The success of hopelessness:the evolution of Korean indie music*
Hyunjoon Shin is a ‘Humanities Korea’ professor at the Institute for East Asian Studies (IEAS) at Sungkonghoe University. His research focuses on Korean popular culture and popular music, as well as inter-Asia cultural studies.
Institute for East Asian StudiesSungkonghoe UniversityHang-dong 1-1, Guro-guSeoul [email protected]
AbstractK-pop has been the most commercially successful music genre in South Korea since the mid-1990s, as noted by many Asian popular music scholars. By contrast, an underexplored topic is local indie popular music, which experienced a surge in popularity during the 2000s. This paper examines these indie scenes and Boongaboonga Records—a key organization that originated in the Gwanak region of Seoul, and later relocated to the Hongdae region, known as the hub for Korean indie music. It argues that the unique connection that the label and its indie bands have with these specific locations tie into their collective ability to give voice to a young generation affected by political and social change. It also considers the new business model for the record label and how this has developed from these circumstances and the cultural space it inhabits.
Keywords: Hongdae; indie music; Korean popular music industry; Seoul; space/place; youth
IntroductionSince 2007, there has been a significant increase in the popularity of local indie
music in South Korea (hereafter ‘Korea’). This music stands in contrast to main-
stream popular musics, namely K-pop, which have dominated the mainstream
since the mid-1990s and found considerable success in neighbouring Asian coun-
tries. Initially produced in the small clubs in the western end of Seoul, Korean
indie music has now generated interest overseas with some indie bands partici-
pating in music festivals and concerts in Japan (Despres 2010) and North America
(Saria 2011), among other locations. At a local level, a growing number of music
* This work was supported by the Korea Research Foundation Grant Fund by the Korean Government (MEST) (KRF-2007-361-AM0005).
festivals (such as the Grand Mint Festival which also began in 2007) have featured
indie acts as headline bands. Most notably, Korean indie music and musicians have
found prominence with the broader public through film and television, where
songs are incorporated into television commercials, drama programmes and film
soundtracks, and ‘the indie musician’ is a common protagonist in plots (Tsai and
Shin 2011).
More than just a shift in public taste, the new-found popularity of Korean indie
music points to the changing relationship between the music industry, economics
and politics during the 2000s. In order to examine these shifts, this paper provides
an historical perspective on the formation and transformation of indie music in
Korea from its unofficial birth in 1996 (see Epstein 2000), to the 2000s. The aim
of this paper is to examine, in more detail, the socio-economic forces affecting the
rising popularity of indie music in Korea. It also highlights the specific, regional
factors behind that rise, as opposed to the more typical national-level approach
too often applied in an analysis of Asian popular culture.
This paper begins with a preliminary background of Korean indie music, fol-
lowed by a critical discussion of the association between indie music and place
in Seoul and the district of Hongdae. It then looks at the setting and larger
framework of the local indie scene in Korea and their more recent changes. In
particular, I will present a case study of the indie label Boongaboonga Records
and its associated singers and bands, including Chang Kiha and the Faces (‘Jang
Giha-wa Eolguldeul’) and Broccoli, You Too? (‘Beurokolli Neomajeo’). These artists
have, arguably, created a new musical aesthetic, both lyrically and musically, that
challenges assumptions about modern music in Korea.
It is never a simple task to define the term ‘indie’ in Western contexts, and the
problem is much the same in Korean contexts. ‘Indie’ is a highly contested term
and its meaning can vary considerably. For the purpose of this research, such a
definition should be flexible, inclusive, and determined by a variety of factors, such
as institutional practices, aesthetic orientations, and political attitudes. From the
mid-1990s to the mid-2000s in Korea, for example, there has been an informal
but clearly recognized divide between major commercial record companies and
smaller, ‘independent’ labels, commonly understood as ‘indie’ companies.1 The
musicians signed to such independent labels are generally referred to as ‘indie’ as
well. But this term holds further meaning, articulating a difference that encom-
passes a ‘DIY ethos’ with regard to such genres as rock and punk—an image which
1. As David Hesmondhalgh suggested, the relationship between majors and indies can be symbiotic (1999: 53), and there was a ‘major/independent collaboration’ in the 1990s UK context. A similar process has been taking place for Korean indies since the late 2000s, when some indie labels and artists have attracted interest from the major labels.
starkly contrasts with artists from the major commercial record companies, who
are mass-produced by a ‘pop music machine’ (Russell 2008) or ‘K-pop machine’
(Shin 2010), and are mainly constructed idols who perform dance music (Howard
2006: 93–96). It is from this broad perspective that I approach the topic of Korean
indie music.
