The sense of Murui nominalizations [Nominalizations in the Americas, Aug 7, 2014]

7 August 2014

Special Workshop on Nominalizations in the Americas

Language and Culture Research Centre, Cairns

The sense of Murui nominalizations

Katarzyna Izabela Wojtylak

1. The Murui language

Murui (Bue) is spoken by about 1.100 Murui people that inhabit the areas of native title along the

banks of the Cara-Paraná river (Colombia) (Organización Indígena Murui del Amazonas OIMA,

2008). Murui, together with Mɨka, Mɨnɨka, and Nɨpode (forming a dialect continuum), belongs to

the 'Early Witotoan' branch of the Witoto language family, one of the smaller linguistic families

in Amazonia. The data presented in this paper comes from the author’s fieldwork in the Murui

communities (Jul 2013 - Jan 2014).1

1 Abbreviations used in this paper:

A anaphoric i; ABL ablative; ABILTV abilitative; ADJZ adjectivizer; ADVZ adverbialiser; AGT agentive; ASS associative; C

consonant; CAUS causative; CL classifier; CNE canoe; COLL collective; CONJ conjunction; D distal or possessed; DECR

decreasing; DEM demonstrative; DEON deontic; DER derivational; DES desiderative; du dual; DUR durative; E event

(nominalization); EMPH emphatic; F feminine (pronominal); FEM feminine (nominal); FOC focus; FUT future; G generic; GR

group (pronominal); GROUP group (nominal); HAB habitual; HUM human referent; IMP imperative; INCP inceptive; INHRN

inherent; INTERJ interjection; INST instrumental; LK linker; LINK linking (clause); LOC locative; M masculine (pronominal);

MASC masculine (derivational; nominal); NEG negative/negation; NOM nominalization; NUM lexical number word; O

object; ORT oriented; P possessor; pl plural; PLC place; PP plural participants; PRED predicate; PRIV privative; PRG

progressive; PUR purposive; Q1 question marker bu; Q2 question marker nɨ; RED reported; sg singular; TRANS

transformative; V vowel/verb; VAL valency; X non-core arguments.

Astonishing complexities of South American

languages have been puzzling linguists for a long time

now. One reason for this is the overall lack of

linguistic data that has been impeding a detailed

understanding of distinctive grammatical structures in

the languages from this part of the world. One of

understudied linguistic domains in South American

linguistics is nominalizations. Nominalization has

been much discussed for Tibeto-Burman languages

(Genetti, 2011; Noonan, 1997); yet there is not much

literature on nominalizations in Amazonia. This paper

aims to provide a description of the forms, types, and

functions of nominalizations in Murui (Witoto), a

previously little described language from the

Colombian part of northwest Amazonia.

The sense of Murui nominalizations (6 August 2014, LCRC)

K. I. Wojtylak

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1.1 Language profile

Murui has a relatively small inventory of 22 phonemes: it distinguishes 16 contrastive

consonantal phonemes (p, b, t, d, k, g, ɸ, β, θ, h, tʃ, ʤ, m, n, ɲ, ɾ) and six vowels (i, e, ɨ, a, u, o). One

of the prominent characteristics of Murui, is the high back unrounded vowel ɨ. This vowel

phoneme is an areal feature common to northern South-America; all Witoto languages share this

characteristic (Aschmann, 1993, p. 124). The phonological system includes phonemic vowel

length. The basic syllable type in Murui is of the (C)V(:) type. Generally, in Murui stress is word-

initial.

Murui is an agglutinating language with some degree of fusion. It is predominantly

suffixing. It is a nominative-accusative language, and generally head marking with some

elements of dependent marking. Murui has three open lexical word classes (nouns, verbs and

derived adjectives) and eleven closed classes (underived adjectives, adverbs, quantifiers,

pronouns, demonstratives, interrogative words, lexical number words, connectives, adpositions,

interjections and onomatopoeic expressions). In principle, all members of the majority if the

word classes2 can occupy the predicate slot (but restrictions as to what kind of sets of suffixes can

occur with non-verbs). The language has a large system of multiple classifiers (about one

hundred) that can occur in various morphosyntactic environments.

The language is generally predicate-final; the organization of the constituents in the clause

is predominantly SV/AOV. Grammatical relations are expressed through bound pronouns cross-

referencing on the verb (with one cross-referencing position: the subject S/A). Syntactic functions

can be expressed through cases. Murui has differential case marking for core-arguments, -dɨ for

'focused S/A' and -na for 'focused non-subject'. Overt marking of these arguments depends on

their argument status in the discourse.3

2. Types and forms of nominalizations

Like many Amazonian languages (cf. van Gijn, Haude, and Muysken (2011)), Murui makes an

extensive use of nominalizations which vary in their types and forms. All are derivational in

nature and have an array of suffixes (among which also classifiers) that are used to derive

nominal forms from all major word classes. 4

From the morphological point of view, Murui has two nominalization types: simple

nominalizations and classifier-driven nominalizations. The former derives a noun from a non-

nominal element by means of attaching a 'dedicated' nominalization suffix (which is not a

classifier). The latter derives a noun by means of classifiers. The examples of both types are

illustrated below:

2 All type of verbs, nouns, adjectives, pronouns, demonstratives, interrogative words, and lexical number words. 3 Throughout this paper, I refer to the 'focused non-subject' suffix -na (N.S/A.FOC) as either 'accusative case marker' or

'O case marker'. The suffix 'focused subject' -dɨ (S/A.FOC) is referred to as either the 'nominative'. 4 I.e. verbs, nouns, adjectives, interrogative words, demonstrative, anaphoric, and numeral expressions. As in many

languages with multiple classifiers, Murui classifiers have also derivational functions and they can occur with existing

nouns to further specify the referent, e.g.: Bogota-ñaiño (Bogota-CL.F.SG) 'a woman from Bogota (lit. Bogota-woman)'.

This type of a derivation process is outside scope of this paper.


K. I. Wojtylak

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[1] zeda-ja simple nominalization

take.care.wait-NOM.E

'(action of) waiting, taking care'

[2] zeda-raɨ-ño simple nominalization

take.care.wait-AGT-CL.FEM

'female care-taker'

[3] zeda-dɨ5-ñaiño classifier-driven nominalization

take.care.wait-LK-CL.F.SG

'female care-taker (lit. the one female that takes care)'

[4] kue-ra-be-ni-ko

write-CL:NEUT-CL:LEAF-CL:LONG-CL:NHUM classifier-driven nominalization

'notebook (lit. writing leaf-shaped long thing)'

Similarly to other Amazonian languages (e.g. Tucano, Tariana, Baniwa), Murui has a split gender

system. There are two sets of gender markings, derivational and gender classifier. Gender

classifiers occur in paradigmatic positions with other classifiers; derivational gender markers do

not.6 The number system of derivational gender markings is bipartite in nature (distinguishes

between sg/du + masc/fem); gender classifiers have a tripartite number system (sg/du/pl +

masc/fem). See Table 1:

Table 1. Split gender system - morphosyntactic occurrence of markings

Derivational gender marker Gender classifier

-ño (FEM.DER)

-ma (MASC.DER)

-

-

> -naiño (CL.F.SG)

-mɨe (CL.M.SG)

- aɨmɨe7 (CL.M.DU)

-aɨñuaɨ (CL.M.DU)

>

Plural markings > Plural markings

-nɨ (COLL.PL) -makɨ (CL.PL)

-no (CL.GR.HUM)

5 Murui verbal constructions are characterized by the occurrence of various predicative markers. Two of them occur in

allophonic variations:

1) the linker -dɨ: the voiced alveolar plosive /d/ becomes voiceless if verbal roots are either monomoraic or

trimoraic: [d] -> [t] / X]Verb unless X is bimoraic, e.g. do-t-e 's/he threw/throws', ri:-di-kue‘ I came/come’,

dui-di-kaiñai 'we (two women) got/get sick’,

2) the valency decreasing -ka: the voiceless velar plosive /k/ becomes voiced if verbal roots are either

monomoraic or trimoraic: [k] -> [g] / X]Verb unless X is bimoraic, e.g. o-ga 'taken out', fɨ:-ka-kue ‘ I’ve been robbed’.

6 Derivational gender markers, such as -ño (FEM.DER) in [2], occur with nouns (e.g. rɨ+ño (woman+CL.FEM) 'woman') and

numeral words, e.g. da-ño (ONE.ALONE-CL.FEM) 'one woman, woman alone'.6 Gender classifiers, such as -ñaiño (CL.F.SG)

in [3], occur with demonstratives, anaphoric and interrogative words, e.g. bi-ñaiño (this-CL.F.SG) 'she, this one (female)',

i-ñaiño (A-CL.F.SG) 'she', bu-mɨe (Q1-CL:M.SG) 'who?'. They occur in the same functional position as nominal classifiers, c.f.

bi-ko (this-CL:NHUM) 'this dog, house (etc.)'. They can also have derivational functions with verbs and nouns (e.g. jofo-

ñaiño (house-CL.F.SG) 'house wife'). There is some relatedness between these gender markings: -ño (FEM.DER) and -naiño

(CL.F.SG); -ma (MASC.DER) and -mɨe (CL.M.SG). Some nonhuman and inanimate nouns in Murui are marked with nominal

gender markers, e.g. dobeño 'basin (to smash unprocessed yucca (a task of only women)', ueño 'certain kind of frog',

jɨgadɨma 'tapir'. Such nouns could possibly be explained in terms of Murui legends, beliefs and perceived physical

associations (as it is the case, e.g. in Dyirbal (Dixon, forthcoming). 7 Depending on Murui clanolect, also -aɨmaiaɨ; see Wojtylak (2012, p. 50).


