Blanca María PRÓSPER Universidad de Salamanca

Some considerations on metathesis and vowel epenthesis in Hispano – Celtic

1. Introduction1

This study aims to show that a number of disperse and hitherto unexplained Hispano – Celtic personal and place names obtain a suitable etymology if we take resource to well paralleled processes of phonetic metathesis. The results may indirectly illuminate some obscure de realibus questions.

2. An unexplained Hispano-Celtic sequence CalC- A seemingly funerary inscription found in the core land of the Arevaci reads : C(AIO) VITIO LIGIRICO VI [TI F(ILIO ?)]/ C(AIO) PALDI CLOVTER [––] /TOVTIV(S) TREBAQVE, from Peñalba de Castro, Burgos.2

The personal name PALDI is both unparalleled and intriguing, since its structure is difficult to explain : In principle it could be traced back to a past participle *palto- with trivial, late voicing of -t- ; but if it is Celtic, as expected in this region, itsvocalism is irregular, since -al- can only be the result of a vocalic liquid preceding either a sibilant or another sonorant.

Celtiberian *palto– can go back to the past participle *k!H1-tó-, which is expected to yield CC. *k!lāto- or *k!lăto-.3 It belongs to the root *ku ̯elh1- and is thus a cognate of Lat. cultus and probably the Lusitanian-Callaecian compounded personal name APOLTAE (gen. sg., Vila Real, B. M. Prósper 2013-2, 98), both showing no trace of a laryngeal. Note that the Gaulish personal name PLATIODANNI (Mainz, CIL XIII, 6776) may be related. DLG, 135 translates it as ‘curateur des places’ with a second term danno- ‘magistrate’, which is possible but partly debatable, since the first term of this set of compounds usually refers to metals : ARGANTODANNOS, CASIDANNO. In my view the first term goes back to the thematization of a stem *k!h1-ti- ‘circulation’, and accordingly the name originally designated a magistrate in

1 This work has been financed by the Spanish Government (Project MINECO FFI2012–03657: La antroponimia indígena indoeuropea de Hispania: Estudio comparativo). The notation used here is the same as established in F. Villar (1997), where the traditional distinction <ś> vs. <s>, inherited from the traditional transcription of the corresponding Iberian graphs, is replaced by <s> vs. <z>. For epigraphic material in the Latin alphabet the upper case is used. The Celtiberian texts are quoted following MLH when possible. For texts in the Latin alphabet the reader is occasionally referred to the corpora or to monographs when the reading is disputed, and especially to recent editions when new readings are suggested. Otherwise, all the missing details can be found in Hispania Epigraphica online edition or Epigraphische Datenbank Clauss-Slaby. 2 Recent reading by J. Gorrochategui (2011, 211-14), who corrects the former reading <SALDI>. His photograph clearly reveals an archaic looking open <P>. 3 Although the Celtiberian inscriptions conducted in the Iberian script still preserve labiovelars, this is no longer the case of personal names appearing later in the Latin alphabet, as I will show in a forthcoming study.

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charge of money currency. There is only one attestation of a possibly related name : PALTVCCA (Bath, Britannia).

In my view, this problem is shared by other Hispano – Celtic forms, such as TALTICVS, a personal name occurring in unmistakably indigenous contexts, and only in Lusitania Scallabitana, Emeritensis and Pacensis : AMMINVS TALTICI (Portalegre), TALTICO MEIDVENI F (ILIO) (Cáceres), TALTICO VENATI (Viseu), etc. ; TALATICVS is attested once in Minturnae (Latium et Campania). This is unlikely to be anything but the Hispano-Celtic result of a formation *th2-to/i-, which should have rendered *tlātV- or *tlătV-. If the base of this name is CC. *tlāti- ‘suffering, sick’, as contended by EDPC, 380, and EDPC – add, 39, it would be a cognate of OIr. tláith ‘weak’and MW. tlawdd ‘poor, sick’. Nevertheless, since *th2-ti- is originally the action noun of the root *telh2- ‘to stand, bear’, it is likely to have been a nominal formation at least after the split up of the Celtic dialectal unity, which explains why the Hispanic forms are enlarged by a velar suffix typically deriving adjectives from nouns.

