh
the
proc
ess
cann
ot b
e co
nsid
ered
gen
ocid
e in
the
trad
itio
nal s
ense
of t
he w
ord,
it d
oes
sugg
est
that
cer
tain
form
s of
rep
rese
ntat
ion
and
iden
tity
wer
e va
nqui
shed
in t
he c
ultu
re. T
he A
fric
an in
Pue
rto
Ric
o co
uld
not
be p
hysi
cally
ext
erm
inat
ed b
ut c
ould
be
conc
eptu
ally
elim
inat
ed a
s a
form
of
iden
tity
and
as
an e
xpre
ssio
n of
sel
f. B
ut c
ontr
ary
to th
e ra
cial
izat
ion
of M
exic
ans b
efor
e th
e 18
90s i
n th
e U
nite
dSt
ates
, the
tend
ency
tow
ard
raci
aliz
ing
the
new
subj
ects
dur
ing
the
earl
y pa
rt o
f the
20th
cen
tury
was
root
ed in
pse
udos
cien
tific
raci
sm (S
hipm
an 19
94).
As m
enti
oned
befo
re, b
efor
e th
e 18
90s M
exic
ans w
ere
seen
as a
cul
tura
lly d
isti
nct p
eopl
e.
The
y w
ere
seen
as a
n et
hnic
gro
up w
hich
, whi
le ra
cial
ized
and
subo
rdin
ated
, is
still
con
side
red
to h
ave
a hi
gher
stat
us th
an A
mer
ican
Ind
ians
or A
fric
anA
mer
ican
s. M
exic
ans i
n th
e ne
wly
con
quer
ed st
ates
wer
e C
hris
tian
(alth
ough
Cat
holic
), sp
oke
a E
urop
ean
tong
ue (a
lthou
gh S
pani
sh),
and
wer
e no
t as d
ark
(alth
ough
bro
wn)
as t
he o
ther
two
othe
r gro
ups.
As l
ong
as th
e M
exic
an p
opul
atio
nw
as n
ot c
ompl
etel
y su
bord
inat
ed, t
hey
wer
e pe
rcei
ved
as c
ultu
rally
diff
eren
t. D
urin
g th
e 20
th c
entu
ry M
exic
ans b
ecom
e ra
cial
ly d
isti
nct i
n th
e ne
w ra
cial
ized
orde
r, w
hich
was
shap
ed b
y a
new
pop
ular
cul
ture
that
bio
logi
zed
diff
eren
ce. I
n th
edo
cum
enta
ry L
os M
iner
os, d
irec
ted
by P
aul E
spin
osa
and
prod
uced
by
Héc
tor G
alán
in 19
91, w
e ar
e to
ld th
e hi
stor
y of
the
raci
aliz
atio
n of
a m
inin
g co
mm
unit
y in
Clif
ton/
Mor
enci
Ari
zona
dur
ing
the
first
four
dec
ades
of t
he 2
0th
cent
ury.
Sylv
este
r Mor
ris,
a m
ine
owne
r, is
quo
ted:
“My
own
expe
rien
ce h
as ta
ught
me
that
the
low
er c
lass
of
Mex
ican
s are
doc
ile, f
aith
ful,
good
serv
ants
, cap
able
of s
tron
g at
tach
men
ts w
hen
firm
ly a
nd k
indl
y tr
eate
d. T
hey
have
bee
n ‘p
eons
’ for
gen
erat
ions
. The
y w
ill a
lway
sre
mai
n so
, as i
t is t
heir
nat
ural
con
diti
on.”
In te
rms o
f gen
der,
ther
e is
a c
ultu
ral d
ynam
ic th
at re
flect
s how
a ra
cial
ized
subj
ect d
evel
ops t
hrou
gh g
ende
r rol
e so
cial
izat
ion.
Thi
s can
be
seen
am
ong
wom
enm
embe
rs o
f the
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an w
orki
ng c
lass
dur
ing
the
1930
s in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es. I
n V
icky
Rui
z’ st
udy
(199
6) o
n ac
cultu
rati
on a
nd c
hild
-rea
ring
pra
ctic
es, w
eno
tice
the
inte
rnal
izat
ion
of ra
cist
opp
ress
ion
in q
uite
a d
isti
nct w
ay. F
or e
xam
ple,
fam
ilies
eng
aged
in th
e pr
acti
ce o
f ste
erin
g w
omen
aw
ay fr
om m
embe
rs o
f the
ir
own
grou
p an
d pr
omot
ing
mar
riag
e w
ith
whi
tes,
an a
ctio
n al
so se
en in
Pue
rto
Ric
anan
d ot
her L
atin
Am
eric
an c
ultu
res.
Thi
s act
ivit
y w
as la
bele
d as
mej
orar
la ra
zaor
impr
ovin
g th
e ra
ce. T
his i
s a w
ay o
f whi
teni
ng o
ne’s
offs
prin
g so
that
they
will
be
able
to p
ass a
s whi
tes a
nd le
ave
the
raci
aliz
ed c
omm
unit
y be
hind
. It b
ecom
es a
nin
divi
dual
isti
c w
ay o
ut o
f sub
ordi
nati
on, a
lthou
gh it
is a
pro
cess
that
rein
forc
es
the
sam
e sy
stem
it p
rete
nds t
o ch
alle
nge.
[ 95
]
Cry
stal
liza
tio
n o
f a
raci
al i
den
tity
The
four
th a
nd fi
nal s
tage
is th
e cr
ysta
lliza
tion
of a
raci
aliz
ed id
enti
ty; t
his p
roce
ss o
fin
divi
duat
ion
take
s pla
ce th
roug
h th
e sy
stem
ic p
roce
sses
of a
ssim
ilatio
n, A
mer
ican
izat
ion,
and
hom
ogen
izat
ion.
Dur
ing
this
pha
se, t
he in
tern
aliz
atio
n of
raci
st o
ppre
ssio
nbe
com
es a
sign
ifyin
g ch
arac
teri
stic
that
join
tly, w
ith
inst
itut
iona
l arr
ange
men
ts,
serv
es to
rein
forc
e th
e sy
stem
s at t
he in
divi
dual
leve
l and
lim
it th
e pr
oces
s of c
onte
s-ta
tion
at t
he sy
stem
ic le
vel (
Rod
rígue
z 20
02).
Inte
rnal
izat
ion
is a
maj
or fa
ctor
lim
itin
gre
sist
ance
; the
pro
cess
is d
escr
ibed
by
Fran
z Fa
non
(198
6) a
s “th
e m
ost p
ower
ful
wea
pon
of th
e op
pres
sor i
s the
min
d of
the
oppr
esse
d.” I
t is w
ithi
n th
e ta
ctic
of
inte
rnal
izat
ion
that
the
raci
al sy
stem
find
s its
stra
tegi
c se
lf-pe
rpet
uati
ng m
echa
nism
s. T
he in
tern
aliz
atio
n of
raci
st o
ppre
ssio
n be
com
es th
e ca
rim
bo, o
r bra
ndin
g,m
arki
ng th
e ra
cial
ized
subj
ect.
The
mar
k is
not
phy
sica
l but
soci
o-ps
ycho
logi
cal
inst
ead.
