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ThehistoryofprehispanicobsidianprocurementinhighlandAncash

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The history of prehispanic obsidian procurement in highland Ancash

Richard L. Burger* - George F. Lau** - Victor M. Ponte*** - Michael D. Glascock**** *Department of Anthropology -Yale University **Sainsbury Research Unit for the Arts of Africa, Oceania & the Americas, University of East Anglia, Norwich ***Department of Anthropology, University of Wisconsin, Madison ****Missouri University Research Reactor, University of Missouri, Columbia

Introduction The emergence of complexity in the Central Andes and its differing forms and transformations have been the focus of considerable research in recent decades and the presence of exotic items at archaeological sites has often been touted as a relevant source of evidence in these discussions. Whether these goods are viewed as providing a causal explanation, as a source of power, or simply as an index of complexity varies from one investigator to another and from one period to another. Yet whatever the theoretical proclivities of the archaeologists, it is rare that the presence or absence of long -distance exchange is not invoked at some level of analysis in the discussion of complex societies. Indeed, while features such as agency or gender may often seem ephemeral despite well meaning analytical efforts, the solidity of exotic goods is reassuring and their study usually present a temptation that is hard to resist. Of course, treatment of exotics sometimes may be only superficial and even misleading, such as when sodalite is misidentified as lapis lazuli or hematite as cinnabar (SHIMADA 1998). Fortunately, laboratory methods exist to resolve such dilemmas and such confusion should now be a thing of the past. In the highlands of Ancash, a wide range of exotic items appear in the archaeological record, and the high-profile excavations by numerous investigators at Chavín de Huántar have regularly yielded a host of such materials, such as large sea shells from the coast of Ecuador, more modest mollusks and fish remains from the Pacific, and pottery from many distant communities on the coast, highlands and eastern slopes. Yet even at Chavín de Huántar it is necessary to exercise caution before assuming that an item is the result of long-distance trade. Polished anthracite mirrors, for example, are regularly recovered both from ceremonial and domestic contexts, and such mirrors are known to have a long history on the north coast of Peru where anthracite deposits occur (LARCO 1945). However, a careful examination of the anthracite mirrors recovered from Burger’s excavations revealed the quality of anthracite used in these materials to be low (as reflected in their hardness and reflective qualities) and it was concluded that their likely source was the small anthracite deposit found locally rather than the higher quality deposits exploited by the cupisnique cultures on the coast (BURGER 1984: 201-204). Obsidian is one rare material whose identification is not ambiguous and whose natural distribution in Peru is now known in considerable detail after almost three decades of research (BURGER et al. 2000: 271-272). Thus, if we want to explore the relationship between long-distance exchange and complexity in highland Ancash, obsidian has special potential as a case study and it is for this reason that we have chosen to focus on this theme. It should be stated at the outset, however, that obsidian is not assumed to be typical of exotics in general. Were we to focus on another material, such as spondylus shell, it is likely that we might encounter a somewhat different pattern. The determination of the geologic source of obsidian encountered in archaeological contexts requires a study of the trace element composition of the artifact by X-ray fluorescence, instrumental neutron activation or some other comparable laboratory technique. While over a hundred obsidian artifacts from highland Ancash

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have been analyzed at the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory (LBL) and the Missouri University Research Reactor in collaboration with Frank Asaro and Michael Glascock, respectively, the areal and temporal coverage remains spotty and many of the conclusions reached should be viewed as working hypotheses. In this essay we will review the history of obsidian procurement by the ancient peoples of highland Ancash, considering the existing data on both the geological sources for this material and the volume of it that was obtained during different time periods. In order to better understand the implications of this patterning, we will then compare the situation in prehispanic Ancash with other regions of the highlands and coast of northern Peru. The data presented will include published and unpublished trace element analyses of obsidian artifacts, including unpublished samples from Chinchawas and Ancoshpunta in the Cordillera Negra.

Figure 1.

Obsidian sources in Peru Obsidian is volcanic glass which was formed by the rapid cooling of magma extruded by a volcanic eruption. For obsidian to be attractive for tool-making, the glass should be free of bubbles and impurities. It also should be geologically recent, since older deposits of volcanic glass absorb water and lose their distinctive flaking qualities. In a high quality geologic deposit, the obsidian will have a predictable conchoidal fracture and when