Background: the roots and routes of Korean indieShortly after decades of military rule ended in 1987, the early to mid-1990s
became a time when popular music and popular culture began to thrive in Korea.
The rock music scene was no exception and became especially vibrant; musicians,
music enthusiasts, journalists, academics, record collectors, and rock club owners
formed their own journals, magazines, and online discussion groups, which they
used to publicly discuss Korean and international rock music. After slipping away
from the public eye for many years, some veteran rockers (such as Shin Joonghyun,
Hahn Daesoo, Sanullim, and Deulgukhwa) capitalized on the newfound interest
in rock, and some attempted to revive their careers by staging comebacks during
this period. To aid this process, ‘classic’ records from many top artists were reis-
sued in CD format, reviving knowledge of Korea’s rock tradition and introducing
it to a new audience.2 Meanwhile, younger indie bands were forming a new style
of punk/rock community which centred around the small live clubs in an area of
western Seoul called Hongdae-ap (lit. ‘in front of Hongik University’), or simply
Hongdae (‘the Hongik University area’).
Contrary to the expectations of many rock music fans, this resurgence during
the 1990s did not endure. Although Korean rock found greater acceptance with
the broader community, it failed to maintain its momentum and was once again
commercially marginalized. As a result, the Korean music scene began to be over-
whelmed by teenager-oriented dance pop and idol bands, beginning with the rap
dance trio Seotaiji-wa Aideul (Seotaiji and the Boys) who had debuted in 1992
(E.-Y. Jung 2007). This iconic group became the model of choice for future teen
idol groups, including the five-member boy band H.O.T. (debuted 1996), and the
female vocal group Fin.K.L. (debuted 1997), to name but two.3 Sales of the classic
2. Once disdained as ‘representatives of decadent foreign culture’ or ‘druggies’ by official government and media ideology, veteran rockers began to garner respect as ‘the pioneers of Korean rock’. In particular, Shin Joong-hyun, who was born in 1938, received much attention and began to be hailed as ‘the Godfather of Korean Rock’, even by mainstream media. For further information about Shin Joonghyun in the 1960–70s, see Kim and Shin (2010), and for 1950–60s Korean pop/rock in general, see Maliangkay (2006). 3. For more information on popular music groups during this time, see Howard (2002, 2006).
mobile metropolitan setting and active domain of social life. I argue that there is
no definitive relationship between the musical style of Hongdae and the space
known as Hongdae. This is, in part, because there have been no conscious efforts
by the artists and fans to connect the sounds with the place, but also because the
connection between location and musical diversity has only recently emerged in
Korea. When the phrase ‘Hongdae scene’ has been used by the cultural producers
and intermediaries based there, the meaning of that ‘scene’ is akin to ‘musical
scene’ as defined by Will Straw, that is, a
cultural space in which a range of musical practices coexist, interacting with each other within a variety of processes of differentiation, and according to widely varying trajectories of change and cross-fertilization (1991: 373).
Straw’s research does not elaborate upon the ‘material conditions of musical produc-
tion’ (Negus 1996: 186), which distinguish one space from another, and so further
explanation is necessary when applying his definition of ‘scene’ to Hongdae. At first
glance, Hongdae may seem like any other homogenized consumerist area dotting
metropolitan Seoul. Upon closer inspection, however, one can find characteristics
which set Hongdae apart. Its proximity to Hongik University has been noteworthy
in the development of an artistic community in the area, and this has been comple-
mented by the neighbouring community of Sinchon: another university district that
was a hotbed for underground music and student culture in the 1970s and 1980s
(Howard 2006: 89) which began to be commercialized in the 1990s.
