The eight-pointed rosette: A POSSIBLE IMPORTANT EMBLEM IN SASANIAN HERALDRY

pa rt h i c aINCONTRI DI CULTURE NEL MONDO ANTICO

9 · 2007

PISA · ROMAFABRIZIO SERRA · EDITORE

MMVIII

offprint

Direttore / Editor in chiefAntonio Invernizzi

*

Comitato scientifi co / Scientifi c CommitteeMichael Alram, Wien · Paul Bernard, Paris · A. D. H. Bivar, London

Edward Dabrowa, Kraków · Hideo Fujii, Tokyo · †Bernard Goldman, Michigan · Ernie Haerinck, Gent · Dietrich Huff, Berlin · Gennadij A. Košelenko, Moskva

†Heleen Sancisi-Weerdenburg, Utrecht · A. Schmidt-Colinet, Wien

*

Redazione scientifi ca / Editorial AssistantCarlo Lippolis

Si prega di inviare manoscritti, dattiloscritti e stampati e la posta redazionale al seguente indirizzo :dott. Carlo Lippolis, Dipartimento di Scienze Antropologiche, Archeologiche e Storico-Territoriali,

Via Giolitti 21/e, i 10123 Torino.I testi originali di contributi e/o recensioni sottoposti all’attenzione della redazione scientifi ca

non saranno restituiti.Contributors are kindly requested to send manuscripts, typescripts, print-outs and correspondence to the

following address : dr. Carlo Lippolis, Dipartimento di Scienze Antropologiche, Archeologichee Storico-Territoriali, Via Giolitti 21/e, i 10123 Turin, Italy.

Please note that materials submitted for potential publication and/or critical review will not be returned.

*Per la migliore riuscita delle pubblicazioni, si invitano gli autori ad attenersi, nel predisporre i materialida consegnare alla redazione ed alla casa editrice, alle norme specifi cate nel volume Fabrizio Serra,

Regole editoriali, tipografi che & redazionali, Pisa-Roma, Istituti editoriali e poligrafi ci internazionali, 2004.(ordini a : [email protected]).

Il capitolo « Norme redazionali », estratto dalle Regole, cit., è consultabile Onlinealla pagina « Pubblicare con noi » di www.libraweb.net.

*Registrazione presso il Tribunale di Pisa n. 12 del 21 luglio 1999

Direttore responsabile : Fabrizio Serra

THE EIGHT POINTED ROSETTE :A POSSIBLE IMPORTANT EMBLEM

IN SASANIAN HERALDRY

Matteo Compareti

T he acceptance of ancient traditions into more recent artistic systems is a fact commonly ob-served in every culture during every period and it does not represent an exception for Iranian

peoples. The Near Eastern and Hellenistic features among Bactrians and Parthians have received particular attention by scholars in the past, an interest which was extended to Sogdiana and Sas-anian Iran as well as a consequence of archaeological progresses. In fact (even if the bulk of ar-chaeological information is still inferior if compared to the one which concerns Sogdiana), it is now widely accepted that Sasanian art was very receptive towards external infl uences exactly as it exerted its own ones onto the neighboring cultures.

Elements borrowed from Mesopotamian tradition were very infl uent too but it would be bet-ter to speak of a substratum common to all the Iranian-culture peoples, in Western and Cen-tral Asia, particularly as regarding the religious sphere. The cult devoted to Nana, for example, is attested as far as 8th century Sogdiana 1 and some relationships between the same Near East-ern goddess and Anahita should probably have existed in Persia during the pre-Islamic period. It is worth remembering that, according to quite enigmatic Classical sources (that is to say, mainly according to the interpretatio graeca of foreign cultures), the goddess Anahita was associated to Aphrodite or Artemis – or, possibly, to Isis in Egypt – while it is quite clear her association with Ištar into the Semitic sphere. 2 There is then another fact to be considered : during the centuries, the Iranians of Persia and Central Asia appropriated iconographies proper of other cultures for their own divinities (interpretatio iranica), not only from Mesopotamia. Such phenomena renders the question even more complicated although it is among the very few textual references useful for an approach from the Iranian point of view.

In a recent study, the well-known specialist of pre-Islamic Persian art Prudence Harper insisted on the continuity of (late) Sasanian artistic expression with Mesopotamian tradition with solid argumentations. 3 The present paper will consider just one aspect of such a phenomenon, that is to say, the astronomical-astrological implications of specifi c symbols in Sasanian art with the sup-port, whenever possible, of textual evidence.

The Rosette in Ancient Near Eastern Art

Among the more common signs spread in the art of Near East, the rosette certainly occupies a relevant position. It could be considered a fl ower at fi rst glance but there are good reasons to consider it an astronomical-astrological symbol too.

The reference to Nana mentioned above was not too casual since the goddess Inana is clearly connected in extremely ancient Sumerian sources to the rosette according to its use as an astral

1 D’jakonova, Smirnova 1967 ; Azarpay 1976 ; Tanabe 1995 ; Grenet, Maršak 1998.

2 On this point see Gnoli 1971, 244-248 ; Boyce 1985a and 1985b ; Chaumont 1985 ; Gnoli 1987 ; Black, Green 1992, 108-109 ; De Jong 1997, 268-284, for the association with Nana, esp. 273-276 ; Panaino 2000, 36-39. Possibly, also the iconography of Ištar had some infl uences on the fi rst rep-resentations of Artemis : Deak-Ebner 1948, 72-76. Also an as-sociation between Anahita and Athena has been proposed : Levit-Tawil 1992, 204-205. Nana, Ištar, Anahita and Aphro-

dite were identifi ed with the planet Venus already during the Achaemenid period according to a well-established Mesopo-tamian model : Panaino 1993. See also Black, Green 1992, 108-109, 170. The common Greek expression for such an iden-tifi cation was not plavno~ (planet) but ajsthvr (star). In this way, Venus was called the « star of Aphrodite » exactly like Jupiter was « the star of Zeus » : Molnar 2000, 29, 39. It is worth re-membering that, according to the Mazdean conception, the planets were negative entities : de Menasce 1973, 199, 267.

3 Harper 2006, 1-33.

«parthica» · 9 · 2007

206 Matteo Compareti

symbol. In the art of Uruk the image of the rosette was interchangeable with the symbol of the goddess Inana and it was expressed through the cuneiform sign DINGIR, the same one used to represent the star. Furthermore, in Early Dynastic semi-pictographic inscriptions, stars and ro-settes substituted the sign DINGIR. In this way, the identity between the symbol for star-divin-ity and fl ower was commonly used in Mesopotamian art. 4 The relief at Sar-i Pul (third millenni-um bce) in Iranian Kurdistan constitutes an excellent example of an early representation of Near Eastern art where it is possible to observe the association of the goddess Inana-Ištar with an eight pointed star in her proximity (Fig. 1). 5

Representations of astronomical symbols ap-pear very often together with Inana-Ištar, es-pecially on cylinder seals of the Neo-Assyrian period. 6 Moreover, the image of a divine fi g-ure as dressed with a ‘garment of heaven’ can be found in Babylonian texts specifi cally refer-ring to a goddess. 7 Among the terms used in Neo-Babylonian texts there is also aiaru which has been associated to the rosette and the star, possibly in form of golden applications (bracte-ates) used to embellish divine statues. 8 It is not possible to be more specifi c as regarding this ‘garment of heaven’, although in 8th century bce Babylonian seals it is not diffi cult to ob-serve representations of local divinities (mainly Marduk, that is, however, a male god) dressed with garments embellished with astronomical-astrological symbols (Fig. 2). 9

The Mitannians (c. 16th-14th centuries bce) were among the fi rst Mesopotamian people with very strong ‘Indo-Aryan’ affi nities to have developed a particular kind of astral symbology where the solar wheel had a prominent position. The Indo-Aryans, in fact, kept in high esteem everything connected to the horse and the war-chariot. On a seal belonged to king Sauštattar, dated c. 1420 bce, embellished with very complex symbols, it is possible to observe also a winged pole with an eight-pointed star into a circular frame on the top (Fig. 3). The elements which constitutes this device have been associated to the turning pillar of the Vedic chariot race described in that liter-ature as a winged one, while the solar wheel at its top should call to mind the concept of cakra-vartin, literally the one « who possesses the turning of the wheel ». 10

Astral symbols were known also outside proper Me sopotamia. In fact, the rosette represented as a fl ower has been clearly used as a star or the sun connected to the religious sphere also in Anatolia since very ancient periods. 11 It was later accepted also in ancient Greece and particularly among the Hellenistic kingdoms which arose after the fall of Alexander’s Empire. The same Mace-donian ruling house had a strict connection with the eight pointed star which, since 4th century bce, has been used as a kind of offi cial emblem. According to Hellenistic culture, the astral sym-bols (especially the star) had apotropaic properties. For this reason it has been represented specifi -

4 Moortgat-Coorens 1994, 359-363.5 Hrouda, Edzard, Trümpelmann 1976, 7-11, pls. 5-6.6 Black, Green 1992, 108.7 Deak-Ebner 1948, 66 ; Oppenheim 1949, 174-179.8 Oppenheim 1949, 173-176. It has been argued that the

use of bracteates for divine garments originated probably in Elam, a kingdom particularly close to the Sumerians, both geographically as culturally : Oppenheim 1949, 191. Among the numerous fi ndings of bracteates in Persia none present-ed a rosette. The only circular bracteate containing a rosette

found in an Iranian cultural context comes from the Kušan site of Xalcayan (Uzbekistan) and it is dated to 1st century bce-1st century ce (Pugacenkova 1966, fi g. 30).

9 Oppenheim 1949, fi gs. 8, 10 ; Collon 1993, fi gs. 563, 785.

10 Parpola 2002, 74-76, fi g. 2 ; Collon 1993, fi g. 548.11 For some specimens of Hittite solar discs in the shape

of a winged circle containing a rosette (sometimes even dou-bled), dated 13th-14th century bce, see Bittel 1983, fi gs. 189-190, 192, 242-246, 249.

Fig. 1. Lullubi relief at Sar-i Pul, Iran(after Vanden Berghe 1988, fi g. 1).