K. I. Wojtylak

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Simple and classifier-driven nominalizations both keep their arguments when they are

nominalized.8 The sentence in [5], jibi-e du-tɨ-mɨe (coca-CL:G chew-LK-CL.M.SG) 'the one that chews

coca', is an example of a relativization strategy in Murui (§3.2) where the nominalized verb du-

'chew' retains its argument jibi-e 'coca':

[5] [[jibi-e]o [du-tɨ-mɨe]]NP:S fɨmai-d-e

coca-CL:G chew-LK-CL.M.SG fast-LK-3

'The one that chews coca fasts (taboo).' (JibiFF:19)

Both simple and classifier-driven nominalizations can be divided into a number of semantic

types. The lexical nominalizations include: agentive S/A nominalization (cf. §2.1.1), event

nominalizations (cf. §2.1.2), purposive object/action nominalizations (cf. §2.1.3), and locative

nominalizations (cf. §2.1.4). Semantics of classifier-driven nominalizations vary. Depending on

the referent of their classifiers, they can denote S/A agentive, O-based 'object', or instrument

nominalizations (cf. §2.2). Murui nominalizations, either simple or classifier-driven, can be

categorized as subclasses of nominal forms but they differ in how 'noun-like' or 'verb-like' they

actually are (see §2.3).

2.1 Simple nominalizations

There are five types of simple nominalizations where a noun is derived from a predicate by

means of attaching a 'dedicated' nominalization suffix. Semantic types of simple nominalization

in Murui are outlined in Table 2 below:

Table 2. Types of Murui simple nominalizations

Type Root Nominalization

affix Remarks Example

agentive

S/A V -raɨ (AGT)

-productive,

- obligatory occurs with

derivational gender classifiers,

- can occur with case markers,

- can occur with durative -ri.

mano-raɨ-ma

mano-ri-raɨ-ma

'healer'

'(true) healer'

(heal-AGT-MASC.DER)

(heal-DUR-AGT-MASC.DER)

event V or Adj -a (-ya/-ja)9, -na

(NOM.E)

- productive,

- can occur with case markers

and classifiers (non-stand-

alone nominalizations),

- can head main clauses

(stand-alone nominalizations).

jai-ya

jai~jai-na

mare-na

'going'

'going (prg.)'

'being good'

(go-NOM.E)

(go~REP-NOM.E)

(good+ADJZ-NOM.E)

purposive

object V

-ye

(NOM.PUR)

- not productive,

- can occur with case markers. gui-ye 'food' (eat-NOM.PUR)

purposive

action

V

-ye-na

(NOM.PUR+O)

- productive,

- purposive object

nominalizations suffixed with

the O case marker -na.

e:-ye-na 'to cry, for

crying' (eat-NOM.PUR-N.S/A.FOC)

locative

Adv -fe

(NOM.LOC)

- productive,

- can occur with case markers

and classifiers.

ana-fe

a-fe

'a place down'

'a place up'

(down-NOM.LOC)

(up-NOM.LOC)

8 Nominalization that keep their arguments are referred to as 'clausal nominalizations' in Genetti (2011, p. 164). 9 Murui morphophonemic rules: verbal roots that end with the phoneme /i/ are followed by the allomorph -ya, roots

ending with /ɨ, u, e, o/ < -a (additionally /o/ > /u/ /_a and /e/ > /i/ _a), roots ending with -a are followed by -ja, finally,

and roots ending in the negation marker -ñe and the possessive -re are followed by the allomorph -na.


K. I. Wojtylak

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2.1.1 Agentive S/A nominalizations

Agentive S/A nominalizations are derived from intransitive and transitive verbs with the suffix

-raɨ followed by a derivational gender marker: -ma (MASC.DER), -ño (CL.FEM.DER) and -nɨ (COLL.PL).

Syntactically, these agentive nominalizations refer to core S/A arguments. They express the

notion of a human referent who does something. Given the obligatory presence of the nominal

gender markers, agentive S/A nominalizations distinguish male vs female and singular vs plural

referents (i.e. bipartitie number system) (classifier-driven nominalizations have a tripartite

number system: sg/du/pl, cf. §2.2). Compare the following examples:

[6] yofue-raɨ-ño vs. yofue-raɨ-ñuaɨ

teach-AGT-FEM.DER teach-AGT-FEM.DER+pl

'(female) teacher' '(female) teachers'

[7] mano-raɨ-ma vs. mano-raɨ-ma-iaɨ

heal-AGT-MASC.DER heal-AGT-MASC.DER-pl

'(male) healer' '(male) healers'

[8] maɨjɨ-raɨ-nɨ10 vs. maɨjɨ-raɨ-nɨaɨ

work-AGT-COLL.PL work-AGT-ASS.PL

'(a group of) workers' '(all) workers'

Out of all nominalizations in Murui, agentive S/A nominalizations are the ones that most closely

resemble Murui prototypical nouns. They have all the morphological and syntactic properties of

a noun:

1) they receive derivational gender markers (reserved for nouns only; shown in [6-8]),

plurality, and case markers;

2) they cannot be negated;

3) they can head an NP;

4) they can function as verbless clause complements (VCC);

5) they have to be accompanied by a linker to head an intransitive clause.

See the examples below (agentive S/A nominalizations are in bold). In [9] agentive S/A

nominalization heads an NP:

[9] [[reɨtɨraɨ]o [uieko-do]x [ui-raɨ-ma]]NP

torch face-INS take-AGT-CL.MASC

'torch-taker (lit. taker of the torch ahead)'

In [10], in addition to function as an NP, the nominalized verb functions as a VCC in a verbless

clause:

[10] [bi-e rɨño]vs [kaɨ zeda-raɨ-ño]vcc

this-A-CL:G woman+FEM.DER 1pl take.care.wait-AGT-FEM.DER

'This woman is our care taker (lit. this woman our care taker).'

10 The collective plural marker -nɨ (COLL.PL) has a meaning of a (specific, animate) group with human referents

(regardless whether women or men), e.g. naime-nɨ (sweet-COLL.PL) 'the clan of the Sweet people'. When it occurs with

the plural marker -aɨ, it has an associative meaning of a group of unspecified and uncountable (inanimate and animate)

referents, e.g. jofo-nɨaɨ (house-ASS.PL) '(all) houses'. The collective -nɨ can also occur in pronominal positions, e.g. bi-nɨ

(this-COLL.PL) 'these people'.


K. I. Wojtylak

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In [11] the nominalization is heading an intransitive clause accompanied by the linker -dɨ:

[11] jɨfai-ri-raɨ-ma-d-e

get.drunk-DUR-AGT-CL.MASC-LK-3

'He is a (heavy) drinker.'

It is a cross-linguistically attested phenomenon that S/A agentive nominalizations can develop

overtones of a 'habitual' aspect (Aikhenvald & Dixon, 2011, p. 340). Murui agentive S/A

nominalizations can denote an entity which habitually carries out the action. This is a

morphological process where the agentive nominalization suffix -raɨ is preceded by the durative

(verbal) suffix -ri. Compare the example [7] (repeated) with [12] below. In [7], we have a healer,

one that knows how to heal but has not necessarily been healing for living:

[7] mano-raɨ-ma

heal-AGT-MASC.DER

'(male) healer'

In [12], the healer is a respected man that has been healing people for years:

[12] mano-ri-raɨ-ma

heal-DUR-AGT-CL.MASC

'healer (one that has been healing for a long time now)'

The examples [13] and [14] illustrate S/A agentive nominalizations with an argument occurring

within the nominalized clause. What forms an NP in [13] are the core O argument nogo 'pot' and

the nominalized ni-raɨ-ño '(female) knitter, maker':

[13] [[nogo]O ni-raɨ-ño]NP

pot knit-AGT-FEM.DER

'a (female) knitter (lit. pot maker)'

Similarly, [14] presents a nominalization of the verbal root faɨ- 'throw' (accompanied by the

derivation gender marker -ma) with the peripheral argument fue-mo 'in(to) mouth':

[14] [[fue-mo]X:LOC faɨ-raɨ-ma]NP

mouth-LOC throw-AGT-MASC.DER

'initiator (lit. a (male) thrower in the mouth)'11

S/A nominalizations can also be of the classifier-driven kind (cf. §2.2). These occur commonly in

relative clauses (cf. §3.2). Compare the following examples:

[15] [yofue-ri-raɨ-ma]NOUN simple nominalizations

teach-DUR-AGT-MASC.DER

'male teacher'

[16] [yofue-dɨ-mɨe]RC classifier-driven nominalizations

teach-LK-CL.M.SG

'male teacher (lit. the one that teaches)'

In [15] the simple nominalization functions as a lexical noun; in [16] the classifier driven

nominalization functions as a relative clause.12

11 The meaning here seems to have been fossilized but yet, is seems to be still transparent (probably derived from

where one initiate a discussion by throwing a topic of a discussion onto people’s mouth).


K. I. Wojtylak

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2.1.2 Event nominalizations

The most characteristic of Murui nominalizations are event nominalizations.13 Event

nominalizations can be derived from either any kind of verb or any kind of adjective. They can

function in two ways: as non-stand-alone nominalizations or as stand-alone nominalizations.14

(For properties of event nominalizations, see Table 8 in Appendix).

