Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2387562
The Foreign Investment and National Security Act of 2007:
An Assessment of Its Impact on Sovereign Wealth Funds
and State-Owned Enterprises
Paul Rose
Public Law and Legal Theory Working
Paper Series
No. 231
January 29, 2014
This working paper series is co-sponsored by the
Center for Interdisciplinary Law and Policy Studies
at the Moritz College of Law
This paper can be downloaded without charge from the
Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection:
http://ssrn.com/abstract=2387562
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2387562
THE FOREIGN INVESTMENT AND NATIONAL SECURITY ACT OF 2007:
AN ASSESSMENT OF ITS IMPACT ON SOVEREIGN WEALTH FUNDS
AND STATE-OWNED ENTERPRISES
Paul Rose*
* Associate Professor of Law, Ohio State University – Moritz College of Law
Preliminary Draft, January 28, 2014
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2387562
FINSA_Rose.docFINSA_1.15.14 1/29/20141/28/2014 9:16 AM4:21 PM
2
THE FOREIGN INVESTMENT AND NATIONAL SECURITY ACT OF 2007:
AN ASSESSMENT OF ITS IMPACT ON SOVEREIGN WEALTH FUNDS
AND STATE-OWNED ENTERPRISES
Paul Rose*
* Associate Professor of Law, Ohio State University – Moritz College of Law.
The author expresses thanks for the excellent comments and suggestions from
practitioners who have requested anonymity, and thanks also to Brittany Pace for
excellent research assistance.
In 2007, the U.S. Congress passed the Foreign Investment in the United States Act (FINSA), the most recent in a series of calibrations to a basic regulatory framework that is now nearly 40 years old. FINSA has particularly significant effects on investment by sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) and state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Indeed, FINSA is properly understood as a response to SWF and SOE activity, and is designed to provide a framework in which U.S. regulators can weigh the particular risks presented with investment by state-controlled entities. Although in general FINSA has performed ably and as intended in its first five years of implementation, balancing the risks associated with SOE and SWF investment in a competitively neutral way has historically been a challenge, and now seems to be even more challenging after the passage of FINSA.
INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 3
I. THE EVOLUTION OF THE US FOREIGN INVESTMENT REGULATION ................... 4
A. The Foreign Investment Regulatory Prior to FINSA .................................. 4
B. The Political Impetus Behind the FINSA Amendments ........................... 10
II. The Foreign Investment in the United States Act of 2007: A Brief
Overview ............................................................................................................. 12
A. Foreign Investment Regulation from Exon-Florio to FINSA ................... 12
B. Key Definitions under FINSA..................................................................... 16
III. An Overview of the CFIUS Process After FINSA ...................................... 18
A. CFIUS Review: A Basic Roadmap .............................................................. 19
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B. Particular Concerns with SOE and SWF Investments under FINSA ..... 23
IV. ASSESSING THE IMPACT OF FINSA ............................................................... 24
A. CFIUS Reporting Obligations under FINSA ............................................. 26
B. Trends in CFIUS Activity, 2005-2012 ........................................................ 27
IV. CRITICISMS OF THE CFIUS PROCESS AFTER FINSA..................................... 32
CONCLUSION........................................................................................................ 37
INTRODUCTION
In 2007, the U.S. Congress passed the Foreign Investment in
the United States Act (FINSA), the most recent in a series of
calibrations to a basic regulatory framework that is now nearly 40
years old. Although FINSA is in a broad sense more a refinement
than a reconfiguration of U.S. foreign investment regulation
generally, it has particularly significant effects on investment by
sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) and state-owned enterprises (SOEs).
Indeed, FINSA is properly understood as a response to SWF and SOE
activity, and is designed to provide a framework in which U.S.
regulators can weigh the particular risks presented with investment
by state-controlled entities. Balancing these risks in a competitively
neutral way has historically been a challenge, and now seems to be
even more challenging after the passage of FINSA.
Notwithstanding the challenge, the review process required
under FINSA is, as one practitioner describes it, an “elegant
mechanism”1 that seeks to balance national security with an open
investment policy, executive agency accountability to Congress with
agency authority over matters of trade and defense, and predictability
with enforcement flexibility. Its basic framework has served as a
model for other countries, including China.2 And it has performed
ably and as intended in its first five years of implementation. That is
not to say, however, that further calibration is not desirable; as
1 See infra note 78 and accompanying text. 2 Lucas S. Chang, Stephen Paul Mahinka, and Sean P. Duffy, China's New
National Security Review Process for Foreign Investments: U.S. CFIUS Review Moves East (March 3, 2011), available at
http://www.morganlewis.com/index.cfm/publicationID/f29df3a9-48df-4909-a0b3-
23ed7bdc3199/fuseaction/publication.detail
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discussed in this chapter, FINSA has significant room for
improvement.
This chapter proceeds as follows. Part I describes the
evolution of foreign investment regulation in recent years, beginning
with the 1975 Presidential order that provided the basic regulatory
structure that carries on through FINSA today. Part II presents a
brief overview and analysis of FINSA, including the key statutory
definitions that determine the regulatory pathway of a foreign
investment transaction. Part III reviews how the regulatory process
plays out from the point of view of a SOE or SWF, noting particular
difficulties that state-controlled entities encounter under FINSA.
Finally, Part IV assesses the impact of FINSA by reviewing
government and private data on foreign transactions in the United
States, and discusses a number of criticisms with the operation of
FINSA, particularly as they relate to SOEs and SWFs.
I. THE EVOLUTION OF THE US FOREIGN INVESTMENT
REGULATION
A. The Foreign Investment Regulatory Prior to FINSA
The genealogy of FINSA can be traced back to a 1975
Executive Order issued by President Ford.3 This Executive Order
provided the core of modern US regulation of foreign investment, and
a number of its essential provisions remain today. Most importantly,
the order established the Committee on Foreign Investment in the
United States (CFIUS), which (as later amended) included the
Secretary of State; the Secretary of the Treasury; the Secretary of
Defense; the Secretary of Commerce; the United States Trade
Representative; the Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers;
the Attorney General; and the Director of the Office of Management
and Budget.4 The order designates the Secretary of the Treasury as
3 Executive Order 11858, May 7, 1975, 40 F.R. 20263. 4 As described by the U.S. Treasury, CFIUS is now structured as follows:
The Secretary of the Treasury is the Chairperson of CFIUS, and
notices to CFIUS are received, processed, and coordinated at the
staff level by the Staff Chairperson of CFIUS, who is the Director of
the Office of Investment Security in the Department of the Treasury.
The members of CFIUS include the heads of the following
departments and offices: Department of the Treasury (chair);
Department of Justice; Department of Homeland Security;
Department of Commerce; Department of Defense; Department of
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the chairman of the Committee, and impliedly established the
Treasury Department as the primary regulator tasked with managing
the regulations associated with CFIUS and its processes, although the
committee as a whole has the responsibility to “consider proposals for
new legislation or regulations relating to foreign investment as may
appear necessary.”5
More broadly, CFIUS is also tasked with the “primary
continuing responsibility within the Executive Branch for monitoring
the impact of foreign investment in the United States, both direct and
portfolio, and for coordinating the implementation of United States
policy on such investment.”6 As discussed below, this responsibility is
met, in part, through periodic reports produced by CFIUS for
Congress, portions of which are also made public. The Commerce
Department is specifically required to take the lead in collecting data
on foreign investment in the U.S., the “close observation of foreign
investment in the United States,” and the preparation of reports on
trends and significant developments in “appropriate categories” of
foreign investment. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, CFIUS
has the ability to review specific transactions.
Some questioned whether this basic framework was both
practically and legally sufficient to regulate foreign investment in
U.S. firms. Indeed, as one researcher notes, it was not clear that
under existing law federal agencies had “the legal authority to collect
State; Department of Energy; Office of the U.S. Trade
Representative; Office of Science & Technology Policy.
The following offices also observe and, as appropriate, participate in
CFIUS’s activities: Office of Management & Budget; Council of
Economic Advisors; National Security Council; National Economic
Council; Homeland Security Council.
The Director of National Intelligence and the Secretary of Labor are
non-voting, ex-officio members of CFIUS with roles as defined by
statute and regulation.
http://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/international/foreign-investment/Pages/cfius-
members.aspx. 5 Executive Order 11858 (b)(4). 6 Executive Order 11858 (b).