The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 207

cally on the shields in Greece since 5th-4th centuries bce 12 and also in the Iliad it is described as the decoration of Achilles armor. 13

In the tombs excavated at Vergina (Greece), such a symbol was found on many precious objects which constituted the royal outfi ts. 14 A solemn specimen of the eight pointed star was found at the eastern borders of Alexander’s domain, on a big mosaic in one hall of a pal-ace at Ay Khanum (Afghanistan). 15 Alexander himself appears in a 3rd-2nd century bce terracotta fragmentary vase from Pontus now in the Musée du Cinquanténaire (Bruxelles) as Helios Kosmokrator, with two lateral six pointed stars and a central crescent with an eight pointed star inside above his head (Fig. 4). Most likely, these signs were repro-duced in order to underline Alexander’s deifi cation and not because of its apotropaic implications. In particular, although its appearance like Helios, more than one detail of the head of Alexander in this fragment refers to the typology of some Dionysus portrait. 16 It is worth insist-ing not only on the probable place where the piece was found (Amisos, in the Pontus) but also its Dionysian connections. In fact, Mithridates VI Eupator (120-63 bce) – such as most of his Hellenized ancestors of the Pontic dynasty – considered himself intimately linked to this god whose origins were rooted in the Orient. Possibly, Mithridates VI even struck coins with his own portrait modeled on the one of Dionysus. 17 Furthermore, some coins present also a winged horse or a deer kneel-ing in front of a crescent containing a eight pointed rosette (Fig. 5). Mithridates VI had in great esteem astronomy-astrology and, in fact, the day of his birth was remembered because a comet appeared in the sky. 18 It is not improbable that also the eight pointed star had some connection with Dionysus. Images of the god with the thyrsus can be recognized in the centre of a eight pointed star on a couple of 4th-3rd century bce

drinking cups, now part of the Metropoli-tan Museum Collection. 19 The rays of the star appear like a kind of nimbus of the god according to a scheme well-known for the iconography of Helios-Sol (Fig. 6). The same number eight had a great impor-tance in Orphic mysteries and in the same sphere was created the proverb ‘all is eight’ (pavnta ojctwv). 20 As it is well known, Diony-sus played a great role in Orphism such as Helios and for such a reason the associa-tion of number eight with those divinities should have been so spread in that sphere.

12 Such a habit was borrowed from Near East, possibly through Caria : Nefedkin 2002.

13 Iliad, xvi. 134 (apud Oppenheim 1949, 191).14 Catalogue New York 1980, pls. 30, 35, 172 ; Andronicos

1984, fi gs. 135-136, 14314-4, 155.15 Bernard 1975, 175-180, fi gs. 4, 6.16 Catalogue New York 1980, cat. 42 ; Catalogue Rome

1995, cat. 107. On the association Dionysus-Helios, see also Lenzen 1960, 4, 14-17, 22-23.

17 Price 1968, 4-5, pl. i.

18 The appearance of the comet was considered in an-cient times a bad omen but Mithridates VI presented the fact as an unlucky signal just for the Romans : Barrett 1997.

19 Picón 1994.The interior of a painted Greek cup from Nola (4th century bce), at present kept in the British Muse-um, shows Dionysus as a drunk man supported by a woman who holds in her left hand an object described as a musical instrument : Boardman 1996, fi g. 206. This object is embel-lished with a central motif which resembles a stylized ro-sette. 20 De Jong 1997, 310.

Fig. 2. The god Marduk on a 8th century bce

Babylonian seal. London,British Museum (after

Oppenheim 1949, fi g. 8).

Fig. 3. Seal of the Mitannian king Sauštattar, c. 1420(after Parpola 2002, fi g. 2).


Also on the coins of Mithridates VI’s grand-father, Pharnaces I (c. 185-169 bce) and his pred-ecessor Mithridates III (c. 220-185 bce), appears the star-and-crescent element 21 and a six point-ed star embellishes a votive shield, now part of the J. Paul Getty Museum Collection, inscribed to the latter sovereign. 22 Although in this case the reference to Dionysus seems to be inconsist-ent (in fact, it is possibly linked to a particular astral aspect of the Anatolian moon god Men, as suggested by P. Bernard), this does not ex-clude that it could have been transferred later to other divinities, among whom Dionysus him-self. Something similar happened with the astral simbology on the Roman coins borrowed from the neighboring Hellenistic kingdoms which had, in some case, very strong Iranian connota-tions as well. 23

Let us now concentrate once more on the area of Mesopotamia, where the rosette contin-ued to be represented in Near Eastern art in con-nection with the star or the sun until the Neo-Assyrian period as it is supported by the literary sources and art. 24 However, such as regarding the interval between the fall of the Second Ba-bylonian Empire (539 bce) and the epoch just preceding the Arab conquest in 7th, there is a big gap mainly due to the lack of direct sources. This is the period of the Persian predominance in that area.

In a long article devoted to the study of the symbolic representation of the sun as a particularly indicated device to embellish shields in the Iranian milieu both in pre-Islamic and Islamic period, A. S. Melikian-Chirvani reported also tex-tual evidence in support of the interchangeability of the motif of the fl ower with the rayed star identifi ed as the sun. 25 The results of the study are extremely important especially because of the numerous sources investigated which, although written all after the islamization of the country, are mostly referred to the Sasanian period. Recognizing the pure Sasanian matters is not always an easy task and, for this reason, the main arguments for the study of the rosette in pre-Islamic Persia are still to be largely dependant on history of art.

However, before extending the present investigation to Sasanian art, it would be interesting to report what is said in the sacred Mazdean texts. In the Zend-Avesta, in a passage of the long Yašt V dedicated to Anahita (Aban Yašt) it is stated that she has a chariot (v, 11), she wears « a man-tle fully embroidered with gold » (v, 126), and she also wears « a golden crown, with a hundred

21 Davis, Kraay 1980, fi gs. 198-203 ; Bernard 1993, 15.22 Melikian-Chirvani 1992, 9-12 ; Bernard 1993 ; Me-

likian-Chirvani 1993.23 Abramzon 2002 ; Gariboldi 2004, 33-34.24 A pedestal of the Middle Assyrian period (epoch of

Tukulti-Ninurta I, 13th century bce) found during archaeo-logical investigations in front of the Ištar temple at Assur presents a relief clearly belonging to the religious sphere. It is possible to recognize a central bearded man between

two fi gures who are holding a pole surmounted by a eight-pointed star-rosette inside a circle. Other similar devices are reproduced on the head of the two lateral persons and above them on the corners of the pedestal. It is worth noting that the pedestal was arranged with another more ancient statue into a context dated to the Late Assyrian period (9th century bce) : Andrae 1977, 75, fi g. 53.

25 Melikian-Chirvani 1992.

Fig. 4. Terracotta head of Alexander as Helios Kos-mokrator. Bruxelles, Musée du Cinquanténaire

(after Catalogue New York 1980, cat. 42).


stars, with eight rays » « a well-made crown, in the shape of a [ratha, chari-ot] » (v, 128). In a following passage of the Aban Yašt, the mantle of the god-dess is said to have been done with the skin of thirty beavers which was bril-liant like silver and gold (v, 129). 26 The same passage on the crown of Anahita has been translated quite diff erently in recent times : « Above (on her head) Aredwi Sura Anahita binds a beauti-ful, well-made, golden diadem (stud-ded) with one hundred stars, (holding) eight buns of hair (?), made like a char-iot body ». 27 The description fi ts extremely well with other goddesses worshipped in ancient Near East to be considered just due to casualty especially as referring to the eight pointed star. As it will be observed below, also the reference to the chariot has its importance.

The Rosette in Sasanian Art

Some specimens of Achaemenid art would point out at the great impor-tance of the rosette in the Persian Em-pire too although its complete absence among the early monetary fi ndings where, as it is well known, the main subject was the royal fi gure. 28 The ro-sette appears among the decorations of the Achaemenid sovereigns and aristo-crats both on headgears and garments exactly as in combination with divinities in accordance with the past Mesopota-mian tradition. 29 Anahita too was rep-resented in ancient Persian art accord-ing to diff erent iconographical formu-lae later to be completely abandoned. The image of the goddess with a rayed nimbus and standing on a lion as it ap-pears on a seal in the State Ermitage Museum was borrowed by the Achaemenids directly from Urartian and Assyro-Babylonian art (Fig. 7). 30 Here it is still possible to observe the lion as an el-

26 The Zend-Avesta ii 1884 (repr. 1975), 56, 83. See also Hauschild 1965. The other Mazdean divinity explicitly iden-tifi ed with a star (specifi cally Sirius) is Tištrya. In the Tir Yašt he is often called « the bright and glorious star » : The Zend-A vesta ii 1884 (repr. 1975), 92-109.

27 Malandra 1983, 130. See also Panaino 2000, 38.28 Gariboldi 2004, 34-36. For the most recent introduc-

tion to Achaemenid coinage, see Catalogue London 2005, 200-209. In some rare 4th century bce Cilician coins struck by Satraps loyal to the Persian Empire it is possible to observe also the fi gure of the multiple of eight pointed rosette and the crescent : ibidem, cat. 363.

29 Lerner 1971, fi gs. 11-12 ; Shahbazi 1992, 730, fi g. 49 ; Me-likian-Chirvani 1992, 9. On the crowns see, for example,

the Darius relief at Bisutun : Luschey 1968a, pls. 33, 35-36, where an astral symbol in the shape of a six pointed star ap-pears also above the head of the human fi gure in the winged disk (Ahura Mazda ?) : ibidem, fi g. 4, pls. 26, 34. An identical as-tral device appears on the crown of several gods standing on their own symbolic animals in the Assyrian relief at Maltaya (L’Orange 1953, fi g. 28). The rosette on the tomb of Cyrus at Pasargadae has been identifi ed as a lotus and, so, connect-ed to the solar god Mithra : Duchesne-Guillemin 1974, 17, pl. ii, fi g. 4 ; von Gall 1979, 273-277, fi g. 1 ; Carter 1981. It is worth noting that a second rosette of this kind embellishes a c. 2nd century bce Gandharan stone lid which was found at Pasargadae : Callieri 2004.

30 Moorey 1979, 223-225, fi g. 4 ; Collon 1993, fi g. 432. This

Fig. 5. Silver coin of Mithridates VI Eupator. London, British Museum (after F. A. Arborio Mella, L’impero persiano. DaCiro il Grande alla conquista araba, Milano, 1979-1980, fi g. 75).