Event nominalizations that are derived from verbs are used to encode any kind of event,

action, or state that is viewed and focused on as a whole without anchoring along the lines of

person or time. Event nominalizations that are derived from adjectives denote a property of an

entity.

To derive an event nominalization, generally, verbal roots are followed by the suffix -a (or

its allomorphs -ya and-ja) and the adjectival roots with the suffix -na:15

[17a] ɨnɨ-a (sleep-NOM.E) '(the action, state of) sleeping'

[17b] moko-re-na (green-ADJZ-NOM.E) '(the property of) being green'

Nominalized verbs have the verb’s argument structure, e.g.:

[17c] [uzu-ma]s bi-ya

grandparent-CL.MASC come-NOM.E

'grandfather came / coming of grandfather'

[17d] [no-kae-na]o fɨnu+a

canoe-CL:CNE-N.S/A.FOC make+NOM.E

'(the action of) making of the canoe'

Event nominalizations, depending on its function, can either show verbal or nominal properties.

Generally, regardless of them functioning as non-stand-alone or stand-alone nominalizations,

even nominalization share many verbal properties and the verbal argument structure:

1) they can be negated, e.g. gui-ñe-na (eat-NEG-NOM.E) 'not eating';

2) verbal roots can be reduplicated (progressive aspect) (unlike any nominal root);

3) they can occur with various verbal aspect markers;

4) they cannot be pluralized;

5) adjective roots are obligatory accompanied by the adjectivizer -re and can also be followed

by a number of transformative (adjectival) suffixes (-rui, -nai, -tai).

12 What is the semantic distinction between these two clauses? 13 'Event nominalizations' in Yap et al. (2011, p. 3). In Aikhenvald and Dixon (2011, pp. 339, 346) they are referred to as '

activity, state or property nominalizations '. 14 The term 'stand-alone nominalizations' is used for nominalizations functioning as independent (main) clauses in

Tibeto-Burman languages (Yap et al., 2011, p. 41). 15 This is somewhat simplified rule that has some variations. If the predicate contains a negative element -ñe15, the

suffix -na appears to also derive nominalizations of both predicative adjectives and verbs, e.g. uzi-re-ñe-na (hot-ADJ-

NEG-NOM.E) '(the property of) not being hot', gui-ñe-na (come-NEG-NOM.E) '(the action) of not eating'. The same counts

for reduplicated verbal stems, e.g. yo-yo-na (tell~RED-NOM.E) 'telling (progressive)'. A few constructions show what

appears to be an optional double marking of event nominalization, e.g. maka-ja-na (walk-NOM.E-NOM.E) 'walking'. This

occurs in equative verbless constructions (VS-VCC) with deverbal event nominalizations.


K. I. Wojtylak

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2.1.2.1 Non-stand-alone event nominalizations

Event nominalizations that cannot occur on their own have features characteristic of nouns in

that:

1) cannot take any cross-referencing S/A pronominal suffixes (unlike verbs and adjectives);

2) they can core case marked (the accusative -na and, less frequently, the nominative case -dɨ);

3) can be further derived with nominal classifiers and gender classifiers;

4) syntactically, non-stand-alone event nominalizations function as S or O but not A;

5) they can further serve as basis for classifier-driven nominalizations (cf. §2.2).

This section discusses a selected number of these properties.

Constructions which consist of a nominalization and an overtly expressed S/A argument,

are similar to possessive constructions. The following examples show the internal syntax of the

possessive construction where the possessor (R) proceeds the possessed element (D), regardless

whether it is a lexical noun, as in [18a] or a nominalized verb, as in [18b]:

[18a] [[ei-ño]R (i-e) [ifo-gɨ]D]NP:S jeno-d-e

mother-FEM.DER (A-CL:G) head-CL:ROUND small-LK-3

'mother’s head (or: mother her head) is small'

[18b] [[ei-ño]R *(i-e) [rua]D]NP:S ebi-ni-d-e

mother-CL.FEM.DER sing+NOM.E beautiful-PRIV-LK-3

'mother’s singing is not beautiful (lit. is without being beautiful)'

Note, however, that the anaphoric expression i-e 'here: her' that commonly occur in possessive

constructions, cannot precede a nominalized verb, as [18b] shows. 16

Event nominalizations can take predicate’s arguments under their scope. In [19a], the entire

clause combination 'healing other sicknesses' is nominalized and marked with the accusative

(overt O) core-case marker -na. It functions as the object of the transitive verb

uiño- 'know':

[19a] [jɨaɨ-mɨe]A [[jɨaɨ-e dui-ko]O manua]-na]NP:O uiño-t-e

other-CL.M.SG other-CL:G illness-CL:NHUM heal+NOM.E-N.S/A.FOC know-LK-3

'Other (man) knows healing other illnesses.' (ManRm:1)

In [19b] jɨfanu+a 'playing' functions as a O argument:

[19b] [jɨfanu+a]o jɨbui-zaɨbi-tɨ-kañaɨ [estadio-mo]X:LOC

play+NOM watch-VNTV-LK-2du.f stadium-LOC

We came to watch the game (lit. playing) in the stadium.' (MeRN:18)

In [19c], uruiaɨ dɨga 'with children' occurs as the peripheral argument of the nominalized jaia

'going':

[19b] ba! [kome]S [[uruiaɨ dɨga]X:COM jai-a]NP]O jakɨ-ni-d-e

INTERJ person child+pl WITH go-NOM.E scary-PRTV-LK-3

'Uh! Person travelling (lit. going) with children is not scary' (MeRJ:25)

Event nominalizations can also occur with the nominative case marker -dɨ, e.g.:

16 What about case markings occurring within clauses such as [18b]?


K. I. Wojtylak

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[20] akɨ =mei a-fe bi-e=mei ba [curandero rai-ya]-dɨ]s

AUDTV=so above-NOM.LOC this-CL:G=so INTERJ healer[R] say-NOM.E-S/A.FOC[D]

mei=ua yofue-ga, ja=mai ua iadɨ uiño-ñe-d-e

so=truly teach-VAL.DECR time=so truly CONJ know-NEG-LK-3

'This way (as you have heard) up the river land, healer’s saying teaches, but they truly do not

know (well)' (ManRm:17)

Event nominalizations cannot be pluralized, and their readings depend on the singularity or

plurality of the referent(s) (either expressed grammatically or retrievable from the context), e.g.:

[21a] [uzu-ma ri-ya]

grand.parent-MASC.DER[sg] arrive-NOM.E

'Grandfather arrived.'

[21b] [uzu-tɨaɨ ri-ya]

grand.parent-ASS.PL arrive-NOM.E

'Grandfathers arrived.'

Event nominalizations can serve as base for further nominal derivations (cf. §2.2). In the example

[22], naɨ-ya 'speaking' is a target of relativization (cf. §3.2):

[22] naɨ-ya > naɨ-ya-re-dɨ-ñaiño

speak-NOM.E speak-NOM.E-POSS-LK-CL.F.SG

'speaking' 'female who is capable / characterized by speaking'

Event nominalizations are most productive way to serve as complementation and adverbial

subordination strategies (cf. §3.1 and §3.3).

2.1.2.2 Stand-alone event nominalizations

These stand-alone nominalizations can occur as predicate heading an entire clause, as in [23]:

[23] [kue]S [bi-ya]NOM:PREDICATE

1sg come-NOM.E

'My coming / I came.'

In such constructions S/A (and/or O) arguments are frequently present.

Generally, Murui nouns cannot be used as predicates heading an independent clause:

[24] [kue=uzu-ma]NP

1sg[R]=grand.parent-MASC.DER[D]

'my grandfather'

To head a clause, nouns have to be accompanied by the linker -dɨ, as in [25], or they have to

function as a verbless clause complement, as in [26]:

[25] [jofo-ñaiño-d-e]PREDICATE

house-CL.F.SG-LK-3

'She is a house wife.'


K. I. Wojtylak

10

[26] [uzu-ma]VS [mano-ri-raɨ-ma]VCC

grandparent.MASC.DER heal-DUR-AGT-MASC.DER

'(The) grandfather is a healer.'

Event nominalization can function as a predicate without being accompanied by the linker. In

fact, they cannot occur with -dɨ (cf. [25]):

*[27a] bi-ya-d-e

come-NOM.E-LK-3

*[27b] mare-na-d-e

good+ADJZ-NOM.E-LK-3

Stand-alone event nominalizations independently heading a clause have special discourse

functions that have to do with providing background and setting the stage of an action and event

(see §3.6).This is illustrated in the example [28] nokɨ riya 'the rain came, the coming of the rain'

functioning as a predicate:

[28] eko-no-tɨ-aɨmɨe, [da-ne]ADV [bu-e-na]o i-ñe-d-e,

open-SEMLFC-CL.M.DU ONE-ADV Q1-CL:G-N.S/A.FOC be.exist-NEG-LK-3

[da-ne]ADV [da-je izoi]ADV [nai-zi-aɨ+mɨe-mo]X:LOC [nokɨ ri-ya]NOM:PREDICATE

ONE-ADV ONE-CL:G similar A.D-PP-CL.M.DU-LOC rain arrive-NOM.E

ua [nokɨ ri-ya]NOM:PREDICATE ua rozi-nai-tɨ-aɨmɨe

truly rain arrive-NOM.E truly cold-transf-LK-CL.M.DU

'They opened (it). Once again (there) was nothing [in there]. Once again similarly the

rain came. Truly, the rain came. They really became cold.' (Jit47-49)

Similarly, in the example [29], the nominalized verb raifi-ya 'being expensive, costing' functions

as an independent predicate:

[29] nɨ-ka [raifi-ya]NOM:PREDICATE [na-i-e dɨne]X:LOC erua?