What most distinguishes Hongdae from other districts is the live music
venues, record labels, rehearsal rooms, record stores and instrument shops that
have thrived since the mid-1990s. There are also numerous shops, pubs, cafes, art
galleries, restaurants, and informal hangout locations which function as meeting
places for those involved in the area’s cultural practices and activities, many of
which are owned and operated by these people as well. Hongdae does not so
much signify a fixed, bound place for community-based cultural production and
consumption as much as act as a flexible space for communication networks,
information flows, and collaborative creativities to flourish. In short, the central
agents in the Hongdae scene are professional cultural elites that are endowed with
a kind of ‘subcultural capital’ (Thornton 1996).
The development of Korean indie: mid-1990s to early 2000sAs I have stated above, the early and the mid-1990s in Korea was an era of optimism
and hope, encouraged by high economic growth as well as political democratiza-
tion and cultural liberalization. It was within this climate that the terminology,
wave of indie artists. It led the musicians to pay more attention to the place of
Korean indie music within the historical legacy of Korean’s pop/rock music scenes.
During this time, Korean popular music recordings from the 1970s and 1980s had
become popular. Fans and record collectors from Korea and around the world
eagerly sought after original and re-issued albums, thus establishing a pop/rock
music canon.6 Music from these decades were of particular interest to performers
associated with the second wave of Korean indie, and among the most enthusias-
tic were amateur musicians who were studying at Seoul National University. The
following sections take a closer look at this second trend through a case study of
the development of a music scene on Seoul National University campus and the
related indie record label, Boongaboonga Records.
Campus culture: musical life in GwanakLike the Hongdae region, described earlier in this article, Gwanak is a zone of cultural
production associated with a university campus. Seoul National University, arguably
the most prestigious higher education institution in Korea, is located within this
official district in a mountainous area at the south end of Seoul (and is also named
after the nearby mountain, Gwanaksan). Whereas Hongdae is in a busy part of the
city, Gwanak is a working-class neighbourhood with little infrastructure that is far
from the metropolitan centre. The isolated nature of the area has resulted in a range
of unique activities, creative works and modes of individual expression, especially
inside of the campus perimeter where the students mainly congregate.
Up until the mid-1990s, this zone was strongly associated with student activ-
ism, political protest, and music. A song style called minjunggayo (‘the people’s
songs’), which was heavily influenced by American folk/protest songs, was per-
formed here by noraepae (‘singing troupes’)7 in the 1970s and 1980s, when the
6. Matthew Bannister has analysed canonism in indie guitar rock, noting that a canon is ‘a key means of stratification within indie scene’ (Bannister 2006: 79) and indie’s ‘complex (but often ignored) relation to “rock tradition” ’. What happened in the 1990s in Korea looks similar to the process of canonization in 1980s Anglophone contexts. However, a difference is also clear. The process of canonization of the Korean rock tradition, which had previously to then been largely disregarded or ignored, represented a big break from the previous local style of rock connoisseur-ship, which had valued only international rock traditions until the 1980s. Whether this process also caused stratification in Korea’s indie scene is difficult to determine. Through this paper we can see that canons have been both constructed and deconstructed through the battles over memory and the critical evaluation of tradition. 7. Me-ari (‘Echo’)—a singing group with a variable and flexible membership—played an especially central role in the minjung song movement since the group was founded in 1977. For more information about the history of the song movement and this ensemble, see Hwang (2006: 41–44).
democratic movement was most active. Students were easily recruited into the
noraepae (upon the provision that they were ‘intelligent’), and the troupes provided
resources to support and encourage the creation of music. They would gather in
a room for rehearsals, and musical instruments and recording equipment were
handed down from seniors to new and junior members. Although not musically
sophisticated, the members of the noraepae possessed enough cultural capital to
at least attempt at becoming music artists.8
Not all music was deemed acceptable in Gwanak. During the 1970s and early
to mid-1980s, localized Korean folk music was preferable to rock and pop, which
were criticized for their more overtly ‘American influence’ (Hwang 2006: 43, 45).
Following the political democratization and cultural liberalization that began in
1987, rock music began to find increasing acceptance, most notably after the mid-
1990s. This led the way for changes in the culture of the campus song movement in
the early 2000s. Although most student musicians still preferred to be associated
with the term ‘folk music’, some pioneering amateurs based in Gwanak began
to experiment with an indie rock sound—they retained an attitude born from
the campus song movement while also incorporating elements of local popular
music. In the context of Korean popular music history, this convergence of ‘folk’
and ‘rock’ in student culture is significant, since the two genres had been divided
for a long time due to the political climate and student ideology.