Fig. 6. Decoration of a Greek drinking cup. New York, Metropolitan Museum (after Picón 1994).


ement later abandoned by the Sasanians but kept by the Sog-dians as an indispensable trait of Nana’s iconography. The astral symbology attached to Anahita is expressed in the Ach-aemenid seal by the rayed nim-bus which renders the rays of a star in the shape of the petals of a rosette. Astral symbols ap-pears also among the reliefs of the Achaemenid kings at Perse-polis and Naqš-e Rostam, possi-bly, referring specifi cally to the Zoroastrian texts on the gradu-al passage of the soul of the de-ceased to the sky through the stars, moon and sun. 31

In Parthian and Sasanian coinage, astronomical-astrological symbols are represented frequent-ly in connection to the royal por-traits. 32 In the coinage of Ardašir I (224-241) the star appears isolated or united to the crescent with six, seven or eight rays on the head-gear (Fig. 8) or, more rarely, on the chest – or even on the headgear and chest 33 (Fig. 9) – or on the shoul-der of the sovereign. 34 Very simi-lar decorations recur on the head-gears and on the shoulders of aris-tocrats or members of the royal family depicted on early Sasanian metalwork 35 and in the graffi ti at Persepolis (Fig. 10) attributed to the time of Ardašir I (or even earlier). 36 Among the harnesses of the hors-es in the Persepolitan graffi ti reap-pears also the rosette with various numbers of petals (or rays) repro-duced quite crudely. On the contra-ry, it is depicted very accurately with sixteen points inside a pearl roundel on the shoulder of a fi gure on a 4th century silver plate in the State Er-mitage Museum whose attribution,

seal with the Iranian goddess calls to mind the Assyrian relief at Maltaya where Ištar is represented standing on a lion with a star above her crown (L’Orange 1953, fi g. 28).

31 West 2002.32 Peck 1993, 413 ; Gariboldi 2004. Also the kingdoms

subjected to the Parthian adopted such devices (see Tanabe

1988-1989, 77-81, 82-84 ; Gariboldi 2004, 39-41).33 Nikitin 1996, fi g. 84.34 Alram 1999, fi gs. 17, 20, 22 ; Alram, Gyselen 2003, pls.

1-6, 8.125 ; Gariboldi 2004, 42-43.35 Harper, Meyers 1981, pls. 1, 3-4, 6.36 Herzfeld 1941, 308, fi gs. 401-402 ; Calmeyer 1976, fi gs.

3-4 ; Callieri 2006, 137-139, fi gs. 2-9.

Fig. 7. Achaemenid seal. St. Petersburg, State Ermitage Museum(after Moorey 1979, fi g. 4).

Fig. 9. Silver coin of Ardašir I. London, British Museum(after Nikitin 1996, fi g. 84).

Fig. 8. Silver coin of Ardašir I. Paris, Bibliothèque National, Cabinet de Médailles (after Ghirshman 1982, fi g. 304).


37 Harper, Meyers 1981, 74-76 : 24 ; Maršak 1986, fi g. 182. In the most recent catalogue entirely dedicated to Sasanian art, the silver plate is considered to be Sasanian – precisely of the time of Šapur III (383-388) – by B. Maršak in the com-mentary to the image, and Kušano-Sasanian by P. Harper : Catalogue Bruxelles 1993, cat. 58 ; Harper 1993, 99. Isolated rosettes are shown on the shoulders of a king identifi ed with Šapur II on a plate part of the Désiré Kettaneh Collection,

however, is still debated (Fig. 11). 37 Eight and nine-pointed stars embellish the shoulder of two crossed lions on a 6th-7th century silver ewer kept in the Cabinet des Médailles (Par-is). The stars possibly mirrors the ancient habit of branding the animals of the royal hunt-ing enclosure which was well-known also under the Sasani-ans (Fig. 12). 38

Astral symbols are quite rare in the coinage of Šapur I (241-272) but it can be stated that the star and crescent motif al-ready observed on the head-gear of the founder of the dy-nasty was undoubtedly used also in his period of reign since it is carved on a column at Bišapur above the offi cial inscriptions of this powerful sovereign. The star presents six rays (Fig. 13) and it does not look yet very elaborated as it would have been in

the future Sasanian coinage, when four star-and-crescent motifs engraved on the orthogonal axis of the drachms ac-companied the mints from the second part of the reign of Kawad I (499-531) to the end of the dynasty and longer, into the Islamic period. 39

The star represented as a rosette on the objects just mentioned was clearly conceived as a divine symbol which sac-ral value was used in diff erent media to emphasize the royalty and, most like-ly, to legitimize the power of the Sasa-nian sovereigns and their dynasty. The

Fig. 10. Persepolis graffi ti (after Callieri 2006, fi g. 5).

Fig. 11. Silver gilt dish. St. Petersburg, Ermitage Museum (after Catalogue Bruxelles 1993, cat. 58).

Beyrouth : Ghirshman 1982, fi g. 254. Unless this metalwork has not been reconsidered after its fi rst publication by Ghirsh man, the unusual position of the king and other detail of his clothes would probably point out a provincial Sasanian attribu-tion. A silver rhyton in the shape of a harnessed horse head presents also a medallion embellished with a pinnacle and an eight-pointed rosette fi xed on the forehead as in royal Sasanian horses ob-served very often in metalwork (Ghirshman 1982,

fi g. 263a).38 Ghirshman 1982, fi g. 404 ; Harper 2000, 50, pl. 19. On

the brands on Sasanian objects of art : Fukai 1974.39 Göbl 1971, tabs. vi, x-xii ; Gariboldi 2004, 44. It will

be worth noting that the same motif had been already used in a very similar position in Antigonus Gonatas (277-240/239 bce) coins although it is repeated seven times along the rim of the coin (Davis, Kraay 1980, pl. 122).


divine character of the astral symbol-ogy possibly refl ects concepts proper of Persian culture as regarding the re-lationship between the super-human Sasanian sovereigns and the luminar-ies which have been preserved only indirectly through external literary sources 40 and, as already observed, in the coinage. 41 In the sources just men-tioned it is quite diffi cult to reconstruct exactly the original concepts fi ltering those elements which were possibly added for diff erent reasons or simply misunderstood by external authors. However, one point is quite clear in these sources : the lack of particular references for the astral symbology to specifi c divinities. The objects of Sasa-nian art investigated above do not re-fer to Anahita for the star-rosette rep-resentations although one could have expected to fi nd explicit links to her after considering that passage of the Aban Yašt and other elements rooted in Mesopotamian culture.

The statue bearing a pouring wa-ter fl ask held in one hand on the left side of the central king in the upper part of the rock relief of the big grot-to at Taq-e Bostan is commonly iden-tifi ed with Anahita. 42 By the analysis of the garments, crown, and hairstyle, it is clear that this statue is the por-trait of a woman. Moreover, she is def-initely to be identifi ed as a divine being since her attitude mirrors the position of the other fi gure (most likely Ahu-ra Mazda) on the right of the scene, who is represented in the act of giving a beribboned ring to the central king

40 For the classical sources, see especially : Azarpay 1972, 113 ; Panaino 2004. The Chinese chronicles present sometimes interesting infor-mation on the Sasanians. Among the religious habit of Persia there are cults dedicated to the spirits of sky, earth, sun, moon, water, and fi re (Daffinà 1983, 162-163).

41 Gariboldi 2004, 31-33.42 Fukai, Horiuchi 1972, pls. xxi-xxiii, xxvii ;

Vanden Berghe 1988, 1531. It will be interesting to remember as in the Zend-Avesta, in a passage of the Rašn Yašt (xxii, 29 and xiv, 31), the stars and water are considered to be connected : The Zend-Avesta ii 1884 (repr. 1975), 175-176.

Fig. 12. Sasanian silver ewer. Paris, Cabinet des Médailles(after Ghirshman 1982, fi g. 404).


Fig. 13. Detail of the commemorative column at Bišapur (Photo R. Favaro).


Fig. 14. Sculpture of the bigger grotto, Taq-e Bostan (Sketch after M. R. Ryazi, Patterns and Designs on Sa -sanian Clothes and Textiles, Tehran, 2002, fi gs. between pp. 195-196, [in Farsi]).

Fig. 15. Capital with possible representation of Anahita. Taq-e Bostan (Photo M. Compareti).


according to a well-known Sasanian artistic formula. 43 Among the decorations which, possibly, were intended to be characteristic of this fi gure, there is also an isolated multi-rayed star-rosette on each shoulder and several geometrical elements scattered on the mantle (Fig. 14) : 44 both could be associated to the astral symbology of Anahita found in some sources. A very similar image appear carved on one side of a capital said to have been transported from Bisutun to Taq-e Bostan (Fig. 15). 45 Reproductions of several star-rosettes inside circles on the mantle of this possible divine fi g-ure call to mind the decoration, the shape, and the same way of wearing the garment of the fem-inine statue in the big grotto relief. 46 There is then a continuous arcade motif around the upper rim of the capital possibly to be connected with a certain iconography which has been proposed in the past (not too convincingly) specifi cally to be intended for Anahita and her temple. 47

Unfortunately, several uncommon elements do not allow to consider the Taq-e Bostan com-plex as a typical example of Sasanian art nor to advance a defi nitive chronology for it, although the proposal to date it to Khosrow II (590-628) sounds more convincing. The latter king is prob-ably represented on another side of the capitals now displayed in the park at Taq-e Bostan to-gether with the Anahita one. A newly found capital, in particular, has been preserved extremely well especially for the reproduction of the crown. 48 This detail leaves no doubts about the pres-ence of a sixteen pointed star-and-crescent device on its top resembling very much a rosette (Fig. 16), so, perfectly matching, from an iconographic point of view, the idea of Melikian-Chirvani on

Fig. 16. Capital recently found at Kermanšah and kept at Taq-e Bostan (Sketch after Moradi 2003, fi g. 1).

43 Vanden Berghe 1988, 1530-1531, fi g. 10.44 The study of Sasanian textile decorations has been

mostly based on the observation of the Taq-e Bostan reliefs which are very late (almost Islamic) and present many exter-nal borrowings. For these reasons Taq-e Bostan can not be considered ‘pure’ Sasanian (Compareti 2004a, 261).

45 Luschey 1968b, Compareti 2006.46 von Gall 1990, 100.47 The problem was analyzed cautiously in Trever 1967,

132 ; Harper 1978, 145, cat. 69.48 Moradi 2003, 24-28.


Fig. 17. Lost Sasanian ( ?) silver dish from Sludka (Russia) (after Orbeli 1938, fi g. 252).