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chipped, the resulting tool will have an edge sharper than all other natural materials. Another important factor that distinguishes attractive geologic sources of obsidian is the presence of nodules or blocks that are large enough to work into large tools. This point is worth emphasizing because many obsidian sources only have small nodules which, when the cortex is removed, have only limited potential for producing tools. The Central Andes are characterized by volcanic formations, and the remnants of extinct and dormant volcanoes are widespread, but when the above factors are taken into account, there remained relatively few sources of volcanic glass that were attractive to the prehispanic inhabitants of Peru. In a pilot study carried out at the LBL in the early 1970’s, analysis of over 800 artifacts from ninety-four archaeological sites selected from different time periods and different parts of Peru indicated that 97% of the artifacts belonged to one of only eight chemical groups, each one corresponding to a geological source (BURGER - ASARO 1977, 1979). Subsequent research has pointed to the existence of three or four additional small sources (BURGER et al. 2000). Thus, there appear to have been no more than a dozen geological sources of obsidian that were exploited in prehistory. Of those, three were dominant providers of volcanic glass: Quispisisa in a drainage of central Ayacucho, Alca in the Cotahuasi Canyon of central Arequipa and Chivay in the Colca Valley of southern Arequipa (BURGER et al. 2000). The reason for the preeminence of these three sources appears to be linked to the extent of the deposits and the large size of the obsidian nodules and blocks found there. Of the three main obsidian sources, the one closest to highland Ancash is the Quispisisa source, located near the towns of Huanca Sancos and Sacsamarca (BURGER - GLASCOCK 2000a, 2002). It is located in the puna zone at 3780 masl in the drainage of the Rio Cararcha, one of the major tributaries of the Pampas River, approximately 550 km. from the modern town of Huaraz. The Puzolana source (originally dubbed the Ayacucho Type), is actually located almost 80 km. closer to highland Ancash. Situated on the outskirts of the modern city of Ayacucho, it is characterized by tiny obsidian nodules embedded in a thick layer of compact volcanic ash (BURGER - GLASCOCK 2000b) in contrast to Quispisisa, where the nodules frequently exceed 30 cm. on a side, at Puzolana the nodules rarely were larger than 4 cm. in diameter. As a result, it tended to be used only in the area surrounding the source and even then, almost only prior to the Middle Horizon. In addition, it should be noted that major obsidian deposits also exist in Ecuador to the east of Quito, but these are much further than Quispisisa from highland Ancash (ASARO et al. 1994; BURGER et al. 1994). In summary, based on questions of obsidian quality and location, the most likely obsidian source for highland Ancash would seem to be the Quispisisa source. On occasion, the discovery of obsidian at archaeological sites far from the highlands of southern Peru, has led investigators to wonder if a more local source might not exist. For example, in his report to the INC Victor Ponte (1998: 215) cites geologist F. Gaboury as not ruling out the future discovery of an obsidian deposit in the Callejón de Huaylas that was exploited in prehistory. He makes reference to materials encountered to the south of Lago Conococha and presents a working hypothesis that at least some of the archaeological obsidian could be of local origin (cf. LYNCH 1970; PONTE 1998: 215, footnote 2). Ponte, like many investigators, attempts to categorize obsidian used in artifacts based on visual qualities, and he distinguishes between brilliant transparent obsidian and obsidian that has an opaque appearance. It is worth emphasizing that such visual characterizations are often misleading because most geological deposits of obsidian show an enormous variability in the color and degree of transparency. Fortunately, these visual qualities are usually not reflected in trace element composition of the glass, which is the tool used to permit chemical characterization and sourcing. If there was a source of obsidian in highland Ancash, we would expect to see more evidence of its use by settlements in the region as well as a wider distribution of sites where obsidian occurs. Thus far, the studies of the obsidian from highland Ancash has shown that all of the artifacts analyzed were of raw material procured from known obsidian deposits in southern Peru and that none was of local origin. Moreover, the difference in the appearance of obsidian noted by Ponte and others has been shown to have no correlation with the source of the obsidian in question. For most of Central Andean prehistory, obsidian was used mainly for tools such as points, scrapers, knives and utilized flakes. In some cases, these tools had ceremonial functions, such as the sacrificial blades used by the nasca culture. Moreover, the translucent visual quality of obsidian is distinctive and difficult to confuse with other lithic raw materials such as chert, chalcedony or quartzite and thus it was easily recognized as foreign or exotic. Exotic items derive their value, and consequently their prestige, in part from the extra

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energy that is required to procure them. On its most basic level this can be conceptualized in terms of the effort required to transport a rare material over long distances. Even more difficult and significant are the social mechanisms that allowed a vast, largely unknown and potentially dangerous distance to be spanned. One of the advantages of obsidian was that its visual quality of reflectivity and translucence made it an inherently effective vehicle for displays of status and prestige by those capable of acquiring it. This phenomenon is perhaps best exemplified by the large obsidian bifaces that were left as offerings in late moche tombs on the north coast at sites such as San Jose de Moro (CASTILLO 2000: fig. 8b). Nonetheless, the unique physical properties that made obsidian the premier lithic raw material should not be underestimated. Its utilization in the Central Andes dates back at least 11,000 years BP, almost as far back as the reliable evidence for the settlement of this region by human populations (SANDWEISS et al. 1998) and it continued to be used for tools at least until the arrival of the Spaniards. The prehispanic communities of highland Ancash were located over 500 km. from the northernmost source of obsidian in Peru and even further from the northernmost major source, so the problem of acquisition was especially great. At the same time, the potential of using this little known material would have been magnified by its rarity, thus making it all the more attractive. Under what circumstances was it acquired and what were the motives and mechanisms involved?