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the types of data that were required by the order.”7 This question was
resolved the next year as Congress passed and President Ford signed
the International Investment Survey Act of 1976, which gave the
President “clear and unambiguous authority” to “collect information
on “international investment and United States foreign trade in
services,” to collect and use information on “direct investments owned
or controlled directly or indirectly by foreign governments or persons”,
and to “provide analyses of such information to the Congress, the
executive agencies, and the general public.”8 The act specifically
noted that its purpose was to impose only the minimum necessary
burden on business and other respondents, and that the act was not
intended to “restrain or deter foreign investment in the United
States.”9
Although CFIUS was now clearly and statutorily authorized to
gather and report data, it met only sporadically and still lacked a
comprehensive and clearly defined mission. Was it designed to
evaluate political risks associated with foreign investment, the
economic risks of foreign investment, or both?10 Whatever the
intention of the original executive order, from 1980-1987 CFIUS
investigations were generally framed as national security concerns,11
although this would not preclude an economic justification because
7 James K. Jackson, The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), Congressional Research Service, RL33388 (June 12, 2013). Available
at http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/RL33388.pdf. 8 22 U.S.C. 46, International Investment and Trade in Services Survey §
3101, Pub. L. 94–472, § 2, Oct. 11, 1976. 9 Id. 10 Jackson reports that between 1975 and 1980, CFIUS had met only 10
times. He also notes one critic’s comment that “the Committee has been reduced over
the last four years to a body that only responds to the political aspects or the political
questions that foreign investment in the United States poses and not with what we
really want to know about foreign investments in the United States, that is: Is it good
for the economy?” Jackson, supra, citing U.S. Congress. House. Committee on
Government Operations. Subcommittee on Commerce, Consumer, and Monetary
Affairs. The Operations of Federal Agencies in Monitoring, Reporting on, and
Analyzing Foreign Investments in the United States. Hearings. 96th Cong., 1st sess.,
Part 3, p. 5. (July 30, 1979. Washington: GPO). 11 Jackson writes that “[f]rom 1980 to 1987, CFIUS investigated a number of foreign
investments, mostly at the request of the Department of Defense.” James K. Jackson,
The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), supra n. 4, at 3.
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the acquiring firms were domiciled in Japan, viewed by many as the
principal economic threat to the U.S. at the time.12
It is often the case that particular deals mark a regulatory
tipping point. The DP World deal, which was the subject of great
debate and ultimately led to increased regulation of foreign
investments in 2007, have a parallel in the 1987 proposed sale of
Fairchild Semiconductor to Fujitsu. Indeed, concern over foreign
acquisitions—and particularly Japanese acquisitions—was a subject
of great national concern in the 1980s, just as the activities of Chinese
and Middle Eastern firms are a subject of concern today.13 The
proposed Fairchild deal—in a foreshadowing of later concerns with
China—“generated intense concern in Congress in part because of
general difficulties in trade relations with Japan at that time and
because some Americans felt that the United States was declining as
an international economic power as well as a world power.”14
According to Department of Defense officials, the deal also had
important national security implications because “some officials
believed that the deal would give Japan control over a major supplier
of computer chips for the military and would make U.S. defense
industries more dependent on foreign suppliers for sophisticated high-
technology products.”15 The deal reinforced the perception that a more
protective stance from the Administration was required with respect
12 As described below, the defensive use of a national security statute for general or
even localized economic purposes is a central weakness that persists in CFIUS. An
established technique used by corporate counsel to defend against unwanted takeover
offers is to petition regulators or Congressional representatives who can raise
regulatory objections to the transaction; the specific nature of the defense depends on
the domicile of the potential acquirer. If the acquiring firm is domestic, the defense is
based on antitrust concerns. If the acquiring firm is foreign, the defense focuses on
potential national security concerns. 13 Reflecting on the political economy of foreign investment regulation,
Graham and Marchick note:
[P]olitical pressures based on real or perceived threats to tighten the valves
on [foreign direct investment] have arisen from time to time. While these pressures
have generally failed to carry the day, in 1988, they resulted in the establishment of
an investment review law—the Exon-Florio Amendment—grounded in national
security concerns.
Edward M. Graham & David M. Marchick, US NATIONAL SECURITY AND
FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT (May 2006) , available at
http://www.petersoninstitute.org/publications/chapters_preview/3918/02iie3918.pdf. 14 Jackson, supra note 4, at 4. 15 Id.
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to foreign investment. More positively, however, it also encouraged
the creation of more stable, predictable foreign investment regulation.
In response to these concerns, in1988, Congress passed and
President Reagan signed the Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness
Act of 1988, which included the “Exon-Florio Amendment”.16 The
basic regulatory procedure included elements from prior practice,
built into a more robust, deliberate process with four steps: (1) a
voluntary notice by parties to a transaction with potential national
security impact; (2) a 30-day review to identify national security
issues; (3) an additional 45-day investigation if the review has
identified issues that may require mitigation; and (4) a Presidential
action, if warranted. The involvement of the President in Exon-Florio
marks an important shift in the regulation of foreign investment: not
only is the President empowered to investigate foreign investment in
U.S. firms, but is also granted authority to block potential foreign
“mergers, acquisitions, or takeovers” of “persons engaged in interstate
commerce in the United States” if “there is a credible threat that
leads the President to believe that the foreign interest exercising
control might take action that threatens to impair the national
security”, and if other laws or regulations “do not in the President’s
judgment provide adequate and appropriate authority for the
President to protect the national security in the matter before the
President.”17
The legislation also provided a broad grant of powers in other
ways. CFIUS is not time-limited nor subject to a statute of
limitations, which allows CFIUS to investigate a foreign merger
either at upon a voluntary filing of notice by the parties to a
transaction, or at any time, if the parties do not file notice of the
transaction voluntarily. 18 Even if a transaction has closed, CFIUS
may initiate a review and, potentially, unwind the transaction.
Additionally, the regulatory scope of CFIUS is broadly defined under
Exon-Florio. CFIUS had the power to investigate transactions that
could threaten national security, but the term “national security” was
16 Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988, § 5021, Public Law 100-
418, U.S> Code 50 1988, App. § 2170. 17 Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988, App. § 2170(e). 18 Edward M. Graham & David M. Marchick, US NATIONAL SECURITY AND
FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT, at 39. In addition to the broad provisions discussed,
Graham and Marchick also note that the term “credible evidence” is undefined and, in
practice, CFIUS “views the credible evidence standard as a fairly low threshold.” Id.
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not defined by the statute. Indeed, the legislative history of CFIUS
shows that the committee was to regulate foreign investment with the
understanding that “national security” was “to be read in a broad and
flexible manner.”19
Finally, Exon-Florio broadly defined the term “control”, which
is the trigger for the application of the review, investigation and
blocking provisions of the act. The accompanying Treasury
regulations define control as:
The power, direct or indirect, whether or not
exercised, and whether or not exercised or exercisable
through the ownership of a majority or a dominant
minority of the total outstanding voting securities of an
issuer, or by proxy voting, contractual arrangements or
other means, to determine, direct or decide matters
affecting an entity.20
Consistent with this broad definition, Graham and Marchick
note that CFIUS has found control under Exon-Florio where “the
foreign owner’s rights include seats on the board of directors, veto
rights over certain corporate actions, or the right to appoint or reject
certain key personnel,”21 even when the actual percentage of equity
ownership is de minimus.
It did not take the President long to make use of the expanded
authority under Exon-Florio to block a transaction deemed to impact
national security. In 1990, just two years after Exon-Florio’s passage,
President Bush required China National Aero-Technology Import and
Export Corporation (CATIC) to unwind its acquisition of Mamco, a
Washington State-based specialty airplane component manufacturer,
in order to prevent CATIC from acquiring sensitive technology. Until
the 2012 acquisition by Ralls of an Oregon wind farm project,
19 Statement of Senator Exon, Congressional Record 134 (April 25, 1988):
S4833. CFIUS likewise declined to limit itself to a narrow definition in its own
regulations. The preamble to the relevant Treasury regulations states that “The
Committee rejected [various recommended definitions] because they could improperly
curtail the President’s broad authority to protect national security.” Regulations
Implementing Exon-Florio, Code of Federal Regulations, Title 31, Sec. 800, App. A
(1988). 20 Regulations Implementing Exon-Florio, Code of Federal Regulations, Title
31, Sec. 800.204, App. A (1988). 21 Edward M. Graham & David M. Marchick, US National Security and
Foreign Direct Investment, at 39.
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however, the CATIC deal has been the only transaction officially
blocked by a President (though many deals have been unwound at
earlier stages after a CFIUS review or investigation has begun).
The Exon-Florio framework was further developed through
Treasury regulations in 1991. The most important aspect of these
regulations was the creation of a notification process under which
parties to a proposed transaction would make a voluntary notice filing
to CFIUS regarding transactions involving foreign control that might
implicate national security. The regulations also state that such
filings are to be kept confidential by CFIUS. Although the filing is
nominally voluntary, parties face substantial risks if they fail to make
a filing. Most crucially, the acquisition is subject to divestment
indefinitely. A filing thus brings certainty to the transaction.