49 Orbeli 1938, 734-735, fi g. 252. The rosette was one of the main decorative motifs in Byzantine and Iranian metal-work up until 10th century (Mango 2000, 273).

50 Shepherd 1980, fi g. 20 ; Maršak 1986, fi gs. 174-176 ; Gunter, Jett 1992, fi g. 16.

the equation : fl ower = sun in Persian art. Also for this specimen of (late) Sasanian art, the hy-potheses of chronology are quite controversial. There is then another point not to be neglect-ed as referring to the sculptures of the bigger grotto at Taq-e Bostan : the probable statue of Ahura Mazda on the right of the central king is wearing a mantle embellished with six-point-ed stars (Fig. 14). Such an observation further supports the inconsistency of an association be-tween Anahita and the star as an automatic one. Something more can be added on the iconogra-phy of this goddess.

Anahita was identifi ed (in a very hypothet-ical way) on several piece of Sasanian metal-work by experts but the only one, said to have been found in Sludka in the Urals, which pre-sented interesting decorations on her garments (possibly rosettes), has been lost and appeared exclusively in sketchy reproductions (Fig. 17). 49 Two silver plates considered to be Sasanian (but it would probably better to speak of ‘peripher-al Sasanian’) with almost identical scenes were identifi ed as related to this important Iranian goddess. 50 The plate kept in the Freer Gallery of Art, Washington (Fig. 18) whose chronology could be 5th-7th centuries, is richer in details than the other one kept in the State History Muse-um, Moscow, to be dated, possibly, to the same period (Fig. 19).

The scenes appear extremely complex and rich of details defi nitely borrowed from the classical world and, in particular, from the rep-resentations of the triumph of Dionysus. In the center of the composition a half-naked fi gure bigger than the other characters holds a cup of fruit with the right hand and a shred of the garment with the left one, while sitting on a chariot whose only visible wheel is kept by two kneeling winged amorini. In front of this fi gure, two barefoot walking female attendants wear a scarf as if blown by the wind according to a

classical scheme. Only their right leg is shown naked, the rest of the bodies being clad in long gar-ments covering almost everything. Above the two ladies, two naked boys seem to be grasped to ropes possibly in the act of shaking the vine tree in order to get the grapes to fall, maybe, exactly on the cup of the central fi gure. However, the tree which grows in the opposite right bottom cor-ner does not seem to continue beyond the rim of the plate. Moreover, the bird among the scrolls does not look as particularly disturbed. One of the boys is suspended in the hair as if climbing


on the rope and the second one stands on the chariot grasping the rope only with his right hand since the left holds a cup possibly direct-ed towards the two ladies below. Another woman sits on the right corner of the chariot and, between her and the trunk of the vine tree, an approaching Her-cules-like fi gure stands na-ked, wearing only a point-ed cap, with club and lion skin in hands. Curiously enough, he has also a faun tail. Below the earth-line under the main scene, two musicians playing identical instruments fl ank a feline drinking from a jar.

The two scenes were probably copied from the same model which most likely depicted a Dionysian procession not completely understood or changed on purpose by the artist. The central fi gure refers in all probability to Dionysus himself surrounded by its usual followers : Ariadne sitting with him on the chariot, Hercules, satyrs, musicians, and other joyful attendants. In the plate of the Freer Gallery of Art, the central bigger fi gure looks very much like a woman since the presence of the big breast and the typically Sasanian hairstyle which is identical to the one of Ariadne. In the Moscow History Museum plate the sex of the cen-tral character looks more masculine however, once more, the hairstyle is completely identical to the one of Ariadne. It is possible that the big breast would actually point out at the line of mus-cles and the hairstyle and jewels could be represented identical because Dionysus, already in clas-sical art, presented some feminine traits. 51 The playful spirit pointed out by the two naked boys and by the musicians (not to speak of the cup held by the bigger fi gure possibly intended to be a container for wine of Dionysus) is balanced by the attitude of the other women and the only male fi gure (a bizarre mixture of Hercules with a satyr), who, however, look very serious. The perspec-tive, then, is not respected since the boy holding the jar is standing on the upper rim of the chariot which should have been actually fl at in order to allow to Dionysus and the other woman to sit on. It could be argued that the position of this boy refl ects another mistake of the Persian artist who did not put the wings to him and to the second young fi gure suspended in the air with a rope. Fur-thermore, Ariadne holds in her left hand the rim of the chariot as if it was a pole.

The model in question could have been represented by a third early Sasanian plate (possibly dated to the beginning of the dynasty) 52 kept in the British Museum, where several elements considered above fi nd quite a good explanation : the two boys are fl ying since they have wings

51 Gunter, Jett 1992, 124, note 6. The famous mosaic of Dionysus on a panther in the House of the Masks at Delos has been considered even a portrait of Ariadne or a maenad until the half of the ‘50s of the last century because of his attire and hairstyle (Chammonard 1933, 7-26). Textiles em-

bellished with the image of Dionysus present the same prob-lem of identifi cation since the feminine attributes of the god are very strong (Lenzen 1960, 1-4).

52 Gunter, Jett 1992, 122 ; Ward 1993, 44, fi g. 29 ; Board-man 1994, 96-98, fi g. 4 : 27.

Fig. 18. Silver dish. Washington, Freer Gallery of Art(after Gunter, Jett 1992, pl. 14).


53 Themes borrowed from classical mythology were defi -nitely reproduced by Persian artists. Among the most appre-ciated subjects are : the Dioscuroi, Dionysus, and Heracles : Sasanian Silver 1967, fi gs. 24-25. A silver plate attributable to peripheral Sasanian Iran embellished with the gilded fi gure of Heracles in the act of bringing the boar to Eurystheus represents another very interesting specimen : Catalogue Berne 1993, fi g. 243.

54 Boardman 1994, 96, fi g. 4 : 28.55 A good image of this chariot can be found among the

incredibly huge amount of iconographical material collected in L’Orange 1953, 54, fi g. 30 : b.

56 It will be enough to refer to the plate in Figure 20, the mosaics at Bišapur often defi ned Dionysian in character (see

Balty 1993) and the reliefs Bišapur II and III (see : Hermann 1980 ; Hermann 1983, fi g. 2), where winged amorini are rep-resented in front of Šapur I in the act of conferring to him a symbol of royal glory. See also Ettinghausen 1972, 3-10, and Boardman 1994, 77-99. A 2nd-3rd century gilt silver dish found in Beitan (Gansu Province, China) and embellished with a central image of Dionysus on a panther with thyrsus encir-cled by twelve busts of Olympian gods and interlaced grapes has been considered the product of the eastern Roman prov-inces (Baratte 1996, Lerner 2001, Maršak 2004). Inscrip-tions in Bactrian and Sogdian appear as well on its exter-nal part. A second silver plate with very similar characteris-tics was found in Gansu more recently (Huang 2000). For Dionysian elements in Kušan art : Carter 1968. Dionysian

Fig. 19. Silver dish. Moscow, State History Museum(after Maršak 1986, fi gs. 174-175).

and they are probably shak-ing the tree or capturing a bird with a kind of net at the end of the rope ; Hercules is defi -nitely represented according to his classical iconography 53 and so is for the central Dionysus. Below the chariot, only one winged amorino is pushing the wheel which can so move for-ward without any problem ac-cording to a model already ob-served in other objects of art, like in a Greek cameo in the Museo Archeologico Naziona-le, Naples. 54 The shape of the spokes of the wheel does not resemble at all a star-rosette (Fig. 20). It could be said, in fact, that the only logical detail of the two later Sasanian plates is the lack of drawing animals (usually, one or more panthers in Dionysian processions) con-sidering that the two winged amorini keep the eight spokes wheel completely stopped. It should not be forgotten, how-ever, that, according to really ancient Greek representations of Dionysian processions (pos-sibly adapted from oriental – and, specifi cally, Iranian – tra-dition), the chariot of the god has proper wings. 55

Representations of the tri-umph of Dionysus were cer-

tainly known in Sasanian Persia since the beginning of the dynasty and, possibly, Iranian artists had at their disposal even pre-Christian models coming from Rome or Constantinople. 56 How-


ever, the decoration on the garments of the central fi g-ure in the Moscow Muse-um plate which comprises also a cross into a rope me-dallion points at a prototype dated to the Christian peri-od. Something more could be added also about the two winged amorini keeping the wheel. In fact, it is highly probable that, in the inten-tion of the artist, they were supposed to keep an astral symbol referred to the god on the chariot according to a scheme already known in Greece, most likely refer-ring to the Orphic sphere. The attitude of the amorini refl ects exactly the image of angels in Christian Roman-Byzantine art while hold-ing a cross or a monogram within a roundel of the kind of the imago clipeata. 57 A 5th-6th century Byzan tine silver bowl in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection with a Dionysian procession, which was considered to have been a good model for the two Sasanian plates, presents similar rays or petals-like-spoke whose number, unfortunately, cannot be determined – such as the presence of the amorini – because of the fragmentary state of the metalwork. 58 Unless its remarkable pagan character, the bowl was pro-

characteristics have been identifi ed also among the decora-tion of the funerary monuments belonged to rich Sogdians recently discovered in China (Delacour 2005).

57 Winkens 1969 ; Goldman 1988, 97-98. See, for ex-ample, the west side of the lost column basement of Ar-cadius (395-408) survived only in reproductions. Here it is possible to discern a cross within a roundel held by angels and winged amorini above some soldiers whose shields are decorated with Christian monograms or rosettes : Grabar 1983, pl. 37.b. See also the 6th century mosaics on the absidal arch in San Vitale : Bovini 1961, 132-133. The same amorini can be observed as far as in Chinese Turkestan, especially at Kizil, where Classical elements have been recognized in a pure Buddhist context : Boardman 1994, 150-153, fi g. 4 : 100. It should not be neglected that the image of winged creatures doubled at the sides of a clypeus have been known also in Near Eastern art at least since the Neo-Assyrian period. In fact, rows of winged genii typically Mesopotamian (with a double pair of wings) were painted in the royal palace at Khorsabad (Loud, Altman 1938, pl. 89).

