Date post: | 28-Mar-2023 |
Category: |
Documents |
Upload: | unisouthafr |
View: | 0 times |
Download: | 0 times |
1
1
The purpose of this study is to analyse the two magazine advertisements and two
television programmes to explore the meaning (mythical/commutative and ideological)
presentation found in these media texts by doing a cross-sectional qualitative semiotic
content analysis.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1 INTRODUCTION
2 RESEARCH PROBLEM OR RESEARCH ISSUE
3 EXTENT
4 POPULATION
5 SUB-ISSUES
6 ASSUMPTIONS
7 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
8 GOALS AND OBJECTIVES
9 THEORETICAL APPROACH
9.1 Semiotics as signs
9.1.1 Iconic signs
9.1.2 Indexical signs
9.1.3 Symbolic signs
2
2
9.2 Meaning assigned to a message
9.2.1 The photographic message
9.2.2 Text and image
9.2.3 Television and the production of meaning
9.3 Connotations and myths
9.4 Ideological and third order meaning
10 RESEARCH DESIGN
11 DATA COLLECTION METHOD AND TECHNIQUES
11.1 Research method
11.2 Sampling method
11.3 Data collection procedure
12 DATA ANALYSIS
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Semiotics applied in advertisement 1: Converse All Star Shoes
12.3 Semiotics applied in advertisement 2: Boston Media House
12.4 Semiotics applied in soap opera 1: Generations
3
3
12.5 Semiotics applied in soap opera 2: Rhythm City
13 FINDINGS
13.1 Introduction
13.1 Semiotics applied in advertisement 1: Converse All Star Shoes
13.2 Semiotics applied in advertisement 2: Boston Media House
13.3 Semiotics applied in soap opera 1: Generations
13.4 Semiotics applied in soap opera 2: Rhythm City
14 CONCLUSIONS
15 ASSESMENT OF ETHICAL REQUIREMENTS
16 SELF-ASSESMENT AND SELF-REFLECTION
SOURCES CONSULTED
ADDENDA
4
4
1 INTRODUCTION
Initially, one can not escape the encounter and utilising of the variety of communication
media, such as newspapers, magazines, television, cinema or radio. These media
make available a wide range of messages and meanings. In this manner, the study of
semiotics is responsible for clarifying how a message communicates sense. This study
focuses on a semiotic content analysis of the two television texts (soap operas) as well
as the two magazine advertisements, and how they make sense to the reader or viewer.
The focus is on how the photograph and television programme is being produced in
order to convey meaning that the producer wishes to interact to the reader. The
attention is paid to the mythical and ideological content of the visual given texts, and the
types of semiotics that were investigated in this study are Barthean visual semiotics.
This study looks at how the sign systems are used by the producers to clarify the sign
(image) and make it understandable to the viewers. Besides the denotation or straight
forward meaning to the sign (photograph), there is also a second meaning, connotation/
mythical and a third meaning, ideological meaning. This study also views at how the
second and third order meanings on the audio visual and photographic message
proper, are realised at the different levels of production. Here it is investigated how
semiotic analysis is used to explain the hegemonic working of the media.
2 RESEARCH PROBLEM OR RESEARCH ISSUE
The purpose of this study is to analyse the two magazine advertisements and two
television programmes to explore the meaning (mythical/commutative and ideological)
presentation found in these media texts by doing a cross-sectional qualitative semiotic
content analysis.
3 EXTENT
Only the February/March 2012 edition of Hype Magazine available in South Africa were
analysed according to their advertisements. The television texts analysed were taken
from the television programmes called Generations and Rhythm City (soap operas) that
5
5
were broadcast on December 2012. The two advertisements selected are Converse All
Star Shoes advertisement as well as Boston Media House advertisement. In addition
the television programmes were analysed according to their texts are Generations
(2012) as shown on SABC1 and Rhythm City (2012) as shown on e.tv. The Hype
Magazine is the popular youth magazine that focuses on the issues of youth culture, life
style, fashion, and entertainment. It targets, especially, those who like rap and rhythm
and blues (R ‘n B) music as well as those who like hip-hop life style.
The February/March issue was selected due to its variety of advertisements that target
the youth. Since February is valentines time as well as the time of the tertiary
institutions to open the registrations, for those who wish to enroll, therefore, the variety
of advertisements appear to catch the youth in this regard. The television programmes:
Generations (2012) and Rhythm City (2012) are appropriate for analyses since they are
popular to the South African Society and the meaning that they produce as well as the
messages they convey affect the vast number of television audiences.
4 POPULATION
The target populations of this study are all the advertisements that were published in the
Hype Magazine. As far as the television programmes are concerned, the target
populations are all the soap operas that are broadcast on SABC1 and e.tv. The
accessible populations are two advertisements: Converse All Star Shoes (2012:23) and
Boston Media House (2012:77) that have been chosen for analyses of this research.
The accessible populations are the two television soap operas: Generations and
Rhythm City as investigated in this study.
Units of analysis in this scenario are the different ideological connotation/mythical
meanings that are found in the two advertisements: Converse All Star Shoes (2012:23)
and Boston Media House (2012:77) as well as those found in the two television soap
operas, Generations (2012) and Rhythm City (2012).
The characteristics of accessible population, as far as television texts are concerned,
are the use of use of ideology, story-line techniques, use of music and sound themes,
6
6
use of colour and lighting, motifs on the use of multicultural characters and genre
convention. In terms of the advertisements, the characteristics of accessible population
are denotation, connotation/social myth, the use of ideology - use of prominent person
(DJ Fresh and Mo Flava), and indexical, iconic and symbolic codes.
5 SUB-ISSUES
1 Do the different advertisements use the same sign systems in order to interact with
the targeted readers?
2 Are the music and sound themes techniques used to emphasise the climate of the
scenes in soap operas?
3 Do advertisements and soap operas use ideologies and myths to communicate with
their target market?
4 Do both of the television programmes communicate the same ideologies?
6 ASSUMPTIONS
1 Different advertisements use the same sign systems in order to interact with the
targeted readers.
2 The music and sound themes techniques are used to emphasise the climate of the
scenes in soap operas.
3 Advertisements and soap operas use ideologies and myths to communicate with their
target market.
4 Both of the television programmes communicate the same myths and ideologies.
7
7
7 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1 Which sign systems are being used to convey the meaning in the selected
advertisements and soap operas?
2 Are the music and sound themes techniques used to emphasise the climate of the
scenes in soap operas?
3 How ideologies and myths are being communicated in advertisements as well as soap
operas?
4 Do the advertisements use the same ideologies in order to appeal to the readers?
8 GOALS AND OBJECTIVES
The goal of this study is to establish how the semiotic signs and sign systems, as well
as codes used in the media texts (television and print media) produce the
understandable meaning, and how the producers’ intentions are communicated or
interacted to the viewers. The objective is to explore and describe how the sign (signifier
and signified) go about producing the meaning, especially, ideological and
connotative/mythical meanings. Fundamentally, the goal is to explore and describe the
techniques that are used to produce the second meaning of the texts concerned.
According to Barthes, “there is another layer, which means that the representation could
be mythologised” (Fourie 2008:216). According to Fourie, representations including all
culturally produced objects could carry additional meanings separate from the
denotative or literal meaning (2008:216).