In the early 2000s, the Gwanak campus area became a vibrant space for
new musical pursuits in folk/rock and other forms of popular music. Even so, it
is difficult to pinpoint a ‘Gwanak sound’ in musical terms. We can look to three
significant compilation albums for insights, as they feature music by amateur
Gwanak-based soloists and bands.9 These albums, produced from 2002–2004,
were released under the collective title Band Band Jjan Jjan.
Some of scene’s musical pioneers, who had played on the Band Band Jjan Jjan
recordings, began to venture off campus to play in the live clubs of Hongdae.
8. The noraepae had financial backing from the student union which approved of their cultural pursuits, including concerts, exhibitions and festivals—all of which brought together like-minded students with political agendas. A formal organization called Chukjehaneun Saramdeul (‘People who do festivals’, or simply Chukhasa), formed in 2003 and became the primary coordinator of university cultural activities, including on-campus festivals. There is some controversy regarding Chukhasa, and it can be argued that the depoliticization of student culture can be attributed to the organization. However, the cultural capital accumulated from planning and organizing cultural events proved to be beneficial when some of the Chukhasa-affiliated Seoul National University students graduated and relocated to Hongdae. 9. Chang Kiha contributed one track to the second compilation album (released 2003), calling himself simply Kiha. Yun Deok-won, the current leader and frontman of Broccoli, You Too?, and Song Jae-kyung, the leader of 9 and the Numbers, contributed one track each on the third compilation (released 2004).
Before going into detail about BGBG’s business activities, some further back-
ground regarding changes to Korea’s indie music business in the mid-2000s would
be beneficial. The harshest period for the music industry had already passed when
BGBG formed in 2004, and new developments in digitization and production
greatly changed how the music business functioned in Korea. By 2004, the digital
music market had already overcome its initial chaos and was relatively stable.
Most unauthorized internet music distributors ‘went legal’, prompted by the
success of the digital music online stores set up by domestic media giants, such
as SK Telecom and Mnet (Lee 2009: 493). Korea became the first country where
digital music sales exceeded physical sales, showing how rapidly and completely
the music industry had embraced the digital revolution in music. On the produc-
tion side, the ready availability of home recording equipment eliminated the need
for bands to record in a professional studio. It became the norm for most indie
artists to make home-recordings cheaply and quickly, resulting in the release of
about 300 indie record titles into the market each year since the mid-2000s. It was
important for bands to promote these new releases through live performances
and, as such, several new live music venues were built in the Hongdae area and
greater Seoul, and a variety of music festivals began to emerge. As a consequence
of their increased record sales and widespread exposure through live perform-
ance, some indie bands and indie record labels became commercially successful.
For example, the two labels Pastel and Happy Robot reached a level of success far
beyond their humble indie beginnings by diversifying their business into areas
such as digital aggregation and festival organization. All in all, the division between
the major players and the indie scene was becoming more fluid.
We can view the development of the indie record label BGBG within the
context of the Korean popular music industry at this time. As a newcomer to
the scene, BGBG made a name for itself as a self-proclaimed ‘no budget (not
low budget) indie label’ with ‘sustainable entertainment’, and used the jargon-
istic slogan ‘survivally sound and sustainable DoReMi’ [sic], which was often
shortened to the acronym ‘SSSD’. At first, business was tough for BGBG. The
sales of their first two albums (namely Gwanak Cheongnyeon Pokeu Hyeobuihoe,
as mentioned above), and Cheongnyeosileop (‘Youth Unemployment’, which was
a side project of Chang Kiha and his senior friends) were poor, such that the
label nearly closed in 2006. During this difficult period, the BGBG staff and their
artists had many serious debates about business practices and the label’s direc-
tion, causing some people to leave the label.11
11. BGBG was not financially able to release another album until late 2007, which saw the release of the EP Aengkol Yocheong Geumji (‘No More Encore’) by Broccoli, You Too?