58 Ettinghausen 1972, 4, fi g. 11 ; Gunter, Jett 1992, 125, note 10. Other specimens of Byzantine sumptuary art present very similar eight pointed spokes in the shape of a star or fl ower. The 10th-11th century Veroli casket presents on

one side also a Dionysian parade. Many details call to mind the two Sasanian plates described above and especially the wheels whose shape is actually fl oral although, in this case, they are defi nitely intended to be real wheels (Beckwith 1967, fi g. 111). Other chariots in sixth-eighth century Chris-tian art displaying this specifi c element comprise the chariot of Elias or Ezekiel vision although, the spokes-rays are not always eight (L’Orange 1953, 124-133, fi gs. 90-92). More often, in fact, they are six like in the numerous representations of another clear symbol of the presence of a divine being in the Christian sphere, being the Bethlehem star : Molnar 2000, Favaro 2004. It is worth noting the similarity between the de-scription of the Bethlehem star and the star or the column of light which is supposed to appear on the cave from which the Savior should be born according to the Iranian tradition con-nected to Mithra (Widengren 1965, 63-65). In an interesting passage of a seventh-eighth century Chinese Christian text, the Bethlehem star is compared in dimension to the wheel of a chariot : Nicolini-Zani 2005, 34. The commemorative stele of Xi’an (781) on the diff usion of Christianity into China by priests of Persian origin, dedicated a certain space to the story of the Magi Kings certainly because of their common motherland : Nicolini-Zani 2001, 25-26, n. 24. Since the fi rst Christian missions into China referred to Ctesiphon as the center of their Church, it would be spontaneous to think at

Fig. 20. Silver dish. London, British Museum (after Ward 1993, fi g. 29).


duced in a Christian context according to a well-attest-ed early Byzantine trend. 59 Just for this reason, the bowl could have transmitted a Di-onysian element connected to Helios-Sol as proposed above for the two 4th-3rd cen-tury bce drinking cups in the Metropolitan Museum (fi g. 6). The solar character of the Dionysian chariot in the two late Sasanian plates (but, most likely, also of the early Sasanian one) could have been easily understood by an Iranian observer too since in Mazdean literature – specifi cally in the hymn dedicated to Mithra (Mihr Yašt) – the chariot of the so-lar god is described with one wheel only (x, 136). 60 Then, as observed above, Mithra too had a fl ower as a prop-er symbol, most likely the lotus.

So, the spokes of the wheel – especially when in number of eight – could have been consid-ered in Antiquity good substitutes for the rosette and the eight rayed star. 61 Another silver plate considered Sasanian for its Mazdean character, but most likely to be dated to the Islamic period, presents a very interesting decoration connected with astral symbolism. This is the so-called Kli-mova plate now part of the Ermitage Museum Collection. 62 It is embellished with a representa-tion of the lunar chariot of the god Mah, who is sitting inside a big crescent with the points of a second smaller crescent behind his shoulder, a sword between the legs and the axe (his specifi c symbol) next to him. Meanwhile, Mithra holding a bow and an arrow stands under the arch sup-ported by two columns in the inferior part of this elaborate chariot. Two couples of fl ying oxen led by winged amorini drawn the chariot whose wheels, once more, are substituted with eight pointed rosette or eight rayed stars (Fig. 21). However, in the case of the two Sasanian plates dis-cussed above, it does not seem that the possible astral symbol in the place of the wheel was re-

a lost Persian (possibly Middle Persian ?) model for the choice of a wheel as term of comparison with the Bethlehem star. A possible term of comparison could be found in Chinese Buddhist literature as well. In « The secret text on Garuḍa and other celestial beings » (8th century), the sun god « has both a halo and mandorla and is enclosed within the sun disc. The sun disc is red with a pattern like a wheel » (Zhu 2006, 690).

59 In fact, especially in Egyptian textiles, the iconography of the scenes of the life of Dyonisus mirrors the one for the life of Christ (Del Francia 1986, 274).

60 The Zend-Avesta II 1884 (repr. 1975), 155.61 Specimens of Gandharan art make to suppose that the

motif was spread also in the Buddhist world. A fragmen-tary relief in a Japanese private collection considered to be

strongly infl uenced by Sasanian art shows a chariot with the only visible central wheel represented in the shape of a six-petal fl ower or the sun (Tanabe 1990, fi g. 2). As H. Seyrig had already noted in the beginning of the last cen-tury, both in the Avesta and in the Ṛgveda the solar chariot has only one wheel (Seyrig 1937, 51). For other specimens from Gandhara, see also Schlingloff 2000a, 41 ; Schling-loff 2000b, 197.

62 L’Orange 1953, fi g. 19 ; Harper, Meyers 1981, 117-119, pl. 35. A very similar scene appears on a second Silver plate kept in the Museum of Fine Arts (Boston) considered to be, in the same way, Sasanian but most likely dated to the Islam-ic period : Frye 1965, fi g. 85. Here, the wheel of the chariot re-sembles the sun in spiral shape as represented in the Islamic period miniatures (Melikian, Chirvani 1992).

Fig. 21. Klimova silver plate. St. Petersburg, Ermitage Museum(after Catalogue Bruxelles 1993, cat. 66).


ferred to Anahita or another Mazdean divinity 63 but to an Iranian version of Dionysus. In any case, some links still remain for the association with Mithra and, above all, Anahita not just for the supposed feminine characteristics of the divinity on the chariot but especially because in the Aban Yašt there are some (vague) hints to the shape of the eight pointed star embellished-crown of the goddess which possibly resembled a ratha : chariot (v, 128).

It could be even argued that the rosette-wheel-star was intended to be an emblem or a sym-bol of rank or royalty referred to a noble family or, possibly, to the same Sasanian Dynasty. So, the winged amorini would have been represented doubled at the side of this particular device in order to glorify somebody (possibly the same clients of the Sasanian plates) according to a fi xed religious iconography used in Roman-Byzantine art – especially in the funerary sphere – and not to push or keep illogically stopped the chariot.

A late Sasanian fragmentary woolen and linen textile kept in the Benaki Museum (Athens) rep-resents a very probable evidence of the use of solar wheel-rosette as heraldic symbols in pre-Islam-ic Persia (Fig. 22). The narrative nature of this textile fragment allows us to consider it the focal

63 In few words, it does not seem the case of the interpreta-tion iranica of a foreign divinity although this possibility can not be completely excluded. Apart from Anahita (who was already discussed) and Ahura Mazda (who has a pure human component in Sasanian art – see Ghirshman 1982, fi gs. 165,

168, 213, 233, 235 –), the other Mazdean divinity whose astral connection appears logical is Tištrya, the god of the star Si-rius. However, as it has already been observed by G. Gnoli from the point of view of religious literature, Tištrya is con-nected with the image of an arrow (Gnoli 1963, 238-240).

Fig. 22. Possible Sasanian woolen and linen textile. Athens, Benaki Museum, no. 7001(Photo courtesy R. Cortopassi).


part of a tapestry which should be dated to the late Sasanian period for its clear links with Taq-e Bostan. The main evidence is constituted by the drop-like-jewel on the garments of the central fi gure who is, most likely, a king or a relevant person and not a god. 64 He is bigger than the three bearded attendants around him and is represented sitting, in all probability, on a horse exactly as in Sasanian rock carvings and metalwork. Unfortunately his head has been lost but he could be considered to have been crowned since the fi nal parts of the usual ribbons appear superimposed to the device held behind him by one of the attendants. The device is composed by a thin pedes-

tal, a pair of frontal wings typ-ically late Sasanian and a pole whose top ends with a sixteen-pointed star-rosette. It would fi t incredibly well with the de-scription of the turning pillar of the Vedic chariot race in very ancient Indian literature in association with the seal of the Mitannian king Sauštattar (Fig. 3) observed above, if it was not for the long period of time which separates the two objects in question. In fact, there is some evidence for the reemergence of extremely an-cient Mesopotamian symbols into Sasanian art too although the complexity of such a phe-nomenon which has been only partially discussed in the past 65 and which we hope to have contributed to examine here. References to the narrative na-ture of the scene in the Benaki textile are evidenced by the attendants holding the bow, which could be considered to have been destined to the cen-tral king, and by the second fi g-ure holding the heraldic sym-bol. Once more, some details

such as the attendant holding the weapons of the king call to mind the hunting scenes at Taq-e Bostan. 66 Moreover, every petal of the rosette is fi xed into a ball rendering a real system invented in order to keep standing the device during the movements of the horse.

Standards appear sometimes in Sasanian rock carvings as at Naqš-e Rostam always held by an

The fi nding of a provincial Sasanian paintings from Ghulby-an (North-Western Afghanistan) confi rmed such an hypoth-esis (Lee, Grenet 1998).

64 Compareti 2005.65 Grabar 1971, 683-686 ; De Francovich 1984. For

a critic approach to the preceding studies, see Compareti 2004b, 877-882. See also Harper 2006, 1-33.

66 Such as regarding the Mesopotamian elements in Sasa-nian art, it is worth noting that an Assyrian relief of the ep-och of Ashurbanipal from Niniveh (about 645 bce), kept in the British Museum, presents a scene extremely similar to the one at Taq-e Bostan just described : the king bigger in size is shooting at animals from a boat (or a big hole in the ground) while an attendant smaller in size is giving him the arrows : Reade 1998 (repr. 2006), 78, fi g. 92.

Fig. 23. Sasanian standards in the rock carvings at Naqš-e Rostam(after Shahbazi 1996, pl. xxvi).


attendant behind the king (Fig. 23). 67 Then, in literary works referred to Ardašir I, the position behind the king on the back of the horse seems to have been destined to symbols of power and divine glory. In fact, in the Pahlavı romance Karnamag ı Ardaxšı r ı Pabagan, the symbol of divine glory bestowed by Ahura Mazda to Ardašir is reported to be in the shape of a winged ram sit-ting on the back of his horse. 68 If this position was indicated for the symbol of glory, it could be argued that it was suitable also for other devices like standards and symbols of ranks actually dis-played during battles or hunts. In this case the sixteen-pointed rosette (which base remains eight plus other eight points reproduced to occupy all the space) seems to be connected to the person riding the horse because it recurs also on pseudo-Sasanian metalwork on the garment of relevant people and in the same textile it can be observed on the partially preserved saddle of the horse and on the higher part of the quiver.

Astrological calculations, most like-ly to be ascribed to the late Sasanian period, have been reported in Arabic sources as represented on the derafš (royal standard) of the Persians. 69 If displayed during battles, the victori-ous and apotropaic value of the derafš appears very clearly although it is not possible to exclude also its meaning as a symbol of divine glory or heraldry. The derafš appear also on the coins of the Fratarkas as an indispensable he-raldic symbol whose sacral meaning too has been stressed in a recent study with valid argumentations. 70 At least in one case, on a 2nd century bce coin struck by the Frataraka Vadfradad, it seems that on the derafš, an eight pointed star is repre-sented (Fig. 24). 71 Unfortunately, the Fratarakas still represent a new fi eld in the sphere of Ira-nian studies and their relationships with the Achaemenids and the Sasanians have just started to be considered.