Therefore, this study aims to explore the population, instruments that are used in the
production of the texts (soap operas and advertisement photographs). Descriptive
objectives here are the characteristics of relations between the different variables, in
terms of the semiotics (signs, sign systems, production and editing techniques and
ideology) that are used to communicate the intended message.
8
8
9 THEORETICAL APPROACH
9.1 Semiotics as signs
To begin with, semiotics got its name from the Greek word “Semeion”, which means
sign and it refers to the study of how signs communicate meanings. Bignell (2002:14)
says that in particular, “the semiotic analysis of images and other non-verbal signs is
made much more effective by some of Charles Piece’s distinction”. Bignell (2002:14)
highlights that “although language is the most striking form of human sign production,
the whole of our social world is pervaded by messages which are exclusively visual”.
Gesture, dress codes, traffic signs, advertising images, newspapers, television
programmes, movies, and so forth, are all kinds of media use visual signs. According to
Bignell (2002:14), the principle underlies the semiotic study of visual signs is that there
is a material signifier, which express the sign, and mental concept, a signified, which
immediately accompanies it. Visual signs also belong to codes, are arranged in
syntagms, and selected from paradigm.
Essentially, a photograph of a goat looks recogisingly like a specific goat. The
arrangement of shape and colour in the photograph, the signifier which expresses the
signified ‘goat’, has a close resemblance to its referent, the real goat which the
photograph represents.
In essence, the South African flag that is raised high above a soccer stadium and is
watched reverently during the singing of the national anthem by the soccer spectators
as well as the players is a sign. The right hand with a clenched fist by the spectators is
also a sign. On the other hand, the words printed below the image of an advertisement
also constitute a sign. Lester (2011:53) highlights that “a sign is simply anything that
stand for something else”. The photographed image also fall under this description as
the photograph stands for something, the reality that is now being reproduced to
represent what was taking place in reality. Consequently, Lester (2011:53) emphasises
that the meaning behind any sign must be learned, for something to be a communicated
sign, the viewer must understand the meaning. On a semiotic point of view, “images will
be much more interesting and memorable if signs that are understood by many
(universal signs) are used in a picture” (Bignell 2002:53).
9
9
9.1.1 Iconic signs
Bignell (2002:15) emphasises that, like denotation the kind of sign, “where the signifier
resembles the referent, is called an iconic sign”. Iconic signs can be encountered in
exploration of the semiotics of various visual signs. “Unlike the case of linguistic signs,
iconic signs have the property of merging the signifier, signified and referent together”
(Bignell 2002:15). “It is more difficult to realise that the two components of the
photographic sign plus their referent are three different things, ant this is the reason why
the photographic media seems to be more realistic than linguistic media” (Bignell
2002:15).
Lester (2011:55) highlights that iconic signs are the easiest to interpret because “they
are meant to represent”. Examples of icons are the accurate cave paintings of animals
and people hunting by the Bushmen; the street signs on the side of the road, the simple
drawings above the toilets doors that communicate the gender allowed inside,
photographs and motion pictures that are meant to be representations of what they
depict also are the icons.
9.1.2 Indexical signs
Lester (2011:55) highlights that indexical signs have a “logical, common sense
connection to the thing or idea they represent rather than a direct resemblance to the
object”. The interpretation of indexical signs takes a little longer than that of icons. In
communication indexical signs are learnt through everyday life experiences. According
to Peirce (in Lester 2011:55) “a sundial can be seen as an illustration of an indexical
sign, the sun’s shadow implies the movement of time”. Other indexical signs can be
footprints of the animals that were used by the Bushmen hunters to trace their preys
(Lester 2011:55). Footprints stand for the animals that impressed them
9.1.3 Symbolic signs
This type of sign is the most abstract. Lester (2011:56) says that “symbols have no
logical or representational connection between them and the things they represent,
10
10
symbols, more than the other signs have to be taught”. For that reason, social and
cultural considerations influence the symbols. In essence, the examples of symbols are
trade marks, company logos, music, words, colours, gesture, religious images, and so
forth. Because symbols often have deep roots in culture of a particular group, with their
meanings being passed from one generation to the next, symbolic signs mean more
than iconic or indexical signs (Lester 2011:56). The burning of the president’s t-shirt as
well as destroying of a famous president portrait, ‘the spear’ as the protests, can be
seen as powerful symbols of defiance and anger.
9.2 Meaning assigned to a message
The meaning is the matter of how the reader makes sense, attribute and understand the
text. Fourie (2001:345) establishes that there are varieties of meaning, but the ones
related to this study can be identified as denotative, connotative/mythical and
ideological meaning.
According to Fourie, denotative meaning refers to the first order, linguistic, literal and
dictionary meaning attached to the message, simply straight forward (2001:345). The
connotative/mythical meaning is the second meaning order meaning that takes palace
when the viewer makes sense of a sign. The third order meaning is the ideological
meaning that takes place when the second order meaning is accepted as a result of
maintaining status quo.
9.2.1 The photographic message
Essentially, Barthes (1979:17) highlights that the content of the photographic message
is what the photograph transmit, the scene itself, and the literal reality. “From the object
to its image there is of course a reduction in proportion, perspective, colour – but at no
time is this reduction a transformation” (Barthes 1979:17). According to Barthes
(1979:17), in order to move from the reality to its photograph it is no way necessary to
divide up this reality into its unit and to constitute these units as signs; “substantially
different from the object they communicate; there is no necessity to set up a relay that is
a code, between the object and its image”. Certainly the image is not the reality but “it is
11
11
perfect analogon and it is exactly this analogical perfection which, to common sense,
defines the photograph” (Barthes 1979:17). The status of the photographic image can
be viewed as a massage without a code, from which proposition an important corollary
must immediately be drawn: “the photographic message is a continuous message”
(Barthes 1979:17).
Explaining the photographic paradox Bathes (1979:19) answered the two questions:
what is the content of the photographic message, and what does the photograph
transmit? According to Barthes the scene itself is the latent reality; from the object to its
image there is of cause the reduction in proportion, perspective, and colour (1979:16).
“The image is not the reality but perfect analogon and it is this analogical perfection
which, to common sense, defines the photograph” (Barthes 1979:17). The photographic
image is a message without a code; from which proposition an important corollary must
immediately be drawn: the photographic message is a continuous message (Barthes
1979:17).
According to Barthes (1979:17) the photograph comprises two messages: “a detonated
message, the analogon itself, and a connotated message, which is the manner in which
the society to a certain extent communicates what it thinks of it”. This duality of
message is evident in all reproductions rather than photographic message: “no filmed
scene whose objectivity is not finally read as the very sign of objectivity” (Barthes
1979:17).
Barthes (1979:19) postulates that the photographic paradox is “the co-existence of two
messages, the one without a code (the photographic analogue), the other with a code
(the ‘art’ or the treatment, or the ‘writing’, or the rhetoric, of the photograph); structurally,
the paradox is clearly not the collusion of a denotated message and a connotated
message, it is that here the connotated (or coded) message develops on the basis of a
message without a code”. Barthes (1979:20) highlights that connotation, “the imposition
of second meaning on the photographic message proper, is realised at the different
levels of production of the photograph (choice, technical treatment, framing, lay-out) and
represents, finally, a coding of the photographic analogue”. Because visual images,
massages especially on the advertisements, can stimulate both intellectual and
12
12
emotional responses, they are powerful tools that persuade people to buy a particular
product or think a specific way.