Judging from PALDI and TALTICVS, it is conceivable that a sequence ClaC- has undergone metathesis in Hispano-Celtic. As to possible exceptions or contextual restrictions of this change, the most obvious one I have found VLATICI in Cáceres, but a possible solution is that *̯u- had already become vocalic, although it may also be assumed that this metathesis only operates between two stops.4

This idea would adequately account for a third example in the Iberian script, namely kombalkores (K.1.1, Botorrita). I have claimed that the right reading of kombalkez in the first line may be kombalez, which would go back to a thematic aorist form *g!h1-e-t, which is identical to Gk. ἔ-βαλ-ε.5 Accordingly, kombalkores could be a compound whose first term is a nominal *kom-bal-ko- ‘assembly’, where the vocalism would be secondarily refashioned after the prevocalic variants. In fact, if we agree that the regular result -blă/ā- of a zero grade *g!h1-C- would have undergone metathesis in that phonetic context, the result would be regular.

Finally, a number of Hispano-Celtic forms contain a sequence kald- : CALDOBENDAM (bronze tablet of Fuentes de Ropel, Zamora) is a compounded place name with a second term meaning ‘hillock’ not attested as such outside of Spain.6 All the related compounds in this inscription, which depicts a Roman limitatio, contain unmistakably Celtic first terms. Accordingly, I believe < CALDO > - may go back to *klado- or *klādo- ‘trench’, from IE *kh2-d(h)o-, in MIr. clad ‘trench’, MW. cladd ‘ditch’, and with CC. /a:/ in MW. clawd ‘ditch, bulwark’, as well

4 A name CLAVICI is attested in Santa Cruz de la Sierra (Cáceres), in a clearly indigenous context: MEMOR/IA • ATANI / CLAVICI / AMONICI / FRATRES / TANCIN/VS • CAVCI/RI • DE • SVO / C(ARISSIMIS) • F(ACIENDVM) • C(VRAVIT). Such names as CLAVVLLVS (Aquitania), CLAVENIVS (Venetia et Histria), CLAVIVS gentilic in Central Italy may be misspellings for CALVIVS, etc. and are consequently unreliable. Whether this name CLAVICI contains a derivative from *kleH2u- ‘to close’ or an otherwise completely lost adjective *klāu̯o- from PIE *kg̃H-u̯ó- ‘bald’, possibly of Celtic ancestry, cannot be ascertained. 5 Cf. B. M. PRÓSPER (2008, 78). The same form appears in the poorly preserved Botorrita IV, where the symbol in question has completely disappeared and only kombal[.]z can be discerned. 6 Edition by M. MAYER - J. A. ABÁSOLO - E. RODRÍGUEZ ALMEIDA (1998).

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as in the British hillfort of Vindo-cladia or the Gaulish Vo-cladum (Vouillé, Poitou).7 An isolated personal name CALDAECVS (León) may accordingly be a cognate of the Gaulish names CLADAEVS, CLADISCVS rather than a dissimilated variant of the ethnic name CALLAECVS. A probably votive inscription from Rasillo de Cameros (Rioja, ERR 60) may be related : It reads CALDO/VLEDICO and may consist of a divine name in the dative plus an epithet with a velar suffix. Nevertheless, the stone is not well preserved and there is room for one letter before VLEDICO. Accordingly, it may also be a single word, specifically a compound *kaldo(-)uled – enlarged by a velar suffix, perhaps referring to a region or area under the protection of the divinity.

Interestingly, this idea may furnish an explanation of the nom. sg. kaltaikikos in K.23.2 (Uxama), which I have recently interpreted as the summarized version of an indigenous limitatio issued by the city of Tarvodurum, which remains otherwise unknown except for a short mention in a document reading TARVODVRESCA DVREITA, a tessera hospitalis literally meaning ‘Tarvodurean – issued (document)’ (cf. B. M. Prósper 2011). In that study I contended that the sequence Usama antos saikios baisais kaltaikikos, far from being a kind of extended corollary of a tessera hospitalis and containing only (mostly unattested or even strange looking) personal names, as traditionally assumed, was in fact the core of the legal document.

The translation of this sequence hinges on antos meaning ‘boundary’, which provides a cognate of Italian Gaulish atos/atom (Vercelli), and the whole construction would be a perfectly symmetrical copulative sentence : ‘with Uxama, the boundary is saikios ; with Baesae, it is kaltaikikos’. This entails understanding Usama and Baisais as feminine instrumentals in -ā (original) and -āi̯s (risen in HC. in analogy to the inherited masculine *-ōi̯s > CC. *-ūi̯s).