Obsidian procurement and utilization in highland Ancash The early history of highland Ancash is primarily known from the pioneering work of Thomas Lynch at Guitarrero Cave in the Cordillera Negra (2580 masl) across the Santa River from the modern town of Yungay, as well as his earlier excavations at Quishqui Puncu, a site located 25 km. upriver from Guitarrero. Lynch’s publications are particularly relevant because of their knowledgeable and comprehensive synthesis of the occupations of the valley before the introduction of ceramics. At Guitarrero, despite the presence of a large sample of Early and Middle Preceramic lithics, no evidence was found of obsidian (LYNCH 1980); all of the stone tools were made of local materials such as quartzite and chert. At Quishqui Puncu, where occupation began at approximately 7000 BC, Lynch encountered fewer than a dozen flakes of obsidian in his excavations. Unfortunately, it is not clear whether or not the scarce obsidian predates the abundant early ceramics that were found mixed with the Preceramic materials (LYNCH 1970: 19-99). Other investigations of Preceramic occupations in the Cordillera Negra, specifically at Tecliomachay and Huachanmachay, have not reported obsidian (MALPASS 1983). Based on these investigations at early sites around the Callejón de Huaylas, it can be concluded that obsidian was rarely if ever obtained by the mobile hunter and gatherers that occupied the highland valley in the millennia following the Pleistocene. The first documented appearance of public centers in highland Ancash occurred during the Late Preceramic or Archaic dating to approximately 2500-1800 BC (uncalibrated). Between 1978-1981 Burger and Lucy Salazar excavated one of these early public centers situated in the modern town of Marcará. Known locally as Huaricoto, this site had been studied in the 1960’s by Gary Vescelius and Hernan Amat. The Huaricoto excavations sought to gain a diachronic perspective through deep excavations while trying to understand site function through large horizontal exposures (BURGER - SALAZAR 1980). The lithics recovered during the first two field seasons were analyzed by Joan Gero for her doctoral dissertation. During three field seasons, Late Preceramic ceremonial hearths and associated floors were unearthed and, in one area, associated refuse was encountered. The lithics recovered included transparent glass-like quartz flakes, but no obsidian. The use of the public ceremonial center continued with little change in the subsequent Initial Period despite the introduction of ceramics, and on stylistic grounds it was divided into the Toril and Huaricoto phases. As in the preceding late Preceramic Chaukayan phase, there was no evidence of obsidian use during the two Initial Period phases (GERO 1983). This finding is significant because deeply buried refuse deposits were uncovered for both phases, and pottery and other refuse covering terraces were investigated for the Huaricoto phase. It might be expected that this relatively large sample would have revealed some obsidian had it been consumed at the site. Huaricoto was only one of the more modest public centers of the Kotosh Religious Tradition in the Callejón de Huaylas, but the findings at this small temple are paralleled by the investigation at the much larger ritual center of Galgada. Located in the Tablachaca Valley, an affluent of the Santa in the northern Callejón de Huaylas, Terence Grieder and Alberto Bueno excavated public constructions, burials, plazas and houses, but no obsidian was recovered in any context (GRIEDER et al. 1988). The occupation spanned the Late

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Preceramic and early Initial Period, and there is evidence of some elaborate grave goods during the early Initial Period, including hairpins inlayed with green-stone and mosaic inlays of shell from the peruvian and ecuadorian coast. Nonetheless, the stone sources used for its stone tools were local. The first well-documented evidence of obsidian use in highland Ancash is associated with the ceremonial complex and settlement at Chavín de Huántar in the Mosna Valley. This is particularly significant since it has been argued that it was at Chavín de Huántar during the first millennium BC that complex society emerges for the first time in the Central Andes (BURGER 1992). Naturally this conclusion depends in part on the definition of complexity that is being employed. However, if the term “complexity” is taken as implying a vertical social hierarchy, economic inequality, and a significant degree occupational specialization, then this assertion remains a viable working hypothesis. The elaborate architecture and fine stone art that has led many to view Chavín as Peru’s earliest civilization suggests the existence of a complex society underlying these accomplishments, but even more convincing is the evidence of status and occupational differentiation recovered from the settlement surrounding the ceremonial core. A hierarchy topped by an elite group involved in the temple´s activities was differentiated in their lifestyle from other occupants of the surrounding proto -urban center, many of whom were engaged in craft activities. These two groups of urban residents were, in turn, distinct from the farmers and herders living in small villages on the surrounding slopes and grasslands. All of these groups, however, were linked in a single social system revolving around the ceremonial center and its religious rituals; in fact, many of the small villages had their own shrines showing the same pantheon as that represented in the valley floor temple. This pattern of emergent complexity, however, did not appear full blown but rather developed gradually in tandem with major changes in Chavín de Huántar’s economy and settlement. It is in this context of emergent complexity that obsidian appears in quantity for the first time in highland Ancash. Initial surface explorations at the site revealed obsidian flakes throughout the ancient settlement of Chavín de Huántar, which extended over some 40 hectares, as well as on the other side of the Mosna River in the zone known as La Banda, which covers another 10 hectares (BURGER - ASARO 1977: table 3). Subsequent excavations in the residential area outside the religious architecture permitted the division of the early occupation of the site into three phases: a late Initial Period phase known as the Urabarriu Phase, an initial Early Horizon phase known as the Chakinani Phase and a mid-Early Horizon phase known as the Janabarriu Phase (BURGER 1984). During the Urabarriu Phase, thought to be coeval with the Old Temple in the ceremonial core, most chipped lithics were made of quartzite, chert, silex or modified sedimentary river cobbles; a similar pattern continued during the subsequent Chakinani phase. Nonetheless, four obsidian flakes were recovered from Urabarriu and Chakinani contexts. When analyzed, these proved to be made from Quispisisa source obsidian, and thus were brought from 580 km. away (BURGER 1984: 264; BURGER - GLASCOCK 2000a). These finds in the residential area are paralleled in the ceremonial core by the presence of 42 obsidian flakes in the Ofrendas Gallery, a subterranean context filled with exotic and local materials, most of which correspond to the late Initial Period. If these obsidian flakes are coeval with most the Gallery’s ceramics, it would suggest that obsidian from Quispisisa may have been first brought to Chavín de Huántar for use in the temple itself, although small quantities may have filtered into the surrounding households. Alternatively, the flakes were clustred in units Q and R and that led Lumbreras to speculate that they, like the Janabarriu pottery in the Gallery, could be Early Horizon intrusions (LUMBRERAS 1993: 255). In contrast to the Urabarriu and Chakinani contexts at Chavín de Huántar, Janabarriu contexts yielded abundant obsidian flakes and artifacts. In fact, 541 pieces of obsidian were recovered during our small-scale excavations in the settlement, almost all of which was associated with Janabarriu pottery. No excavation in the Janabarriu Phase residential zone failed to encounter obsidian, regardless of the status or function of the area sampled. Some of the flakes still had evidence of cortex on them suggesting that the raw material was brought to the center as nodules or preforms, and then worked into their final form at the site. This is consistent with the unworked obsidian nodule found in the Ofrendas Gallery (LUMBRERAS 1993: 266). Final tools made from obsidian included both projectile points and scrapers, although thin flakes were also utilized without further modification. In fact, 96% of the obsidian recovered at the site was in the form of debitage. Most flakes were quite small, no more than 2 cm. in diameter, a pattern that suggests that high value was ascribed to this rare material. The abundance of obsidian was not limited to the high status residential area on the slopes to the west of the temple. On the contrary, it was common in the low status residential area on the north side of the