According to Barthes (1979:20) says that “the connotation procedures can be possibly
separated, bearing that these procedures are in no way units of signification; they are
not part of the photographic structure”. The procedures in question can simply be
translated into structural terms. These procedures can be listed as trick effects, pose,
objects, photogenia, aesthetism and syntax (Barthes 1979:20).
9.2.2 Text and image
Texts can be used to accompany and supplement the message communicated by the
image or photograph. Barthes (1979:25) says that these texts are used by the producer
as the main connotation procedures of the photographic image: once again, it is a
question of technique.
Barthes highlights that “the text constitutes a parasitic message designed to connote the
image, to quicken it with one or more second-order signifieds” (1979:25). It is clear that
the words or text used on the photograph, communicate, illustrates and clarifies the
meaning attached to the photographic image by the producer. According to Barthes
(1979:26), the connotation is experienced as the natural resonance of the fundamental
denotation constituted by the photographic analog. “The effect of connotation differs
according to the way in which the text s presented. The closer the text to the image, the
less it seems to connote it; the verbal message seems to share in its objectivity, the
connotation of language is ‘innocented’ through the photograph’s denotation” (Barthes
1979:26).
9.2.3 Television and the production of meaning
According to Fourie (2001:349) there are varieties of genres that characterise television.
Those genres are news, documentaries, talk shows, soap operas, film, and so forth.
According to Fourie meanings of television are created by means of television codes
(2001:349). The image is always recognisable resemblance or representation of reality
13
13
(iconic nature); therefore television images create an illusory reality which most viewers
experience as a correct version or as reality (Fourie 2001:349). “The codes that
communicate and interpret meaning of a sign in terms of television can be identified as
camera point of view, editing, sound and commentary” (Fourie 2001:349). From the
above it has been established that before something appears on the television screens
it passes the various stages in terms of editing and treatment, and this editing influence
the way the sign is interpreted.
Another important aspect, according to Fourie, related to television and meaning is the
polysemic nature of television (Fourie 2002:350). Polysemic refers to multiple meaning:
the same programme content may be interpreted differently by different people.
”Programmes contain not only explicit information on the topic of the communication but
also implicit and often unintended information on values, attitudes, modes of behavior”
(Barthes 2001:350). A soap opera not only contains information on a performed art, but
also tells the viewers about the values, attitudes and patterns of behavior of the society
from which the characters in soap opera are drawn, and gives the viewers information
on issues and matters, such as those of the country in which the show is set (Fourie
2001:350). The modes of dress of the community, ways of behavior, the style, culture,
identity and values can be shown on a local soap opera such as Generations, Rhythm
City and Isidingo.
9.3 Connotations and myths
Barthes (1972:109) describes myth as a type of speech; a system of communication,
that is a message. This allows one to perceive that that “myth cannot possibly be an
object, a concept, or an idea; it is a mode of signification, a form” (Barthes 1972:109).
“Myth is not defined by the object of its message, but the way in which it utters this
message: there are formal limits to myth, there are no substantial ones; the mythical
speech of this kind, according Barthes, is a message; it is not confined to oral speech”
(1979:110). He adds that this speech can consist of modes of writing or of
representations; not only written discourse, but also photography, cinema, reporting,
sports, shows, publicity, and all these can serve as a support to mythical speech.
14
14
Barthes (1972:110) establishes that mythical speech is made of a material which has
already been worked on so as to make it suitable for communication: “it is because all
the materials of myth (whether pictorial or written) presuppose a signifying
consciousness, which one can reason about them while discounting their substance”.
Pictures become a kind of writing as soon as they are meaningful; a photograph will be
a kind of speech if they mean something (Barthes 1972:111).
In essence, Bignell (2002:16) emphasises that as signs are used to describe and
interpret the world, it often seems that their functions are simply to ‘denote’ something,
to label it. The linguistic sign ‘Mercedes-Benz’ denote a particular make of a car. A
photographic sign showing Table Mountain denotes a site in Cape Town. Along with the
denotative or labeling function of these signs to communicate a fact, come some extra
associations which are called connotations. Because Mercedes-Benz cars are
expensive and luxurious, they can be used to connote signifieds of wealth and luxury.
The linguistic sign ‘Mercedes-Benz’ is no longer simply denotating a particular type of
car, but also connotes signifieds of the place of Cape Town, when one sees the Table
Mountain on television or printed photograph, he/she associate it with the place of Cape
Town.
Barthes (1972:114) establishes that in myth applies “the tri-dimensional pattern: the
signifier, the signified and the sign”. “Myth is a peculiar system, constructed from a
semiological chain which existed before it: it is a second-order semiological system; a
sign (namely the associative total of a concept and an image) in the first system
becomes a mere signifier in the second” (Barthes 1979:114). According to Barthes
(1972:115), in myth there are two semiological systems that are related. The first one is
a linguistic system, the language (or the modes of representation which are assimilated
to it, which a myth gets hold of in order to build its own system. The second one is the
myth itself – which is a second language, in which one speaks about first.
On the other hand, Bignell (2002:16) emphasises that when considering advertising,
news, and television or film texts, it will become clear that linguistic, visual, and other
kinds of signs are used simply to denote something, but also to trigger a range of
connotation attached to the sign. “The bringing together of signs and their connotations
15
15
to shape a particular message can be referred to as the making of myth” (Bignell
2002:16). According to Bignell (2001:16) myth here does not refer to mythology in the
visual sense of traditional stories, “but to ways of thinking about people, products,
places, or ideas which are structured to send particular messages to the reader or
viewer of the text”. So an advertisement for shoes which contains a photograph of some
one stepping out of a Mercedes-Benz is not only denoting the shoes and a car, but
attaching the connotations of luxury which is available through the sign ‘Mercedes-Benz’
to the shoes, suggesting a mythical meaning which the shoes are part of a privileged
way of life. This mythically means that, these particular shoes are specifically targeting
those who live a luxurious life.
Bignell (2002:17) postulates that media texts often connect one signified idea with
another, in order to attach connotations to people and things and endow them with
mythical meanings. According to Bignell there are two ways in which these associations
work (2002:17). One is called ‘metaphor’ and works by making one signified appear
similar to one different signified; and the other is called ‘metonymy’ and works by
replacing one signified with one another related signified. In addition, myth takes hold of
an existing sign, and makes its function as a signifier on another level. The sign
‘Mercedes-Benz’ becomes the signified luxury, for example.
9.4 Ideological or third order meaning
According to Barthes (1972:128), “if one wishes to connect a mythical schema to a
general history, to explain how it corresponds to the interests of a definite society, to
pass from semiology to ideology, it is obviously at the level of the third type of focusing
that one must place oneself: it is the reader of myths who must reveal their essential
function”. “The ideological meaning of the text is the one which is supported by the myth
on a second level; myth can be understood as a type of underlying meaning: it provides
the reader with a very specific message, and this massage is manufactured to support a
particular ideological position” (University of South Africa 2012:26). On the mythical
meaning assigned to a message underlies an ideological meaning, aimed at
maintaining the status quo (Barthes 1979:128).