The Exon-Florio process was subsequently updated by the
Byrd Amendment in 1992. Under this amendment, which directly
affected deals involving sovereign wealth funds and state-owned
enterprises, CFIUS must investigate proposed acquisitions if (1) the
acquirer is controlled by or acting on behalf of a foreign government
and (2) the acquisition “could result in control of a person engaged in
interstate commerce in the U.S. that could affect the national security
of the U.S.”22
B. The Political Impetus Behind the FINSA Amendments
As noted above, just as the proposed Fairchild sale to Fujitsu
catalyzed new regulation of foreign investments, a 2006 transaction,
the acquisition of certain port operations in the U.S. by DP World—a
Dubai state-controlled enterprise—spurred Congress to pass FINSA.
In March 2006, DP World finalized the purchase of Peninsular and
Oriental Steam Navigation Company (P&O). P&O managed port
operations in New York, New Jersey, Philadelphia, Baltimore, New
Orleans, and Miami, and subsequent to the acquisition these
operations would have been under the control of DP World. CFIUS
reviewed the transaction—but did not undertake a full 45-day
investigation—and determined that the transaction did not pose a
threat to U.S. national security interests. President Bush stated that
"[t]his is a company that has played by the rules, that has played by
the rules, that has been cooperative with the United States, a
22 National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1993, P.L. 102-484,
October 23, 1992.
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country’s that’s an ally in the war on terror, and it would send a
terrible signal to friends and allies not to let this transaction go
through."23 He threatened to veto any legislation attempting to block
the deal.24 As a Congressional Research Service report notes, some
members of Congress were confused by the failure of CFIUS to
initiate a full investigation of the transaction before approving it:
The DP World acquisition . . . exposed a sharp rift
between what some Members apparently believed the
amendment directed CFIUS to do and how the
members of CFIUS were interpreting the amendment.
In particular, some Members of Congress apparently
interpreted the amendment to direct CFIUS to conduct
a mandatory 45-day investigation if the foreign firm
involved in a transaction is owned or controlled by a
foreign government. Representatives of CFIUS argued
that they interpreted the amendment to mean that a
45-day investigation was discretionary and not
mandatory. In the case of the DP World acquisition,
CFIUS representatives argued that they had concluded
as a result of an extensive review of the proposed
acquisition prior to the case being formally filed with
CFIUS and during the 30-day review that the DP World
case did not warrant a full 45-day investigation. They
conceded that the case met the first criterion under the
Byrd amendment, because DP World was controlled by
a foreign government, but that it did not meet the
second part of the requirement, because CFIUS had
concluded during the 30-day review that the transaction
“could not affect the national security.”25
The DP World transaction was not the only deal that helped
shape FINSA. Following the DP World transaction, the Bush
Administration reevaluated CFIUS regulations and policies, and
began to take a more aggressive and arguably protectionist regulatory
stance. This new stance was apparent in the review of the Alcatel-
23 Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush,
Office of the Federal Register (2002), at 313. 24 David E. Sanger and Eric Lipton, Bush Would Veto Any Bill Halting Dubai
Port Deal, N.Y. TIMES, February 22, 2006, available at
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/02/22/politics/22port.html?_r=2&oref=slogin&. 25 Jackson, supra note 4, at 4.
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Lucent transaction in late 2006. Before the transaction could be
finalized, Alcatel, a French state-controlled enterprise, was required
to enter into a “Special Security Arrangement” (SSA) designed to
mitigate the risk that Alcatel would acquire sensitive technologies,
work product, or sensitive intelligence about the U.S.
telecommunications infrastructure. The SSA was an important shift
because it allows CFIUS to reopen an investigation and potentially
unwind a deal if CFIUS believes that parties have not complied with
the terms of the agreement. The SSA in the Alcatel-Lucent deal thus
introduced some uncertainty into CFIUS-approved transactions,
because “[p]rior to this transaction, CFIUS reviews and investigations
had been portrayed, and had been considered, to be final.”26
II. THE FOREIGN INVESTMENT IN THE UNITED STATES ACT OF
2007: A BRIEF OVERVIEW
As with Exon-Florio, two decades earlier, the 2007 Foreign
Investment and National Security Act largely codified administration
practices. FINSA is not so much a change in philosophy or a dramatic
shift in regulatory intensity, as it is an evolution of the existing
framework. As with Exon-Florio, however, the evolution produced
some adaptations that had a significant impact on how foreign
investment deals are executed and regulated.
A. Foreign Investment Regulation from Exon-Florio to FINSA
The evolution of foreign investment regulation is not
unwarranted. While the fears about the rise of China, for example,
seem to echo the 1980s consternation about the rise of Japan—
perhaps misplace, given the later stagnation of the Japanese
economy—there are significant differences. First, and most
importantly, the Japanese firms that were part of the 1980s buying
spree—acquiring trophy properties while also taking market share
from existing U.S. companies, as Sony did from IBM and Toyota and
Honda did from Ford and GM—were privately-held (or even publicly-
traded) foreign business, rather than state-owned enterprises, as are
many more of the current acquirers, including, of course, Chinese
firms. And while Sony and Toyota competed against existing U.S.
brands, many of the state-owned or controlled foreign enterprises
26 Id. at 5.
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today—many of which are state-owned enterprises—are not simply
competing with U.S. brands, but instead seeking to acquire existing
U.S. brands.27
The evolution of U.S. foreign investment law is perhaps best
understood as an adaptation to the increasing activity of state-
controlled entities such as SOEs and SWFs. The basic Exon-Florio
framework of a 30-day review period and a potential (and more
intense) 45-day investigation period continue under FINSA.
Additionally, the President retains the ability to block transactions
that impair national security interests. Some of the most important
evolutions in FINSA that will affect SOE and SWF deals include
clarifications on the use of “mitigation agreements”; FINSA
essentially codified the SSA strategy used in the Alcatel deal,
allowing CFIUS to require and enforce agreements designed to
mitigate potential national security threats.28 Mitigation agreements
under FINSA are monitored by a “lead agency”—typically this agency
would be the one that has regulatory responsibility over the firms or
27 Kenneth Rapoza, The Foreign Companies That Are Buying Up America,
FORBES (JUNE 27, 2013), available at
http://www.forbes.com/sites/kenrapoza/2013/06/27/the-foreign-companies-that-are-
buying-up-america/. Rapoza states, “Unlike the 1980s, when the Japanese were
buying up real estate and selling Honda’s for the first time to Main Streeters
abandoning their Detroit made cars, the strategy for firms from China to Brazil has
been to acquire existing brands.” 28 Business groups including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the Business
Roundtable, the Organization for International Investment and the Financial
Services Forum, criticized the Alcatel SSA, stating that the SSA “a disturbing
departure from the government's stated support for an open trade and investment
regime." Jeremy Pelofsky, Businesses object to US move on foreign investment,
REUTERS, Dec 6, 2006, available at http://uk.reuters.com/article/2006/12/06/usa-
investment-idUKN0534982920061206. However, these same groups later praised the
FINSA amendments generally, despite the inclusion of the mitigation agreement
provisions:
The issuance of the regulations clarifies the procedures for national security
reviews by the Committee of Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) and
provides certainty to investors. The regulations provide necessary guidance on which
transactions involve both control and a relationship to national security and therefore
require CFIUS review. Neither FINSA or [sic] these regulations constitute a barrier
to foreign investment in the U.S. but rather the regulations provide a roadmap for
investors as to when and how they must go through the CFIUS process.
Press Release, Administration Issues Proposed FINSA Regulations,
Financial Services Forum, April 21, 2008, available at
http://www.financialservicesforum.org/index.php/press-releases/106-business-groups-
comment-on-finalizing-new-national-security-review-process-for-foreign-
investment.html.
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transactions at issue, and is the natural drafter and monitor for the
mitigation agreement. Although FINSA allows CFIUS to reopen
reviews and investigations if there has been an intentional breach of a
mitigation agreement, in practice this should create little uncertainty
for deals as counsel gains expertise in how mitigation agreements are
monitored by CFIUS.