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Huachecsa river and the settlement area on the other side of the Mosna river, as well as in the New Temple area of the ceremonial co re. It would not be an exaggeration to say that by the mid-Early Horizon obsidian had replaced chert and other local stones as the raw material used in daily household tasks. During Burger’s excavations, numerous obsidian flakes were found on house floors, refuse deposits thrown outside house walls and other domestic contexts. This shift in consumption, however, did not occur at a household level until after Chavín de Huántar had been occupied for four centuries. A large sample of obsidian from Chavín de Huántar was analyzed at the LBL. Of the 82 artifacts studied, seventy came from the main settlement, three came from the ceremonial core and twelve came from the other side of the Mosna river at La Banda. All but the four samples already mentioned appear to have dated to the Janabarriu Phase. As expected, XRF and INAA analyses revealed that almost all (i.e. 95%) of the 78 Janabarriu Phase samples came from the Quispisisa source. The pervasive presence of Quispisisa obsidian in residential contexts implies that a stable mechanism had been developed to provision the inhabitants with this volcanic glass. Situated 580 km. to the south, the huge obsidian deposit in the puna grasslands of southern Ayacucho would have been beyond the reach of individual households. Moreover, the weight of obsidian nodules would have favored transport by llama caravans, an economic strategy developed the Early Horizon (BROWMAN 1974; MILLER - BURGER 1995). If one uses Jorge Flores (1968) estimate of 15 km. per day for a llama caravans in the highlands, the journey would have taken over a month in each direction. Alternative models such as down-the-line acquisition of obsidian, which might be appropriate for possible rare instances of obsidian at early sites such as Quishqui Puncu, are not plausible for the Chavín de Huántar case. The sharp increase in obsidian usage at Chavín de Huántar is part of a larger pattern of proto-urban development during the Early Horizon. Taking into account the recent findings by John Rick’s team in La Banda, the site grew four-fold over its history to over 50 hectares during the Janabarriu phase and, as suggested previously (BURGER 1984) an estimate of a population of two or three thousand residents remains a reasonable working hypothesis. This growth appears to have been fueled, in part, by the success of the ceremonial center as a focus of pilgrimage and worship for representatives from communities coming from outside the immediate area of highland Ancash. The items brought by these worshippers and the trade promoted by their travel would have stimulated the local economy and fueled the increasing size and complexity of its population. It is reflected in the remarkably high amounts of exotic pottery that appears in both the temple and the residential areas, judging from the studies of Isabelle Druc (1998). While most Early Horizon communities produced well over 90% of their ceramics, foreign pottery constituted nearly a third of the ceramics utilized in the settlement and temple of Chavín de Huántar. To our surprise, not all of the obsidian tested from Chavín de Huántar had been brought from Quispisisa. Four flakes, constituting approximately 5% of the Janabarriu Phase samples tested, came from even more distant geological sources in the southern highlands. Three flakes were identified as Alca source obsidian, a deposit located 780 km. away in the Cotahuasi Canyon on the western slopes of what now is the Department of Arequipa (BURGER et al. 1998). Another flake came from the recently located Potreropampa Source (previously known as the Andahuaylas A Type), which is situated in the southwest section of the Province of Aymaraes in the Department of Apurimac (BURGER 1984: chart 22), approximately 660 km. from Chavín de Huántar. The flakes from the Alca and Potreropampa Sources were visually indistinguishable from the predominant Quispisisa source obsidian so appearance cannot explain their presence at Chavín de Huántar. Given the visits of pilgrims and traders to Chavín de Huántar during Janabarriu times, it seems reasonable to interpret the occasional pieces of non-Quispisisa obsidian as by-products of these visitors, rather than part of an organized pattern of obsidian procurement. However, if one accepts this explanation, it would imply direct contact between the peoples of highland Ancash and those of the southern peruvian highlands. In the case of the Alca obsidian, it cannot be determined whether the visitors would be from the western slopes of central Arequipa, the region where the deposits are found, or from the more populous Cuzco basin, which was the principal area in which this obsidian was widely consumed . Obsidian also occurs at the high altitude communities surrounding Chavín de Huántar, albeit in much lower quantities (BURGER et al. 1984: chart 22). Obsidian was found in the surface surveys of Pojoc to the west and Waman Wain to the east, and the excavations at Waman Wain (Pan6-10) and Pojoc (PAn6-2) confirmed that obsidian occurs in undisturbed mid-Early Horizon contexts in these sites Burger (1982). The single sample