16
16
Bignell (2002:24) establishes that an “ideology is a way of perceiving reality and society
which assumes that some ideas are self evidently true, while other ideas are self-
evidently untrue”. “Ideologies are always shared by the members of a group or groups
in society, and ones group’s ideology will often conflict with another’s; myth serves the
ideological interests of a particular group of society” (Barthes 1972:138). The example
of a youth ideology can be related to what the youth accept as cool, funks or stylish.
Bignell highlights that the dominant ideology of a society is subject to change, as the
economic or political balance of power changes. If one looks back years ago, what is
perceived as stylish, funky or cool have evidently changed.
10 RESEARCH DESIGN
The research design here is qualitative research design. Qualitatively, the signs and
sign systems have been analysed in terms of the semiotics used in the different
advertisements and television programmes. Exploration and description of different
variables: connotative/mythical and ideological meanings that are ascribed in different
mass media texts. The comparative analysis of the different semiotics used in the
advertisements and television programmes is applicable in this research study. The
data will be collected by analysing the variables that are relevant to the applicable texts
(advertisement photographs and soap operas).
As far as the advertisements are concerned, the applicable variables are the use of
ideology, use of prominent person (DJ Fresh and Mo Flava), indexical, iconic and
symbolic codes, and connotative/mythical meanings. On the other hand, as far as
television texts (soap operas) are concerned what were investigated are the variables:
story-line techniques, usage myth and ideology, use of lighting, colour and music, and
genre convention.
11 DATA-COLLECTION METHOD AND TECHNIQUE
11.1 Research method
The research method of this study is semiotic qualitative content analysis to explore
how the advertisements and soap operas use semiotics (signs, sign systems and
17
17
codes) to produce the meanings and convey the messages. It is relevant to the
research issue that analyse the additional meanings (connotative/mythical and
ideological meanings) contained in the advertisements as well as the soap operas.
The objective is to establish the mythical and ideological presentations in the media
texts (advertisements and soap operas).
11.2 Sampling method
A random sample was drawn from a purposive sample of only those advertisements
published by tertiary institutions as well as those published by the foot-wear advertisers.
This sample is a non-probability sample which is not representative of any target or
accessible population of advertisements and soap operas.
A sample of advertisements was drawn from the Hype Magazine of April/May 2012 as
well as soap operas Generations and Rhythm City broadcast in December 2012. When
paging through this magazine it becomes apparent that it contains many advertisements
from tertiary education institutions aimed at the youth who have recently graduated.
They also contain many clothing and footwear advertisements targeting the youth who
like a popular style of hip-hop music. The soap operas (soapies): Generations (2012)
and Rhythm City (2012) are appropriate for analysis since they are popular to the
society of South Africa and the meaning they produce and the messages they convey
affect the vast number of television audiences. The viewers sometimes assimilate what
the see on these soapies and claim to identify with the characters.
A purposive sample was drawn from all the advertisements of tertiary institutions that
were published in the Hype Magazine of April/ May 2012. Each of these advertisements
was numbered and placed separately, one for educational institutions and another for
footwear advertisements, therefore, a random sample of two advertisements per
category (tertiary education and footwear advertisements) was drawn by blindly
selecting two pieces of paper (two numbers). As far as the soap operas are concerned
the purposive sample of the two soap operas: Generation 2012 and Rhythm City (2012)
were selected from the different television channels, SABC1 and e.tv.
18
18
11.3 Data collection procedure
This study can be established by collecting the data from the Hype Magazine and the
television programmes called Generations (2012) and Rhythm City (2012) were viewed
on the same day. The units of analysis in this scenario are different ideological and
mythical meanings that are produced by the signs and sign systems as well as codes
that are found in the two advertisements as well as those found in the television
programmes.
The applicable variables in terms characteristics of accessible population are the
denotation, connotation/social myth, the use of ideology - use of prominent person: DJ
Fresh (a popular radio presenter and television personality) and Mo Flava (a
commercial comedian and radio presenter), and indexical, iconic and symbolic codes.
On the other hand, as far as television texts (soap operas) are concerned, the variables
are the use of use of ideology, story-line techniques, use of music and sound themes,
use of colour and lighting, motifs on the use of multicultural characters and genre
convention.
The advertisements were taken from the Hype Magazine that is available on a monthly
basis. As far as the soap operas are concerned, the Rhythm City can be viewed on e.tv
every weekday at 6:30 in the afternoon, and the Generations can be viewed every week
at 8:00 in the afternoon on SABC1.
12 DATA ANALYSIS
12.1 Introduction
Bynner and Stribley (2010:260) postulate that data analysis is primarily
concerned with “the unraveling of relationships between variables”. The type
of analysis that is prevalent in this study is qualitative data analysis.
“Qualitative data takes the form of words and visual images observed or
creatively produced; they are associated with strategies of research as
grounded theory, phenomenology and observations” (Descombe 2007:286).
19
19
Babbie (2004:396) shows that the data analysis stage in research can be
described as the stage whereby the researcher will be able to see what
answers the data yield on the research question. The data analysis of this
study has paved the way to the way the presentation of results as presented.
12.2 Semiotics applied in advertisement 1: Converse all Star Shoes
This advertisement promotes Converse All Star Shoes: the shoes that are
popularly used by the youth. It is black and white in colour, with the smiling
comedian, “Mo Flava”, posing humorously with a trambouline (a musical
instrument) in his hand, wearing an old pair of the similar advertised canvas
shoes. Mo Flava is a popular, commercial comedian and radio presenter
extremely adored by the youth. The man on the advertisement is wearing a
white t-shirt and the black skinny jeans (perceived by the youth as cool and
funky). Mo Flava is sitting, laid-back on a city park; on the background there is
a man jumping with a guitar on his hand.
On the advertisement appears the boldly typed graphics: “The Right to Tune”.
The brand name and logo appear on the bottom of the A4 page of an
advertisement. The advertisement also informs how one can reach the
advertisers through social media, watch comic videos and enter for the
competitions. The advertisement atmosphere is musical as one sees the man
holding a musical instrument, the man on the background is jumping with a
guitar. The words on the advertisement, “The Right to Tune”, portray a
musical mood.
12.2.1 Use of myth and ideology
The myth in this advertisement is: in order to be part of the “cool, stylish and
funky” youth culture one must wear the Converse All Star Shoes. The “cool,
stylish and funky” dogma is applied by the bold message: The Right to Tune.
This message implies that the Converse All Star Shoes gives one the right to
20
20
tune or stay updated. The ideology in this advertisement is connected to
consumerism.
12.2.2 Denotation
The literal/obvious meaning of this advertisement is what is seen: the smiling man with
a trambouline in his hand. This straight forward meaning is also the demonstrated
picture of the advertised shoes, the unrecognised man jumping with a guitar on the
background, as well as the written words appearing on the advertisement.
12.2.3 Connotation
Barthes (1979:20) establishes that connotation is the imposition of second meaning that
is realised at the different levels of production of the photograph and represent a coding
of the photographic analogue. The connotated message of this advertisement is applied
by the use of the popular celebrity that the youth can claim to identify with. The
communicated message, connotatively, is: if one wears Converse All Star Shoes he/she
belongs under humorous characters like Mo Flava’s (the man on an advertisement).