25T
he c
hang
es in
cul
ture
and
iden
tity
that
take
pla
ce in
this
stag
e do
not
appe
ar a
s the
pro
duct
s of c
oerc
ion;
inst
ead,
they
are
per
ceiv
ed a
s inn
ate
to th
ein
divi
dual
and
the
cultu
re. A
raci
aliz
ed c
ultu
re a
nd id
enti
ty, e
ithe
r Mex
ican
Am
eric
anor
Bor
icua
, is c
reat
ed in
resp
onse
to a
nd in
con
test
atio
n of
the
proc
ess o
fra
cial
izat
ion.
The
refo
re, t
he in
divi
dual
and
gro
ups t
hat a
rise
as r
acia
l gro
ups,
Mex
ican
Am
eric
ans a
nd B
oric
uas,
not o
nly
are
raci
aliz
ed b
y th
e in
stit
utio
ns a
ndsy
stem
s of w
hite
supr
emac
y, th
ey a
re a
lso
raci
aliz
ed b
y co
loni
zed
and
raci
aliz
edcu
ltura
l pra
ctic
es. T
hey
are
colo
nize
d fr
om w
ithi
n th
e cu
ltura
l spa
ces o
f the
seco
mm
unit
ies.
The
se n
ew ra
cial
ized
cul
ture
s are
con
stru
cted
by
oppr
esse
dco
mm
unit
ies u
sing
, in
thes
e ca
ses,
Mex
ican
and
Pue
rto
Ric
an c
ultu
ral e
lem
ents
toge
ther
wit
h th
e ne
w c
ultu
ral t
rait
s tha
t ari
se o
ut o
f an
expe
rien
ce o
f opp
ress
ion.
H
owev
er, a
t tim
es th
ese
new
lear
ned
beha
vior
s are
div
isiv
e an
d se
lf-de
stru
ctiv
e.T
he se
nse
of se
lf th
at is
con
stru
cted
in th
is st
age
of ra
cial
izat
ion
is o
ne im
bued
w
ith
a se
nse
of p
ower
less
ness
. It i
s the
mod
e by
whi
ch “r
ace,
” in
its p
olit
ical
sens
e,be
com
es a
live
d re
alit
y. Su
bord
inat
ion
beco
mes
em
bedd
ed in
the
cultu
re in
subt
lean
d po
wer
ful w
ays.
Alth
ough
pare
jer�
aan
d po
chism
oin
the
Puer
to R
ican
and
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an c
onte
xt d
on’t
lead
to li
bera
tion
, the
y pr
ovid
e th
e m
eans
to su
rviv
e in
host
ile e
nvir
onm
ents
.26T
hrou
gh th
is so
cioc
ultu
ral p
roce
ss, i
dent
itie
s are
soci
ally
con
stru
cted
to fi
t int
oth
e ra
cial
hie
rarc
hy. T
his e
nabl
es w
hite
supr
emac
y to
ext
end
the
pow
er o
f rac
ism
in
to th
e de
epes
t rec
esse
s of t
he p
erso
nhoo
d of
the
suba
ltern
.27In
tern
aliz
ed ra
cist
oppr
essi
on le
ads r
acia
lized
subj
ects
into
beh
avio
rs th
at a
re, a
t tim
es, d
ue to
cop
ing
mec
hani
sms.
Oth
er w
ays o
f cop
ing
in a
raci
aliz
ed so
ciet
y in
clud
e de
nyin
g on
e’s tr
uese
lf an
d m
imic
king
the
dom
inan
t arc
hety
pe. I
n a
soci
ety
whe
re th
e ra
cial
cat
egor
ies
are
fluid
, and
whe
re g
rada
tion
s of c
olor
are
wha
t det
erm
ines
a p
erso
n’s r
acia
l sta
tus,
it is
pos
sibl
e to
pas
s and
bec
ome
whi
te.
In P
uert
o R
ico,
an
inte
rest
ing
phen
omen
on to
ok p
lace
: the
stat
istic
al d
isap
pear
ance
of b
lack
s and
the
whi
teni
ng o
f the
Pue
rto
Ric
an p
opul
atio
n. T
he p
roce
ss o
f see
king
whi
tene
ss h
ad a
dee
p im
pact
on
the
sens
e of
Pue
rto
Ric
an ra
cial
iden
tity
. In
1910
,29
.98
perc
ent (
335,1
92 p
erso
ns) o
f the
pop
ulat
ion
iden
tifie
d it
self
as m
ulat
to a
nd 4
.49
perc
ent (
50,2
45 p
erso
ns) a
s bla
ck. I
n th
e ne
xt d
ecen
nial
cen
sus,
in 19
20, t
here
wer
e 7.5
perc
ent l
ess b
lack
s and
mul
atto
s in
the
cens
us (G
uerr
a 19
98: 2
21).
Con
curr
entl
y, th
isde
clin
e in
per
sons
of c
olor
was
acc
ompa
nied
by
an in
crea
se o
f 7.5
per
cent
in th
enu
mbe
r of w
hite
s. N
earl
y 34
,000
mul
atto
s and
bla
cks d
isap
pear
ed st
atis
tica
lly fr
omth
e ce
nsus
dat
a.
As G
uerr
a (1
998)
and
Gon
zále
z (1
993)
hav
e po
inte
d ou
t, Pu
erto
Ric
o du
ring
the
18th
and
ear
ly 19
th c
entu
ry w
as c
ompo
sed
of a
pop
ulat
ion
wit
h a
high
per
cent
age
of
[ 94
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 94
Page 15
Puer
to R
ican
s are
tole
rate
d w
ithi
n th
e co
nfin
es o
f the
isla
nd b
ecau
se th
ere
they
are
perc
eive
d as
refo
rmab
le, r
acia
lized
subj
ects
. How
ever
, in
the
mai
nlan
d th
ey a
repe
rcei
ved
as a
thre
at. T
he th
reat
occ
urs b
ecau
se th
e gr
ower
s see
misc
egen
atio
n as
sope
rvas
ive
amon
g th
is po
pula
tion
that
it is
not
alw
ays p
ossib
le to
dist
ingu
ish w
ho is
real
lya
whi
te P
uert
o R
ican
and
who
is n
ot. T
his o
bvio
usly
cou
ld le
ad to
furt
her m
isceg
enat
ion,
whi
ch w
ould
resu
lt in
the
Puer
to R
ican
pop
ulat
ion’
s con
tinui
ng to
tain
t and
deg
rade
the
whi
te ra
ce. T
his i
s par
ticul
arly
trou
blin
g fo
r a sy
stem
bas
ed o
n w
hite
supr
emac
y. Le
o St
anto
n R
owe
(190
8: 9
8) w
arns
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es in
the
follo
win
g qu
otat
ion:
A co
untr
y in
whi
ch t
he m
ass
of t
he p
opul
atio
n ha
s be
en k
ept
inei
ther
sla
very
or
in a
con
diti
on o
f soc
ial i
nfer
iori
ty is
cer
tain
to
reta
in t
he s
exua
l rel
atio
ns o
f a p
rim
itiv
e pe
riod
for
a lo
ng t
ime
afte
r th
e ca
uses
giv
ing
rise
to th
ese
rela
tions
hav
e di
sapp
eare
d.