Q2-QUANT be.expensive-NOM.E A.D-A-CL:G there+DEM.LOC TAG

'How expensive is there, right?' (MeRN:17)

2.1.3 Purposive nominalizations

There are two types of purposive nominalizations: an unproductive purposive object

nominalization and a highly productive purposive activity nominalization. While the first has

more noun-like properties, the latter show more verb-like properties.

2.1.3.1 Purposive object nominalizations

Purposive object nominalizations derive nouns from verbs and they occur in S/O function in the

clause. They are not very productive in the language.17 They are formed with (a small number of)

verbal roots accompanied with the nominal suffix -ye.18 Compare the examples in [30] and [31]:

17 Moreover, when they function as an O argument, they cannot occur with the accusative marker-na, e.g.

*gui-ye-na gui-tɨ-kue [cf. [30]]. 18 It seems that purposive and deontic readings can overlap. Murui use the same (homophonous) verbal suffix -ye that,

in addition to being the purposive nominalization suffix, has also a deontic meaning. Those deontic constructions


K. I. Wojtylak

11

[30] [gui-ye]O gui-tɨ-kue

eat-NOM.PUR eat-LK-1SG

'I ate the food'

[31] kɨo-d-o, maɨjɨ-i-aka-dɨ-kue, iadɨ [[gui-ye]S i-ñe-na],

see-PRED-2sg work-EMPH-DES-LK-1sg CONJ eat-NOM.PUR be.exist-NEG-NOM.E

[[rɨ-ye]S i-ñe-na]

eat.meat-NOM.PUR be.exist-NEG-NOM.E

'You see, I do want to work but there is no food, there is no meat.'(Jkkz:7)

Purposive object nominalizations, such as gui-ye 'food' in [30], cannot occur with any verbal or

nominal suffix. Syntactically and morphologically they behave like nouns in that:

1) they occupy a nominal slot in S/O function;

2) they can be modified and thus head an NP;

3) they cannot be negated.

2.1.3.2 Purposive activity nominalizations

Purposive object nominalizations function as a complementation strategy denoting an activity

(see §3.4). They can occur only in the O function and, therefore, are obligatorily marked with the

focused non-subject (accusative) -na case marker. They are very productive in the language. They

express a volitional activity which marks both purpose and reason:19

[32] [maɨjɨ-ye-na]PurCl [ɨkare]X:TIME [iyɨ-mo]X:LOC ja:i-tɨ-kue

work-NOM.PUR-N.S/A.FOC tomorrow garden-LOC go+FUT-LK-1sg

'To work tomorrow, I will go to the garden.'

Purposive action nominalizations they are more verb-like in that:

1) they occupy the predicate slot of purposive clauses;

2) they can be easily can be negated;

3) they can take some verbal affixes, e.g.:

[33] [bi-e [eko-no-ñei-ye-na]Cl:Pur jai jai-d-e

this-cl:g open-SMLFC-NEG-NOM.PUR- O ALREADY go-LK-3

'Not to open it, he has already left.'

2.1.4 Locative nominalizations

Locative nominalizations are derived the nominalization suffix -fe that has a meaning of 'location,

at the side of'. They derive nouns from the closed class of adverbs (therefore, they are not very

productive). Locative nominalizations have noun-like features:

differ from purposive nominalizations and purposive clauses in that they form independent clauses, e.g. gui-ye! (eat-

DEON) 'you should eat (lit. eat-should)!'; ñuita-ñei-ye! (push-NEG-DEON) 'you should not push (boat from the river

edge)!'. 19 It is not uncommon for one form marking both purpose and other meanings. For instance, one form for purposive

and result has been described for Akkadian (Semitic) and many Australian languages, e.g. Yidiñ and Marrtuthunira

(Dixon & Aikhenvald, 2009, p. 18).


K. I. Wojtylak

12

1) they can occur with non-core case markers;

2) they can occur with a modifier in an NP;

3) they function as non-core arguments in the prototypical nominal slots in the clause.

In the following example -fe modifies the adverb a 'above'. As such it can occur with the locative

case marker -mo:

[34] a-fe-mo i-tɨ-kue

above-NOM.LOC-LOC be.exist-LK-1sg

'I live in the top (e.g. part of the river, land) (lit. place above)'

Locative nominalizations can serve as a base for classifier-driven derivations (cf. §2.2.4).

2.2 Classifier-driven nominalizations

Murui has a multiple classifier system where classifiers have complex derivational functions.

They derive full lexical nouns from verbs, adjectives, demonstratives, interrogative and numeral

words, and anaphoric expressions. On the morphological ground, we can distinguish between

four types of classifier-driven nominalizations:

Type A nominalization of bare roots (§2.2.1);

Type B nominalization with multifunctional -ra (§2.2.2);

Type C nominalization of derived adverbial roots (§2.2.3);

Type D nominalization of derived non-adverbial roots (§2.2.4).

Generally, not all classifiers can occur with all classifier-driven nominalization types; their sets

are restricted. Functions of classifier-driven nominalizations vary depending on their semantic

types (types of classifier-driven nominalizations are shown in Table 7 in the Appendix).

2.2.1 Nominalizations of bare roots

Semantically, nominalizations of bare roots cover O nominalizations but they are not productive.

They are derived from both verbal and adjectival roots with the special classifier -kɨ. These

nominalizations occur with both verbs and adjectives. The meaning of the classifier -kɨ is yet

unclear but it certainly has overtones of possession or inherent feature.20 In some cases roots can

also occur with the durative marker -ri, e.g.:

[35] mame-kɨ 'name' (name-CL:INHRN)

kome-kɨ 'heart' (new-CL:INHRN)

fare-kɨ 'fat (oily substance)' (fat+ADJZ-CL:INHRN)

maɨ-ri-kɨ 'strength of the body' (work-DUR-CL:INHRN)

20 This nominal derivation with -kɨ can be an archaism that could have originated from special properties of the

classifier -kɨ that nowadays appear to have been lost. In Murui, the classifier -kɨ has different meaning when used with

derived nouns; it refers to tree fruits, e.g. jagai-kɨ 'a fruit of the jagai-rai tree'. It is unclear at this moment if here this

meaning refers to the fact that the fruit somehow originates from or belongs to the tree, or it is its specific type of shape

of the fruit.


K. I. Wojtylak

13

2.2.2 Nominalizations with multifunctional ra

Semantically, these are O-Instrument nominalizations. They are derived with the neutral

classifier ra 'thing, CL:NEUT' that can occur in various functions. These functions of ra are briefly

summarized in Table 3:

Table 3. Functions of ra in classifier-driven nominalizations

Type Function of ra Example

Type B1 a clitic kue=ra 'something to write with' (write=CL:NEUT)

Type B2 free form da-je ra 'one thing' (ONE.ALONE-CL:G thing)

Type B3 free form baɨ-no-d-e ra 'poison'21 (die-SMFC-LC-3 thing)

Type B4 a bound element in the prefix position ra-fue 'dance, narrative' (thing-CL:STORY)

Type B5 a bound element in the suffix position kue-ra-be

'a book (something in the

shape of a leaf that is used

for writing)'

(write-CL:NEUT-CL:LEAF)

The types B1, B4 and B5 are very frequent in Murui; unlike B2 and B3. Nominalizations derived

with ra denote [-human] referents only. Virtually every verbal and adjectival root can be target of

these nominalizations, e.g. jai=ra (go-CL:NEUT) 'ladder', jitɨ=ra (dark-CL:NEUT) 'something dark'.

Classifier-driven nominalizations with -ra can further be derived with SHAPE, FORM, UNIQUE, and

ANIMACY classifiers, e.g.:

[36] kue-ra-be-ni-ko 'notebook' (write-CL:NEUT-CL:LEAF-CL:LONG-CL:NHUM) 'notebook'

gui-ra-ko 'plate' (eat-CL:NEUT-CL:NHUM) 'plate'

maɨjɨ-ra-kɨno 'instruction of work' (work-CL:NEUT-CL:NEWS) 'instruction of work'

2.2.3 Nominalizations of derived adverbial roots

Classifier-driven nominalizations of derived adverbial roots (Type C) are based on the locative

nominalization suffix -fe (discussed in §2.1.4). This classifier-driven nominalization type is not

word-class changing; they specify further a referent of the nominalization, as in [37] and [38]:

[37] a-fe-be-ji

above-NOM.LOC-CL:LEAF-CL:RIVER.SIDE

'the top side (lit. a place up the land/river located on the one side of the river)'

[38] a-na-fe-be

above-ABL-NOM.LOC-CL:LEAF

'the down side (lit. a place down the land/river)'

2.2.4 Nominalizations of derived non-adverbial roots

To form those kinds of nominalizations, roots are accompanied with verbal markers and

restricted sets of classifiers/gender classifiers. Only those nominalizations that are used with

21 The free form ra can also occur as head of NPs in the possessive construction with a nominalized verb, e.g. [[naɨ-ya]R

[ra]P]NP (speak-NOM.E thing) 'topic (lit. thing of speaking)', or within a clause where a predicate function as a modifier,

e.g. baɨ-no-d-e ra (die-SEMLF-LK-3 thing') 'poison (lit. thing that kills)'. These two nominalization types (see B2 and B3)

are not frequently used in the language.