Because Converse All Star Shoes are expensive, they can be used to connote
signifieds of wealth and cool, as well as “having the right to tune”, as words on the
advertisement puts it.
12.2.4 Social myth
Myth can be described as bringing together of signs and their connotations to shape a
particular message; these are the ways of thinking about people, products, places, or
ideas which are structured to send particular message to the reader or viewer (Bignell
2001:16). In essence, social myths are related to the way the society interpret and make
sense of the particular communicated message.
This advertisement for shoes contains a photograph of someone smiling, relaxed on the
city park is not only denotating the shoes and the park, but attaching the myth. This
21
21
myth means that these particular shoes are specifically targeting those who like to
perform in front of the people or those who like to be noticed.
12.2.5 Iconic signs
Iconic signs are the easiest to interpret. Here, like in denotation, the signifier resembles
the referent as iconic signs represent what is given on the message (Bignell 2002:15),
Icons here are the advertisement picture or photograph an all the written word
accompanying the advertisement.
12.2.6 Indexical signs
Like connotation, these signs have logical common sense connection to the idea they
represent rather than direct resemblance to the object (Lester 2011:55). For example,
an hour glass implies the movement of time. In this advertisement, the atmosphere,
energy portrayed by the man on the picture and the cool atmosphere of the place on the
background stands for what the advertisers want to communicate.
12.2.7 Symbolic signs
The symbols appearing on this advertisement are the trademark, logo and brand name,
words, posture and gesture of those appearing in the advertisement. The smiling face of
the man on the picture is the powerful symbol of humor, artistic sense as well as
friendliness. The relaxed atmosphere of the background is associated with the cool
mood.
12.3 Semiotics applied in Advertisement 2: Boston Media House
This advertisement promotes the tertiary institution: The Boston Media
House, a college that that offers various kinds of qualifications. The colours
used are yellow, dark-orange and maroon, which are the corporate colours of
the institution advertised. This advertisement used the DJ Fresh (Radio and
television personality). The man on the picture (DJ Fresh) is standing
22
22
confidently, wearing the casual red and white shirt with the jeans, on his wrist
there is an expensive silver watch. DJ Fresh is standing with a traditional
records disc.
There are boldly printed messages communicated: the name of the college.
“Getting the Right Start” is used as a catch phrase; “I did” are the words
inverted, referred to as being uttered by the respected disc jockey. The words
‘guidance, qualification, recognition’ appear as the motto of the institution
advertised. Following are the list of the reasons to graduate with a media
diploma from the given institution; as well as the contact details of the college.
12.3.1 Use of myth and ideology
The myth in this advertisement is: studying in this college will put one in the
chances of being compared to DJ Fresh. The referred words: “I did”, as
uttered by the youth idol can play a role in persuading the reader into
choosing/selecting the college. The other message: “get the right start at
Boston” implies that by enrolling with the college one gets the right start on
the career, like DJ Fresh did. The ideology in this advertisement is connected
with education and popularity.
12.3.2 Denotation
The literal/obvious meaning of this advertisement is what is seen: the man
standing straight, with a record tape disc on his hand. This meaning is
associated with the words written in different positions and different textures,
without additional meaning of any kind.
12.3.3 Connotation
This is the imposing of the second meaning applied when the messages were
being interpreted. The connotated message of this advertisement is applied
by the use of the popular celebrity that the youth look-up to. The
23
23
communicated message, connotatively, is that: if one enrolls with the Boston
Media House, he or she will be like the character on photographed, DJ Fresh.
Because the man on the advertisement is successful in his life, this can be
used to connote signifieds of success and prosperity. An expensive watch
connote wealth that might be caused by enrolling with Boston college.
12.3.4 Social myth
Mythically, there are various signs and their connotations appearing in this
advertisement, which can be interpreted by society. The tertiary institution’s
advertisement portrays a man wearing casually and cool. The use of the
prominent person is used as a myth that means that: studying n this institution
may lead one to successful life, like that of the icon used.
12.3.5 Iconic signs
Here, like in denotation, the advertisement as a whole resembles the referent.
Boston Media House advertisement is taken as it is given, with all the written
words accompanying the advertisement, without the interpretation of
meaning.
12.3.6 Indexical signs
In this advertisement, the youth idol, DJ Fresh implies the popularity and
iconism rather than direct resemblance of the man standing and wearing
whatever he is wearing. The signs of the advertisement (messages) have
logical common sense connection to the idea that the Boston Media House is
the right start to being compare to the popular DJ Fresh.
12.3.7 Symbolic signs
The symbolic signs appearing in this advertisement are trademarks, logo and
the brand name of the college. The other symbolic signs are the words: the
24
24
messages, gesture and posture of the man appearing on the advertisement.
The friendly face of the man on the advertisement’s picture is the powerful
symbols of warmth and friendliness, as associated with the tertiary institution.
These are the messages that symbolise the particular meaning that the
advertisers of the service wish to convey toward the viewer of the text.
12.4 Semiotics applied in soap opera 1: Generations
This television programme falls under the soap opera genre. It is a captivating
drama that involves humor, also dealing with family issues about life, love and
relationships (South African TV series... 2011). This soapie shows how
people are making success of their lives under, sometimes, challenging
situations. The music theme composer of this programme is Mr Steve
Hofmeyer. Generations is a South African produced soap opera created and
produced by Mfundi Vundla.
The backdrop of Generation is the advertising industry with a storyline that
focuses on the dreams and aspirations of South Africans (South African TV
series... 2011). This soapie is an example of South African cultural products
of 1994, post –election South Africa. The setting is that of two rival advertising
agencies: Yona Yethu Media and Afri-Media, headed by black South Africans.
Suspense, intrigue and tension are the orders of the scenes as the plot
unfolds and romance influences relationships between warring parties (South
African TV series... 2011).
The sub-plot was selected from the episode of Monday, 18 December 2012,
8:00 in the afternoon. In this subplot, Phenyo’s (the cousin of Sibusiso)
mother is not happy that his son is planning to marry Dineo. Dineo is
notoriously known for being promiscuous, and multi past marriages. Sibusiso
(the owner of Afri-Media) insist on negotiating the lobola deal only with the
males paternally related to Dineo, not her mother Ruby (township tavern
owner). As Noluntu (Mawande Memela’s daughter) is getting the birth cramp
she is forced to meet with her gay baby father Senzo (Sibusiso’s son).
25
25
Mawande (Yona Yethu Media’s owner) and Sibusiso cannot escape their fling
at is unfold whenever they meet to talk business. Khethiwe, a widow who is
involved in her man’s (Khaphela) death gets over drunk to escape the guilty
conscience. Akhona (Yona Yethu Media’s field journalist) is issued a warrant
of arrest for hitting her maid Zodwa – who is trying to steal her man, Nicholas
who also works at Yona Yethu Media.
12.4.1 Use of music and sound themes
The music theme of this television programme is found in the opening
sequence, as well as, in the title music of the show. This is the unique sound
distinguishing the programme from the others. The sound usually switches as
the scenes continue, accompanying the mood of the story or scene.