Mitigation agreements play an important role as a CFIUS
enforcement mechanism, and their expanded use can be attributed to
the operation of Section 2(b), which requires that after reviewing a
transaction, CFIUS must provide a notice to Congress, which must be
“signed by the chairperson and the head of the lead agency, and shall
state that, in the determination of the Committee, there are no
unresolved national security concerns with the transaction that is the
subject of the notice or report.”29 Because of this certification process,
CFIUS must show that it has carefully evaluated and responded to
potential national security risks; as a result, mitigation agreements
are common after FINSA and they “have the effect of law.”30 The
breach of a mitigation agreement can not only cause an investigation
to be reopened, but can also result in monetary penalties up to the full
value of the transaction and, potentially, the unwinding of the
transaction.31
Some types of agreements will be subject to a stricter 45-day
investigation after the initial 30-day review. FINSA requires that
CFIUS always investigate transactions involving (1) acquirers
controlled by foreign governments, and (2) “critical infrastructure”.32
This provision responds to the concern raised in DP World that a 30-
day review was not seen by some as adequately protective against the
special concerns presented by acquisitions by foreign government-
controlled entities. However, FINSA also states that an investigation
29 Foreign Investment and National Security Act of 2007, P.L. 110-49,
Section 2(b)(3)(C)(ii). 30 Mark Plotkin, David Fagan & Adam Smith, Steering the Deal Through,
INDIAN BUS. L. J. (September 2009), available at
http://www.cov.com/files/Publication/5e616f09-55a5-4a1a-97f4-
0a3ff6d724cb/Presentation/PublicationAttachment/4c4e9055-65e3-46be-a7ff-
13179e90a717/Steering%20the%20Deal%20Through.pdf. 31 [FINSA cite] 32 “Critical infrastructure” is defined by FINSA as “systems and assets,
whether physical or virtual, so vital to the United States that the incapacity or
destruction of such systems or assets would have a debilitating impact on national
security.” Section A(6).
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is not required if “the Secretary of the Treasury and the head of the
lead agency jointly determine, on the basis of the review of the
transaction . . . that the transaction will not impair the national
security of the United States.”33 Thus, as was argued by the Bush
Administration in connection with the DP World transaction, if there
are no apparent national security concerns with a deal, the parties
should not be subject to a more costly and lengthy CFIUS
investigation.
Treasury regulations promulgated pursuant to FINSA also
require extensive disclosures to accompany the notice of a FINSA-
covered transaction. The notice must include, among other diverse
items, a “summary setting forth the essentials of the transaction,
including a statement of the purpose of the transaction, and its scope,
both within and outside of the United States;”34 the “immediate
parent, the ultimate parent, and each intermediate parent, if any, of
the foreign person that is a party to the transaction;”35 the name of all
financial institutions involved in the transaction, information about
any contracts that the acquirer has had in effect within the prior
three years with “any United States Government agency or
component with national defense, homeland security, or other
national security responsibilities, including law enforcement
responsibility as it relates to defense, homeland security, or national
security”36 a “description and copy of the cyber security plan, if any,
that will be used to protect against cyber attacks on the operation,
design, and development of the U.S. business’s services, networks,
systems, data storage, and facilities”;37 and, for each member of the
board of directors and officers (to the level of “president, senior vice
president, executive vice president, and other persons who perform
duties normally associated with such titles”) and for any 5% holder of
the acquiring entity, a curriculum vitae, name and address, country
33 Sec. 2(b)(2)(D). 34 31 CFR 800.402 C(1)(i). As discussed below, this summary, and particular
the justifications for the transactions outlined in the summary, form a crucial part of
the transaction review, particularly for transactions involving state-owned-
enterprises. See Part ____, infra. 35 31 CFR 800.402 C(1)(v)(A). Parent is defined as “a person who or which
directly or indirectly: (1) Holds or will hold at least 50 percent of the outstanding
voting interest in an entity; or (2) Holds or will hold the right to at least 50 percent of
the profits of an entity, or has or will have the right in the event of the dissolution to
at least 50 percent of the assets of that entity.” 31 CFR 800.219. 36 31 CFR 800.402 C(3)(iv). 37 31 CFR 800.402 C(3)(viii).
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and city of residence, date and place of birth, social security number
or similar national identity number, passport number, and dates and
nature of foreign government and foreign military service.38
For entities “controlled by or acting on behalf of a foreign
government, including as an agent or representative,” such as state-
owned enterprises or sovereign wealth funds, additional disclosures
are required. The notice must disclose the identity of the foreign
government, whether the foreign government (or person or entity
acting on its behalf) has or controls ownership interests in the party
to the transaction, including convertible voting, has the right or power
to appoint directors, holds contingent interests, or holds golden shares
or “any other affirmative or negative rights or powers that could be
relevant to [CFIUS’s] determination of whether the notified
transaction is a foreign government-controlled transaction, and if
there are any such rights or powers, their source . . . and the
mechanics of their operation.”39
B. Key Definitions under FINSA
The Treasury regulations also provide guidance on what
constitutes a covered transaction for purposes of CFIUS review and
investigation. Under FINSA, a “covered transaction” was simply
defined as “any merger, acquisition, or takeover that is proposed or
pending after August 23, 1988, by or with any foreign person which
could result in foreign control of any person engaged in interstate
commerce in the United States.”40 The definition under the Treasury
regulations retains, as required by law, this same core definition, with
very little alteration: a covered transaction means “any transaction
that is proposed or pending after August 23, 1988, by or with any
foreign person, which could result in control of a U.S. business by a
foreign person.”41 The real clarification comes in the expansion of key
terms in the definition, including ‘‘transaction,’’ ‘‘control,’’ ‘‘U.S.
business,’’ and ‘‘foreign person.’’ The latter two terms are both
defined expansively; “U.S. business” includes “any entity, irrespective
of the nationality of the persons that control it, engaged in interstate
commerce in the United States, but only to the extent of its activities
38 31 CFR 800.402 C(6)(vi). 39 31 CFR 800.402 C(6)(iii). 40 Foreign Investment and National Security Act of 2007, P.L. 110-49,
Section 2(a)(3). 41 31 CFR 800.207.
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in interstate commerce.”42 “Foreign person” itself contains three
nested defined terms:43 “foreign national,” “foreign government,” and
“foreign entity”, all of which supply straightforward meanings. The
important second section of the definition adds that a foreign person
also includes “any entity over which control is exercised or exercisable
by a foreign national, foreign government, or foreign entity.”44
“Transaction” is also defined broadly as proposed or completed
mergers, acquisitions, or takeovers.45 The definition also includes the
acquisition of an ownership interest in an entity, the acquisition or
conversion of convertible voting instruments of an entity, the
acquisition of proxies from holders of a voting interest in an entity,
the formation of a joint venture, or even entering into a long-term
lease that allows the lessee to make “substantially all business
decisions concerning the operation of a leased entity, as if it were the
owner.”46
Perhaps the most important definition in the Treasury
regulations is that of “control”. As enacted, FINSA left discretion to
CFIUS and Treasury to define the term, stating only that term
“’control’ has the meaning given to such term in regulations which the
Committee shall prescribe.”47 Treasury created a careful definition
that provides CFIUS with a very low threshold to overcome in
determining whether a transaction involving a foreign person is a
“covered transaction.” Control is defined as:
the power, direct or indirect, whether or not exercised,
through the ownership of a majority or a dominant
minority of the total outstanding voting interest in an
entity, board representation, proxy voting, a special
share, contractual arrangements, formal or informal
arrangements to act in concert, or other means, to
determine, direct, or decide important matters affecting
an entity . …48
42 31 CFR 800.226. 43 31 CFR 800.216. 44 Id. 45 31 CFR 800.224. 46 Id. 47 Foreign Investment and National Security Act of 2007, P.L. 110-49,
Section 2(a)(2). 48 31 CFR 800.204(a).
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The definition then gives extensive examples of the kind of
powers that would fall under the definition,49 as well as a number of
exclusions in which a foreign person holds a minority interest in the
party to the transaction.50 This definition is important for SOEs and
SWFs because even where they acquire relatively small positions in
U.S. firms—less than 10%, for example—the presence of any special
control rights or influence could bring a transaction under the
definition.