The
fear
of “
mon
grel
izat
ion”
lead
s the
supp
orte
rs o
f im
peri
alis
m a
nd e
xpan
sion
toca
ll fo
r a se
ttle
r pol
icy
in P
uert
o R
ico.
It is
sugg
este
d th
at w
hite
Am
eric
ans s
houl
dbe
gin
to se
ttle
Pue
rto
Ric
o to
insu
re c
ontr
ol a
nd a
void
the
inva
sion
of i
nfer
ior r
aces
into
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es (H
eale
y 19
70).
Co
ncl
usi
on
sU
nfor
tuna
tely,
race
was
and
con
tinu
es to
be
an e
ndur
ing
soci
al d
iffer
ence
, and
its
syst
emic
cha
lleng
es th
en a
nd to
day
still
pos
e a
cont
empo
rary
cha
lleng
e to
an
anti
raci
st so
cial
mov
emen
t and
per
spec
tive
. Rac
ializ
atio
n is
a p
ower
ful c
once
pt th
atpr
ovid
es in
sigh
ts in
to th
e w
ay ra
cism
wor
ks in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es a
nd th
e C
arib
bean
. R
acia
lizat
ion
is a
pro
cess
that
recl
assi
fies g
roup
s int
o a
low
er ra
cial
stat
us.
Rac
ializ
atio
n is
a p
roce
ss o
f sub
ordi
nati
on a
nd d
omin
atio
n. It
is ro
oted
in a
nin
telle
ctua
l sci
enti
fic tr
adit
ion
that
per
mea
ted
the
popu
lar c
ultu
re in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es a
nd th
at e
mph
asiz
ed su
ppos
edly
bio
logi
cal d
iffer
ence
s. R
athe
r tha
n be
ing
the
cum
ulat
ive
effe
ct o
f ind
ivid
ual a
ctio
ns, r
acis
m a
nd ra
cial
ism
are
bet
ter
unde
rsto
od a
s par
t of a
pat
tern
that
is c
onst
ruct
ed in
a sy
stem
ic w
ay. A
ll so
ciet
alin
stit
utio
ns p
ract
ice
raci
aliz
atio
n in
par
ticu
lar w
ays,
usin
g pr
e-ex
isti
ng c
once
ptua
lm
ater
ials
pro
per t
o th
e tr
adit
ion
(edu
cati
onal
syst
ems,
prev
ious
raci
al h
iera
rchi
es,
relig
ious
syst
ems,
med
ia, e
tc.).
Rac
ializ
atio
n ha
s a st
ruct
ure
that
can
be
disc
erne
d,w
ith
diff
eren
t con
sequ
ence
s and
met
hods
iden
tifie
d w
ith
each
stag
e.
Rac
ializ
ed in
divi
dual
s bot
h ch
alle
nge
and
cont
ribu
te to
the
proc
ess o
fra
cial
izat
ion.
The
role
of i
nter
naliz
ed ra
cist
opp
ress
ion
is c
ruci
al to
und
erst
and
how
raci
aliz
atio
n im
pact
s the
sens
e of
self.
We
need
to lo
ok a
t rac
ializ
ed g
roup
s whe
nth
ey c
halle
nge
raci
aliz
atio
n, o
r whe
n th
ey re
info
rce
raci
alis
m b
y to
mai
ntai
ning
the
ster
eoty
pes u
sed
to c
onst
ruct
raci
aliz
ed im
ages
. R
acia
lizat
ion
lead
s to
the
hom
ogen
izat
ion
of e
thni
c gr
oups
and
thei
rtr
ansf
orm
atio
n in
to a
raci
al g
roup
that
obl
itera
tes t
he h
eter
ogen
eity
of P
uert
oR
ican
s and
Mex
ican
s. T
he c
olor
ed le
ns u
sed
by th
e ra
cial
izer
blin
ds h
im to
the
dive
rsit
y of
raci
al g
roup
s exi
stin
g w
ithi
n th
e ra
cial
ized
gro
up. T
he im
pact
of t
his
perc
epti
on is
so p
ower
ful t
hat s
ubor
dina
ted
raci
aliz
ed g
roup
s hav
e as
sum
ed th
epr
ejud
iced
per
sona
the
raci
aliz
er g
ave
them
. Cla
ra R
odrí
guez
, in
her b
ook
Puer
toR
ican
s Bor
n in
the U
SA, f
inds
that
New
Yor
k Pu
erto
Ric
ans d
escr
ibe
them
selv
es a
sda
rker
than
wha
t the
y ap
pear
. Thi
s is p
arti
cula
rly
mor
e ev
iden
t am
ong
thos
e w
hoha
ve li
ved
in th
e U
.S. t
he lo
nges
t.28
[ 97
]
Rui
z al
so ta
lks a
bout
how
the
cultu
re v
iew
ed M
exic
an w
omen
as “
mor
ally
loos
e,La
tina
act
ress
es in
Hol
lyw
ood
… ty
peca
st a
s hot
blo
oded
wom
en o
f low
er re
pute
.”T
his v
iew
poin
t ass
umes
that
alm
ost a
nim
alis
tic
urge
s and
inst
inct
s exi
st in
gro
ups
alre
ady
raci
aliz
ed a
s sub
pers
ons.
Alth
ough
raci
aliz
atio
n of
the
sexu
alit
y of
Chi
cana
sal
so to
ok p
lace
am
ong
Puer
to R
ican
wom
en in
Pue
rto
Ric
o, a
ctiv
e la
bor s
ocia
list-
fem
inis
ts c
onte
sted
som
e of
the
sexi
st d
isco
urse
. The
FLT
(Fed
erac
ión
Libr
e de
Trab
ajad
ores
) in
Puer
to R
ico
acti
vely
org
aniz
ed w
omen
wor
kers
and
pro
vide
d a
cultu
re th
at d
evel
oped
the
lead
ersh
ip sk
ills o
f wom
en.
Thi
s rac
ializ
ed v
iew
of P
uert
o R
ican
s is c
ontr
aste
d w
ith
that
of M
exic
ans.
In th
e re
lati
onsh
ip b
etw
een
Ang
los a
nd M
exic
an, t
he ra
cial
izat
ion
of M
exic
ans i
sro
oted
in th
e as
sum
ptio
n th
at m
isce
gena
tion
pro
cess
es su
ppos
edly
tain
ted
Span
ish
bloo
d (S
pani
ards
wer
e al
read
y a
ques
tion
ably
raci
ally
pur
e E
urop
ean
grou
p gi
ven
the
role
of R
oman
s, M
uslim
s, Je
ws,
Afr
ican
s in
Iber
ia).
The
focu
s is o
n th
e sp
ecifi
c ro
leof
indi
geno
us a
nces
try.
In P
uert
o R
ico’
s rac
ializ
atio
n, th
e pr
oces
s piv
ots a
roun
d th
eas
sum
ed A
fric
an a
nces
try
pres
ent i
n al
l Pue
rto
Ric
ans.