I now propose understanding the formation of kaltaikikos as follows: -ikos is an exocentric suffix connecting kaltaiko- with antos : ‘boundary of the type kaltaiko-’. In turn, kaltaiko- may be the substantivization of an adjective that originally agreed with a noun in a phrase meaning ‘ditch-like human construction, moat’ or perhaps something that looked similar but was a dried up river basin. Therefore, kaltaiko – is a kind of limit characterized by a *klado-, which refers to a long ditch separating the territoria belonging to the cities in question and/or to the mound of earth dislodged to make the ditch and forming a natural defensive bulwark of which no trace is left today, since it did not consist of brick or masonry of any kind.8 Crucially, the

7 On the uncertainties of the result with short vowel and the possibility that it is a laryngealless form, see N. ZAIR (2012, 71-72), P. SCHRIJVER (1995, 171). Note that it is unlikely that <CALDO>- is a syncopated form, since other place names in this inscription, such as VOLIGOBENDA and VAGABROBENDAM, show no trace of syncope. 8 C. JORDÁN (2005) has propounded that some Celtiberian inscriptions make use of a variant of the Iberian script which, like North–West Iberian itself, differentiates voiced from voiceless segments. Albeit this idea cannot be further substantiated for most documents and seems to affect only some symbols, I believe he has a case for this practice in a few texts of the Arevaci. The most conspicuous is this one, where he reads /andos/ and /kaldaikikos/. The first is reflective of a universal tendency and, since all similar cases in later inscriptions show <ND> for etymological /nt/, it has a bearing on the early chronology of this change. The second is more interesting, however. The change /lt/ > /ld/ is unlikely to be as early as the former one, and this points to /d/ being original here. Accordingly, this Hispano–Celtic metathesis took place before intervocalic [d] yielded a fricative [ð]. Later on, the

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occurrence of a chain of velar suffixes with the form -(a)iko- in the same word is only possible because the resulting form kaltaikikos is a product of synchronic syntactic needs and does not exist as such ; if it were fossilized as, say, a personal name, or if the suffixes were synchronically analyzed as one single complex suffix, it would never contain a string of identical velar suffixes, and we would find, for instance, †kaltaikinos or †kaltaikiskos. The same applies to stereotyped naming habits, such as PENDIEGINVS, ALISSIEGINI among the Cantabri Vadinienses.

Ditches were a frequently used type of territorial boundary in ancient and medieval times, and their existence has survived in place names. B. Jepson (2011) has thoroughly studied English place names revealing this practice. According to him, this kind of division is put into practice when cities attain a certain political maturity, and cultivated areas are so wide and their population so scattered that it is no longer sufficient to consider stretches of no man’s land or natural unpassable boundaries, such as rivers or hills, as actual territorial borders, and then human constructions, however rudimentary, are substituted for them. For instance, compounded names in -dic refer to ditches excavated to serve as boundaries in Medieval England.

The assumption that kaltaikikos designates a ditch is indirectly underpinned by the likely interpretation of its counterpart saikios as the adjectival derivative in -ik-i̯o- of a noun going back to *seh2i (p)-, and directly related to Lat. saepes ‘hedge’.9 As B. Jepson notes, hedges were another usual way of marking boundaries in past times. Of course walls of any kind were also an efficacious means of making things clear to one’s neighbours in this respect, but they must have been costly and more suitable for defensive purposes, for instance to fend off hostile moves from other cities, and it is less likely that they would have disappeared without trace if they were long and strong enough. Given that this document is likely to have been written during the Roman rule, defensive strategies oriented to prevent open war between these cities were probably out of the question.

Accordingly, kaltaikikos and saikios designated diametrically opposed realities, and allusion to these different modes of separating Tarvodurum from the other two settlements of the Arevaci, which obviously could be spotted from very distant points, must have been relevant.

3. Were all sonorants and vowels equally affected by a change CRVC-> CVRC- ?

A general phenomenon of metathesis CRVC- > CVRC- has been invoked by J. F. ESKA (2007) for the Celtiberian documents conducted in the Iberian script on the strength of such spelling variation as < ti >, <ti-r >- and < ti-r-i >- for a presumably synchronic string /tri/. In Eska’s view, this would not be, as traditionally assumed, only a graphic device, but actually indicative of a phonological metathesis tri- > tir-.

tendency towards fricativization was blocked by the preceding lateral, as in Sp. caldo ‘broth’ [kaldo] and cando ‘I lock’ [kando] vs. cardo ‘thistle’ [karðo]. 9 And probably to Celtib. sailo in K.1.1., which goes back to *sai̯(φ)-elo- according to B. M. PRÓSPER (2008, 53-54); cf. the Umbrian abl. pl. seples.