III. AN OVERVIEW OF THE CFIUS PROCESS AFTER FINSA
Following the enactment of FINSA, the CFIUS process is a
deliberate, sometimes slow-moving process that may prove frustrating
to foreign investors. Successful navigation of the process is facilitated
49 These include “(1) The sale, lease, mortgage, pledge, or other transfer of
any of the tangible or intangible principal assets of the entity, whether or not in the
ordinary
course of business; (2) The reorganization, merger, or dissolution of the
entity;
(3) The closing, relocation, or substantial alteration of the production,
operational, or research and development facilities of the entity; (4) Major
expenditures or investments, issuances of equity or debt, or dividend payments by the
entity, or approval of the operating budget of the entity; (5) The selection of new
business lines or ventures that the entity will pursue; (6) The entry into, termination,
or non-fulfillment by the entity of significant contracts; (7) The policies or procedures
of the entity governing the treatment of non- public technical, financial, or other
proprietary information of the entity; (8) The appointment or dismissal of officers or
senior managers; (9) The appointment or dismissal of employees with access to
sensitive technology or classified U.S. Government information; or (10) The
amendment of the Articles of Incorporation, constituent agreement, or other
organizational documents of the entity with respect to the matters described in
paragraphs (a)(1) through (9) of this section.” 31 CFR 800.204(a)(1)-(a)(9). 50 These exception include: “(1) The power to prevent the sale or pledge of all
or substantially all of the assets of an entity or a voluntary filing for bankruptcy or
liquidation; (2) The power to prevent an entity from entering into contracts with
majority investors or their affiliates; (3) The power to prevent an entity from
guaranteeing the obligations of majority investors or their affiliates; (4) The power to
purchase an additional interest in an entity to prevent the dilution of an investor’s
pro rata interest in that entity in the event that the entity issues additional
instruments conveying interests in the entity; (5) The power to prevent the change of
existing legal rights or preferences of the particular class of stock held by minority
investors, as provided in the relevant corporate documents governing such shares;
and (6) The power to prevent the amendment of the Articles of Incorporation,
constituent agreement, or other organizational documents of an entity with respect to
the matters described in paragraphs (c)(1) through (5) of this section.” 31 CFR
800.204(c)(1)-(c)(5).
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through the use of experienced counsel who understand the CFIUS
process and the players in the various agencies.
A. CFIUS Review: A Basic Roadmap
Ideally, the process begins with counsel alerting the parties to
a transaction of the potential for a CFIUS review and investigation;
this is especially true for SOEs and SWFs. Having familiarity with
the process is crucial because—despite extensive examples and
commentary in the Treasury regulations—lawyers without CFIUS
experience may not recognize when a transaction is covered under the
statutes. Failing to recognize this as an important threshold question
can dramatically increase costs, and may even be fatal to the
transaction. Even though the CFIUS filing is voluntary, CFIUS has
the ability to detect transactions that may be covered transactions,
but for which a filing was not made. U.S. firms dealing in sensitive
technologies typically have regular required filings with federal
agencies, including the Department of Defense, and transactions
involving foreign persons will thereby be reported to government
agencies and appear on CFIUS’s radar. CFIUS may then, under
Section 2(b)(D) of FINSA, initiate its own review of a transaction it
believes is a covered transaction. If the transaction is found to impair
national security, it may be unwound, as in the Ralls51 case—a case in
51 In Ralls, an entity controlled by two persons alleged to have ties to the
Chinese military acquired four wind farm project companies that operated near
sensitive military and national security installations. Ralls acquired controlling
interests in the wind farms in March 2012, but did not file a notice with CFIUS.
Three months after the transaction closed, Ralls finally notified CFIUS of the
transaction. After reviewing then investigating the transaction, CFIUS determined
that mitigation was not possible, and order divestment. In October 2012, President
Obama issued an executive order formally requiring Ralls to divest ownership of the
wind farms, as well as to remove all installations, down to the concrete pads, within
14 days. Order of September 28, 2012 Regarding the Acquisition of Four U.S. Wind Farm Project Companies by Ralls Corporation, 77 Fed. Reg. 60,281 (Oct. 3, 2012),
available at http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/09/28/order-signed-
president-regarding-acquisition-four-us-wind-farm-project-c. Ralls sued CFIUS,
alleging that
CFIUS violated numerous federal statutes, as well as Ralls’ due process
rights under the U.S. Constitution. A U.S. district court dismissed all claims in
February 2013, with the exception of the due process claim. Ralls later lost on this
claim as well, as the court noted that
Ralls undertook the transaction and voluntarily acquired those state
property rights subject to the known risk of a Presidential veto. And Ralls’s claim
cannot be squared with the fact that Ralls waived the opportunity – provided by the
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which the parties failed to provide notice of the transaction to CFIUS
prior to its consummation.
Even before filing, experienced counsel will informally engage
with CFIUS personnel. The value of early engagement should be
clear, as it allows the parties to structure a deal in a way that will
facilitate passage through the CFIUS process. After these
preparatory efforts, the formal CFIUS process begins with the
voluntary notice discussed earlier, which is submitted to Treasury
officials. Treasury will perform an initial review to determine
whether the filing is complete and otherwise complies with its
regulations and applicable statutory requirements. After Treasury
determines that everything is in order, it then circulates the filing to
the other committee members. For foreign persons other than
foreign-controlled entities such as SOEs and SWFs, the filing starts
the clock on the 30-day review period. Although CFIUS makes every
effort to review the transaction expeditiously, and indeed, many
transactions will not require the full 30 days, some transactions
require additional effort and diligence. Parties will occasionally
withdraw the filing in order to give CFIUS more time to work through
the transaction, rather than hold CFIUS to the strict 30-day timeline
and risk an adverse CFIUS finding because CFIUS did not have the
ability to certify within the timeframe that he transaction did not
pose any unmitigated national security risks.52 During this period
Treasury will assign a lead agency to the transaction, and may
request additional information from the parties during the review
process.
very statute that it claims lacks the necessary process – to obtain a determination
from CFIUS and the President before it entered into the transaction.
Amended Memorandum Opinion in Ralls Corp. v. Barack H.
Obama, et. al, Case No. 1:12-cv-01513-ABJ (D.D.C. Oct. 10, 2013). 52 As experienced counsel have noted,
More flexibility is possible than this schedule might suggest. For example, if
the committee believes it will be unable to approve an acquisition during the first 30
days, the prospective investors may elect to withdraw the request for review and file
again after modifying the transaction or providing additional information. The
process then begins anew and the committee has another 30 days to complete the
initial review. Additionally, CFIUS encourages transacting parties to begin informal
consultations before officially requesting a review, thus giving parties a clear sense of
the information CFIUS needs and any concerns it may have, and extending the
effective time span of the initial review beyond 30 days.
Plotkin, Fagab & Smith, Steering the Deal Through, supra note __, at 32.
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After the 30-day period, each agency in CFIUS must either
approve the transaction or request a 45-day investigation. As noted
above, transactions involving foreign-controlled entities will
automatically pass into an additional 45-day investigation unless “the
Secretary of the Treasury and the head of the lead agency jointly
determine, on the basis of the review of the transaction . . . that the
transaction will not impair the national security of the United
States.”53 Additionally, for other deals, if any of the agencies believes
that an investigation is required, a formal 45-day investigation must
occur. Furthermore, if any agency is not satisfied that the transaction
present no unmitigated national security risks after the 45-day
investigation, the transaction will not be approved, and CFIUS will
file a report that notifies the President of CFIUS’s determination. The
President has 15 days to either approve or formally block the
transaction. As noted above, a formal Presidential order blocking a
transaction is a rare occurrence. Typically, the parties to transactions
in which there are unresolved national security threats that cannot be
effectively mitigated will simply withdraw their filing and abandon
the transaction.
53 Sec. 2(b)(2)(D).
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__________________________________________________________________
Overview of the CFIUS Process
Adapted from Government Accountability Office, Enhancements to the Implementation of Exon-Florio Could Strengthen the Law's Effectiveness (September 2005)
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The requirement of consensus of all the members of CFIUS,
rather than a simple majority vote, is an important and often
overlooked strength of the CFIUS process. As noted by experienced
counsel,
CFIUS is chaired by the Department of Treasury and
has eleven other members, including the Departments
of State, Defense, Justice, Commerce and Homeland
Security and the United States Trade Representative,
among other agencies. Thus, certain of the CFIUS
agencies have as their mandate law enforcement,
defense and homeland security, while other agencies
are oriented to promoting an open trade and investment
policy. This tension among the member agencies is
designed to elicit thoughtful judgments that take into
account diverse economic and security considerations
through a consensus-building deliberative process. In
practice, the diversity among the CFIUS agencies and
the consensus-based framework in which they express
their views enable the Executive Branch to weigh
carefully the national security impact of particular
foreign direct investments in a manner that is
consistent with the U.S. government's overall policy of
promoting FDI.54
B. Particular Concerns with SOE and SWF Investments under FINSA
From the perspective of a foreign-controlled entity such as a
SOE or a SWF, the crucial difference in the CFIUS process, aside
from the longer investigation process, is the enhanced importance of
early engagement. This is perhaps even more the case with SOEs
than with SWFs.
54 David M, Marchick and Mark E. Plotkin and David N. Fagan, Foreign
Investment
Laws and National Security: Lessons from Exon-Florio, LCI News, July 20,
2005, available at http://www.cov.com/files/Publication/8fdb961b-d279-4e73-802e-
e6de0555af86/Presentation/PublicationAttachment/2696e4d4-1d5f-4c9d-8589-
f1b433c93009/oid14563.pdf .