But
it is
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
,ra
ther
than
in th
e is
land
, whe
re th
e A
fric
an a
nces
try
of P
uert
o R
ico
beco
mes
acl
earl
y st
igm
atiz
ing,
bio
logi
cal c
hara
cter
isti
c.M
ark
Rei
sler
des
crib
es h
ow A
nglo
per
cept
ions
of t
his r
acia
lized
subj
ect d
urin
g th
e 19
20s w
ere
deep
ly b
iolo
gize
d, a
nd h
ow th
ey sh
aped
pub
lic p
olic
y. H
e po
ints
ou
t how
the
deba
te a
bout
rest
rict
ions
in im
mig
rati
on to
ok p
lace
wit
hin
the
sam
e se
t of d
iscu
rsiv
e ra
cial
ized
them
es: M
exic
ans i
n th
e U
.S. a
re a
n in
feri
or g
roup
, th
at is
, the
y ar
e “d
ocile
, ind
olen
t and
bac
kwar
d” (1
996:
25)
. T
he w
eakn
ess o
f org
aniz
atio
ns su
ch a
s lab
or u
nion
s am
ong
Mex
ican
Am
eric
ans
and
thei
r exc
lusi
on fr
om p
olit
ical
par
ties
led
to a
diff
eren
t lev
el o
f rac
ializ
atio
n in
th
e m
ainl
and.
For
exa
mpl
e, o
n on
e si
de o
f the
deb
ate
conc
erni
ng th
e re
stri
ctio
n of
imm
igra
tion
wer
e th
ose
who
arg
ued
that
bri
ngin
g in
to th
e na
tion
per
sons
who
had
thos
e ki
nds o
f qua
litie
s wou
ld a
lter,
stai
n, a
nd d
ilute
the
high
er se
t of q
ualit
ies t
hat
wer
e pa
rt o
f the
con
trib
utio
ns o
f peo
ple
of E
urop
ean
stoc
k. I
n ot
her w
ords
, si
nce
it w
as a
ssum
ed th
at c
ultu
ral c
hara
cter
isti
cs w
ere
root
ed in
race
, and
sinc
eM
exic
ans r
epre
sent
ed a
raci
al g
roup
wit
h In
dian
blo
od, i
t was
fear
ed th
at th
ese
char
acte
rist
ics m
ight
ent
er th
e A
mer
ican
gen
e po
ol th
roug
h m
isce
gena
tion
. B
ut in
this
hie
rarc
hy o
f rac
ializ
ed g
roup
s, Pu
erto
Ric
ans f
ared
wor
st.
The
gro
wer
s of C
alifo
rnia
in th
e 19
20s w
ante
d to
hav
e ac
cess
to c
heap
labo
r to
redu
ce th
e co
sts o
f agr
icul
tura
l pro
duct
ion.
Whi
te la
bor w
as n
ot w
illin
g to
do
the
hard
, bac
kbre
akin
g w
ork
in th
e fie
lds,
so g
row
ers d
epen
ded
on F
ilipi
no, J
apan
ese,
and
Mex
ican
labo
r. In
ord
er to
pro
tect
thei
r sou
rce
of la
bor p
ower
, the
gro
wer
sar
gued
that
if th
e go
vern
men
t cur
taile
d M
exic
an m
igra
tion
, the
y w
ould
hav
e to
look
for
anot
her
sour
ce o
f lab
or. T
hey
open
ly e
xpre
ssed
the
ir fe
ar o
f bri
ngin
g in
bla
cks
and
faci
ng in
Cal
ifor
nia
wha
t th
ey d
escr
ibed
as
the
raci
al p
robl
ems
of t
he S
outh
.B
ut p
arti
cula
rly
they
fear
ed b
eing
forc
ed to
bri
ng in
Pue
rto
Ric
ans
for
wor
k.
In t
he w
ords
of G
eorg
e C
lem
ents
, dir
ecto
r of
the
Los
Ang
eles
Cha
mbe
r of
Com
mer
ce a
gric
ultu
ral d
epar
tmen
t:
Whi
le t
hey
all h
ave
Neg
ro b
lood
in t
heir
vei
ns, t
he g
reat
er p
art
of t
hem
are
wit
hout
tho
se p
hysi
cal m
arki
ngs
whi
ch c
an o
nly
prot
ect
soci
ety.
The
y ar
e re
d-he
aded
, fre
ckle
-fac
ed, t
hin
lippe
dN
egro
hyb
rids
wit
h th
e vi
ciou
s qu
alit
ies
of t
heir
pro
geni
tors
….
(Rei
sler
199
6: 3
6)
[ 96
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 96
Page 16
AC
KN
OW
LE
DG
EM
EN
TS
I w
ant t
o th
ank
Will
iam
Fre
d Sa
ntia
go, M
arie
Ram
os R
osa,
Juan
Man
uel C
arrió
n, A
nnSt
ewar
t, R
obet
te A
n D
ias,
Jose
ph B
arnd
t, pa
rtne
rs o
f Cro
ssro
ads,
Rud
y Acu
ña, a
nd m
any
othe
rs fo
r ins
ight
ful c
onve
rsat
ions
and
gui
danc
e on
this
topi
c. I
also
wan
t to
than
k m
y w
ifean
d pa
rtne
r, La
ura,
for t
each
ing
me
abou
t bei
ng a
Bor
icua
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. I a
lso w
ant
to th
ank
CE
NT
RO
Jou
rnal
�sano
nym
ous r
evie
wer
s for
thei
r pre
cise
and
hel
pful
sugg
estio
ns.
NO
TE
S1
Thr
ough
out t
his e
ssay
raci
aliz
atio
n is
def
ined
as a
pro
cess
und
erst
ood
to “s
igni
fy th
eex
tens
ion
of ra
cial
mea
ning
to a
pre
viou
sly
uncl
assi
fied
rela
tion
ship
, soc
ial p
ract
ice
orgr
oup.
” (O
mi a
nd W
inan
t 198
6: 6
4). R
acia
l caa
tego
riza
tion
is c
onst
ruct
ed o
n th
e ba
sis
of a
ssum
ed b
iolo
gica
l cha
ract
eris
tics
, whi
ch a
re a
ssum
ed to
repr
esen
t som
e es
sent
ial
diff
eren
ce. T
he fi
nal o
utco
me
of ra
cial
izat
ion
is th
e co
nstr
ucti
on o
f a ra
cial
gro
up th
at
is th
en se
en a
nd e
xper
ienc
ed a
s a su
bord
inat
e, h
omog
eneo
us c
ateg
ory
of p
eopl
e in
ahi
erar
chy
of ra
cial
gro
ups.
2T
here
is a
vas
t lite
ratu
re th
at h
as c
ontr
ibut
ed to
the
ideo
logi
cal d
econ
stru
ctio
n of
the
raci
aliz
atio
n pr
oces
s in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es. R
acia
lizat
ion’
s gen
ealo
gy h
as it
s ori
gins
inth
e ef
fort
s of t
he p
lant
atio
n el
ite to
div
ide
and
conq
uer p
oor w
hite
s and
bla
ck in
dent
ured
serv
ants
in th
e pl
anta
tion
eco
nom
ies o
f the
ear
ly U
.S. c
olon
ies (
Alle
n 19
94).