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from Pojoc and the pair of samples from Waman Wain had all been brought from the Quispisisa source. The presence of small quantities of obsidian at these two high altitude villages suggests that the center asserted its dominance symbolically through the distribution of rare items such as pacific shell and obsidian to the rural residents of Pojoc and Waman Wain. In the neighboring Callejón de Huaylas few Early Horizon sites have been studied in detail, with the exception of Huaricoto. Few lithics were recovered there from Janabarriu-contemporary Late Capilla Phase deposits. While small amounts of obsidian were documented (GERO 1983), these probably did not exceed 5% of the lithic assemblage. It was significant, however, because it was the only time that obsidian was utilized at the site of Huaricoto. Two of the obsidian flakes from Late Capilla contexts were analyzed at LBL and both proved to be from the Quispisisa source (BURGER 1985: 531, table 1). The contrast between the abundance of obsidian at the large center of Chavín de Huántar and its scarcity at the small temple of Huaricoto highlights the uneven distribution of this rare material during the Early Horizon. It is interesting that several of the large public centers to the south of Chavín de Huántar, such as Kotosh and La Pampa yielded little or no obsidian when they were excavated by the Japanese Scientific Expeditions, despite being located closer to the geological source (IZUMI - TERADA 1972: figs.139-1, 139-2; TERADA 1979). Similarly, Early Horizon centers to the north at Kuntur Wasi in the headwaters of the Jequetepeque and Layzon and Huacaloma in the Cajamarca basin have failed to produce significant quantities of obsidian either in the late Initial Period or Early Horizon levels (TERADA - ONUKI 1982; ONUKI 1995). In short, although there is increasing evidence of obsidian usage in the central and northern highlands during the Early Horizon, Chavín de Huántar appears to be unique in its heavy consumption of rare volcanic glass. The preceding comments suggest a sharp increase in long-distance movement during the mid-Early Horizon, something consistent with other evidence for long-distance trade and the spread of the Chavín cult. The special role within this emerging sphere of interaction has been discussed using a world systems framework, in which Chavín de Huántar maintained an asymmetric relationship with neighboring centers and stimulated the socioeconomic development of more rural communities at high elevations and more southern regions (BURGER - MATOS 2002). Some coeval coastal groups were not incorporated into this system, at sites such as San Diego or Chankillo in the lower Casma valley, did not produce obsidian artifacts; apparently their residents apparently had no access to this rare raw material. Its absence cannot be explained by distance alone. In fact, during the mid-Early Horizon the northern highland centers that were in close communication with the Chavín de Huántar did gain access to Quispisisa obsidian, although in nothing like the quantities found at Chavín de Huántar. The best known case of this is the site of Pacopampa, where small numbers of obsidian flakes from the Quispisisa source have been found in mid-Early Horizon (or Pacopampa Chavín phase) contexts (BURGER 1992). Chavín de Huántar may have played a special role in the distribution of Quispisisa obsidian as part of its pattern of gifts to elite allies or long-distance exchange of preciosities. The collapse of the Chavín cultural and socioeconomic system apparently disrupted access to the distant sources of volcanic glass. At Chavín de Huántar, a small village replaced the civic-ceremonial center and the Chavín-style pottery assemblage was replaced by the radically different Huaras and Recuay pottery styles. A sample of the lithics assemblage excavated by Lumbreras from this late Early Horizon and Early Intermediate Period settlement was given to Danielle Lavallée for analysis and she was struck by the crudeness of the stone technology and, with the exception of two obsidian projectile points, the local derivation of the raw materials (LAVALLÉE 1970: 210). In fact, in the late Chavín settlement there is a dependence on river cobbles from the nearby Mosna as a source of stone material for tools. This same pattern is repeated in the Callejón de Huaylas at Huaricoto. As at Chavín de Huántar, the long-term use of Huaricoto as a place of public worship ended and the shrine was converted into a small village. Lithics became increasingly simple in their production and local in their material and even chert, which is available in the Callejón de Huaylas but not in the immediate vicinity of Huaricoto, is no longer used. Gero (1983: 170) summarizes her findings for the late Early Horizon and Early Intermediate Period lithics assemblages as follows: “Huaricoto assemblages of lithics virtually lacked rare lithic materials, especially in the later periods, (and that) increasingly, Huaricoto stone had been procured in an apparent least-energy strategy, relying more and more heavily on local sources of readily accessible materials”.