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SWFs have made concerted efforts—such as producing the
Santiago Principles—to signal to host countries that they are
commercially-minded investors. Although suspicions remain, SWFs
have generally shown themselves (at least in the United States) to be
passive, financial investors. As CFIUS gains more experience with
various SWFs, and particularly those that potentially present the
greatest concern with respect to national security risks simply
because of their country of domicile (the China Investment
Corporation, for example), these suspicions should continue to
diminish.
However, SOEs present a different problem, because they,
unlike SWFs, are typically not created to act as purely financial
investors. Indeed, their very existence suggests that the opposite is
the case: the foreign government sees a market failure or perceives
some benefit beyond the bottom line in owning an operating company.
These benefits could include job creation, control of production,
control of technology, or dozens of other justifications. The issue thus
arises: what benefit is the SOE deriving from ownership of a
particular U.S. asset? Is it purely financial, or does it, as is the case
with the SOE, serve multiple purposes for the foreign government
owner? For example, a SOE may be interested in acquiring a mining
company. Depending on the SOE and the particular company, the
transaction may create national security risks. The question often
posed by CFIUS is, what is the financial justification for the
transaction? If the answer is that the SOE seeks to secure a supply of
materials, then the question becomes, why is a contractual solution,
such as an agreement to meet the materials requirements of the SOE,
not sufficient? CFIUS asks such questions because SOEs may serve
multiple functions for a foreign government. While the SOE may
wish to secure a supply of materials, it may also be (and has in the
past been) the case that the mining operation is near a U.S. military
installation. SOEs thus carry the burden of showing CFIUS why a
transaction makes sense from a business, rather than a political (or
mixed-motive) standpoint. With SWFs, a financial orientation may
more often be assumed.
IV. ASSESSING THE IMPACT OF FINSA
One of the most important aspects of FINSA is an increase in
Congressional oversight. Even before the DP World transaction, some
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members of Congress were concerned that the Exon-Florio process did
not have sufficient congressional supervision.55 Indeed, after “a series
of specific transactions brought to the forefront the difficulty in
conducting thorough oversight by Congress of the security review
process,”56 the Senate Banking Committee commissioned a study by
the Government Accountability Office on the implementation of Exon-
Florio.57 Among other things, the resulting GAO report recommended
that
to provide more transparency and facilitate
congressional oversight, the Congress should revisit the
criterion for reporting circumstances surrounding cases
to the Congress. For example, the Congress could
require an annual report on all transactions that
occurred during the preceding year. Such a report could
provide the Congress with information on the nature of
each acquisition; the national security concerns raised
by Committee member agencies, if any; how the
concerns were mitigated; and whether each acquisition
was concluded or abandoned, in addition to any
presidential decisions required under the statute.58
The GAO also recognized congressional concerns that in the
Exon-Florio process some parties were withdrawing filings in order to
“stop the clock” on investigations, and that CFIUS was not tracking
such transactions after they were withdrawn.59
55 This is clearly expressed in the legislative history of FINSA: “Since Exon-
Florio went into effect, transactions have been reviewed in a highly confidential
manner in part to prevent the public release of sensitive proprietary information. The
practical effect of conducting transactional reviews in this manner, however, has
made congressional oversight and public understanding of Exon-Florio extremely
difficult.”
Sen. Christopher Dodd, Report to Accompany S. 1610 (June 13, 2007),
available at http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CRPT-110srpt80/pdf/CRPT-110srpt80.pdf
56 Id. at 3. 57 Government Accountability Office, Enhancements to the Implementation
of Exon-Florio Could Strengthen the Law's Effectiveness (September 2005), available
at http://www.gao.gov/assets/250/247948.pdf. 58 Id. at 20. 59 “When companies withdraw after completing an acquisition, the
Committee may
lose visibility over the transaction, and the companies may choose not to
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A. CFIUS Reporting Obligations under FINSA
FINSA creates “a broad new system for reporting information
on CFIUS activities to Congress so that it may conduct appropriate
oversight of the CFIUS.”60 This system includes a formal process by
which Congress may request a “detailed, classified briefing” on a
transaction61; a requirement that CFIUS file annual reports with
Congress that list transactions handled by CFIUS, cumulative and
trend analysis of transactions by business sector and country of
origin, and information on mitigation agreements entered into by
CFIUS and parties to a transaction.62 A quadrennial reporting
system existed under Exon-Florio, and the information required
under those reports—on “foreign industrial espionage in the U.S. and
on foreign attempts to control a particular U.S. business or industrial
sector”, as well as “investments in the U.S. by countries that do not
ban foreign terrorist organizations and by countries that support the
boycott of Israel”—is incorporated into the FINSA-mandated annual
report.63
A redacted annual report covering the prior year is made
public in near the end of the following year; the full report, containing
classified information, is provided to Congress. The public report has
three primary sections.64 Section I describes covered transactions,
including the prior year’s covered transactions; specific, cumulative,
and trend data on covered transactions; withdrawals and
investigations; and data on covered transactions by business sector
and country. The report also describes mitigation agreements as well
as perceived adverse effects of covered transactions.65 Section II
describes transactions involving “critical technologies,”66 and in
refile.” Id. at 20. See also Report to Accompany S. 1610 at 3. 60 Report to Accompany S. 1610 at 11. 61 Id. 62 Id. 63 Id. 64 See, e.g., Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, Annual
Report to Congress 2012, available at http://www.treasury.gov/resource-
center/international/foreign-
investment/Documents/2013%20CFIUS%20Annual%20Report%20PUBLIC.pdf . 65 See, e.g., [cite to most recent annual report] 66 “Critical Technologies” are defined in the applicable Treasury regulations
by reference to U.S. export control regulations, and include: (a) Defense articles or
defense services covered by the United States Munitions List (USML), which is set
forth in the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) (22 C.F.R. parts 120-
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particular notes “whether there is credible evidence of a coordinated
strategy to acquire critical technology companies,”67 a summary of
foreign M&A of U.S. critical technology companies, the frequency of
activity by countries or economies companies, and “whether foreign
governments used espionage activities to obtain commercial secrets
related to critical technologies.”68 Finally, Section III reports on FDI
in the U.S. by countries that boycott Israel or do not ban terrorist
organizations. This section identifies relevant countries and provides
detailed findings of relevant M&A transactions and the national
security effects of the transactions.69
B. Trends in CFIUS Activity, 2005-2012
The most recent annual reports to provide an assessment of
trends in U.S. FDI—focused on CFIUS “covered transactions”—
following the passage of FINSA. These data are not presented as a
statistical study of the impact of FINSA; such work, though valuable
and perhaps overdue, is beyond the scope of this chapter. Instead,
combined with insights from leading legal practitioners, this data will
be used to describe how Exon-Florio and then FINSA has shaped the
practice of foreign direct investment by state-owned funds and
sovereign wealth funds.
First, there are a relatively stable number of transactions that
fall under CFIUS jurisdiction each year (although the number
appears to fluctuate with general economic conditions).
130); (b) Those items specified on the Commerce Control List (CCL) set forth in
Supplement No. 1 to part 774 of the Export Administration Regulations (EAR) (15
C.F.R. parts 730-774) that are controlled pursuant to multilateral regimes (i.e., for
reasons of national security, chemical and biological weapons proliferation, nuclear
nonproliferation, or missile technology), as well as those that are controlled for
reasons of regional stability or surreptitious listening; (c) Specially designed and
prepared nuclear equipment, parts and components, materials, software, and
technology specified in the Assistance to Foreign Atomic Energy Activities regulations
(10 C.F.R. part 810), and nuclear facilities, equipment, and material specified in the
Export and Import of Nuclear Equipment and Materials regulations (10 C.F.R. part
110); and (d) Select agents and toxins specified in the Select Agents and Toxins
regulations (7 C.F.R. part 331, 9 C.F.R. part 121, and 42 C.F.R. part 73).” . 67 Id. Interestingly, the 2011 Annual Report found evidence of such a
strategy, while the 2012 Annual Report did not. 68 See, e.g., [cite to most recent annual report] 69 See, e.g., [cite to most recent annual report]
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Covered Transactions, Withdrawals, and Presidential Decisions, 2005 - 2012
Year
Number of
Notices
Notices
Withdrawn
During Review
Number of
Investigations
Notices
Withdrawn After
Commencement
of Investigation
Presidential
Decisions
2005 64 1 1 1 0
2006 111 14 7 5 2
2007 138 10 6 5 0
2008 155 18 23 5 0
2009 65 5 25 2 0
2010 93 6 35 6 0
2011 111 1 40 5 0
2012 114 2 45 20 1
Total 851 57 182 49 3
2008 was the first full year in which FINSA—and its new
requirements for CFIUS—were in operation. Without controlling for
economic conditions, it is not possible to see an impact on the number
of notices filed with CFIUS. Again, of course, these would seem to be
correlated with economic conditions to the extent that private foreign
acquirers depend on capital market financing. However, for long-
term investors like SWFs, down markets present opportunities to
acquire assets at lower prices, and one would expect foreign
government-controlled entities to operate counter-cyclically. And, of
course, there is some evidence that this has occurred, as SWFs made
numerous investments in financial services firms in late 2007 and
early 2008. Unfortunately, however, the data provided by CFIUS
does not break down transactions by privately-held, publicly-held, and
government-controlled entities.