We
have
com
e to
und
erst
and
the
lega
l pro
cess
of d
elin
eati
ng th
e bo
unda
ries
of t
he p
olit
ical
lyco
nstr
ucte
d ra
cial
cat
egor
ies (
Han
ey L
opez
1996
), an
d th
ere
is a
sign
ifica
nt a
mou
nt o
fw
ork
on th
e co
nstr
ucti
on o
f whi
tene
ss a
nd th
e ra
cial
izat
ion
of E
urop
ean
imm
igra
nts
(Roe
dige
r 199
1; Ig
nati
ev 19
95; B
rodk
in 19
98).
The
se e
ffor
ts h
ave
deep
ened
our
unde
rsta
ndin
g of
how
the
cate
gori
es a
re c
onst
ruct
ed a
nd h
ow n
ew e
thni
c gr
oups
are
inco
rpor
ated
into
the
raci
al sy
stem
. 3
I w
ill u
se th
e co
ncep
t of “
peop
le o
f Lat
in A
mer
ican
ori
gin”
(Mex
ican
s or P
uert
oR
ican
s) to
diff
eren
tiat
e fr
om “L
atin
os/H
ispa
nics
,” w
hich
is th
e te
rm I
will
use
for t
hese
grou
ps a
fter
they
hav
e ex
peri
ence
d ra
cial
izat
ion.
I re
cogn
ize
that
the
cate
gory
“Lat
ino”
is o
ften
use
d am
ong
acad
emic
s who
cha
lleng
e th
e E
uroc
entr
icit
y of
the
term
“His
pani
c”(O
bole
r 199
5; A
cuña
1996
, 200
0) a
nd th
e pr
oces
s of “
whi
teni
ng” p
eopl
e of
Lat
inA
mer
ican
ori
gin,
but
it sh
ould
be
rem
embe
red
that
the
term
is a
s pro
blem
atic
as
“His
pani
c” Is
. The
term
“Lat
in A
mer
ica,
” coi
ned
by F
ranc
ophi
les d
urin
g th
e 19
th c
entu
ry,
to p
rovi
de a
cou
nter
hege
mon
ic m
yth
to A
nglo
-Sax
on e
xpan
sion
. Thi
s mak
es b
oth
the
term
s “H
ispa
nic”
and
“Lat
ino”
pro
blem
atic
sinc
e th
ey a
re b
oth
the
outc
ome
of E
urop
ean
effo
rts t
o co
ntro
l the
new
nat
ions
and
gro
ups f
rom
the
Am
eric
as (P
hela
n 19
68).
4Su
zann
e O
bole
r (19
97) a
rgue
s tha
t the
pro
cess
of h
omog
eniz
atio
n is
a p
rodu
ct o
f the
expe
rien
ce o
f peo
ple
of L
atin
Am
eric
an o
rigi
n w
ithi
n th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. Des
pite
the
lingu
isti
c si
mila
riti
es, L
atin
os’ h
isto
rica
l exp
erie
nce,
the
raci
al m
ake-
up o
f the
irpo
pula
tion
, and
thei
r rel
atio
nshi
p to
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es c
reat
ed si
gnifi
cant
cul
tura
ldi
ffer
ence
s am
ong
diff
eren
t gro
ups.
5In
New
Yor
k, fo
r exa
mpl
e, L
atin
Am
eric
ans b
ecam
e ra
cial
ized
wit
hin
the
so-c
alle
dPu
erto
Ric
an m
elti
ng p
ot. W
hile
Pue
rto
Ric
ans a
re lo
sing
thei
r num
eric
ally
pre
dom
inan
tpo
sitio
n in
an in
crea
singl
y div
erse
Lat
ino
New
Yor
k, P
uert
o R
ican
cul
ture
rem
ains
a sig
nific
ant
aven
ue fo
r Lat
in A
mer
ican
s par
tici
pati
ng in
the
Lati
niza
tion
of N
ew Y
ork
(Kug
el 2
002)
.A
simila
r pro
cess
exi
sts i
n So
uthe
rn C
alifo
rnia
, for
exa
mpl
e, w
here
oth
er p
eopl
e of
Lat
inA
mer
ican
orig
in h
ave
beco
me
accu
ltura
ted
in a
Mex
ican
cul
tura
l mili
eu (G
odin
ez 20
01).
6B
y “d
oubl
e co
nsci
ousn
ess”
DuB
ois m
eant
the
proc
ess o
f rac
ializ
atio
n, w
here
inpe
ople
of A
fric
an d
esce
nt a
re p
rovi
ded
wit
h a
raci
aliz
ed se
lf th
at fe
els u
ncom
fort
able
beca
use
it is
an
iden
tity
cre
ated
to d
omin
ate
and
cont
rol.
DuB
ois w
rite
s: “I
t is a
pec
ulia
rse
nsat
ion,
this
dou
ble-
cons
ciou
snes
s, th
is se
nse
of a
lway
s loo
king
at o
ne’s
self
thro
ugh
the
eyes
of o
ther
s, of
mea
suri
ng o
ne’s
soul
by
the
tape
of a
wor
ld th
at lo
oks o
n in
am
used
[ 99
]
The
inte
rsec
tion
of r
ace,
cla
ss a
nd g
ende
r dur
ing
this
per
iod
need
s to
be lo
oked
at
mor
e cl
osel
y w
ithi
n a
theo
reti
cal f
ram
ewor
k. T
here
is a
nee
d to
look
at r
acia
lizat
ion
wit
hin
the
Span
ish
peri
od in
Pue
rto
Ric
o, so
that
its d
iffer
ence
s fro
m ra
cial
izat
ion
unde
r the
Uni
ted
Stat
es c
an b
e un
ders
tood
. The
eco
nom
ic p
roce
ss, t
he in
stit
utio
n of
slav
ery,
and
othe
r im
port
ant s
truc
tura
l com
pone
nts o
f the
raci
al sy
stem
und
er S
pain
have
bee
n re
sear
ched
, but
ther
e is
a n
eed
to c
onne
ct a
ll of
thes
e w
ithi
n a
theo
reti
cal
fram
ewor
k th
at fo
cuse
s on
raci
aliz
atio
n.