12.4.2 Use of myth and ideology
This soapie challenges the racism ideology whereby the black South Africans
were not expected to run their businesses succesfully. There is a new
dominant ideology that this television programme is communicating; it is the
social experience where any individual, regardless of race can be allowed to
run a media business. As a cultural product this soapie perpetuate accepted
ideology in increasing nuanced and complex ways. Such an ideology can
become the accepted view of the world which influences people's
interpretation of situations and events. It is the representation of people and
events, based on unquestioned assumptions which may be factual or fictitious
but which forms the premises upon which attitudes may be based. The
message being implied by this soapie is that any human being, black or white
can be able to run businesses, especially, those that were regarded as white
businesses, such as media agencies.
26
26
12.4.3 Use of colour and lighting
When thinking about light and darkness, we often associate light with clarity,
warmth and/or security, whereas darkness can be associated with resting,
coldness, unpredictability and/or tension. Lighting is used to make a scene
appear more realistic and/or it can be used to add to a compositional
orientation by balancing the different visual elements in relation to one
another. Lighting in this soapie often function as indexical signs - pointing to
and focusing attention on selective elements of the content within the frame
sign systems.
Colour in this television programme is used to convey and clarify information.
However, colours work on ones subconscious and each colour can produce
an emotional reaction of its own. For example, in African cultures all-black
colour as worn by Khethiwe signifies that she is a widow for the time being.
Colours as used in this soapie are associated with temperatures (such as
warmth, coldness and happiness). Colours that were used in Khethiwe’s
house highlights that the situation is doom as every family member mourns
the death of the head of the family.
12.4.4 Genre conventions
This television programme has a form, pattern, or style that is identified as a
soap opera. This soapie is conventionally fictional but considered by many as
factual or more real as it tackles the real life situations. This soap opera also
addresses the subject matter related to previously taboo topics (for example
rape, homosexuality, illegitimacy, alcoholism or even Satanism).
12.5 Semiotics applied in soap opera 2: Rhythm City
This often controversial slivers of real life show, set in Johannesburg and
produced by legendary Curious Pictures, takes a fast and hard look at the
highs and lows of South Africa’s music business (Welcome to Rhythm
27
27
City…2013. 2011). This soap opera gives the viewers a grand tour where
music is the universal language, raw ambitions, the currency, and a time
honoured custom is to stab people in the back. This is the story of the stop-
stall-restart careers of the big stars, their egos and greed; the press hype and
spins; the recording companies and studios; the gigs; the nightclubs; the
launch parties; the drugs; the booze; the sex; the crime; and always, the
money.
People in Rhythm City carry a lot of baggage (as we all do) on their individual
journeys through life - but how they deal with it makes a breath taking
viewing. The story focuses on mentally unwell master manipulators with
monstrous murder plots, mediocre wannabes, and innocents who struggle to
achieve their high-altitude dreams (Welcome to Rhythm City…2013. 2011).
By viewing this programme, one is guided through the building and collapsing
of empires and gets through brash Soweto, then posh-lush Northern Suburbs,
followed by Johannesburg’s notorious city centre. Here the viewer meets all
kinds of South Africans in diverse urban communities. The soapie offers
subtitles so the viewer will pick up the locally uses slang.
A lot of Rhythm City’s prominent citizens are continuously climbing on, or
falling off, the fame wagon. They are the real power brokers of the industry:
record companies, promoters, producers, agents, managers – and the media.
Nearly always anxiously waiting at home are the families, friends, and lovers
of these personalities (Welcome to Rhythm City…2013. 2011). They too,
battle with affairs of the heart and cope the best they can with everyday life.
The show has a core cast (including real life singers KB and Pam Andrews),
writers, and directors who are of Emmy award status talent.
The sub-plot was selected from the episode of Monday, 4 December 2012,
6:00 in the afternoon. In episode Lucilla and Miles Vilakazi (married owners of
Redemption Records) makes Nkhensani an offer at Redemption, but her
reaction is not quite what they expected as she regrets the deal. Nkhensani is
28
28
the daughter of the recently deceased, notorious Ivan Tshinawa who was a
share holder at Redemption Records. It is up to her of what she does with her
late father’s shares.
David Genaro, Satan's best-loved servant, the former unhinged head of
renowned Redemption Records is realising that the BK (a mafia gang the he
has bad history with) are a threat he can no longer ignore (Welcome to
Rhythm City…2013. 2011). He comes up with a plan that will get them off his
back for good, but it requires him going back to jail. Meanwhile, soft-hearted,
God-fearing community worker, Mamokete (town ship gym owner whose man
Kop Khuse works as a driver at Redemption Records) discovers evidence
discovers that someone is sleeping in the gym. She arrives at the conclusion
that this is a homeless person. Without knowing that this person is Bash (a
guy who once let her daughter drunk) she sets out to make his life better.
12.5.1 Use of music and sound themes
The music theme of this television programme is found in the opening
sequence, as well as, in the title music of the show. This is the unique sound
distinguishing the programme from the others. The sound usually switches as
the scenes continue, accompanying the mood of the story or scene.
12.5.2 Use of myth and ideology
This soapie challenges the racism ideology whereby the black and white
people were not allowed to live together. There is a new dominant ideology
that this television programme is communicating; it is the social experience
where the different races can work together. As a cultural product this soapie
perpetuate accepted ideology in increasing nuanced and complex ways. Such
an ideology can become the accepted view of the world which influences
people's interpretation of situations and events. It is the representation of
people and events, based on unquestioned assumptions which may be
factual or fictitious but which forms the premises upon which attitudes may be
29
29
based. The message being implied by this soapie is that human beings can
be able to live in harmony, run the business together, regardless of race or
colour.
12.5.3 Use of colour and lighting
There is a When thinking about light and darkness, we often associate light
with clarity, warmth and/or security, whereas darkness can be associated with
resting, coldness, unpredictability and/or tension. Lighting is used to make a
scene appear more realistic and/or it can be used to add to a compositional
orientation by balancing the different visual elements in relation to one
another. Lighting in this soapie often function as indexical signs - pointing to
and focusing attention on selective elements of the content within the frame
sign systems.
Colour in this television programme is used to convey and clarify information.
However, colours work on ones subconscious and each colour can produce
an emotional reaction of its own. For example, the colour themes that are
found in Suffocate’s night club are different to the ones that are found in the
office. Colours as used in this soapie are associated with temperatures (such
as warmth, coldness and happiness). Colours that are used in the suburban
scenes are different to the ones found in the townships.
12.4.4 Genre conventions
This television programme has a form, pattern, or style that is identified as a
soap opera. This soapie is conventionally fictional but considered by many as
factual or more real as it tackles the real life situations. This soap opera also
addresses the subject matter related to previously taboo topics (for example
rape, homosexuality, illegitimacy, alcoholism). Here, the viewers can be
capture by the way the story is narrated; they can even assimilate the ways
that they saw on television. The viewers can also mirror themselves thought
this soapie.