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Thus, judging from the Huaricoto and Chavín de Huántar lithic assemblages, the terminal Early Horizon and Early Intermediate Period were marked by a reorientation to local resources and simple technologies. This pattern, observed by archaeologists over two decades ago can now be considered in light of the more recent excavations by George Lau at the high altitude village of Chinchawas in the Cordillera Negra (LAU 2001, 2002). The Chinchawas sample is particularly important for understanding the history of obsidian procurement and use in highland Ancash because it also shows evidence of continuous occupation lasting through the Early Intermediate Period, Middle Horizon and into the Late Intermediate Period. Thus it complements and extends the data sets from Huaricoto and Chavín de Huántar. A second site in the Cordillera Negra, Ancosh Punta, has also produced evidence relevant to this paper. The site was the focus of investigation in the 1990s by Victor Ponte as part of the Proyecto Pierina (PONTE 2000). Chinchawas is a small hilltop settlement located at 3850 masl near one of the lowest passes across the Cordillera Negra. Its location gives it a strategic advantage in relation to an important coast-highland route connecting the Callejón de Huaylas and Casma. Chinchawas was established as a small high altitude recuay settlement that probably had strong relations with a larger and more important center in the valley below where the modern town of Huaraz is currently located. Chinchawas was occupied for approximately a millennium and for analytical purposes this span has been divided on the basis of ceramic style and architecture so that diachronic trends could be traced. Obsidian was never common at Chinchawas and only 56 obsidian artifacts, consisting mainly of small flakes and chips, were recovered in Lau’s small-scale excavations. Some of these obsidian fragments come from broken projectile points. It is notable that no obsidian could be attributed to Early Intermediate Period deposits at the site. The low frequency of obsidian parallels the pattern observed for Huaricoto and Chavín de Huántar. It is also paralleled by the rarity of obsidian at Balcón de Judas, another high altitude village site near Huaraz, excavated in the early 1980s by Steven Wegner, and dated to the Early Intermediate Period. Judging from the Chinchawas excavations, it is during the Middle Horizon that there is a sharp spike in the amount of obsidian encountered. At Chinchawas the early Middle Horizon phase deposits, known as Chinchawas 2, contained 33 of the 56 pieces of obsidian found at the site. Seventeen of these were tested and all shown to be from the Quispisisa source (table 1, figs. 2, 3). This is significant because this phase corresponds to the early Middle Horizon, the time when the huari state emerged and exerted cultural influence from its capital in Ayacucho. The prehispanic occupants of the Ayacucho region had utilized obsidian from the Quispisisa source since the earliest evidence of human occupation and the huari capital utilized Quispisisa almost to the exclusion of all other obsidian sources. Given this close link between the huari polity and Quispisisa obsidian, it is not surprising to find it occurring in increasing quantities during this period of its political and economic expansion. While there is little evidence of huari conquest in the Callejón de Huaylas, the presence of huari ceramics at Honcopampa and other centers suggest the forging of cultural and economic links with groups from the central highlands. Such relationships would have enabled improved access to volcanic glass from the huari heartland. It should be emphasized that the form and contexts of the obsidian from Chinchawas suggest its widespread use by the village rather than its exclusive utilization by a high status social group. As occurred earlier at Chavín de Huántar, obsidian seems to reflect the economic prosperity of the community and the ability to transcend the traditional limits of local geography and natural resources it provides through the construction of new social and political alliances. It is striking that a small and relatively peripheral center such as Chinchawas was able to benefit economically from the transformation of the political env ironment, rather than having the impact of these changes limited to major centers such as Honcopampa. Most of the obsidian at Chinchawas, like the assemblage from Chavín, occurred as small flakes, most at less than 2 cm. (mean max. dimension 1.8 cm.). The largest obsidian artifact, a flake scraper, measured only 4.1 cm. But unlike the Janabarriu settlement at Chavín, the large majority of the Chinchawas specimens does not show cortical surfaces. Obsidian probably came to Chinchawas largely reduced (in point or blade forms or preforms), and then worked/reworked as needed. This pattern of use is somewhat different to that of Janabarriu Chavín, where fresh raw material, in the form of nodules, appears to have been more prevalent. Nearly all of the Chinchawas obsidian was recovered from the main hilltop area - indicating their prominence in domestic and public activities on the main living sector of the site. Only two flakes were found in adjacent mortuary area of Sector 2.

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Table 1.

Figure 2.

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There seems to have been two primary contexts for obsidian use at Chinchawas. Interior room structures (e.g., Operation 49), especially those with cooking or general domestic activities, represented one common domain for obsidian utilization. The greatest concentrations of obsidian, however, occurred in conjunction with refuse deposits of camelid remains. At Chinchawas, two deposits from the Chinchawasi 2 phase, one in a southern terrace (described in LAU 2002) and the other, within the “Torreón” structure on the topmost part of the site (LAU, Andean Past ms.), featured dense quantities of camelid bone in association with chipped obsidian – 12 specimens and 5 specimens, respectively – over 30% of the total assemblage from the site. These data indicate that obsidian served for cutting tools used during activities featuring the slaughter and large-scale consumption of camelids. The investigations at Ancosh Punta, located 10 km. northwest of Huaraz, reinforce the impression that there was a major change in the pattern of obsidian procurement in tandem with the entry of huari influence in the Callejón de Huaylas. Excavations at Ancosh Punta revealed a relatively short occupation of this high altitude site exclusively during the Middle Horizon (ca. AD 690-980). Despite the site’s location at 4190 masl on the top of a mountain within the puna zone, the excavations of Victor Ponte were able to document a U-shaped dwelling associated with diagnostic ceramics and radiocarbon samples. Ponte believes the site was probably only used for two or three centuries and that given the thinness of the refuse and paucity of animal bone, it may have only been used seasonally in relation the agricultural and pastoral cycles. The refuse on the living floors consisted mainly of fragmented cooking pots, quartize debitage (over 90%) and a few chalk points. Obsidian flakes were also present although they only comprised 2% of the lithic assemblage. Nine of them were tested at the MURR laboratory. Eight of them were of raw material from the Quispisisa source in Ayacucho and one was from the Alca source in Arequipa (table 2, figs. 4, 5). The presence of a flake of obsidian from the Alca source is not unprecedented for Middle Horizon sites far from this quarry in the Cotahuasi valley. At the Middle Horizon sites in Huamachucho, for example, Alca obsidian was present along the more common Quispisisa obsidian (BURGER et al. 2000: table VI).

Figure 3.

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Table 2.

Figure 4.

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Figure 5. The late Middle Horizon is generally viewed as the time in which huari power declines and local innovation come to the fore. In the Callejón de Huaylas, where the huari presence seems limited at best, this period was marked by a new emphasis of exchange with the coast. Despite this reorientation, the people at Chinchawas continued to have access to obsidian from Quispisisa, albeit at a diminished level. Six samples of obsidian were tested from Warmi Phase (ie. late Middle Horizon) contexts and all were from Quispisisa (table 1, figs. 2, 3). The final occupation at Chinchawas dates to the Late Intermediate Period, a time known for widespread violence and conflict in highland areas of the Central Andes. The Chakwas phase (after AD 1000) occupation reflected the breakdown of active long-distance exchange relationships with a sharp decrease in access to imported pottery as well as obsidian. The community appears to have returned to a pattern of cultural insularity, with little interest or capacity for acquiring foreign goods, including volcanic glass. More research is needed, but it might be suggested that the mechanism during the EIP and the LIP favored limited, indirect acquisition through down-the-line exchanges rather than direct acquisition through llama caravans and/or formalized exchanges of gifts between allies.