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Unfortunately we are in the dark about the actual spread of the change, since we have instances of TIRTALIQ(VM), TIRDAI, etc., but several places called Tritium ‘third’ (which seemingly resisted the presumable Roman tendency to superimpose Latin Tertium on the indigenous names), as opposed to Contrebia, CRICIQ(VM), TRIDONIECV, TRIDALLVS, TRITALICVM, VATRICVS, TREBA and many other examples, which definitely militate against this generalization.

Crucially, the expected change is not attested in the context which is phonetically closest to Clā/ăC-, namely CC. CraC- or CrāC- : Cf. the personal names CONTRATAI (gen. sg., Cáceres) and CRASTVNO (Soria, Arevaci),10 BRASACA (unknown location ; inscription found in Tarraco) and baraz-ioka (K.6.1, Luzaga, Guadalajara) from *gu ̯ṛH-tio̯- ‘lawful’, etc.

Summing up, although ESKA himself concedes in passing that this metathesis is sporadical (2007, 75), on which everybody may agree, his interpretation of some of the synchronic Iberian spelling variants as reflective of metathesis does not hold water. In other words, neither is the phonetic interpretation of the spelling alternation intrinsically justified, since the contexts are often identical, nor does its frequent occurrence in the Iberian script account for the virtual absence of examples in the Latin alphabet, unless of course it is not phonetically motivated but a mere spelling convention.

An account of such apparently disparate phenomena as metathesis and vowel epenthesis in a variety of muta cum liquida clusters may be attained by invoking syllable optimization. Elsewhere I have adopted Th. VENNEMANN’s views on changes in syllable structure causing diachronic optimization in the case of word-medial, heterosyllabic clusters (B. M. PRÓSPER 2013). As regards muta cum liquida clusters, the articulatory problem seems to lie in the stop in coda being stronger than the sonorant that constitutes the onset of the next syllable, as opposed to such ‘natural’clusters as -r.k-, -l.t-, etc. In these cases, Hispano-Celtic seems to have inserted a vowel /u/ like Primitive Latin (cf. *-dhlom > -bulum), as in K.1.3 muturiskum (not †mutiriskum /mutrisku:m/!) from *mutro- ‘dark’ (cf. OIr. mothar ‘swamp’), Statulu from *sta-tlo- ‘see, staying place’ (cf. STATLIAE in Narbonne, but STATVLICI in Idanha-a-Nova, Castelo Branco, Portugal), *kaφ-ro- > CABVRVS,11

10 Which in fact has undergone the inverse metathesis to judge from its likely Gaulish cognate CARSTIMARI (CIL XIII, 14632). A sequence -CVrst- is often metathesized to -CrVst- in Insular Celtic at least when the first consonant is a labial, and in the rest of contexts the sibilant is eliminated: cf. OIr. tart ‘dry’ from CC. *tars-tu-. A word arznas is attested in K.1.1 and it goes back to *φarsnās ‘parts’; therefore this particular metathesis is comparatively late in HC. and intended to avoid a complex coda -rs--. 11 Note that, if IE *kapro- ‘goat’ had yielded PC. *gabro-, the Hispanic expected result would be †gabarus. As I have tried to show elsewhere (B. M. PRÓSPER 2010), the epigraphically attested place name BLETISAMA vs. Celtiberian Letaisama, and its continuants (several instances of Ledesma) can be traced back to a sequence *φl- that was finally simplified in initial position. It may then be the case that Hispano–Celtic inherited a word *kaφ.ro-, which yielded the expected epenthesis and was then assimilated to the closest phoneme /b/ because by that time any remainder of intervocalic /p/ had been lost. In contrast, it became a stop /p/, perhaps partly by Roman influence, in the place name Complūtum, where the sequence -φl- was tautosyllabic, which again militates against a CC. change -pl- > -bl-. Note that the exceptional VAGABROBENDAM, from *uφo-kaφro-bendā, shows both

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perhaps *kat-ro- > CATVRVS.12 Interestingly, the epenthetic vowel seems to be consistently /a/ when the stop is voiced and it is followed by a vibrant: This is the case of CADARNAVAEGIVM (place name, Fuentes de Ropel) from *kadro-nā ̯uā-iko- ‘beautiful valley’ and the personal names CADARVS (Cáceres), LANGARVS (Évora, Portugal) from IE *h1lgu̯h-ró- ‘swift, light’, AEBARVS (several examples in Lusitania, AIBARVS once in Apulia et Calabria) from *h2éi̯bhro- ‘violent’, etc. Note that the in my view original forms are attested in Gaulish territory : AIBRE, AEBRO (cf. X. DELAMARRE 2004, 224).