Unless the diff erent size of the central king, in the scene of the Benaki textile the attendant on the back of the horse seems to be positioned according to an actual habit which was reproduced quite realistically. In case of an ideal scene, it could have been represented a winged amorino, for example, or another fantastic creature. According to the fi rst study devoted to this fragmentary textile, the main central fi gure represented the god Mithra during a parade in his honor. 72 This interpretation did not consider the association of the star-rosette with other Mazdean divinities and the probable association of Mithra with a lotus as observed above. Furthermore, in Sasanian art, also the king can be represented bigger than his attendants and his derafš sometimes is sup-ported by servants behind him. However, some observations of the Greek scholar who fi rst in-vestigated the Benaki textile fragment are very appropriate, especially for the parallels in Sasanian art and, above all, for the references to ancient Mesopotamian art. 73

67 Ghirshman 1982, fi g. 219 ; Shahbazi 1996, pl. xxvi.68 Pagliaro 1927, 30 ; Grenet 2003, 73. More rarely it is

a great dog to occupy such a position (Omidsalar, Omid-salar 1996, 463).

69 Christensen 1944 (repr. 1971), 504. On the derafš in pre-Islamic Persian art, see Shahbazi 1996.

70 De Jong 2003.71 Wiesehöfer 1994, fi g. 6 at p. 111 ; Sarfaraz, Avarzami

2002, fi g. 4 at p. 80. 72 Apostoláki 1950-1951.

73 As already observed by A. Apostoláki, the winged pole surmounted by an eight-pointed rosette can be already ob-served on a 15th century bce Mitanni impression seal (Fig. 3). See also Collon 1993, fi g. 548. The Hittites and the Mitan-nians are considered to be the fi rst Mesopotamian peoples to have introduced the winged disk from Egypt which were supported by poles and not fl oating in the air : Parpola 2002, 74-76.

Fig. 24. Silver coin of the Frataraka Vadfradad. Wien, Institut für Numismatik (after Sarfaraz, Avarzami 2002,

fi g. 4 at p. 80).


Conclusion

In conclusion, it could be stated that the rosette in Sasanian art had tight connections with the astral simbology according to a very ancient tradition rooted in Mesopotamian culture. The as-sociation with the chariot wheel seems to be a very ancient one which was rooted into the com-mon Indo-Iranian substratum. The rosette appeared often in Sasanian art and, in the last period of reign of the dynasty, according to a shape which owed much to Classical infl uences coming from Byzantium.

In the Mazdean literature more than one divinity is described as riding a celestial chariot but it is not possible to assert which one was actually intended to be represented in the two plates with Dionysian scenes. In fact, probably, the Sasanians themselves appropriated the simbology of the rosette-star-wheel as an heraldic sign exactly as they did with tamghas from Central Asia. 74 This is possible to deduce by the observation of the crowns in the enigmatic capitals kept in the park at Taq-e Bostan, of some metalwork, and the Benaki textile. It could be cautiously consid-ered that, in this way, the Sasanians thought to connect themselves explicitly with the luminar-ies also from an iconographical point of view as it is suggested by their coinage and the indirect external sources.

References

Abramzon M. G.– 2002, Astral Symbols in Roman Coinage : Origin and Development of Coins Types, « Vestnik Drevnej Istorii »,

1, 122-142.Alram M.– 1999, The Beginning of Sasanian Coinage, « Bulletin of the Asia Institute », 13, 67-76.Alram M., Gyselen R.– 2003, Sylloge Numorum Sasanidarum, Paris-Berlin-Wien. Band i.1. Ardashir I-Shapur I, Wien.Andrae W.– 1977, Das wiedererstanden Assur, München.Andronicos M.– 1984 Vergina. The Royal Tombs and the Ancient City, Athens.Apostoláki A.– 1950-1951, Mithraïkè pompè, « Archaiologike Ephemeris », 118-148.Azarpay G.– 1972 Crowns and Some Royal Insignia in Early Iran, « Iranica Antiqua », ix, 108-115.– 1976, Nana, the Sumero-Accadian Goddess of Transoxiana, « Journal of the American Oriental Society », 96 : 4,

536-542.Balty J.-C.– 1993, Les mosaïques, in Catalogue Bruxelles, 1993, 67-69.Baratte F.– 1996, Dyonisus en Chine : remarques à propos de la coupe en argent de Beitan, « Arts Asiatiques », 51, 142-147.Barrett A. A.– 1997, Mithridates Used Comets on Coins as a Propaganda Device, « The Celator », 11 : 6, 6-8.Beckwith J.– 1967, L’arte di Costantinopoli, Torino.Bernard P.– 1975, Campagne de fouilles 1974 à Aï Khanum (Afghanistan), « Comptes Rendus de l’Académie des Inscrip-

tions et Belles Lettres », 167-197.

74 In Sasanian rock carvings, many signs resembling Cen-tral Asian tamghas appear on the headgears of several people and the same horse of Ardašir I at Firuzabad is covered with an armor presenting a specifi c tamgha-like-decoration (Bivar 1959). According to Kellens, the symbol on the equestrian statue in the larger grotto at Taq-e Bostan (and on the re-verse of some coins) should be intended as a specifi c sign for

the fravaši : Kellens 1973, 133. Such an interpretation could hardly be accepted since the fravaši is clearly described as a female warrior : Skjærvø 2005, note 24. By the way, as al-ready observed above, such symbols should have been quite spread in the Iranian world and were likely related to the use of brands for horses (Fukai 1974).


Bernard P.– 1993, Bouclier inscrit du J. Paul Getty Museum au nom de Pharnace I, roi du Pont, « Bulletin of the Asia Insti-

tute », 7, 11-19.Bittel K.– 1983 Gli Ittiti, Milano.Bivar A. D. H.– 1959, Details and « Devices » from the Sasanian Sculptures, « Oriental Art », 5, 11-14.Black J., Green A.– 1992, Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia, Austin (tx).Boardman J.– 1994, The Diff usion of Classical Art in Antiquity, Washington.– 1996, Greek Art (Fourth Edition Revised and Expanded), London.Bovini G.– 1961, Chiese di Ravenna, Novara.Boyce M.– 1985a, Anahıd.i. Ardwı sur Anahıd, in Encyclopaedia Iranica, i, ed. E. Yarshater, London-Boston-Henley,

1003-1005.Boyce M.– 1985b, Anahı d.ii. Anaitis, in Encyclopaedia Iranica, i, ed. E. Yarshater, London-Boston-Henley, 1005-

1006.Callieri P.– 2004, Again on the Chronology of the Tall-e Takht at Pasargadae, « Parthica », 6, 95-100.– 2006, At the Roots of Sasanian Royal Imagery : the Persepolis Graffi ti, in M. Compareti, P. Raffetta, G.

Scarcia (eds.), Eran ud Aneran. Studies Presented to B. I. Maršak on the Occasion of His 70th Birthday, Ven-ice, 129-148.

Calmeyer P.– 1976, Zur Genese altiranische Motive : IV. « Persönliche Krone » und Diadem ; V. Synarchie, « Archäologische Mit-

teilungen aus Iran », 9, 45-95.Carter M. L.– 1968, Dionysiac Aspects of Kushan Art, « Ars Orientalis », vii, 121-146.– 1981, Mithra on the Lotus. A Study of the Imagery of the Sun God in the Kushano-Sasanian Era (« Monumen-

tum Georg Morgenstierne i. Acta Iranica », 21), Leiden, 74-98.Catalogue Berne 1993– 1993, The George Ortiz Collection. Antiquities from Ur to Byzantium, Berne.Catalogue Bruxelles 1993– 1993, B. Overlaet (ed.), Splendeur des Sassanides. L’empire perse entre Rome et la Chine [224-642], Brux-

elles.Catalogue London 2005– 2005, J. Curtis, N. Tallis (eds.), The Forgotten Empire. The World of Ancient Persia, London.Catalogue New York 1980– 1980, The Search for Alexander. An Exhibition, New York.Catalogue New York 2001– 2001, A. L. Juliano, J. A. Lerner (eds.), Monks and Merchants. Silk Road Treasures from Northwestern China.

Gansu and Ningxia, 4th-7th Century New York.Catalogue New York 2004– 2004, J. C. Y. Watt (ed.), China. Dawn of the Golden Age, 200-750 ad, New York.Catalogue Rome 1995– 1995, A. Di Vita (ed.), Alessandro Magno. Storia e mito, Roma.Catalogue Wien 1996– 1996, W. Seipel (ed.), Weihrauch und Seide. Alte Kulturen an der Seidenstraße, Wien.Chammonard J.– 1933, Les mosaïques de la maison des Masques, Paris.Chaumont M. L.– 1985, Anahıd.iii. The Cult and Its Diff usion, in Encyclopaedia Iranica, i, ed. E. Yarshater, London-Boston-

Henley, 1006-1009.Christensen A.– 1944, L’Iran sous les Sassanides, Copenhague (repr. Osnabrück, 1971).


Collon D.– 1993, First Impressions Cylinder Seals in the Ancient Near East, London.Compareti M.– 2004a, The Sasanian and the Sogdian « Pearl Roundel » Design : Remarks on an Iranian Decorative Pattern, « The

Study of Art History », 6, 259-272.– 2004b, Evidence of Mutual Exchange between Byzantine e Sogdian Art, in La Persia e Bisanzio, Roma, 865-

922.– 2005, A Possible Sasanian Textile Fragment in the Benaki Museum (Athens), in M. Bernardini, N. L. Tor-

nesello (eds.), Scritti in Onore di Giovanni M. D’Erme, Napoli, 289-302.– 2006, Iconographical Notes on Some Recent Studies on Sasanian Religious Art (With an Additional Note on an

Ilkhanid Monument by Rudy Favaro), « Annali di Ca’ Foscari », xlv : 3, 163-200.Daffinà P.– 1983, La Persia sassanide secondo le fonti cinesi, « Rivista degli Studi Orientali », lvii, 121-170.Davis N., Kraay C. M.– 1980, The Hellenistic Kingdoms. Portrait Coins and History, London.De Francovich G.– 1984, Il concetto della regalità nell’arte sasanide e l’interpretazione di due opere d’arte bizantine del periodo della

dinastia macedone : la cassetta eburnea di Troyes e la corona di Costantino IX Monomaco di Budapest, in V. Pace (ed.), Persia, Siria, Bisanzio e il Medioevo artistico europeo, Napoli, 78-138.