K. I. Wojtylak

14

gender classifiers can have [+human] referents. Depending on the predicate markers, each

nominalization type has its own semantics. We distinguish the following classifier-driven of

derived non-adverbial roots:

Table 4. Types of classifier-driven nominalizations derived from non-adverbial roots

Type Derived with Example

Type D1 the event nominalization suffix

and a classifier izi-rui-ya-kɨno 'love' (admire-TRANS-NOM.E-CL:NEWS)

Type D2 the future-oriented marker

and a classifier maɨjɨ-yɨ-kɨno

'instruction how to

work (future)' (work-FUT.ORT-CL:NEWS)

Type D3 valency decreasing markers

and a classifier fɨ-ka-ko

'something that has

been robbed'

(rob-VAL.DECR-CL:NHUM)

Type D4 the linker and a classifier jeikɨ-tɨ-mɨe 'the one that was born' (be.born-LK-CL.M.SG)

All classifier-driven Type D nominalizations are derived from verbs and adjectives; Type D2 is

derived from verbal roots only. D1 and D4 nominalizations are very frequent in the language; the

future-oriented D2 and the valency decreasing (passive effect) D3 are somewhat less frequent.

Type D1 - these nominalizations are derived from already nominalized verbs and adjectives

(with the event nominalization suffix, cf. §2.1.2) by means of the classifiers from the UNIQUE set

(-kɨno and -ko), e.g.:

[39] gui-ya-kɨno

eat-NOM.E-CL:NEWS

'a story of eating, instruction to eat'

[40] gui-ya-ko

eat-NOM.E-CL:NHUM

'something to eat from'

Type D2 - nominalizations of the future-oriented -yɨ (type C2) are derived only from verbs

(regardless of their transitivity), e.g.:

[41] yofue-yɨ-ñaiño

each-FUT.ORT-CL.F.SG

'(female) student, applicant (the one that will be taught)'

[42] fɨno-yɨ-kɨno

do-FUT.ORT-CL:NEWS

'a story of something that will be done'

Type D3 - nominalizations derived from transitive verbal roots with the valency decreasing

-ka (-ga) suffix. As such, they occur with gender classifier. Compare the following examples:

[43] feto-ka-ñaiño

choose-VAL.DECR-CL.F.SG

'the chosen one (female)'


K. I. Wojtylak

15

[44] yofue-ga-mɨe22

teach-VAL.DECR-CL.M.SG

'student (lit. the one male that is being taught)'

[45] jɨka-no-ga-ñaiño

ask-SEMFC-VAL.DECR-CL.F.SG

'girlfriend (lit. the one female that was asked for)'

Type D4 - these classifier-driven nominalizations are commonly used as a relativization strategy

(cf. §3.2). They are derived from both verbs and adjectives with the linker -dɨ and can occur with

some verbal suffixes (i.e. semelfactive -no, abilitative -re, durative -ri, the causative -ta, directional

(andative, ventive) -aɨ, -aibɨ and the negative -ñe), e.g.:

[46a] feto-dɨ-ñaiño vs. [46b] feto-dɨ-no

choose-LK-CL.F.SG choose-LK-CL.GR.HUM

'female that chooses' 'ones that choose'

[47] komui-ta-tɨ-ñaiño

grow-CAUS-LK-CL.F.SG

'caretaker (lit. female that makes grow)'

[48] kaka-i-ñe-dɨ-mɨe

hear-NEG-LK-CL.M.SG

'deaf (lit. male that does not hear)'

[49]a. fɨ:-re-dɨ-mɨe vs. [49b] fɨ:-ri-tɨ-mɨe

steal-ABITV-LK-CL.M.SG steal-DUR-LK-CL.M.SG

'thief (lit. the male that can steal)' 'thief (lit. one male that continuously steals)’

[50] kaiyɨ-re-dɨ-ñaiño

scream-ABITV-LK-CL.F.SG

'screamer (lit. female that screams)'

[51] fueu-ai-dɨ-mɨe

mouth+take[learn]-ANDTV-LK-CL.M.SG

'one that is going learn'

Nominal roots can also occur in the same syntactic positions in those constructions. They denote

possession and are used with the possessive suffix -re and the privative -ni (cf. §3.2), e.g.:

[52] [i-yaɨkɨ]NOUN-re-dɨ-ñaiño]RC

A-CL:BONE-POSS-LK-CL.F.SG

'skinny (lit. the one has bones)'

2.3 Comparison of Murui nominalizations

It was shown that Murui nominalizations vary both in their types and forms. It is apparent that

all Murui nominalizations share a number of morphological and syntactic properties with both

22 Which is possibly derived from yo- 'tell' + -fue ‘CL:STORY; mouth’ and still has a semi-transparent meaning that

translates as 'to teach' and functions a one verbal root. This could suggest that maybe at some point it was possible to

attach classifiers directly to verbal roots (sort of verbal classifiers) that now appear to be lost. The verb fueo- in [53] is

different; it meaning is 'to learn' and it consists of fue ‘mouth’ and o- 'take'.


K. I. Wojtylak

16

verbs and nouns. Their properties are illustrated in Table 5, for simple nominalizations, and

Table 6, for classifier-driven nominalizations (see Table 8 in Appendix for a full summary of all

features of Murui nominalizations):

Table 5. Comparison of simple nominalizations with a prototypical noun and a prototypical verb

Nominalization

forms

Properties

Prototypical

noun

Prototypical

verb

Agentive S/A

nominalization

Event nominalization Purposive

nominalization Locative

nominalization Non-stand-

alone

Stand-

alone Object Action

Combines with core

case markers yes no yes yes no no no (-na) yes

Combines with non-

core case markers yes no yes no no no no yes

Modified by

demonstratives and

numeral expressions

yes no yes no yes yes no yes

Can be negated no yes no yes yes no yes no

Can take verbal

TAM markings no yes durative -ri some some no no no

Can be pluralized yes no yes no no no no no

Can be used as

(main) predicate

no (only

verbless

clauses)

yes no (only verbless

clauses)

no (only

verbless

clauses)

yes

no (only

verbless

clauses)

no (predicate

of a

purposive

clause)

no

Syntactic functions S, A, O,

obliques predicate A, S, O, obliques S,O predicate S, O O obliques

Table 6. Comparison of classifier-driven nominalizations with a prototypical noun and a prototypical verb

Nominalization

forms

Properties Prototypical noun

Prototypical

verb

Classifier-driven nominalization

A: derived with

-kɨ

B: derived with

-ra

C: derived with

-fe and classifiers

D: derived with

verbal suffixes and

classifiers

Combines with core case

markers yes no yes yes yes rarely

Combines with non-core case

markers yes

no (only clause

linking) yes yes yes rarely

Modified by demonstratives

and numeral expressions yes no yes yes yes yes

Can be negated no (only when used

predicatively) yes no no no yes

Can take verbal TAM

markings no yes no no no some

Can be pluralized yes no yes yes yes rarely

Can be used as main predicate no (only verbless

clauses) yes

no (only verbless

clauses)

no (only verbless

clauses)

no (only verbless

clauses)

no (only verbless

clauses)

Syntactic functions S, A, O, obliques predicate S, O, obliques S, O, obliques A, S, O, obliques S, O, obliques

These comparisons of Murui nominalizations show various noun-like and verb-like properties

for different nominalization types: they differ in terms how 'nominal' they actually are. While

some are truly noun-like (i.e. agentive S/A nominalizations), others have verbal properties (i.e.

stand-alone event nominalizations).

Noun-like nominalizations generally tend to:

1) lack tense, aspect, or modal affixes;

2) can be pluralized and case-marked;

3) can be modified;


K. I. Wojtylak

17

4) they occupy a prototypical nominal position;

5) cannot occur as predicate (unless they occur in verbless clauses).

Verb-like nominalizations, on the other hand, retain some of their verbal properties:

1) can be negated;

2) cannot be modified, pluralized or case-marked;

3) have the possibility of taking arguments;

4) some have tense, aspect, or modal affixes;

5) some head independent clauses.

Given these properties, we can introduce a hierarchy of the nature of the Murui nominalizations:

Figure 1. Nature of Murui nominalizations

Agentive S/A

nominalization

Classifier-driven

(A, B, C)

Locative

nominalization

Classifier-

driven (D)

Purposive object

nominalization

Purposive activity

nominalization

Event

nominalization

more noun-like more verb-like

3. Functions of nominalizations

In South American languages, nominalizations are typically used as the main subordination

strategy to subordinate clauses of all sorts (van Gijn et al., 2011). Commonly, while event

nominalizations function as complement clauses, participant nominalizations are used a

relativization strategy. Any of these can occur in adverbial clauses (Gildea, 2008, pp. 11-12). In

Murui only event nominalizations can occur in adverbial clauses.23 This section briefly describes

nominalizations functioning as complementation (§3.1) and subordination strategies:

relativization (§3.2), adverbial subordination (§3.3), purposive clauses (§3.4). Backgrounding

function of nominalizations is discussed in (§3.5). The last section (§3.6), shows a

grammaticalization path of the event nominalization suffix.