On the simplest account compatible with this view, word – initial clusters were dispreferred in different degrees in HC. : Cla- > Cal- may be a Common HC. change ; clusters with a high vowel cannot be said with any degree of certainty to have undergone metathesis before Roman times, and then only sporadically, but we will see some instances of another sort of metathesis in clusters containing a lateral below.

4. Current explanations of this change

Languages in which initial clusters are not allowed or unusual employ different resources to eliminate them : This may be formulated in autosegmental phonology as ‘telescoping’ or a sequence of rules : Clá- > Cála- > Cál- with epenthesis and atonic vowel deletion (cf. J. BLEVINS - A. GARRETT’s perceptually based account of metathesis, 1998 and 2004, 119, which divests it of any teleological, functionally oriented content). Within this explanatory frame, the first step of this change consists of vowel epenthesis and is currently known as ‘DORSEY’s law’. The inserted vowel is always a copy of the vowel that appears to the right of the cluster. Those scholars emphasizing the role of phonetic change in optimizing syllable structure (a teleological explanation) remark that epenthesis usually takes place to break obstruent + sonorant clusters in complex homomorphemic onsets.

In the examples of this sort of epenthesis the involved clusters are unexceptionally tautosyllabic, and accordingly their treatment is different from that of word–medial heterosyllabic clusters undergoing /u/ or /a/ insertion that I alluded to above, since in these cases vowel epenthesis is sensitive to the consonant, not to the vowel context. But note that this two – step evolution provides no connection between the consecutive changes that would be required to explain the Hispano-Celtic forms : It would cause a certain chronological conflict with the inherited sequence CaRa-,

contextual voicing of g– and preservation of the cluster due to resyllabification in a polysyllabic word, like Callaecian CADROIOLONIS from *kadro-i̯alo- ‘beautiful field’. 12 See B. M. PRÓSPER (2013). There I contended that the alleged problem of the paradigm type nom. Abulu, gen. Abulos, where medial -u- is traditionally held to be only a merely graphic copy vowel does not exist, and that, if phonetic, it is neither the result of analogy nor of metathesis or refashioning of any kind: the base of these nasal stems is itself a thematic word with vowel epenthesis brought about by the natural tendency to avoid awkward heterosyllabic clusters of muta cum liquida; and this is naturally reflected in the nasal individualizing derivatives, which follow the original IE declension: *ablo- > *abulo- → *abul-ū, *abul-n-os (> abulos /abullos/) with regular deletion of the thematic

vowel as in the extant Avestan examples of this archaic inflectional type, such as marəә tan-, gen. sg. marəә θnō. Crucially, this applies also to derivatives of -io-, which have a gen. sg. in -i-n-os that was hitherto erroneously ascribed to feminine -ī-stems.

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which goes back to CC. CeRa – by the action of Joseph’s law and seems to be preserved without further changes, in spite of being considerably early, and a fortiori earlier than the regional metathesis posited here. Accordingly, vowel epenthesis, the first stage of the process as conceived of by this approach, is not certain to have happened at all.

For D. STERIADE (1990, 392), by contrast, the whole process can be formulated as a ‘significant delay in the onset of the second consonant gesture of a complex onset’, and when, as in our case, the second vowel is missing, this means that ‘the displaced consonant will be peripheral and the result of the displacement will still be interpretable as a monosyllable’, thus yielding rightward intrasyllabic movement of the consonant gesture, as in Hispano-Celtic. Leftward movement, which is a well known phenomenon in the Slavic languages (cf. PSlav. *gordŭ > Russian gorod), is hardly attested in Hispano-Celtic. Rightward movement operates sporadically in Late Latin and Romance, where it consistently shows non-peripheral movement (cf. OSp. corónica for crónica, Sard. umbara for umbra, epigraphic Latin procarastinata, patiri) ; therefore this may account for the occurrence of a Celtic name TALATICVS in Italy, indicating that the underlying adjectival form is old.