30
30
13 FINDINGS
13.1 Introduction
As far as the magazine advertisements are concerned the results will be presented under the
following headings: use of ideology, denotation, connotation, social myth, iconic signs, indexical
signs and symbolic signs. The results will also be presented under the objectives of the study:
sign systems used to convey the meaning in the selected advertisements and soap
operas, the music and sound themes techniques used to emphasise the climate of the
scenes in soap operas, how ideologies and myths are being communicated in
advertisements as well as soap operas, and the way advertisements use the same
ideologies in order to appeal to the readers.
13.2 Semiotics applied in advertisement 1: Converse all Star Shoes
13.2.1 Use of myth and ideology
The results show that this advertisement use the ideology of cool, stylish and
funky, as applied in the advertisement: “The Right to Tune”. The ideological
message behind this mythical statement communicated in by the
advertisement is that if one buys this product he/she will be cool and have the
right to tune or be street wise.
13.2.2 Denotation
Here there is no second order meaning attached to the advertisement as is. The
literal/obvious meaning of this advertisement is what is seen: the smiling man with a
trambouline in his hand. This straight forward meaning is also the demonstrated picture
of the advertised shoes, the unrecognised man jumping with a guitar on the
background, as well as the written words appearing on the advertisement.
31
31
13.2.3 Connotation
The overall results show that this advertisement use connotation or second order
meaning. The connotated message in this advertisement appears in the use of popular
figure or celebrity, who is also an idol to the youth. The audience can associate with the
celebrity with the advertised product. By that way the youth can connote the product by
associating it with the attributes of the celebrity: young successful and cool.
13.2.4 Social myth
The overall results highlights that this advertisement use social myth. The social myth
used in this advertisement is that of popularity and idolism. This advertisement for
shoes contains a photograph of someone smiling, relaxed on the city park is not only
denotating the shoes and the park, but attaching the myth. This myth means that these
particular shoes are specifically targeting those who like to perform in front of the people
or those who like to be noticed.
13.2.5 Iconic signs
The straight forward meaning of this message is what is given in the advertisement.
Icons here are the advertisement picture or photograph an all the written word
accompanying the advertisement.
13.2.6 Indexical signs
The overall results highlights that this advertisement use indexical signs. The indexical
signs as applied in this advertisement are the park, relaxing atmosphere of the place on
the background. This indexical sign of the background communicate the message
intended by the producers of the advertisement. Like connotation, these signs have
logical common sense connection to the idea they represent rather than direct
resemblance to the object (Lester 2011:55). For example, an hour glass implies the
movement of time. In this advertisement, the atmosphere, energy portrayed by the man
32
32
on the picture and the cool atmosphere of the place on the background stands for what
the advertisers want to communicate.
13.2.7 Symbolic signs
The overall results highlights that this advertisement uses symbols: trademark, logo and
brand name, words, posture and gesture of those appearing on the advertisement.
These symbols communicate; convey the particular message to the viewers. The face
of the man smiling can symbolise humour and friendliness. The park appearing on the
background symbolises relaxation. All these symbols can be associated with the
advertised product by the viewers.
13.3 Semiotics applied in advertisement 2: Boston Media House
13.3.1 Use of myth and ideology
The overall results highlights that this advertisement use myth and ideology.
The myth in this advertisement is: studying in this college will put one in the
chances of being compared to DJ Fresh. The referred words: “I did”, as
uttered by the youth idol can play a role in persuading the reader into
choosing/selecting the college. The other message: “Get the Right Start at
Boston” implies that by enrolling with the college one gets the right start on
the career, like DJ Fresh did. This myth can lead to the ideology of success,
literacy and education when associating the above mentioned messages
13.3.2 Denotation
The literal/obvious meaning of this advertisement is what is seen: the man
standing straight, with a record tape disc on his hand. This meaning is
associated with the words written in different positions and different textures,
without additional meaning of any kind.
33
33
13.3.3 Connotation
The overall results highlights that this advertisement uses connotation: the
youth can see the celebrity appearing and start associating the product with
all the celebrity’s characteristics and attributes. The aim of the advertisers is
for the youth to be willing to look like a man in the advertisement. That is how
the attention is captured and the product gets to be sold assisted by this
connotation. This is the imposing of the second meaning applied when the
messages were being interpreted.
13.3.4 Social myth
The over all results highlights that this advertisement uses social myth.
Mythically, there are various signs and their connotations appearing in this
advertisement, which can be interpreted by society. The use of the prominent
person is applied to make the targeted market think about the life of the
person appearing and the associate his successful life with buying the
product.
13.3.5 Iconic signs
Here, like in denotation, the advertisement as a whole resembles the referent.
Boston Media House advertisement is taken as it is given, with all the written
words accompanying the advertisement, without the interpretation of
meaning.
13.3.6 Indexical signs
The overall results highlights that this advertisement uses indexical sign:
iconism and popularity. The sign of the message (advertisement) have logical
common sense connection to the idea that the advertised service can
guarantee one’s the right start of being like the man on the advertisement: DJ
Fresh. In this advertisement, the youth idol, DJ Fresh implies the popularity
34
34
and iconism rather than direct resemblance of the man standing and wearing
whatever he is wearing.
13.3.7 Symbolic signs
The overall results highlights that this advertisement uses symbolic signs:
trademarks, logo and brand name of the college. The words: the messages
on the advertisement, gesture and posture of the man on the advertisement
picture are the powerful symbols of success, warmth and friendliness as
associated with the advertised institution. These are the messages that
symbolise the particular meaning that the advertisers of the service wish to
convey toward the viewer of the text.
13.4 Semiotics applied in soap opera 1: Generations
13.4.1 Use of music and sound themes
The overall results highlights that this advertisement uses music and sound
themes. Firstly, this soap opera has a sound that distinguishes it from the
other soapies. This music and sound is found in the opening sequence. The
other music or sound applied are the ones that emphasise a particular scene.
The sound usually highlights the mood and atmosphere of the part of the
storyline or scene.
13.4.2 Use of myth and ideology
The overall results establish that this soap opera uses myth of the black-
South Africans being successful entrepreneurs, owning their own businesses.
Here the myth – the previously held perception that the blacks can not sustain
in the business is challenged. The ideology that this television programme is
communicating is social experience where any individual, regardless of colour
or race can be allowed to own a huge business like the media agency.
35
35
This soapie challenges the racism ideology whereby the black South Africans
were not expected to run their businesses succesfully.
13.4.3 Use of colour and lighting
The overall results show that this television programme uses colour and
lighting applications. When thinking about light and darkness, one often
associate light with clarity, warmth and/or security, whereas darkness can be
associated with resting, coldness, unpredictability and/or tension. The lighting
technique is usually used to make the scenes and characters more appealing
and bright. The colour in the selected episode signifies that the character:
Khethiwe is a widow for the time being. Colours that were used in Khethiwe’s
house show the mourning situation of darkness.
13.4.4 Genre conventions
The overall results highlights that this television programme use genre
convention. This television programme use genre convention. As far as genre
is concerned, this television programme can be identified as a soap opera,
focusing on the topics that can be easily ignored by many, previously taboo
topics such as rape, homosexuality, illegitimacy and even alcoholism.
13.5 Semiotics applied in soap opera 2: Rhythm City
13.5.1 Use of music and sound themes
The overall results highlights that this television programme uses music and
sound themes. Firstly, this soap opera has a sound that distinguishes it from
the other soapies. This music and sound is found in the opening sequence.