3.1 Complementation strategy

Murui lacks complement clause constructions; it employs event nominalizations as a

complementation strategy. See the following example (repeated from §2.1.2.1):

[19a] [jɨaɨ-mɨe]A [[jɨaɨ-e dui-ko]O manua-na]NP:O uiño-t-e

other-CL.M.SG other-CL:G illness-CL:NHUM heal+NOM.E-N.S/A.FOC know-LK-3

'Other (man) knows healing other illnesses.' (ManRm:1)

In [19a] jɨaɨ-e dui-ko manua functions as complementation strategy in that:

1) it forms an NP and manua 'healing' is the head noun;

2) it functions as a core argument of the verb 'know' (marked with the core case marker -na),

23 In addition to nominalizations, Murui has also other mechanisms to express subordination, e.g. clause-linking

suffixes. The language has also clause-chaining suffixes to place events in sequences.


K. I. Wojtylak

18

3) it describes a proposition which is an activity.24

The sentence [55] is an example of an NP with nominalization of atɨñena 'not bringing' that

functions as the head noun of 'our not bringing money' (note that negation of the complement is

marked on the verb):

[55] [[uku-be]o [kaɨ atɨ-ñe-na]] [komo]X:TIME komekɨ-tɨ-kaɨ

money-CL 1pl bring-NEG-NOM.E lately remember-LK-1pl

'Lately, we remembered that we didn’t bring money.' (Di:47)

Murui uses this strategy with the following semantic types of complement taking verbs (Dixon,

2010, p. 394): Attention ('see', 'hear/listen'), Thinking ('know/understand', 'remember'), Liking

('like/love/need', 'fear'), Speaking ('say').25

3.2 Relativization strategy

Cross-linguistically, there is an intimate relationship between nominalization and relativization

(Yap et al., 2011, p. 27). In Murui, classifier-derived nominalizations (Type D) are used as a

relativization strategy (RC) (discussed in §2.2.3). In many languages of South America, classifier-

derived nominalizations form relative clauses, e.g. in some Macro-Jé langauges (Rodrigues, 1999,

p. 194) and Hup (Epps, 2012, p. 196). Compare the following examples:

[56] [kue=uzu-ma]S fɨmai-d-e

1sg=grandparent-MASC.DER fast-LK-3

'My grandfather fasts.'

[57] [[[jibi-e]o [du-tɨ-mɨe]NP]RC]S fɨmai-d-e

coca-CL:G chew-LK-CL.M.SG fast-LK-3

'The one that chews coca fasts (taboo).' (JibiFF:19)

In the example [57], MC and RC make up one intonation unit. The common argument (CA) is

stated in the RC and fills the RC slot which the CA would have in the MC.

In Murui nominalized relative clauses, the CA can either be fully stated in the MC, as in

[58], or as in [59], where it is stated in the RC:

[58] [[kue uruai-aɨ-na]O komekɨ-tɨ-kue]MC [[jofo-mo]X:LOC [i-tɨ-no-na]RC]o

1sg child-pl N.S/A.FOC remember-LK-1sg house-LOC be.exist-LK-CL:GROUP-N.S/A.FOC

'I remember my children who stayed at home' (Dic117)

[59]26 [[fui-ri-re-dɨ-mɨe]S]RC [bi-t-e]MC [bi-ñe-d-e]MC

fight-DUR-ABLIT-LK -CL.M.SG come-LK-3 come-NEG-LK-3

'The fighter (lit. one who always fights) came, didn’t he?'

The nature of the CA in Murui is limited: is a bound element that may refer to the 3rd person

only27 (this includes classifiers), e.g.:

24 In the spirit of Dixon (2010, p. 370). 25 Other types of CTVs to be identified in the future. 26 In some linguistic frameworks, the example [65] could also be interpreted as a 'headless' RC as there is no NP stated

within neither MC nor RC (the whole RC functions as an NP). Note, however, that there is the obligatory bound

pronoun -mɨe that directly expresses the CA. 27 Similar to another language in the Amazon, Jarawara (Arawá) (Dixon, 2010, p. 319).


K. I. Wojtylak

19

[60] [[ebi-re-dɨ-fue-na]RC]O eo gaɨ-dɨ-kue

beautiful-ADJZ-LK-CL:STORY-N.S/A.FOC very like-LK-1sg

'I like the beautiful story (lit. the story that is beautiful)'

A clause with a nominalization occupies a prototypical nominal position; Murui is generally verb

final and the nominalizations occur before the main predicate. In [61] it functions as a VCC and

in [62] it occurs in the S function; in all examples it restrict the meaning of NP:

[61] [Juan]vs [urue-re-dɨ-mɨe]vcc

Juan child-POSS-LK-CL.M.SG

'Juan has child(en) (lit. Juan (is) child-possessor).'

[62] mei [jɨaɨ-kaɨñaɨ]x ua mei [urue-re-dɨ-mɨe]s [da-ma]s

INTERJ other-TIME INTERJ INTERJ child-POSS-LK-CL.M.SG alone-MASC.DER

[urue dɨga]X i-t-e

child WITH be.exist-LK-3

'Well, other times, the one that has children, lives alone with (his) children.' (JoFɨ:15)

The CA has similar functions in the MCs and the nominalized RCs. In both, the CA may occur in

the S, A, and O functions (also VS and VCC) but the most frequent argument type as CA within

an RC is S, A, VS, and VCC.

3.3 Adverbial subordination

Event nominalizations in Murui are also the frequent means of forming adverbial-type

subordinate clauses. There is a number of morphosyntactic mechanisms in Murui to adverbially

modify the main clause. In Murui, adverbial constructions are found pre-posed to the main

clause. Given their morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties, we can distinguish

between three adverbial constructions: temporal (§3.3.1), consequence (§3.3.2), and others

(§3.3.3). The most frequent adverbial clauses formed with a nominalized predicate are temporal

adverbial constructions.

3.3.1 Adverbial clauses of time

Semantically, adverbial clauses of time establish a temporal link between a subordinate clauses

and the main clause. Murui nominalization extend its uses to form adverbial subordinate clauses

(Yap et al., 2011, p. 45). Murui adverbial temporal clauses are composed of a nominalized verb

(with the event nominalization suffix -a) obligatorily followed by temporal adjunct fakai

(grammaticalized noun meaning 'time, period, season'). An example of such a construction is

presented in [63] where the nominalized verb komulga-ja 'receive the Holy Communion' (Spanish

borrowing comulgar) is the predicate of the dependent temporal adverbial clause: 28

28 As a possessive construction: [[komulga-ja]R [fakai]D]NP 'time of taking communion, communion taking time'.


K. I. Wojtylak

20

[63] [komulga-ja fakai]Cl:ADV ro-a29 [nana]o

take.communion-NOM.E TEMP sing-NOM.E ALL

'In the time of receiving communion, she was singing everything [all songs] (lit. time of

receiving communion).' (MeRN:30)

The following example [64] illustrates a similar construction with the nominalized verb i-ya

'being, existing, living' functioning as adverbial modification. Moreover, the peripheral argument

Nofɨko 'Chorrera' is marked by the locative -mo:

[64] [kue [Nofɨko-mo]x i-ya fakai], [[be-no]x bi-ya-na]30 eo kue

1sg Chorrera-LOC be.exist-NOM.E TEMP here-CL:PLC come-NOM.E-ABL very 1sg

aiyo bi-aka-dɨ-kue, [akɨ kue]x

QUANT come-DES-LK-1sg AUDTV 1sg

'During my living in La Chorrera, as for coming here, I really wanted to come, I say so' (lit.

time of my being in La Chorrera).' (MeRJ:1)

Regarding other adverbial expressions referring to time, it is interesting to notice that -na also

derives the time words in Murui, e.g.: naɨo 'night' > naɨo-na 'at night'.31

3.3.2 Adverbial clauses of consequence

Event nominalizations can also occur in adverbial clauses of consequence. They combine with

the clause-linker jira that can be translated roughly as 'consequence, reason'.32 In [65], the

nominalized zuri-ya 'announcing' is derived from a verbal root:

[65] [abɨdo dane]ADV [nɨ-no-mo]x zuri-d-e, [zuri-ya

again once.again Q2-CL:PLC-LOC bird.sing.bad-LK-3 bird.sing.bad-NOM.E

jira] dane Kecha rei-t-e: 'Ama' rei-t-e

consequence once.again Kechatoma say-LK-3 brother+MASC.DER say-LK-3

'Once again somewhere [a bird] sung (announcing bad news). Because of (its) singing, once

again Kechatoma said (to Jitoma): “Brother” he said.'(Jit:42)

In [66], the nominalized adjective denotes an information leading up to the state of being 'cold':

[66] [eo rozi-nai-ya jira] “Uzu, uzu!

very cold-TRANSF-NOM consequence grand.father[VOC.MASC] grand.father[VOC.MASC]

Abɨ manaɨ-no, o jito-dɨ-kue-za!’ rei-t-e

body calm-IMP 2sg son-LK-1sg-NCERTAIN say-LK-3

'As a consequence of becoming very cold (outside), “Grandfather, grandfather! Calm

yourself! I am your son!' he said.' (Jit:51)

The clause-linker jira can also be sometimes omitted; this is not a very frequently occurring

construction and it is similar to the stand-alone nominalizations backgrounding an event in the

discourse (§3.5):

29 Innovative morphophonological rules. 30 This is a kind of focus construction with the ablative case marking -na. 31 The suffix -na on time words in Murui is homophonous with O marking -na. This is similar to Tucanoan -re which is

has the same form when used as a derivational suffix marking O, oblique arguments, locative and temporal nominals

(Stenzel, 2004, pp. 229-230). 32 This has also form of a possessive construction: [[zuri-ya]R [jira]D]NP 'reason ', as in [72].