The
re is
als
o a
need
to lo
ok a
nd c
ontr
ast t
he e
xper
ienc
es o
f Pue
rto
Ric
ans i
n th
eU
nite
d St
ates
and
the
isla
nd. T
he ra
cial
izat
ion
of P
uert
o R
ican
s in
New
Yor
k du
ring
this
per
iod
is q
uite
dis
tinc
t fro
m w
hat w
as ta
king
pla
ce in
Pue
rto
Ric
o. H
ow c
an w
eot
herw
ise
expl
ain
why
one
of P
uert
o R
ico’
s lea
ding
inte
llect
uals
in th
e U
.S.,
Art
uro
Alfo
nso
Scho
mbu
rg, c
hose
to le
ad a
n A
fric
an c
onsc
ious
ness
mov
emen
t in
the
mai
nlan
d? I
n co
ntra
st, A
lbiz
u C
ampo
s cho
se th
e na
tion
alis
t roa
d to
uni
te P
uert
oR
ican
s irr
espe
ctiv
e of
race
. Tw
o po
wer
ful P
uert
o R
ican
inte
llect
uals
of A
fric
anan
cest
ry c
hose
two
diff
eren
t roa
ds to
add
ress
and
cha
lleng
e op
pres
sion
.R
acia
lizat
ion
is a
pro
cess
that
has
its g
reat
er im
pact
on
grou
ps. I
n ot
hers
wor
ds,
whi
le a
smal
l num
ber o
f Mex
ican
or P
uert
o R
ican
indi
vidu
als m
ay b
e ab
le to
pas
s and
even
tual
ly b
ecom
e “w
hite
ned,
” tha
t has
not
bee
n th
e ex
peri
ence
of P
uert
o R
ican
san
d M
exic
ans a
s a g
roup
. The
re w
ere
poin
ts in
tim
e w
hen
this
mig
ht h
ave
happ
ened
,pa
rtic
ular
ly a
fter
Wor
ld W
ar I
I; h
owev
er, t
he ra
cial
ly st
rati
fied
syst
em w
as re
info
rced
afte
r the
1960
s (th
is is
ano
ther
topi
c th
at n
eeds
to b
e ex
plor
ed).
Aft
er W
orld
War
II,
Chi
cano
s wer
e in
the
proc
ess o
f bec
omin
g “w
hite
ned.
” Vet
eran
s had
bee
n ab
le to
achi
eve
a m
odic
um o
f sta
tus a
nd e
cono
mic
secu
rity
thro
ugh
the
GI
Bill
, Fed
eral
Hou
sing
Adm
inis
trat
ion
(FH
A),
etc.
The
y ha
d be
en a
ble
to m
ove,
par
ticu
larl
y in
Cal
iforn
ia, t
o th
e su
burb
s, w
hich
, whi
le a
ging
, wer
e no
neth
eles
s sub
urbs
. The
y w
ere
able
to e
nter
man
y un
ions
; and
so it
seem
ed th
at th
e sl
ow p
roce
ss o
f int
egra
tion
was
goin
g to
hap
pen.
One
inde
x of
this
was
incr
easi
ng M
exic
an su
ppor
t for
the
Rep
ublic
an P
arty
, and
the
earl
y in
tegr
atio
n of
Mex
ican
s int
o th
e D
emoc
rati
c Pa
rty
(thr
ough
Viv
a K
enne
dy c
lubs
). H
owev
er, t
he e
cono
mic
rest
ruct
urin
g th
at b
egan
to
be sa
lient
in th
e 19
60s,
the
re-r
acia
lizat
ion
that
took
pla
ce ir
onic
ally
as a
resu
lt of
th
e C
ivil
Rig
hts m
ovem
ent,
and
the
incr
ease
d im
mig
rati
on b
roug
ht a
bout
by
the
1965
mig
rati
on la
w sh
ifted
the
cour
se o
f rac
ializ
atio
n ag
ain.
Fo
r Bor
icua
s as w
ell a
s Chi
cano
s the
cha
lleng
e to
day
will
be
lear
ning
how
to re
sist
raci
aliz
atio
n in
ligh
t of t
he in
crea
sing
eco
nom
ic p
olar
izat
ion
wit
hin
both
com
mun
itie
s. T
he la
rge,
gro
win
g m
iddl
e cl
ass a
nd u
pper
mid
dle
clas
s in
both
com
mun
itie
s hav
e le
ss a
nd le
ss c
onta
ct w
ith
the
wor
king
cla
ss m
ajor
itie
s. It
is th
ew
orki
ng c
lass
segm
ents
of b
oth
com
mun
itie
s, th
ose
grou
ps th
at a
re b
eing
raci
aliz
edm
ore
inte
nsel
y, th
at c
onst
itut
e th
e m
ajor
ity
amon
g th
e La
tino
pop
ulat
ion
of th
eU
nite
d St
ates
. Any
ant
i-rac
ist a
gend
a in
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es a
nd P
uert
o R
ico
will
m
ost l
ikel
y in
clud
e a
clea
r lin
king
of c
lass
, rac
e, a
nd g
ende
r if t
he d
ism
antli
ng o
fw
hite
supr
emac
y an
d ra
cism
in th
e U
.S. i
s to
be su
cces
sful
.
[ 98
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 98
Page 17
wit
h 14
8 of
784
, or 1
4 pe
rcen
t of a
ll m
arri
ages
, bei
ng b
etw
een
Ang
lo m
en a
nd M
exic
anfe
mal
es; d
urin
g th
e sa
me
peri
od o
nly
6 in
volv
ed M
exic
an m
en a
nd A
nglo
wom
en” (
Acu
ña19
88: 8
9). I
n C
alifo
rnia
, a si
mila
r pro
cess
occ
urre
d; in
som
e ca
ses,
it w
as a
way
for t
heA
nglo
elit
e to
ass
ure
a in
cont
esta
bly
“whi
te” s
tatu
s for
thei
r pro
geny
(Acu
ña 19
88: 1
16–8
). 19
Ano
ther
reas
on fo
r the
form
of r
esis
tanc
e w
as th
e le
vel o
f vio
lenc
e an
dcr
imin
aliz
atio
n us
ed a
gain
st M
exic
ans a
fter
the
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an W
ar, w
hich
end
ed in
1848
. See
Alfr
edo
Mir
ande
(198
7) fo
r a h
isto
rica
l des
crip
tion
of t
he d
emon
izat
ion
and
viol
ent s
ubor
dina
tion
of M
exic
anos
. 20
The
Pla
tt A
men
dmen
t, im
pose
d by
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es, a
llow
ed th
e U
nite
d St
ates
tom
aint
ain
a na
val b
ase
in C
uba
(Gua
ntan
amo)
and
to in
terv
ene
any
tim
e it
thou
ght
nece
ssar
y to
“pre
serv
e C
uban
inde
pend
ence
” (K
een
and
Hay
nes 2
000:
431
).21
Are
cent
inqu
iry
into
the
land
tenu
re o
f Pue
rto
Ric
o, fr
om 18
99 to
1915
, by
Ces
ar J.
Aya
la a
nd L
aird
W. B
erga
d (2
001)
arg
ues t
hat l
and
tenu
re in
fact
bec
ame
less
conc
entr
ated
in th
e ea
rly
year
s of U
.S. i
mpe
rial
heg
emon
y. H
owev
er, t
he p
ower
of U
.S.
suga
r and
toba
cco
inte
rest
s, w
hile
med
iate
d in
mor
e nu
ance
d w
ays t
han
thou
ght b
efor
e,st
ill e
xerc
ised
heg
emon
y ov
er th
e is
land
’s ag
ricu
ltura
l eco
nom
y.22
The
role
of l
abor
bro
kers
in a
ttra
ctin
g Pu
erto
Ric
an la
bor t
o th
e U
nite
d St
ates
was
mad
e ea
sier
aft
er P
uert
o R
ico’
s eco
nom
ic d
ebac
le c
ause
d by
U.S
. pol
icie
s fol
low
ing
the
Span
ish-
Am
eric
an W
ar o
f 189
8 se
e E
. Mal
dona
do (1
979)
and
B.C
. Sou
za (1
984)
.23
Apr
oces
s of s
ubor
dina
tion
was
uti
lized
in v
ario
us sh
apes
and
form
s in
the
raci
aliz
atio
n of
Nat
ive
Am
eric
ans/
Indi
ans a
nd A
fric
an A
mer
ican
s; se
e Sp
ring
(199
7),
who
pro
vide
s a g
ood
syno
psis
of t
he im
pact
of i
mpe
rial
edu
cati
on o
n th
e su
balte
rn.