The most striking shift, as intended by the legislation, has
occurred with the number of investigations that have occurred post-
FINSA. In the years prior to FINSA, only a handful of transactions
were reviewed. Strikingly, in 2005, only a single transaction was
investigated. Since the enactment of FINSA, this number has been
steadily increasing. Although some of the steady increase following
the initial jump in investigations may be due to improvements in
economic conditions, part of the increase is likely attributable to
increased purchases from government-controlled entities.
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There are two reasons to believe that this is the case. First,
unlike transactions with non-government entities, which are not
presumed to require an investigations (and indeed, often do not take a
full 30 days to review), transactions involving government-controlled
entities are required to go to the investigation stage unless the
Secretary of the Treasury and the head of the lead agency jointly
determine and certify, after the 30-day investigation, that the
transaction will not impair the national security of the United States.
The certification process leads officials to take a cautious approach in
approving such transactions, and therefore transactions involving
SOEs and SWFs will default to the investigation stage.
The second reason why one may assume that the increase in
investigations is in part driven by increased SOE and SWF activity is
because of the increase in SWF transactions over the time period.
Drawing from a database maintained by SovereigNET and Monitor, it
is clear that the number of deals involving sovereign wealth funds has
increased significantly from 2005-2012.
Another basic (but somewhat less reliable) approximation of
SOE and SWF activity in covered transactions is to look at the
number of covered transactions, as reported by CFIUS, by country of
origin of the acquirer. If we assume that SOEs and SWF acquisition
activity in more likely to originate from China—and to a lesser extent,
France—than OECD economies,70 an increase in covered transactions
from China helps to explain the overall rise in the number of
investigations. The following table shows the top ten countries of
origin from 2005-2012:
70 With the exception of Norway, which has one of the world’s largest
sovereign wealth funds in the Government Pension Fund – Global.
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Covered Transactions by Country of Origin, 2005 – 2012
Country 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 Total
United Kingdom 24 23 33 48 16 26 25 17 212
Canada 6 8 21 6 9 9 9 13 81
France 9 9 7 12 7 6 14 8 72
China 1 0 3 6 4 6 10 23 53
Israel 1 9 6 12 5 7 6 4 50
Japan 3 6 1 8 4 7 7 9 45
Australia 2 7 9 11 1 3 4 3 40
Netherlands 0 4 7 2 4 2 7 6 32
Germany 2 4 6 3 1 2 3 4 25
Italy 1 3 3 5 2 3 2 1 20
Comparing the UK and China, the trend of increasing
investigations of Chinese deals is apparent.
The other striking aspect of the CFIUS data is the jump in
withdrawn transactions, from 5 in 2011 to 20 in 2012. As required by
FINSA, CFIUS must provide an explanation of withdrawn
transactions;71 a portion of the explanation is publicly disclosed.
71 See supra notes ___ and accompanying text. In its annual report, CFIUS
describes the withdrawal process as follows:
Parties can withdraw an accepted notice of a transaction if the
Committee approves a written request for withdrawal from the
parties. Parties have requested withdrawals for a number of reasons
over the years. For example, in cases in which where the parties are
unable to address all of the Committee’s outstanding national
security concerns within the initial 30-day review period and
subsequent 45-day investigation period, the parties might request to
withdraw and re-file their notice to provide themselves with
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CFIUS notes in that disclosure that most of the withdrawals occurred
at the investigation stage:
In 2012, CFIUS approved the withdrawal of 22 notices.
The parties withdrew two notices during the 30-day
review period and 20 notices after the commencement of
the 45-day investigation period. In 10 cases, parties re-
filed in 2012, and CFIUS concluded action in those
cases. In two cases, the parties re-filed in 2013. In the
remaining cases, the parties abandoned the transaction
for commercial reasons or in light of CFIUS’s national
security concerns, as described above. As noted
previously, the number of withdrawals in 2012 is a
function of the specific facts and circumstances of the
particular transactions reviewed by the committee.
Another important trend that has been noted by
practitioners—and has some support in CFIUS reports—is the
increase in mitigation measures. Much of this increase is due to the
requirement under FINSA that agencies certify to Congress that
there exists no unresolved national security issues. However, the
CFIUS practice of requiring mitigation agreements in more cases
began even before the certification requirement was imposed. From
1997 to 2007, CFIUS reported a total of 52 mitigation agreements,72
with 29 of these in 2006 and 2007 alone. By comparison, there were
only 6 mitigation agreements in 2005.73 When comparing the number
of mitigation agreements to the number of notices, the percentage
appears relatively stable before and after the enactment of FINSA in
additional time to answer remaining questions or to resolve the
remaining national security concerns. In other cases, for example,
the parties might request to withdraw and re-file their notice
because a material change in the terms of the transaction warrants
the filing of a new notice. In still other cases, the parties might
request to withdraw their notice because they are abandoning the
transaction for commercial reasons, or in light of a CFIUS
determination to recommend that the President suspend or prohibit
the transaction. When appropriate, the Committee has established
processes to track the status of a withdrawn transaction or interim
protections to address specific national security concerns identified
during the review or investigation of the withdrawn transaction.
CFIUS Annual Report 2013, at 19. 72 CFIUS Annual Report 2008, at 15. 73 Id.
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2007 (except, ironically, for the first full year under FINSA), as seen
in the table below:
Comparison of Notices to Mitigation Agreement, 2005-2012
Notices Mitigation Percentage
2005 64 6 9%
2006 111 15 14%
2007 138 14 10%
2008 155 2 1%
2009 65 5 8%
2010 93 9 10%
2011 111 8 7%
2012 114 8 7%
The increase in deals including mitigation agreements is likely
to increase, however, for the same reasons that drive the increase in
the number of investigations: the increase in deals involving SOEs
and SWFs, on the one hand, as well as a general increase in deals
from non-OECD countries, and particularly China, which pose
national security risks not posed by many of the OECD countries with
which the U.S. is a close political and military ally.
IV. CRITICISMS OF THE CFIUS PROCESS AFTER FINSA
In this final section, I review some of the criticisms of FINSA
and CFIUS generally, and particularly as they apply to SOEs and
SWFs. The most common criticisms are that the CFIUS process may
become overly politicized, that it lacks transparency, and that it takes
too long. I have listed them here in order of the magnitude of their
risk to the legitimacy of CFIUS, although it is undoubtedly true that
they are interrelated and affect one another.74
Just as regulators and some observers call for more
transparency from SWFs, SWFs and other observers have raised the
need for enhanced transparency from regulators, and particularly
from CFIUS. The risk of SWF politicization has been amply
discussed, but equally important is the risk that politicians and
74 This section borrows in part from Paul Rose, Sovereign Investing and Corporate Governance: Evidence and Policy, FORDHAM. J. CORP. & FIN. L (2013).
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regulators from countries in which an SWF seeks to invest will use
the cover of “national security” review to prohibit SWF investment. In
each case, SWF investment has become politicized.
The CIC, particularly, has raised concerns that its investments
have become politicized in the U.S.. The Wall Street Journal recently
reported on a panel discussion in which Gao Xiqing, head of the China
Investment Corporation (CIC), commented on that during the
financial crisis, “we were sort of welcome” in America, but since then
“somehow we’ve become stigmatized”, adding that “there have been
quite a few cases where the U.S. says ‘go away.’” He later stated that
CIC is still heavily invested in the U.S.: “I’m not diminishing it, but
I’m not hanging everything in one tree . . . The U.S. is not one of the
most welcoming countries in the world for us.”75 According to a report
on another speech,
When CIC seeks to invest in the United States, despite
the fact that US infrastructure is in pretty dire straits,
[Gao] is politely asked to look elsewhere, even when the
investment represents only a small stake. The
regulatory roadblocks may appear to be technical in
nature, he said, but they are in fact political. "It's not
serendipity, it's by design," he said.76
To the extent that FINSA involves more Congressional
oversight of CFIUS than under Exon-Florio, the process is perhaps at
more risk of becoming politicized. This is not to ignore the reality
that SOEs and SWFs are, indeed, unlike other investors in important
ways, and that regulatory structures must be adapted to take these
differences into account. However, reciprocal transparency helps to
facilitate both the investment decision by the SOE or SWF and the
analysis of national security risk (if any) by the regulator.