The other music or sound applied are the ones that emphasise a particular
scene. The sound usually highlights the mood and atmosphere of the part of
the storyline or scene.
36
36
13.5.2 Use of myth and ideology
The overall results highlight that this soap opera use myth of multicultural and
multiracial individuals working together. The myth of the previously held
perception that the differing races cannot work together is being challenged,
the apartheid ideology is being challenged. There is a new ideology being
instilled by the soap opera: harmonious, rainbow nation South Africa.
The message being implied by this soapie is that human beings can be able
to live in harmony, run the business together, regardless of race or colour.
13.5.3 Use of colour and lighting
The overall results highlights that this television programme uses lighting,
especially to make the scenes more appealing and bright. The Three
dimensional (3D) types of scenes, especially, in the townships communicate
a lot of sense to the viewers. Colour as applied in this soap opera are found in
differentiation of setting of the scenes, for example, the colour themes that
are found in Suffocate’s night club are different to the ones that are found in
the office. Colours as used in this soapie are associated with temperatures
(such as warmth, coldness and happiness). Colours that are used in the
suburban scenes are different to the ones found in the townships.
13.4.4 Genre conventions
The overall results highlights that this television programme uses genre
convention. This television programme has a form, pattern, or style that is
identified as a soap opera. This soapie is conventionally fictional but
considered by many as factual or more real as it tackles the real life
situations. This soap opera also addresses the subject matter related to
previously taboo topics (for example rape, homosexuality, illegitimacy,
alcoholism). Here, the viewers can be capture by the way the story is
narrated; they can even assimilate the ways that they saw on television. The
viewers can also mirror themselves thought this soapie.
37
37
14 CONCLUSIONS
The aim of this study was to analyse the two magazine advertisements and two
television programmes to explore the meaning (mythical/commutative and ideological)
presentation found in the media texts: television programmes (soap operas) and
advertisements. The objectives of the study were to determine differently used sign
systems by the producers in order to interact with the targeted readers. The way
advertisers use the sign systems in order to interact with the targeted readers was
investigated. The music and sound themes techniques used were also investigated on
how they take part in the television programmes. The use ideologies and myths as
applied in the selected texts.
This advertisement clearly identified the target and accessible population and correlated
findings into the literature review on media semiotics. The results show a picture that
producers of the media texts use the various numbers of techniques in order to make
the meaning clear and also communicate their intentions. The advertisers use the
various signs, sign systems and codes that support them in selling their products. When
the targeted buyer looks at the advertisements he or she get attracted due to the
myths/connotations and ideologies being created by the advertisements. The signs
used in the visual images or photographs, especially in the advertising, communicate
meanings to the viewers. The photographs used by the advertisers convey meanings as
they transmit messages intended by the producers. The findings of this research led to
the conclusions that the creators of the characters representative of South African
society use the different signs in order to influence the mentality of the viewers of the
texts; and that the commercial bias of media production had a strong influence on the
manner in which society was being portrayed.
To conclude, the different advertisements use the same sign systems (written and
unwritten language that complement the pictures) in order to interact with the targeted
readers. The foot wear advertisements refer to different ideologies to that of the tertiary
institutions. The South African multicultural society portrayed in the two soap operas
reflects the ideology of the rainbow nation. Both of the television programmes
38
38
communicate the same ideologies, especially harmonious, heterogeneous, multicultural
society.
15 ASSESMENT OF ETHICAL REQUIREMENTS
15.1 Sampling
A random sample was drawn from a purposive of only those advertisements published
by tertiary institutions as well as those published by the foot-wear shops. This sample is
a non-probability sample which is not representative of any target of accessible
population of advertisements and soap operas. Ethically, this sample is correct since no
population is going to be biased.
A sample of advertisements was drawn from Hype Magazine of April/May 2012 as well
as soap operas Generations and Rhythm City dated 13 April 2012. When paging
through this magazines it became apparent that they contain many advertisements from
tertiary education institutions aimed at the youth who recently educated. They also
contain many foot wear advertisements targeting the youth who like a popular style of
hip-hop music. The soap operas: Generations (2012) and Rhythm City (2012) are good
for analyses since they are popular to the society of South Africa and the meaning they
produce as well as messages they convey affect the vast number of television
audiences. The population is accurate for the purpose of the study.
This media research is ethical, worthwhile, proper and acceptable as a result of a
representative sample drawn. There is no reason why a snowball or known-group
sample cannot be drawn (and treated as an ethical step in the research process). The
following "dictates" that this is an appropriate sample: the nature of the problem, the
objective(s) and especially the population’s characteristics. The use of non-probability
samples create important ethical implications, such as related to external validity,
especially due to the fact that this study is in qualitative content analyses.
39
39
15.2 Treatment of subject and data
The objectivity and accuracy of the collection of data, the coding of data and the
interpretation of data are clear and accurate since they postulate all that need to be
highlighted. The development of content analysis categories will lead one to a clear
understanding of the issue discussed. Categories are operationally constructed and
how they meet the requirements of being discrete, mutually exclusive and exhaustive
since they give us detailed information of what is to be analysed in order to reach the
conclusion.
15.3 Development and application of measuring instruments
All the measuring instruments that are used in the selected research method are
accurate and effective since they accommodate internal validity, and clarify what is
being measure. External validity of the measuring instrument allows that the same
measuring instrument be used in similar research that takes place in another situation
and during another time. Reliability of this analysis highlights that if the research was
repeated, it would yield the same results.
Analyses are qualitative since there is nothing counted but the exploration and
description the categories that will lead to the conclusion, for example, the ethics
ideologies that are use in the advertisements or television programmes highlight what
the producer wish to communicate.
SOURCES CONSULTED
Babbie, E & Mouton, J. 2001.The practice of social research. South African edition.
Cape Town: Oxford University Press.
Barthes, R. 1972 [1957]. Mythologies. Translated by A Lavers. London: Paladin.
Barthes, R. 1979. Image-music-text. Essays selected and translated by S Heath.
Glasgow: Fontana/Collins.
40
40
Bignell, J. 2002. Media semiotics. An introduction. 2nd edition. Manchester: Manchester
University Press.
Bynner, J & Stribley, KM. 2010. Research design: the logic of social inquiry. The State
University: Rutgers.
Descombe, M. 2007. The good research guide: for small scale social research projects.
3rd edition. Open University Press: New York.
Fourie, PJ (ed). 2001a. Media studies. Volume 1; institutions, theories and issues.
Lansdowne: Juta.
Fourie, PJ (ed). 2001b. Media studies. Volume 2; content, audiences and production.
Lansdowne: Juta.
Lester, PM. 2011. Visual communication: images with messages. Belmont, Calif:
Wadsworth.
University of South Africa. Department of Communication Science. 2012. Mass
communication theory: Tutorial letter 101/2012 for HCMMCTG. Pretoria.
Boston Media House: 2012. Hype Magazine. 1 (10):77
Converse All Star. 2012. Hype Magazine. 1 (10): 23
Generations. 2012. [Television programme] Morula pictures
Broadcast: 20:00, 13 September 2012, SABC 1
Rhythm City. 2012. [Television programme] Curious pictures
Broadcast: 18:30, 13 September 2012, e.tv.