De Jong A.– 1997, Traditions of the Magi. Zoroastrianism in Greek and Latin Literature, Leiden-New York-Köln.– 2003, Vexillologica Sacra : Searching the Cultic Banner, in C. G. Cereti, M. Maggi, E. Provasi (eds.), Reli-

gions Themes and Texts of pre-Islamic Iran and Central Asia. Studies in Honour of Professor Gherardo Gnoli on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday on 6th December 2002, Wiesbaden, 191-202.

de Menasce J.– 1973, Le troisième livre du Denkart, Paris.Deak-Ebner I.– 1948, The Sickle-Shaped Wing in Ancient Art, « Gazette des Beaux-Arts », xxxiv, 65-76.Del Francia L.– 1986, Elementi dionisiaci e loro signifi cato nella produzione fi gurativa dell’Egitto tardo-antico, in L. Serra (ed.),

Gli interscambi culturali e socio-economici fra l’Africa settentrionale e l’Europa mediterranea, vol. i, Napoli, 261-285.

Delacour C.– 2005, Une version tardive du triomphe indien de Dionysos ? Essai d’interprétation de quelques-uns des panneaux

histories d’un monument funéraire chinois en Pierre du vie siècle de notre ère, « Monuments Piot », 84, 65-98.Duchesne-Guillemin J.– 1974, Le Dieu de Cyrus, « Acta Iranica », Commémoration Cyrus. Hommage Universel, iii, Téhéran-Liège, 11-

21.D’jakonova N. V., Smirnova O. I.– 1967, K voprosu o kul’te Nany (Anahity) v Sogde, « Sovietskaja Arheologija », 1, 74-83.Ettinghausen R.– 1972, From Byzantium to Sasanian Iran and the Islamic World, Leiden.Favaro R.– 2004, Sull’iconografi a bizantina della stella dei Magi di Betlemme, in La Persia e Bisanzio, Roma, 827-863.Frye R. N.– 1965, The Heritage of Persia, London.Fukai Sh.– 1974, The Brand on the Persian Silver Horse Statue of the Sassanian Period, « Orient », x, 79-88.Fukai Sh., Horiuchi K.– 1972, Taq-I Bustan. ii. Plates, Tokyo.Gariboldi A.– 2004, Astral Symbology on Iranian Coinage, « East and West », 54 : 1-4, 31-53.Ghirshman R.– 1982, Arte persiana. Parti e Sassanidi, Milano.Gnoli G.– 1963, La stella Sirio e l’infl uenza dell’astrologia caldea nell’Iran antico, « Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Reli-

gioni », xxxiv : 1, 237-245.


Gnoli G.– 1971, Politica religiosa e concezione della regalità sotto i Sassanidi, in La Persia nel Medioevo, Roma, 225-251.– 1987, Anahita, in The Encyclopedia of Religions, 1, ed. M. Eliade, New York-London, 249-250.Göbl R.– 1971, Sasanian Numismatic, Braunschweig.Goldman B.– 1988, The Celestial Chariot East and West, « Bulletin of the Asia Institute », 2, 87-105.Grabar A.– 1971, Le rayonnement de l’art sassanide dans le monde chrétien, in La Persia nel Medioevo, Roma, 679-707.– 1983, Le vie della creazione nell’iconografi a cristiana. Antichità e Medioevo, Milano.Grenet F.– 2003, La geste d’Ardashir fi ls de Pabag. Karnamag ı Ardaxšer ı Pabagan, Die.Grenet F., Maršak B. I.– 1998, Le mythe de Nana dans l’art de la Sogdisane, « Arts Asiatiques », 53, 5-18.Gunter A. C., Jett P.– 1992, Ancient Iranian Metalwork in the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery and the Freer Gallery of Art, Washington

dc.Harper P. O.– 1978, The Royal Hunter, New York.– 1993, Le vaiselle en metal, in Catalogue Bruxelles, 95-108.– 2000, Sasanian Silver Vessels : The Formation and Study of Early Museum Collections, in J. Curtis (ed.), Mesopo-

tamia and Iran in the Parthian and Sasanian Periods. Rejection and Revival c. 238 bc-ad 642, London, 46-56.– 2006, In Search of a Cultural Identity. Monuments and Artifacts of the Sasanian Near East, 3rd to 7th Century

A.D., New York.Harper P. O., Meyers P.– 1981, Silver Vessels of the Sasanian Period. Volume One : Royal Imagery, New York.Hauschild R.– 1965, Der Mantel der Anahita (Yt. 5, 129) – abermaliger Versuch einer Interpretation, « Mitteilungen des Instituts

für Orientforschung », xi : 1, 27-54.Hermann G.– 1980, The Sasanian Reliefs at Bishapur : Part 1. Bishapur III. Triumph Attributed to Shapur I (« Iranische Denk-

mäler », 9 : 2), Berlin.– 1983, The Sasanian Rock Reliefs at Bishapur : Part 3. Bishapur I. The Investiture/Triumph of Shapur I ? Bishapur

II. Triumph of Shapur I and Sarab-i Bahram. Bahram II Enthroned. The Rock Relief at Tang-i Qandil (« Ira-nische Denkmäler », 11 : 2), Berlin.

Herzfeld E.– 1941, Iran in the Ancient Near East, London-New York.Hrouda B., Edzard D. O., Trümpelmann L.– 1976, Iranische Denkmäler, Lieferung 1, Reihe ii. Iranische Felsreliefs. C., Sarpol-i Zoha b. Die Felsreliefs i-iv, Ber-

lin.Huang J.– 2000, A Simulation Experiment on the Eastern Roman Empire Gilded Silver Plate Unearthed in Jingyuan, Gansu,

« China Archaeology and Art Digest », 4 : 1, 366.Kellens J.– 1973, Les Frauuašis dans l’art sassanide, « Iranica Antiqua », x, 133-138.Lee J., Grenet F.– 1998, New Light on Sasanian Painting at Ghulbyan, Faryab Province, Afghanistan, « South Asian Studies », 14,

75-85.Lenzen V. F.– 1960, The Triumph of Dionysos on Textiles of Late Antique Egypt, « University of California Publications in

Classical Archaeology », 5 : 1, 1-23.Lerner J.– 1971, The Achaemenid Relief of Ahura Mazda in the Fogg Art Museum, Cambridge, Massachusetts, « Bulletin of

the Asia Institute of Pahlavi University », 2, 19-35.– 2001, Entry 115, in Catalogue New York 2001.Levit-Tawil D.– 1992, The Syncretistic Goddess Anahita in Light of the Small Bas Relief at Darbgird : Her Imagery on Early Sasa-

nian Rock Reliefs and Seals, « Iranica Antiqua », xxvii, 189-225.


L’Orange H. P.– 1953, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World, Oslo.Loud G., Altman B.– 1938, Khorsabad. Part ii. The Citadel and the Town, Chicago.Luschey H.– 1968a, Studien zu dem Darius-Relief von Bisutun, « Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran », 1, 63-94.– 1968b, Zur Datierung der sasanidischen Kapitelle aus Bisutun und des Monuments von Taq-i-Bostan, « Archäolo-

gische Mitteilungen aus Iran », 1, 129-142.Malandra W.– 1983, An Introduction to Ancient Iranian Religion : Readings from the Avesta and Achaemenid Inscriptions, Min-

neapolis (mn).Mango M. M.– 2000, Byzantine, Sasanian and Central Asian Silver, in Cs. Bálint (ed.), Kontakte zwischen Iran, Byzanz und

der Steppe in 6.-7. Jh., Budapest, 267-284.Maršak B. I.– 1986, Silberschätze des Orients. Metallkunst des 3.-13. Jahrhunderts und ihre Kontinuität, Leipzig.– 2004, Entry 90, in Catalogue New York 2004.Melikian-Chirvani A. S.– 1992, The Iranian Sun Shield, « Bulletin of the Asia Institute », 6, 1-42.– 1993, L’emblème de gloire solaire d’un roi iranien du Pont, « Bulletin of the Asia Institute », 7, 21-29.Molnar M. R.– 2000, La stella di Betlemme, Milano.Moorey P. R. S.– 1979, Aspects of Worship and Ritual on Achaemenid Seals, in Akten des vii. internationalen Kongress für iranische

Kunst und Archäologie, Berlin, 218-226.Moortgat-Coorens U.– 1994, Die Rosette – ein Schriftzeichen ? Die Geburt des Sterns aus dem Geiste der Rosette (mit einem philologischen

Kommentar von Barbara Bock), « Altorientalische Forschungen », 21, 359-371.Moradi Y.– 2003, Recently Discovered Column Capitals from Kermanshah : A Proposal on the Identity of the Mounted Figure

at the Great Iwan of Taq-i Bostan and the Deities Carved on the Capitals, « Iranian Journal of Archaeology and History », 17 : 2, 23-36.

Nefedkin A. K.– 2002, Development of Blazonry on the Ancient Greeks’ Shields, « Vestnik Drevnej Istorii », 3, 116-129.Nicolini-Zani M.– 2001, La Via della Luce. Stele di Xi’an. Inno di lode e di invocazione alle tre Maestà della religione della Luce. Testi

cristiani cinesi antichi (viii secolo), Magnano.– 2005, La Via del Cielo. Libro sull’ascolto del Messia. Primo rotolo. Testi cristiani cinesi antichi, Magnano.Nikitin A. B.– 1996, Iran zur Zeit der Sasaniden (224-651 n. Chr.), in Catalogue Wien 1996, 99-107.Omidsalar M., Omidsalar T. P.– 1996, Dog. i. In Literature and Folklore, in Encyclopaedia Iranica, vii, ed. E. Yarshater, Costa Mesa (ca),

461-467.Oppenheim A. L.– 1949, The Golden Garments of the Gods, « Journal of Near Eastern Studies », 8, 172-193.Orbeli J.– 1938, Sasanian and Early Islamic Metalwork, in A. U. Pope, Ph. Ackerman (eds.), A Survey of Persian Art,

Oxford, 716-770.Pagliaro A.– 1927, Epica e romanzo nel medioevo persiano. Due racconti tradotti per la prima volta dal Pahlavı, con traduzio-

ne e note, Firenze.Panaino A.– 1993, Considerazioni sul lessico astronomico-astrologico medio-persiano, in Lingue e culture in contatto nel mondo

antico e altomedievale, Brescia, 417-433.– 2000, The Mesopotamian Heritage of Achaemenian Kingship, in The Heirs of Assyria. Melammu Symposia, vol.

i, S. Aro, R. M. Whiting eds., Helsinki, 35-49.– 2004, Astral Characters of Kingship in the Sasanian and Byzantine Worlds, in La Persia e Bisanzio, Roma, 555-

594.