5. Metathesis in the sequences Clu- and Cru-

Clusters of muta cum liquida preceding a back high vowel /u/ are also sporadically broken in central areas of Hispano-Celtic :

a) The family name CVLTERICO (Trévago, northern Soria, Arevaci orPelendones), a probably identical family name CVLERIC (-) (El Royo, northern Soria, some 50 kms. away from the former)13 goes back to CC. *klutero – (in my view a comparative form of the IE past participle *&lu-tó-, whose superlative degree *klutamo- is equally attested in western Hispania). Note that CLOVTER [––] in theaforementioned inscription from Peñalba de Castro is probably the same form with a secondary full grade, as shown also by the frequent western name CLOVTIVS and probably CLODAMEO in Viana do Castelo (Portugal).

b) CVLANTIVS (nominative, Candeleda, Ávila) vs. CLVANTI (Cuenca)goes back to CC. *kleu̯ant- or *kluu̯ant- (a root participle of the same etymology).

The unexpected metathesis is probably the product of misperception, and no diachronic significance can be attached to this change with any degree of certainty. J. BLEVINS - A. GARRETT (1998, 518) make a case for this particular metathesis in Lat. pulmō, dulcis being the result of velarization of postconsonantal -l- before -u-, the phonetic string being reinterpreted as /lu/ = [lɣu]. The time window involved in the perception of laterality combined with the similar formant structure of [l] and [u] allowed the listener to reinterpret laterality as originating postvocalically, with the velarization component of the lateral associated with [u]. This might ultimately mean

13 If it is a misspelling or a bad reading or contains a ligature <T+E>; the text is poorly preserved, so that this detail may have passed unseen.

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that Celtiberian had a contextually dark lateral segment, or alternatively this phenomenon may be due to interference with Latin.

On the other hand, it is possible to find yet another case of vowel epenthesis involving /u/ in Hispano-Celtic. The place name Curunda is attested among the Astures in the hospitium known as Tabula Zoelarum (CIL II, 2633) and the city is supposed to have lain somewhere in present – day Zamora.14 Additionally, Curundus, Curunda is found on several occasions as a personal name, always in the realms of the Vettones : CVRVNDAE (Madridanos, Zamora, to the south of the Durius river, which probably separated the Astures from the Vettones), CVRVNDVS (Ávila), CVRVNDI (Ávila)

This name poses some questions, however. First of all, is the personal name due to the previous existence of the place name, and then not derived from it, but seemingly identical ? This is not very likely, given that the attested personal names are borne by Vettones, not Astures. On the other hand, it has passed unnoticed that, if this name is Celtic, its phonotactic structure is somewhat anomalous. -unC- is in principle not acceptable as a Common Celtic sequence as it is in Latin, where it mostly goes back to -onC-. To complicate things further, no plausible etymology seems available for this completely isolated name.

I think these uncertainties may be solved by accepting that an adjective *krundo- ‘round, compact’, attested in OIr. cruind ‘round, globular, circular’(-i-stem),OW. crunn, MW. crwn, OBret. cron gl. ‘tornatili’, MBret. crenn ‘round’, Cor. cren, became (?Western-) Hispano-Celtic *kurundo- with vowel epenthesis, probably due to the complexity of this particular syllable structure ; in this case we have, in D. STERIADE’s words, movement to a non-peripheral position, and consequently a ‘pleophonic’result, because /kurndo/ is not an admissible string. That this word was still synchronically an adjective accounts for its being independently used as a place name and as a personal name. *krundo- is itself a reconstructed Celtic form, thus far unattested in Continental Celtic, but it cannot be further segmented ; unless it is the outcome of an ancient metathesis from *kruT-no-, it may be a loanword from some unknown source, as claimed by EDCP, 227.

14 This name may be related to the origonym DOMO CVRVNNIACE in the funerary inscription of a Susarrus who served as a soldier in Pannonia (CIL III, 2016, Salona). Very recently, J. A. CORREA (2011) has pointed out that it is the abbreviation of CVRVNNIACENSIS and has identified it with the monastery of Cruñego, later Cluniego, in Villafranca del Bierzo (León). In LRP, 372 I contended it was a derivative of Curunda with assimilation -nd- > -nn-.

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