Discussion The brief history of obsidian usage in prehispanic highland Ancash provided here is frustrating in terms of coverage and sample size, but it nonetheless offers a broad -brush vision. In simplest terms, the presence or absence of obsidian in highland Ancash varies radically over time, with sharp increases in procurement during the mid-Early Horizon and the Middle Horizon. We have also seen that although a dozen or so geological sources were exploited in ancient Peru, almost all of the obsidian consumed in highland Ancash came from a single source, known as Quispisisa source near the modern towns of Huanca Sancos and Sacsamarca in what today is the Department of Ayacucho. This massive deposit lies almost 600 kilometers from highland Ancash, as the condor flies, and obtaining raw materials from it would have required a lengthy, difficult and potentially dangerous journey which, if it involved a llama caravan, would have taken about a month. Throughout the prehistoric sequence, this obsidian was acquired for use as sharp cutting tools in both domestic and public contexts. It was not used by individuals as emblems of authority or wealth as part of costume elements or other sumptuary items. In this sense, it fulfilled a fundamentally different role than many other items of long-distance exchange, such as spondylus shell and lapis lazuli. What light can this review of obsidian exchange shed on the nature of social complexity in prehispanic Ancash? The relationship between complexity and long-distance exchange is not necessarily a direct one,

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particularly when the material in question was used as an emblem of individual status. Nonetheless, the ability to bring quantities of a rare material such as obsidian, from a considerable distance can be considered as an index of the power and prestige of the prehistoric societies in question. It is noteworthy, for example, that while obsidian is pervasive and abundant at Chavín de Huántar, it is rare at other Early Horizon centers, such as Kotosh, Kuntur Wasi and Pacopampa. While participation in the Chavín sphere of interaction provided some accessibility to obsidian and other rare commodities, Chavín de Huántar appears to have played a special role within this system, one that is reflected in its extraordinary ability to procure exotic materials. In this case, distance from the source area seems to have been less important as a determinant of consumption than the power and alliances of the civic-ceremonial center. As we have seen, when obsidian was obtained in highland Ancash, its usage was widespread at a household level and thus it provided it kind of “trickle down” effect by which the prosperity of the society was experienced by the public as a whole. While obsidian was not used to denote social differences such as the distinction between elite and commoner, it was used to distinguish between those powerful centers with easy access to the material, such as Chavín de Huántar, those coeval centers with only limited power and access to the material, such as Huaricoto, and those centers, such as Layzon in Cajamarca or San Diego in Casma, with no access at all to these distant sources of exotics. While powerful centers such as Chavín de Huántar probably played a crucial role in procuring obsidian, its distribution was not limited to its residents, but rather could be extended in smaller amounts to those people living in small villages in the valley and puna whose support was necessary for the functioning of the larger socioeconomic system. A similar pattern may have existed during the Middle Horizon in the Callejón de Huaylas, although lack of intensive excavations at major centers such as Honcopampa make such an interpretation problematic. Nevertheless, the presence of obsidian at peripheral small Middle Horizon villages on the edge of the puna such as Chinchawas and Ancosh Punta can be seen as analogous to its presence a millennium earlier at Early Horizon villages such as Waman Wain and Pojoc. The prestige and prosperity of the Callejón de Huaylas during the Middle Horizon are noteworthy and the spike in obsidian consumption reflects this reality. It is instructive to compare the patterning of obsidian consumption in highland Ancash to that in another highland basin: Huamachuco. Although this area is further from the obsidian sources than highland Ancash, this is merely one of several factors that account for the observable differences. In Huamachuco, for example, there is no evidence for obsidian prior to the late EIP, despite the long-term investigations by John and Teresa Topic. Its absence in Huamachuco during the Early Horizon does not come as surprise however, since the area remained lightly inhabited and generally isolated during this time. Huamachuco had no “Formative” public center comparable to Chavín de Huántar or even Kotosh. With the emergence of the huari polity, however, and the growth of the distinctive local center of Marca Huamachuco, Quispisisa obsidian begins to appear in small quantities. During the Middle Horizon the provincial character of Huamachuco was breached with the appearance of powerful huari influence in Huamachuco, best known from the construction of the administrative center at Wirakochapampa and the huari offerings at the mountain-top shrine of Cerro Amaru (TOPIC 1991). Not surprisingly, it is within this cultural and political context that obsidian appears in considerable quantities for the only time during Huamachuco’s history. As expected, most of the obsidian analyzed comes from the Quispisisa source, but there is also the presence of obsidian from the Alca source. In this respect, the obsidian procurement pattern seems to resemble that in the Callejón de Huaylas during this period. A difference, however, is the prominence of large obsidian bifaces at the Midddle Horizon sites in Huamachuco. This may be a function of the contexts from which the samples have been taken. In Huamachuco they were taken from major centers, such as Marca Huamachuco, and religious shrines, such as Cerro Amaru, while in the Callejón de Huaylas our sample is taken from high altitude villages. It can be hypothesized that when analyses are done from major Middle Horizon centers and shrines in the Callejón de Huaylas, additional obsidian from sources other than Quispisisa will be encountered, reflecting the more diverse movement of goods and people out of the southern peruvian highlands during this time. It is worthwhile to note that obsidian, in the form of flakes and nodules, served as grave offerings in different burials at Cerro Amaru (TOPIC - TOPIC 1984). This seems to contrast with the present record of obsidian in highland Ancash, where very little obsidian seems to have been taken out of circulation for burial purposes. Obsidian, it seems, was not commonly part of the inalienable effects of the deceased. Rather, our present data