Parpola A.– 2002, From the Dialects of Old Indo-Aryan to Proto-Indo-Aryan and Proto-Iranian, in N. Sims-Williams (ed.),

Indo-Iranian Languages and Peoples, Oxford-New York, 43-102.Peck E. H.– 1993, Crown. ii. From the Seleucids to the Islamic Conquest, in Encyclopaedia Iranica, vi, ed. E. Yarshater,

Costa Mesa (ca), 408-418.Picón C. A.– 1994, Pair of Drinking Cups (Kylikes), « The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin », lii :2, 13.Price M. J.– 1968, Mithridates VI Eupator, Dionysus, and the Coinage of the Black Sea, « Numismatic Chronicle », viii, 1-12.Pugac enkova G. A.– 1966, Xalc ajan, Taškent.Reade J.– 1998, Assyrian Sculpture, London (repr. 2006).Sarfaraz A. A., Avarzamani F.– 2002, Iranian Coins. From the Early Beginning to Zand Dynasty, Tehran.Sasanian Silver– 1967, Ann Arbor.Schlingloff D.– 2000.a, Ajanta. Handbuch der Malereien. 1. Erzählende Wandemalereien, Wiesbaden.– 2000.b, Ajanta. Handbuch der Malereien. 2. Erzählende Wandemalereien (Supplement), Wiesbaden.Seyrig H.– 1937, Antiquités syriennes, « Syria », xviii, 1-53.Shahbazi A. Sh.– 1992, Clothing ii. In the Median and the Achaemenid Periods, in Encyclopaedia Iranica, v, ed. E. Yarshater,

Costa Mesa (ca), 723-737.– 1996, Derafš, in Encyclopaedia Iranica, vii, ed. E. Yarshater, Costa Mesa (ca), 312-315.Shepherd D. G.– 1980, The Iconography of Anahita, « Berytus », xxviii, 47-83.Skjærvø P. O.– 2005, The Achaemenids and the Avesta, in V. Sarkoush Curtis, S. Stewart (eds.), Birth of the Persian Em-

pire. The Idea of Iran Vol. 1, London, 52-84.Tanabe K.– 1988-1989, Hatra, Sasanian Persia and Gandhara. The Problem of the Star-and-Crescent, « Bulletin of the An-

cient Orient Museum », x, 77-89.– 1990, Positive Examples of Sasanian Infl uence on Gandharan Art, in C. Bautze-Picron (ed.), Makaranda. Es-

says in Honour of J. C. Harle, Delhi, 51-62.– 1995, Nana on Lion. East and West in Sogdian Art, « Orient », xxx-xxxi, 309-334.Trever C.– 1967, À propos des temples de la déesse Anahita en Iran sassanide, « Iranica Antiqua », 7, 121-132.Vanden Berghe L.– 1988, Les scenes d’investiture sue les reliefs rupestres de l’Ira n ancient : evolution et signifi cation, in G. Gnoli, L.

Lanciotti (eds.), Orientalia Iosephii Tucci Memoriae Dicata, vol. ii, Rome, 1511-1531.von Gall H.– 1979, Bemerkungen zum Kyrosgrab in Pasargadae und zu verwandten Denkmälern, « Archäologische Mitteilun-

gen aus Iran », 12, 271-279.von Gall H.– 1990, The Figural Capitals at taq-e Bostan and the Question of the So-Called Investiture in Parthian and Sasa-

nian Art, « Silk Road Art and Archaeology », 1, 99-122.Ward R.– 1993, Islamic Metalwork, London.West M.– 2002, Darius’ Ascent to Paradise, « Indo-Iranian Journal », 45 :1, 51-57.Widengren G.– 1965, Die Religionen Irans, Stuttgart.Wiesehöfer J.– 1994, Die “dunklen Jahrhunderte” der Persis. Untersuchungen zu Geschichte und Kultur von Fa rs in frühhellenis-

tischer Zeit (330-140 v. Ch.), München.


Winkens R.– 1969, Clipeata Imago. Studien zu einer römischen Bildnistorm, Bonn.The Zend-Avesta. Part ii. The Sırozahs, Yasts and Nyayis– 1884, transl. by J. Darmesteter, The Sacred Books of the East, ed. F. M. Müller, vol. xxiii, Oxford (repr.

Delhi, 1975).Zhu T.– 2006, The Sun God and the Wind Deity at Kizil, in M. Compareti, P. Raffetta, G. Scarcia (eds.), Eran

ud Aneran. Studies Presented to B. I. Maršak on the Occasion of His 70th Birthday, Venezia, 681-718.

Amministrazione e abbonamenti / Administration & SubscriptionsAccademia editoriale®, Pisa · Roma

Casella postale n. 1, Succursale n. 8, i 56123 Pisae-mail : [email protected]

Prezzi di abbonamento Italia :Privati : € 295,00 (brossura) ; € 395,00 (rilegato)

Enti (con edizione Online) : € 445,00 (brossura) ; € 595,00 (rilegato)Copia singola : € 690,00 (brossura) ; € 920,00 (rilegato)

Foreign subscription rates :Individuals : € 345,00 (paperback) ; € 445,00 (hardback)

Academic and Public Institutions, Libraries (with Online Edition) : € 495,00 (paperback) ;€ 645,00 (hardback) · Single issue: € 690,00 (paperback) ; € 920,00 (hardback)I pagamenti possono essere eff ettuati tramite versamento su c.c.p. n. 17154550

o tramite carta di credito (American Express, Visa, Eurocard, Mastercard, Carta Si)Uffi ci di Pisa : Via Santa Bibbiana 28, i 56127 Pisa

Tel. +39 050 542332 · Fax +39 050 574888e-mail : [email protected]

Uffi ci di Roma : Via Ruggiero Bonghi 11/b, i 00184 RomaTel. +39 06 70493456 · Fax +39 06 70476605

e-mail : [email protected]

*La casa editrice garantisce la massima riservatezza dei dati forniti dagli abbonati e la possibilità di richiederne la rettifi ca o la cancellazione previa comunicazione alla medesima. Le informazioni custodite dalla casa editrice

verranno utilizzate al solo scopo di inviare agli abbonati nuove proposte (D.Lgs. 196/2003).Our Publishing House guarantees for absolute discretion about personal informations given by subscribers ; on written request, these data could be modifi ed or erased. These informations, looked after by our Publishing

House, will be used only to send the subscribers our new editorial enterprises (D.Lgs. 196/2003).

*Sono rigorosamente vietati la riproduzione, la traduzione, l’adattamento, anche parziale o per estratti, per qualsiasi uso e con qualsiasi mezzo eff ettuati, compresi la copia fotostatica, il microfi lm, la memorizzazione elettronica,

ecc., senza la preventiva autorizzazione scritta della Fabrizio Serra · Editore®, Pisa · Roma,un marchio della Accademia editoriale®, Pisa · Roma. Ogni abuso sarà perseguito a norma di legge.

All forms of reproduction, translation, adaptation, whether partial or for off prints, for any use whatsoever and carried out by any means whatsoever, including photostatic copies, microfi lms, recording, electronic memoriza-tion or any other informations storage system, etc., are strictly forbidden, unless prior permission is obtained in

writing from the Fabrizio Serra · Editore®, Pisa · Roma, an imprint of Accademia editoriale®, Pisa · Roma.Any breach of the law will be dealt with according to the legislation in force.

*La Accademia editoriale ®, Pisa · Roma, pubblica con il marchio Fabrizio Serra · Editore ®, Pisa · Roma, sia le

proprie riviste precedentemente edite con il marchio Istituti editoriali e poligrafi ci internazionali ®, Pisa · Roma, che i volumi delle proprie collane precedentemente edite con i marchi Edizioni dell’Ateneo ®, Roma,

Giardini editori e stampatori in Pisa ®, Gruppo editoriale internazionale ®, Pisa · Roma,e Istituti editoriali e poligrafi ci internazionali ®, Pisa · Roma.

Accademia editoriale ®, Pisa · Roma, publishes with the imprint Fabrizio Serra · Editore ®, Pisa · Roma, both its journals formerly printed with the imprint Istituti editoriali e poligrafi ci internazionali ®, Pisa · Roma, and the

books of its series formerly printed with the imprints Edizioni dell’Ateneo ®, Roma,Giardini editori e stampatori in Pisa ®, Gruppo editoriale internazionale ®, Pisa · Roma,

and Istituti editoriali e poligrafi ci internazionali ®, Pisa · Roma.

*Proprietà riservata · All rights reserved

© Copyright 2008 by Fabrizio Serra · Editore®, Pisa · Roma, an imprint of Accademia editoriale®, Pisa · Roma.Stampato in Italia · Printed in Italy

*issn 1128-6342

issn elettronico 1724-1928isbn 978-88-8147-453-0

SOMMARIO

Alberto M. Simonetta, The coinage of the Cappadocian kings : a revision and a catalogue of the Simonetta Collection 9

Introduction 11

Section 1. General problems 15

Section 2. Problems of attributions to the individual kings 27

Section 3. The main events and the coinage 38

Appendix 1. Chronological arrangement of the regal issues according the classifi cation here assumed 112

Appendix 2. Forgeries : some examples 115

Appendix 3 116

Abbreviations and Bibliography 118

Plates 121

Edvard V. Rtveladze, Alessandro in Battriana e Sogdiana 153

Matteo Compareti, The eight pointed rosette : a possible important emblem in Sasanian heraldry 205

Gli autori di questo numero 231

Tavole 233

Date post:	18-Jan-2023
Category:	Documents
Upload:	snnu
View:	0 times
Download:	0 times

The eight-pointed rosette: A POSSIBLE IMPORTANT EMBLEM IN SASANIAN HERALDRY

Documents