K. I. Wojtylak

21

[67] [urue e:~e-na] ua raɨ-re [monɨ-na]o [kue-dɨ]A jiro-ta [na-i

child cry-RED-NOM.E INTERJ quick-ADV breast-N.S/A.FOC 1sg-S/A.FOC drink-CAUS A.D-CL:G

uruiaɨ moto-mo]X:LOC e:-ñei-yena

child+pl middle-LOC cry -NEG-PUR

'The child cried. I made her drink breast in the middle of children so she would not cry.' (MeRN:25)

3.3.3 Other adverbial clauses: temporal-sequential

To make temporal-sequential relations, the nominalized verb kɨo- 'see' (event nominalization) is

followed by the sequential temporal marker -no:

[68] [jari-re uieko-mo jai-tɨ-kue], [mei navui-da ri-dɨ-kue]

quick-ADVZ face-LOC come-LK-1sg so late.afternoon-INS arrive-LK-1sg

[o kɨ-a-no] [jari-re]ADV [uieko-mo]X:LOC kaka+rei-zai-dɨ-kue

2sg see-NOM-SEQ quick-ADVZ face-LOC listen-VENTV-LK-1sg 'I went quickly ahead, so I arrived late afternoon. After having seen you, I went quickly in the front to listen.' (MeRJ:23)

Other types of nominalizations are not used in adverbial clauses.33

3.4 Purposive clause

Purposive object nominalizations in purposive clauses have been described in §2.1.3.2. Purposive

clauses express a purpose, as in [72], and result, as in [73-74], and are best translated with 'to X':

[72] [[bi-e yɨkɨ-aɨ]S zori-ye-na]PurCl [[kue]s rui-ka]MC

this-CL:G fish-pl smell.nice-NOM.PUR-N.S/A.FOC 1sg toast-VAL.DECR

'For the fish to small nice, I toasted them.' (Cuad:979)

[73] M: [[be-ne-na]X:LOC jai-a]MC [o-ye-na]PurCl

HERE+DEM.LOC-ABL go-NOM.E take-NOM.PUR-N.S/A.FOC

S: No, i-ñe-na jira

No[Sp] be.exist-NEG-NOM.E reason

'M: (You went) from here to take (it)?

S: No, because it was not (there)'(MeRN:40)

[74] [bi-e komɨnɨ nɨkaɨ-nei-ye-na]PurCl [baɨ-ñe-d-e]MC

this-CL:G people+COLL.PL being.dreamt.of-NEG-NOM.PUR-N.S/A.FOC die-NEG-LK-3

'For not being dreamt of, these people did not die.' (Cuad:979)

33 Other Murui adverbial clauses are converbal (suffix -kana), as in [69], CONDITIONAL I (suffix -nia), as in [70], and

CONDITIONAL II (-na), as in [71]. They are morphosyntactically dependent on the main predicate:

[69] [maka-kana] gui-gui-tɨ-kue

walk-CONV eat~RED-LK-1sg

'I was eating while walking'

[70] [gui-nia] kaɨma-dɨ-kue

eat-COND.I happy-LK-1sg

'If I eat, I am happy'

[71] [obe-do jini-d-e-na], naɨme-re-d-e

fruit-CL become.ripe-LK-3-COND.II sweet-ADJZ-LK-3

'When the fruit becomes ripe, it is sweet. '


K. I. Wojtylak

22

3.5 Stand-alone nominalizations as discourse pragmatic device

Independently used nominalizations in Murui have discourse specific functions that have to do

with backgrounding and setting the stage of an event. Compare the following examples:

[75a] aifɨ bi-ya

wind come-NOM.E

'The wind came / coming of the wind.'

[75b] aifɨ bi-t-e

wind come-LK-3

'The wind came.'

Without a context, it is very difficult for speakers to 'feel' the difference in meaning between

these two constructions. In discourse, however, sentences as in [75a], background or stage-set an

event in Murui.34

In example [76] the nominalized zuri~zuri-na 'announcing' functions as action focus. In the

story, an evil elder Jobai sends two boys on a mission. The main goal for the boys, Jitoma and

Kechatoma, is not to open the package Jobai gave them. The boys suspect that the package is

empty and that Jobai is only testing the boys. At some point, a bird comes and starts

'announcing' that something bad has happened. This gives Kechatoma a clear reason to believe

that Jobai has tricked them. He says:

[76] [bi-e uzu-ma Jobai]A [bu-e-na]o jone-ñe-d-e, i-e

this-CL:G grand.parent-MASC.DER Snake Q1-CL:G-N.S/A.FOC put-NEG-LK-3 A-CL:G

bi-e ñe [[koko]R [zuri~zuri-na]D:NOM]NP

this-CL:G INTERJ 1du.m bird.sing.bad~RED-NOM

'The grandfather Jobai did not put anything [into our bag]! This is what the bird is announcing to us

(lit. the announcement of bad news to us!” (Jit:42)

Nominalized zuri~zuri-na 'bird announcing bad news' here is backgrounding the event. It

describes the state of affairs 'the announcement' while the main action is going on: Jobai did

cheat the boys. This is similar to [77] and [31] (repeated) below. The sentence in [77] is a part of

an oration so the hunting would go well. Walter Nɨraima Buinaima is referring to places in the

forest. The one mentioned in [77] is a place far away 'where black umari fall' and where his

ancestors used to go hunting. Kaɨ einamakɨ jaijaikaiya 'going of our ancestors' is a stage setting

device that evokes a specific frame that is familiar to the Murui speakers:

[77] [nɨ-no]x [ja-e]x [kaɨ ei-na-makɨ jai~jai-kai-ya]NOM, [meido

Q2-CL:PLC time-CL:G 1pl ancestor-A.D-CL.PL go~RED-INCEPT-NOM stubble

a:-na-mo]x [nɨ-no-mo]x [obe-do]s uai-d-e

up-ABL-LOC Q2-CL:PLC-LOC umari.black-CL:ROUND fall-LK-3

'Where long time ago our ancestors have begun their journey (lit. their start of going), underneath

the stubble where black umari fruits fall…' (Jkkz:13)

34 Similar functions of 'unembedded nominalizations' have been reported for Kham (Watters, 2002, p. 350) where

nominalization mark 'discontinuity'. (Matisoff, 1972) states that stand-alone nominalizations give 'a strong assertive,

matter-of-fact interpretation'.


K. I. Wojtylak

23

In the example [31], guiye iñena, rɨye iñena 'there is no food, there is no meat' has a similar

function. It is backgrounding the state-of-affairs which is the direct reason why he wants to work

so badly:

[31] kɨo-d-o, maɨjɨ-i-aka-dɨ-kue, iadɨ [gui-ye]s [i-ñe-na]NOM

see-PRED-2sg work-EMPH-DES-LK-1sg CONJ eat- NOM.PUR exist-NEG-NOM.E

[rɨ-ye]s [i-ñe-na]NOM

eat.meat.NOM.PUR exist-NEG-NOM.E

'You see, I do want to work but there is no food, there is no meat.' (Jkkz:1)

3.5 Grammaticalization of event nominalization

One interesting area where nominalization can be viewed as an example of grammaticalization is

Murui questions. The language has a special kind of a tag question that is characterised by the

presence of a special tag element erua or ua. The tag is added after a statement which has a

normal declarative intonation. The tag forms a separate intonation unit (sharply rising

intonation).

The tag has a rather fixed form: erua or its shorter version (and way more frequent) ua. The

tag word is generally used when a speaker predicts that a statement is correct and seeks

agreement from an addressee. For example:

[78] [bi-mɨe]VS [Pedro dofo+ra-to ji-to]VCC, ↗↗e↘rua? positive tag question

THIS-CL.M.SG Pedro first+CL:NEUT-CL:SON son-CL:SON TAG

'This one is Pedro’s first son, right?'

[79] [i-e]S jari-re fui-t-e, ↗↗u↘a? positive tag question

A-CL:G quick-ADVZ finish-LK-3 TAG

'It’s finished quickly, right?'

The origin of erua is likely to be the nominalized word for 'see', ero-d-e (see-LK-3) 's/he sees' > eru-a

(see-NOM.E). In Murui erua/ua are the only forms that function as a tag. These tag words are also

used in contexts where 'seeing' is not truly involved (possibly a semantic extension of 'seeing'):

[80] ziyɨ-na ja-zi-kɨmo kaka-dɨ-o, erua? positive tag question

bird-N.S/A.FOC jungle-CL-LOC hear.feel-LK-2sg TAG

'You have heard the bird in the forest, right?'

4. Conclusion

This paper has discussed Murui nominalizations as frequently occurring morphological

derivations in the language. Functionally, nominalization types that occur in Murui are very

common in many languages of South America, e.g. in Tariana, and in Tucanoan and Carib

languages.

In Murui there two types of nominalization mechanisms that can be distinguished: simple

nominalizations and classifier-driven nominalizations. While the former is fully 'dedicated'

derivational nominalization type (i.e. always requires an overt nominalization suffix), the latter is

derived by the means of classifiers/gender classifiers. All simple nominalizations (i.e. agentive

S/A, event, purposive action and locative) are fully productive; with exception of purposive

object nominalizations that are not productive. With exception of Type A nominalizations, all the


K. I. Wojtylak

24

classifier-driven nominalizations are fully productive.