24T
he p
erce
ptio
n th
at m
ost P
uert
o R
ican
wer
e “w
hite
” in
the
eyes
of c
ongr
ess w
ascr
ucia
l to
conf
erri
ng c
itiz
ensh
ip to
Pue
rto
Ric
ans.
Sinc
e th
e 17
90 N
atur
aliz
atio
n A
ct,
only
whi
tes c
ould
bec
ome
U.S
. citi
zens
. Thi
s did
not
cha
nge
until
the
1951
Wal
ter-M
cCar
ren
Act
, whi
ch o
pene
d th
e do
or to
“non
-whi
tes”
who
wan
ted
to b
ecom
e U
.S. c
itize
ns.
25In
tern
aliz
ed R
acis
t Opp
ress
ion
(IR
O) i
s def
ined
by
Ann
e St
ewar
t (20
00) a
s a“c
ompl
ex, m
ulti
-gen
erat
iona
l pro
cess
of s
ocia
lizat
ion
that
teac
hes p
eopl
e of
col
or to
belie
ve, a
ccep
t and
live
out
a n
egat
ive
soci
etal
def
init
ion.
The
se b
ehav
iors
con
trib
ute
to th
e pe
rpet
uati
on o
f the
race
con
stru
ct.”
26Pa
reje
ria
is o
ne w
ay o
f ind
ivid
ually
cha
lleng
ing
dom
inan
t gro
ups o
r ind
ivid
uals
wit
hout
out
righ
t con
fron
tati
on. P
ochi
smo
is a
cul
ture
that
ari
ses o
ut o
f rej
ecti
on b
y th
em
ains
trea
m fo
r not
bei
ng fu
lly “A
mer
ican
” and
reje
ctio
n in
the
Mex
ican
cul
ture
for n
otbe
ing
“Mex
ican
” eno
ugh.
Oth
er ra
cial
ized
cop
ing
mec
hani
sms a
re g
ende
red,
as G
ina
Pére
z in
her
lect
ure
“Pue
rtor
riqu
eñas
renc
oros
as y
Mej
ican
as su
frid
as” p
oint
s out
.“C
onst
ruct
ing
Self
and
Oth
ers i
n C
hica
go’s
Lati
no C
omm
unit
ies,”
a p
aper
of h
ers g
iven
at th
e C
ente
r for
Pue
rto
Ric
an S
tudi
es, e
xpla
ins h
ow th
ese
gend
er-b
ased
cop
ing
mec
hani
sms a
re st
ereo
type
s tha
t are
then
pre
sent
ed a
s pos
itiv
e tr
aits
. Whi
le th
ese
mec
hani
sms d
o no
t cha
lleng
e ra
cial
izat
ion,
they
hel
p su
rviv
al. W
eb p
ublis
hed
byC
EN
TR
O T
alks
at h
ttp:
//ww
w.pr
drea
m.c
om/p
atri
a/ce
ntro
/02_
26/p
erez
.htm
l.27
The
impa
ct o
f rac
ism
on
subo
rdin
ated
, rac
ializ
ed g
roup
s was
firs
t dis
cuss
edso
ciol
ogic
ally
by
Afr
ican
Am
eric
an so
ciol
ogis
t W.E
.B. D
uboi
s (19
61).
Cla
ssic
acc
ount
s of
raci
sim
by A
lber
t Mem
mi a
nd F
ranz
Fan
on b
road
ened
this
und
erst
andi
ng b
y in
corp
orat
ing
it in
to th
e co
loni
al e
xper
ienc
e. C
onte
mpo
rary
ant
irac
ist t
heor
y an
d pe
rspe
ctiv
e id
enti
fies
raci
aliz
ed id
enti
ty a
s “in
tern
aliz
ed ra
cist
opp
ress
ion”
(Rod
rígue
z 20
02).
28In
som
e ex
plor
ator
y fo
cus g
roup
s am
ong
stud
ents
in a
cou
rse
at th
e U
nive
rsit
y of
Pue
rto
Ric
o (1
998)
, I fo
und
that
thos
e w
ho h
ad li
ved
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
(the
re is
sign
ifica
nt c
ircu
lar m
igra
tion
in P
uert
o R
ico)
wer
e m
ore
likel
y to
des
crib
e th
emse
lves
usin
g co
lor c
ateg
orie
s tha
t wer
e da
rker
than
thos
e us
ed b
y th
e ot
her r
espo
nden
ts w
hora
ted
them
. Rod
rígu
ez c
alls
this
phe
nom
enon
a “b
row
ning
tend
ency
,” w
hich
ope
rate
s as
an
inde
x of
raci
aliz
atio
n.
[ 101
]
cont
empt
and
pit
y. O
ne e
ver f
eels
his
two-
ness
,—an
Am
eric
an, a
Neg
ro; t
wo
soul
s, tw
o th
ough
ts, t
wo
unre
conc
iled
stri
ving
s; tw
o w
arri
ng id
eals
in o
ne d
ark
body
, who
sedo
gged
stre
ngth
alo
ne k
eeps
it fr
om b
eing
torn
asu
nder
” (19
06: 1
2).
7Fo
r a d
escr
ipti
on o
f the
raci
aliz
atio
n of
Pue
rto
Ric
an e
thni
city
, see
Rod
rígu
ez’ (
1997
)de
scri
ptio
n of
the
raci
aliz
atio
n of
Pue
rto
Ric
an e
thni
city
.8
As N
ieto
-Phi
llips
(199
9) h
as a
rgue
d in
his
hel
pful
his
tori
cal c
ompa
riso
n of
the
New
Mex
ican
and
Pue
rto
Ric
an e
xper
ienc
e un
der i
mpe
rialis
m, a
lthou
gh th
e hi
stor
ies o
f Mex
ican
Am
eric
ans a
nd P
uert
o R
ican
s are
qui
te d
istin
ct, a
t tim
es “a
t var
ious
poi
nts i
n tim
e an
d in
the
cont
ext o
f U.S
. im
peria
lism
, [su
ch h
isto
ries a
re] i
next
ricab
ly c
onne
cted
. . .
” (19
99: 5
1).
9V
icen
te R
amon
Gue
rrer
o Sa
ldañ
a (1
782–
1831
) was
the
seco
nd p
resi
dent
of M
exic
o.H
e ha
d be
en a
Lie
uten
ant C
olon
el in
the
Mex
ican
War
of I
ndep
ende
nce.