75 Andrew Browne and Lingling Wei, China Fund Chief Raps U.S., Wall St.
J. (Apr. 7, 2013), available at
http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB1000142412788732382030457840851215942589
2. 76 Len Costa, China Investment's Gao Xiqing: Economy 'Still On Right
Track', Seeking Alpha (Oct. 9, 2012), available at
http://seekingalpha.com/article/912211-china-investments-gao-xiqing-economy-still-
on-right-track
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Lawyers who regularly advise foreign investors and
particularly SOEs and SWFs are familiar with the transactional
frictions that mark the current CFIUS process. An opinion piece
written by two attorneys, Stephen Paul Mahinka and Sean P. Duffy,
outlines these challenges.77 They note that CFIUS could reduce the
uncertainty surrounding its reviews and investigations by “providing
brief general summaries of the bases for its determinations with
respect to proposed transactions.” CFIUS provides little clarity to its
proceedings except through the annual report provided to Congress.
Although a brief discussion is included that describes the type of
mitigation agreements entered into,78 the public report does not
provide any information regarding specific transactions or the
mitigation agreements that may have been entered into as a
consequence of an investigation, which deprives attorneys of the
77 Stephen Paul Mahinka and Sean P. Duffy, Cfius Review Needs Greater Transparency, INT’L FIN. L. REV. (Oct. 11, 2012), available at
http://www.morganlewis.com/pubs/CfiusReviewNeedsGreaterTransparency_IFLR_11
oct12.pdf. 78 For example, the CFIUS Annual Report 2013 includes the following description:
Mitigation measures negotiated and adopted in 2012 required the businesses
involved to take specific and verifiable actions, including, for example:
Ensuring that only authorized persons have access to certain
technology and information.
Establishing a Corporate Security Committee and other
mechanisms to ensure compliance with all required actions,
including the appointment of a USG-approved security officer or
member of the board of directors and requirements for security
policies, annual reports, and independent audits.
Establishing guidelines and terms for handling existing or future
USG contracts, USG customer information and other sensitive
information.
Ensuring only U.S. citizens handle certain products and services,
and ensuring that certain activities and products are located only
in the United States.
Notifying security officers or relevant USG parties in advance of
foreign national visits to the U.S. business for approval.
Notifying relevant USG parties of any awareness of any
vulnerability or security incidents.
Termination of specific activities of the U.S. business.
CFIUS Annual Report 2013 at 20.
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context essential to adequately advise their clients. Mahinka and
Duffy compare this opacity with other agencies:
In contrast, numerous US regulatory and enforcement
agencies, including the Department of Justice Antitrust
Division and the Food and Drug Administration,
commonly provide public statements describing their
decisions, while accommodating confidentiality
concerns. Any similar brief summaries of Cfius’
parameters of decision would necessarily be
circumspect, in view of security concerns and the need
to protect the Agency’s deliberative process.
Nonetheless, it is difficult to conclude that US
government, foreign government, foreign investors and
acquirers, and indeed Cfius itself, would not be better
served by a short statement of the parties to the
transaction, the industry involved, and the Agency’s
general rationale for its determination. Such
transparency, which would require an amendment of
the Agency’s statute, would enhance the predictability
and likely the legitimacy of Cfius’ decisions, enabling
both US sellers and foreign investors and acquirers to
better gauge Cfius’ probable concerns and more
efficiently undertake investments in US businesses.
As noted above, however, as practitioners gain more experience
under CFIUS, they develop a store of knowledge that will enable them
to more effectively guide their clients. This fact highlights the
benefits of hiring experienced counsel; on the other hand, of course,
and the failure by CFIUS to make its determinations and agreements
more transparent effectively and incrementally raises the barriers to
entry for other practitioners, which may have the effect of raising
costs for parties to a transaction, which run from several hundred
thousand to several million dollars. These costs make it less likely
that smaller deals would be consummated at all, or, if they are, the
U.S. seller would be forced to give up a portion of the value, in
transaction costs, that it otherwise might have received for the
business. From the perspective of a foreign buyer, high transaction
costs mean that they are at a disadvantage to domestic acquirers.
This is particularly so for SOEs and SWFs because they are almost
certain to move to the investigation stage of CFIUS review and are
also more likely to require a mitigation agreement, both of which
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dramatically increase the transaction costs for the parties. Mark
Plotkin, a leading practitioner that regularly advises SWFs on
covered transactions, describes how these distortions can play out in
practice:
Serving as counsel in this field means that I often see
distortions in the deal economics that can deeply affect
the bottom line. Several years ago, for example, a U.S.
client received a multi-billion-dollar offer from a foreign
investor for certain of its assets. The buyer had state-
ownership from a “sensitive” country. We believed (but
were not certain) that CFIUS would approve the
transaction; we also were concerned that the
transaction could encounter opposition in Congress. To
complicate things, the U.S. company also had received a
much lower offer—by hundreds of millions of dollars—
from an American buyer for the same assets. Unlike the
foreign buyer, the American buyer would not be subject
to a CFIUS review or political opposition. Our client
had to weigh taking the higher bid against the risk that
CFIUS would reject the transaction, or that a political
backlash might kill the deal. I was asked whether the
company should accept the foreign bid, together with
the CFIUS and political risks, or take the much lower
and relatively riskless American bid. . . . With my heart
in my throat, I assured the general counsel and his
CEO that CFIUS likely would approve the transaction
and that with an appropriate strategy we could
minimize the political risk as well. They accepted the
foreign bid. CFIUS did not object, we managed the
political dynamic, and the seller maximized the sale
price of its assets. While I am called upon regularly to
deliver these assessments, they are never easy or
certain given the unpredictability of the national
security and political environments, which continue to
distort the marketplace every day.79
79 Mark E. Plotkin, Foreign Direct Investment by Sovereign Wealth Funds,
Yale L. J. Online (Nov. 17 2008), available at http://yalelawjournal.org/the-yale-law-
journal-pocket-part/scholarship/foreign-direct-investment-by-sovereign-wealth-funds-
/. Plotkin also provide this general assessment of CFIUS and the danger of
politicization:
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Another criticism of CFIUS is the length of time it takes to
complete a review and investigation. The careful process which is
now conducted by CFIUS post-FINSA has indeed tended to lengthen
the amount of time for reviews; the certification process alone makes
the process more deliberate and lengthy. However, there is nothing
inherently unreasonable in the length of time needed for a CFIUS
review. Indeed, if foreign investors involve experienced counsel early
on, there is no reason why a CFIUS review should add any additional
time to the normal amount of time it takes to conduct a transaction
involving foreign acquirers. The danger to a deal comes when parties
assume that the CFIUS process is an afterthought to a deal, and not
an essential, early-stage aspect of the transaction process.
CONCLUSION
The United States holds a singular position as both the largest
foreign direct investor in the world and also the largest recipient of
foreign direct investment.80 FINSA has played a central role in
helping regulators evolve to meet the concerns arising from the sale of
U.S. enterprises to foreign investors, and particularly to state-
controlled foreign investors. While FINSA generally appears to have
worked well in responding to these concerns, it can be particularly
difficult and costly for SWFs and SOEs to navigate.
This chapter has outlined a few of the difficulties for state-
controlled firms, and regulators could make the passage more friendly
and predictable for these firms by creating reliable signposts that will
Congress wrought an elegant mechanism in CFIUS. I have seen the
Committee repeatedly scrutinize transactions, and at times uncover
legitimate national security concerns. I also have seen it negotiate
tough national security agreements to mitigate those concerns, and
even reject transactions where it felt the national security concerns
could not be adequately mitigated. While I have not always agreed
with the Committee’s judgment, I have never felt that the
Committee weighed inappropriate considerations in reaching that
judgment. At the same time, I have felt that the legitimacy of this
careful and impartial review has at times been jeopardized by calls
from Congress for CFIUS to act in a particular manner. In the case
of investments by SWFs, Congress should have the courage of its
convictions and allow the CFIUS process to work.
Id. 80 James K. Jackson, Foreign Investment and National Security: Economic Considerations, Congressional Research Service (Apr. 4, 2013).
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help guide firms through the regulatory straits imposed by FINSA.
At the same time, the need for an experienced pilot is more important
than ever. But such assistance often comes as a steep cost in terms of
time and money. In some cases, SOEs and SWFs are likely to
determine that the benefits are not worth the risks and costs of
passage, and will seek to invest elsewhere. Hopefully, as CFIUS
gains more experienced with various SOEs and SWFs, and as state-
controlled entities act with the same predictability and integrity that
they would like wish to see from U.S. regulators, the passage will
become commensurately less costly and risky.