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show that most obsidian in highland Ancash comes from domestic use contexts. Again, additional research at larger Ancash centers would clarify patterns of obsidian acquisition and use, especially among high-status groups. Inasmuch as the construction of powerful polities is a frequent characteristic of complex societies, it may be germane to consider the patterning of obsidian consumption in highland Ancash. Obsidian, it should be emphasized, does not seem to have been used as an emblem of personal status. At the same time, the non-linear pattern observed in obsidian consumption in this region provides a salutary contrast to those models that impose an image of gradualist and unilinear increases in social and cultural complexity over time, as reflected in evolutionary models such as those proposed by Service or Fried. Rather than a gradual march from stage to stage, each one more complex than the preceding, the pattern of obsidian consumption suggests a pattern of historic florescence separated by periods of isolation. Perhaps what the presence or absence of obsidian from distant lands is shedding light on is the degree to which a society is open and cosmopolitan rather than closed and inward-looking. These two extremes need not correlate simplistically with complexity since a complex society can flourish even in relative isolation, as the history of China illustrates. Thus, in highland Ancash, the societies responsible for the recuay culture during the Early Intermediate Period and those post-recuay cultures of the Middle Horizon had contrasting patterns of interaction with the outside world, whether one looks at obsidian or foreign pottery, but each would have to be considered “complex”. One of the ways that we feel interpretations of prehistoric complexity can be advanced is to more fully characterize the variability of openness or receptivity among the receivers of long-distance goods. We assume that most Early and Middle Horizon groups of highland Ancash were not pressured to acquire obsidian. Rather, people found the material particularly desirable for certain types of tasks and actively sought to get it at times when it was possible. It is significant that the two boom periods of Quispisisa obsidian consumption in highland Ancash coincided with unprecedented interest for and demonstrated capacity to get other kinds of exotic items (e.g., imported pottery, marine shell, rare stones and minerals). In participating in more extensive trading networks, local groups of ancient Ancash appear to have taken advantage of the socio-economic conditions of the times, when trading networks and availability of things “opened up”. Elsewhere we have suggested that the receptiveness to foreign goods and ideas might be considered a type of cosmopolitanism in northern Peru during the early Middle Horizon; this notion might be extended to Janabarriu settlement at Chavín. Obsidian’s desirability maintains in large part due to its essential utility for making highly effective tools, but there is no one general characterization for obsidian’s cultural value across the ancient Andes. At present, we can only speculate on why people may have bothered with obsidian, if not for utilitarian reasons. One motive for its acquisition seems to be that they were status symbols because of their inaccessibility or their reference to alliances or affiliation. A related alternative was that the obsidian provided important metaphorical associations between the user and the object, whether it was hardness, rarity, darkness or efficacy. We would also like to consider the possibility that some associations were enhanced through actual use/performance, specifically to do with obsidian’s effectiveness and surgical precision. This might be particularly important in practices that were under public scrutiny (butchery, camelid sacrifices, medical applications), or even in personal matters, such as personal hygiene/care (e.g., shaving, cutting hair). Very conservatively, we can say that special materials, such as obsidian, were particularly appropriate or desirable for certain tasks/occasions, many of which were probably marked as being different, special, or ‘diacritical’. Judging by the evidence from highland Ancash, ancient obsidian distribution and use may have had as much to do with local systems of value and choice, as with access and efficiency of the raw material. Recent discussions of complexity have emphasized the need for discussions and analyses to move beyond unproductive debates about whether or not societies are complex or the relative complexity of one society compared to another. One potentially productive approach is to focus on the involvement of societies in the larger world and the way in which this affects the movement of goods and ideas, thereby setting in motion new forces of change. In this light, the mid -Early Horizon at Chavín de Huántar constituted a unique moment of openness when peoples from Ayacucho, Apurimac and even Cuzco may have crossed paths with pilgrims from Ica, Rimac, Trujillo and Lambayeque. These people not only brought exotic items such as obsidian,

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cinnabar, stone mortars and exotic pottery, but they also each carried in their heads distinctive local cultural and technological knowledge that could be shared perhaps for the first time.

Appendix A - Description of new analytical results at MURR The obsidian artifacts from Ancosh Punta and Chinchawas were analyzed by neutron activation analysis (NAA) in the Archaeometry Lab at MURR using our short-irradiation procedure. Samples were prepared by weighing 100 mg. portions of each artifact into a poly vial. The procedure employs a 5-second irradiation of the samples and standards in a neutron flux of 8x1013 n cm-2 s-1 followed by a 25-minute decay and 12-minute count. Concentrations for the artifacts are calculated from the ratios of artifact to standard count rates. The short-NAA procedure produces data for Al, Ba, Cl, Dy, K, Mn, and Na. Separate tables listing the Ancosh Punta and Chinchawas artifacts are illustrated (tables 1, 2). Eight of the Ancosh Punta artifacts were assigned to Quispisisa and one to Alca. All 27 of the artifacts from Chinchawas were assigned to Quispisisa. Sources for each of the artifacts were determined by projecting the artifact concentration data against bivariate plots of the data for the major obsidian sources in Peru (figs. 2-5). Confidence ellipses for the sources were calculated at the 95% level and are indicated by the shaded ellipses in the accompanying figures. The individual artifacts are also shown each the plot. The best plots for showing the results from short-irradiation NAA are Manganese versus Barium and Manganese versus Dysprosium are illustrated.

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