Classifier-driven nominalizations suggest that Murui deverbal and deadjecitval roots

generally require a 'buffer, linker' of various kinds to derive nominalized elements. All Murui

nominalizations share a number of noun-like and verb-like properties but generally, each

nominalization is very different. Various Murui nominalizations can be explained in terms of a

noun-like vs verb-like continuum.

References

Aikhenvald, A. Y., & Dixon, R. M. W. (2011). Language at Large: Essays on Syntax and Semantics. Leiden: Brill

Academic.

Aschmann, R. P. (1993). Proto Witotoan. Arlington: SIL & the University of Texas.

Comrie, B., & Estrada-Fernández, Z. (Eds.). (2012). Relative Clauses in Languages of the Americas: A typological

overview. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Dixon, R. M. W. (2010). Basic Linguistic Theory: Grammatical topics (Vol. II). Oxford: Oxford University Press

Dixon, R. M. W. (forthcoming). Edible and the other genders in Dyirbal. In R. M. W. Dixon (Ed.), Edible

gender, mother-in-law style, and other grammatical wonders: Studies in Dyirbal, Yidiñ and Warrgamay.

Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Dixon, R. M. W., & Aikhenvald, A. Y. (Eds.). (2009). The Semantics of Clause Linking. Oxford: Oxford

University Press.

Epps, P. (2012). Between headed and headless relative clauses. In B. Comrie & Z. Estrada-Fernández (Eds.),

Relative Clauses in Languages of the Americas: A typological overview (Vol. 102, pp. 191-211).

Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Genetti, C. (2011). Nominalization in Tibeto-Burman languages of the Himalayan area: A typological

perspective. In F. H. Yap, K. Grunow-Hårsta & J. Wrona (Eds.), Nominalization in Asian Languages:

Diachronic and typological perspectives (pp. 163-193). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Gildea, S. (2008). Explaining similarities between main clauses and nominalized phrases. In A. C. Bruno, F.

Pacheco, F. Queixalós & L. Wetzels (Eds.), La structure des langues amazoniennes (Vol. 32, pp. 57-75).

Matisoff, J. A. (1972). Lahu nominalization, relativization, and genitivization. In K. Kimball (Ed.), Syntax

and Semantics (Vol. 1, pp. 237-357). New York: Seminar Press.

Minor, D. (1973). Huitoto. In M. Chadwick & P. Stendal (Eds.), Aspectos de la Cultura Material de Grupos

Etnicos de Colombia (Vol. I). Bogotá: Ministerio de Gobierno and Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.

Noonan, M. (1997). Versatile Nominalizations Essays on Language Function and Language Type.

Organización Indígena Murui del Amazonas OIMA. (2008). Plan de vida del Pueblo Murui: Jurisdicción

OIMA. Colombia: Union Europea, Fundación ZIO-A'I, CISP.

Queixalós, F., & Renault-Lescure, O. (Eds.). (2000). As línguas amazônicas hoje. São Paulo: IRD/MPEG/ISA.

Rodrigues, A. D. (1999). Macro-Jê. In A. Y. D. Aikhenvald, R.M.W. (Ed.), The Amazonian languages (pp. 165-

201). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Stenzel, K. (2004). A reference grammar of Wanano. (PhD dissertation), University of Colorado.

van Gijn, R., Haude, K., & Muysken, P. (Eds.). (2011). Subordination in native South-American languages.

Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Watters, D. E. (2002). A Grammar of Kham. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Wojtylak, K. I. (2012). Witoto Murui phonology and verbal morphology. (MA thesis), Vrije Universiteit.

Yap, F. H., Grunow-Hårsta, K., & Wrona, J. (Eds.). (2011). Nominalization in Asian Languages: Diachronic and

typological perspectives (Vol. 96). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.


K. I. Wojtylak

25

Appendix

Table 7. Types of classifier-driven nominalizations

Type Root Derivational affixes Example

A V or Adj -kɨ (CL:INHER) (PL, ASS) mame-kɨ(-nɨaɨ) 'name(s)' (name-CL:INHER-ASS.PL)

B1 V or Adj ra (clitic) (PL, ASS) jai=ra 'ladder' (go=CL:NEUT)

B2 Nomz. V or

Adj

ra 'thing' (free

form) (PL, ASS) naɨ-ya ra

'topic (lit. speaking

thing) ' (speak- NOM.E thing)

B3 Inflected V or

Adj

ra (free form) (PL, ASS) baɨ-no-d-e ra

'poison (lit. thing

that kills)' (die-SEMLF-LK-3 thing')

B4 Ø ra- (bound form;

prefix)

- classifiers (PLACE or SHAPE

or FORM or ANIMACY35 or

UNIQUE)

ra-be-ni-ko

'notebook'

(CL:NEUT-CL:LEAF-CL:LONG-

CL:NHUM)

B5 V or Adj -ra (bound form;

suffix)

- classifiers (PLACE or SHAPE

or FORM or ANIMACY or

UNIQUE)

kue-ra-be-ni-ko '(writing)

notebook'

(write-CL:NEUT-CL:LEAF-

CL:LONG- CL:NHUM)

maɨjɨ-ra-kɨno

'an

instruction/story

of work'

(work-CL:NEUT-CL:NEWS)

C V -a (NOM) + -fe

(NOM.LOC) -kɨ (CL:INHER) bɨri-ya-fe-kɨ 'tar'

(drop-NOM.E-NOM.LOC-

CL:INHER)

D1

V or Adj -a (NOM.E) - classifiers (UNIQUE,

ANIMACY) maɨjɨ-ya-kɨno

'an

instruction/story

of (an action of)

working

(timeless)'

(work-NOM.E -CL:NEWS)

D2

V -yɨ (FUT.ORNT) - classifiers (UNIQUE)

- gender classifiers maɨjɨ-yɨ-kɨno '

'an instruction to

work (fut.) (work-FUT.ORT-CL:NEWS)

D3 V (trans.) -ka/-ga (VAL.DECR) - classifiers (UNIQUE)

- gender classifiers feto-ka-ñaiño '

'the chosen one

(fem.) (choose-VAL.DECR-CL.F.SG)

D4 V or Adj -dɨ (LK) - classifiers (UNIQUE)

- gender classifiers

maɨjɨ-dɨ-mɨe 'one (who) works

(male)' (work-LK-CL.M.SG)

ebi-re-dɨ-fue 'a beautiful legend' (beautiful-ADJZ-LK-CL:STORY)

Type A nominalization of bare roots (§2.2.1);

Type B nominalization with multifunctional -ra (§2.2.2);

Type C nominalization of derived adverbial roots (§2.2.3);

Type D nominalization of derived non-adverbial roots (§2.2.4).

35 Classifier set UNIQUE consists of -kɨno (CL:NEWS) and -fue (CL:STORY) [denote abstract nouns]. Classifier set ANIMACY

consists of -ko (CL:NHUM). Both have only one position available and cannot be further derived (sim. gender classifiers).


K. I. Wojtylak

26

Table 8. Comparison of Murui nominalizations with a prototypical noun and a prototypical verb

Form of

nominalization

Prototypical

noun

Prototypical

verb

Event nominalization Agentive S/A

nominalization

Purposive

nominalization Locative

nominalization

Classifier-driven nominalization

A: derived

with

-kɨ

B: derived

with

-ra

C: derived with

-fe and classifiers D: derived with

verbal suffixes and

classifiers Non-stand-

alone Stand-alone Object Activity

Roots types

nominalization

applies to

nominal verbal verbal

adjectival

verbal

adjectival verbal verbal verbal adverbial

verbal

adjectival

verbal

adjectival adverbial

verbal

adjectival

Root reduplication no yes yes yes no no no no no no no no

Combines with core

case markers yes no yes no yes no yes yes yes yes yes rarely

Combines with non-

core case markers yes no no no yes no no yes yes yes yes rarely

Modified by

demonstratives and

numeral expressions

yes no no no yes yes no yes yes yes yes yes

Can be negated yes (verbless

clauses) yes yes yes no no yes no no no no yes

Can take verbal

TAM markings no yes some some durative -ri no some no no no no some

Can be pluralized yes no no no yes no no no yes yes yes rarely

Occupy prototypical

nominal position yes no yes no yes yes no yes yes yes yes yes

Can be used as main

predicate

no (only

verbless

clauses)

yes no (only

verbless clauses yes

no (only verbless

clauses

no (only

verbless

clauses

no

(predicate of

a purposive

clause)

no

no (only

verbless

clauses)

no (only

verbless

clauses)

no (only verbless

clauses)

no (only verbless

clauses)

Can head possessive

NPs yes no no no yes yes no yes yes yes yes no

Types of

subordination it

occurs in

all all adverbial

clauses

adverbial

clauses all -

purposive

clauses adverbial clauses all all all all

Syntactic functions S, A, O,

obliques predicate S,O predicate A, S, O, obliques S, O O obliques

S, O,

obliques

S, O,

obliques S, O, obliques A, S, O, obliques


K. I. Wojtylak

27

Figure 2. Murui man (Minor, 1973, p. 20).

Map 1. Witoto and neighbouring languages of Southern Colombia The violet colour stands for the

location of the regions where Witoto is spoken (Queixalós & Renault-Lescure, 2000).

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