Of A
fric
an a
ndIn
dian
her
itag
e, h
e w
as a
bri
llian
t mili
tary
stra
tegi
st. H
e w
as e
xecu
ted
in 18
31 a
fter
lead
ing
a re
belli
on a
gain
st G
ener
al A
nast
acio
Bus
tam
ente
. The
left
ist L
eona
rdo
Zav
ala
and
cons
erva
tive
Nic
olas
Bra
vo, b
oth
of w
hom
als
o re
belle
d ag
ains
t the
cen
tral
gove
rnm
ent,
wer
e se
nt in
to e
xile
—on
ly th
e bl
ack
Gue
rrer
o w
as e
xecu
ted.
10
The
“one
dro
p ru
le” o
r the
rule
of h
ypod
esce
nt a
ssig
ns th
e of
fspr
ing
of a
mix
ed ra
ceco
uple
the
less
pre
stig
ious
stat
us o
f the
two
pare
nts.
The
refo
re, a
bla
ck a
nd w
hite
coup
le’s
child
will
be
“non
-whi
te.”
Wit
hin
this
syst
em b
lack
wom
en c
an n
ever
hav
e a
“whi
te” c
hild
but
a w
hite
wom
an c
an h
ave
a “n
on-w
hite
” chi
ld. S
ee H
arri
s (19
97: 3
20).
11Se
e Ta
ylor
Hai
zlip
(199
5) fo
r a h
isto
rica
l acc
ount
of “
pass
ing”
wit
hin
the
Afr
ican
Am
eric
an c
omm
unit
y.12
U.S
. Cen
sus B
urea
u, C
ensu
s 200
0 R
edis
tric
ting
. Sum
mar
y Fi
les,
Tabl
es P
Lan
d PL
2.
13Se
e R
odríg
uez
(200
0, 2
002b
) for
an
arti
cle
on th
e ba
ckgr
ound
polit
ics b
ehin
d th
e us
eof
race
que
stio
ns in
the
cens
us in
Pue
rto
Ric
o.
14R
ace
has t
wo
defin
ition
s tha
t are
use
d in
this
wor
k in
diff
eren
t con
text
s, fo
r exa
mpl
e,“r
ace”
as a
dem
ogra
phic
cha
ract
erist
ic, a
s it i
s use
d by
the
cens
us, a
nd “r
ace”
as a
pol
itica
lco
ncep
t. In
the
dem
ogra
phic
sens
e ra
ce “r
efle
cts a
soci
al d
efin
ition
of r
ace
reco
gniz
ed in
this
coun
try”
(U.S
. Bur
eau
of th
e C
ensu
s). P
oliti
cally
, how
ever
, “ra
ce” i
s “a
soci
al c
ateg
ory
used
toas
sign
hum
an w
orth
and
soci
al st
atus
usin
g Eu
rope
ans a
s a p
arad
igm
” (K
aren
ga 2
002)
.15
The
influ
ence
of “
Tayl
oris
m” i
n pe
dago
gica
l tho
ught
dur
ing
the
first
dec
ades
of t
he20
th c
entu
ry w
as ro
oted
in th
e ne
ed to
dom
esti
cate
(not
edu
cate
) wor
kers
for b
ruti
shw
ork
in a
ssem
bly
lines
of i
ndus
tria
l pro
duct
ion.
Mos
t of t
he w
orke
rs w
ere
imm
igra
nts
from
Mex
ico,
Pue
rto
Ric
o, a
nd S
outh
ern
and
Cen
tral
Eur
ope,
thos
e fr
om th
e la
stca
tego
ry fo
rmin
g so
me
of th
e m
ost r
acia
lized
Eur
opea
n im
mig
rant
gro
ups.
For m
ore
onth
e si
tuat
ion
in M
exic
o, se
e G
ilber
t Gon
zale
z (2
000)
.16
The
Car
negi
e In
stit
utio
n in
1903
aw
arde
d C
harle
s Ben
edic
t Dav
enpo
rt $
34,2
50 fo
r“t
he fo
rmat
ion
and
cont
inua
nce
of th
e St
atio
n fo
r the
Exp
erim
enta
l Stu
dy o
f Evo
luti
onin
Col
d Sp
ring
Har
bor,
New
Yor
k.” H
e al
so b
ecam
e a
lead
er o
f the
Am
eric
an B
reed
ers
Ass
ocia
tion
and
its E
ugen
ics s
ecti
on, u
nder
who
se a
egis
he
rese
arch
ed “h
ered
ity
in th
ehu
man
race
and
em
phas
ize[
d] th
e va
lue
of su
peri
or b
lood
and
the
men
ace
to so
ciet
y of
infe
rior
blo
od” (
Seld
en 19
99: 4
). 17
Ren
ato
Ros
ado
(198
9: 2
01) a
rgue
s tha
t cul
ture
is a
mar
ker o
f diff
eren
ce in
a so
ciet
yw
ith
soci
al st
rati
ficat
ion:
“As o
ne a
ppro
ache
s the
top
rung
s on
the
ladd
er o
f soc
ial
mob
ility
, how
ever
, the
pro
cess
reve
rses
itse
lf. A
t thi
s poi
nt o
ne b
egin
s a p
roce
ss o
fcu
ltura
l str
ippi
ng a
way
.” A
lso,
the
ideo
logy
of t
he p
roce
ss te
nds t
o ob
scur
e po
wer
in th
ere
lati
onsh
ip b
etw
een
soci
al g
roup
s: “A
naly
sts r
arel
y al
low
the
rati
o of
cla
ss a
nd c
ultu
re to
incl
ude
pow
er. T
hus t
hey
conc
eal t
he ra
tio’
s dar
ker s
ide:
the
mor
e po
wer
one
has
, the
less
cultu
re o
ne e
njoy
s, an
d th
e m
ore
cultu
re o
ne h
as, t
he le
ss p
ower
one
wie
lds”
(198
9: 2
02).
18M
ost o
f the
ear
ly A
nglo
imm
igra
nts i
n th
e So
uthw
est w
ere
men
who
soug
ht n
ewav
enue
s of u
pwar
d m
obili
ty. M
any
Ang
los e
nter
ed th
e M
exic
an e
lite
by m
arry
ing
thei
rda
ught
ers.
In A
rizo
na, f
or e
xam
ple,
“bet
wee
n 18
72 a
nd 18
99, i
nter
mar
riag
e re
mai
ned
high
,
[ 100
]
Vrodriguez(v6).qxd 6/6/05 7:41 PM Page 100
Page 18
Gon
zale
z, G
ilber
t. 19
90. C
hica
no E
duca
tion
in th
e Era
of S
egre
gati
on. P
hila
delp
hia:
T
he B
alch
Ins
titu
te P
ress
.
––––
––. 1
999.
The
1933
Los
Ang
eles
Cou
nty
Farm
Wor
kers
Str
ike.
In
Lat
ino
Soci
alM
ovem
ents
: Hist
oric
al a
nd T
heor
etic
al P
ersp
ecti
ves,
eds.
Rod
olfo
Tor
res a
nd G
eorg
eK
atsi
afic
as, 1
11–4
0. N
ew Y
ork:
Rou
tledg
e.
––––
––. 2
000.
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