In order to curb the crisis, BGBG developed three specific operational strategies
that did not require significant financial outlay. First, they produced and sold CD
singles using a more cost-effective method: copies were manufactured using a CD
burner and blank CD-Rs, then distributed to a few specialist shops. They referred
to the singles as ‘small-scale handicraft-manufactured records’, as opposed to full-
length albums, which they called ‘big-scale factory-produced records’.12 Second,
BGBG organized a series of coordinated shows, called ‘label shows’, where most of
the artists under the same label would appear on stage in the hope of producing
some synergy. This label show format was partially inspired by how universities
usually organize performing art events—in effect, a throwback to their Gwanak
days. And third, they put a great amount of effort into online exposure and pro-
motion. While such a strategy is not unusual these days, it was novel at the time.
BGBG’s goal was to boost personal communication with fans by using all available
virtual spaces, both domestic and international, including homepages, blogs, and
Korea’s various social networking platforms.
Despite many initial obstacles, everything changed when one of BGBG’s artists,
Chang Kiha, suddenly rose from obscurity to stardom. His breakthrough, which
completely surprised the staff at BGBG, was largely due to the fact that he had found
resonance with audiences via the internet. Using their own initiative, online fans
uploaded video clips they had taken of his concerts, festival appearances and TV
show performances, in effect giving Chang a major push of online publicity.13 This
translated into sales of Chang’s mini-CD, which was the label’s ninth ‘handicraft-
manufactured’ record. To keep up with demand, the staff had to burn approxi-
mately 10,000 copies of the single on CD-R from July 2008 until February 2009,
when Chang released his first full-length debut album, Byeol Il Eobsi Sanda (‘Living
the Nothing Special Life’). The album was recorded with the assistance of his newly
formed backup band, the Faces, and together Chang Kiha and the Faces were invited
to perform at numerous industry showcases events, music festivals and TV music
shows throughout 2009, until Chang declared that he needed a break.
12. The language used is perhaps reminiscent of Marxist discourse on the development of capitalism, twisting the words with humour and satire that echo the long history of student movements in Korea. 13. The three most important moments of Chang Kiha’s media exposure in 2008 were his performances at, first, the 10th Ssamzie Sound Festival on 3 October; second, the TV music show Hello Rookie at Space Gonggam (EBS) on 29 November; and, third, another music show Lee Hana-ui Peppermint (KBS) on 21 November. The second performance was released as a digital bootleg album and was circulated on the internet. In 2009, his two songs ‘Ssaguryeo Coffee’ (‘Cheap Coffee’) and ‘Dal-i Cha Oreunda, Gaja’ (‘The Moon Becomes Full, Let’s Go’) became the subject matter of a parody sketch by some famous comedians on the reality program Muhandojeon (‘Infinite Chal-lenge’), receiving the highest viewer ratings of the year and becoming a cult favourite for fans.
Chang’s case highlights the significance of digital media to the indie music
industry at that particular time, as well as the role of internet fans in growing and
sustaining the popularity of a star. The website which played the most important
part in elevating Chang and BGBG’s status was DC Inside (http://www.dcinside.
com). It had started out as an online community forum space for digital camera
users but evolved into an online hotspot for all kinds of subcultural, rebellious
and anti-mainstream activities. The website, which is still in operation today, has
members who are called pye-in (lit. ‘geek’), which refers to one who fails or refuses
to get a regular job in fear of (or in hate of) the fierce competition pervading every
field of society. Pye-in are heavy consumers of all sorts of internet-based enter-
tainment but are not necessarily indie music fans. Chang Kiha was the first indie
artist to attain star status because of his fans’ unpaid, volunteer labour in produc-
ing and circulating user-generated content about him, such as uploading footage
from televised concerts. It was the grassroots efforts of fans that transformed this
underground artist into a cultural icon through the medium of internet culture.
This example shows how old media sources (such as television) and new media
sources (such as the internet) combined to greater effect in the age of so-called
media convergence. Chang was one of the main beneficiaries of this ongoing evo-
lution of digital media within the cultural industries.
After surveying the indie scenes developing out of Hongdae and Gwanak, and
tracing the development of the indie label BGBG, it is useful to now take a closer
look at the social and cultural relevance of selected indie songs from these scenes.
A question is raised: is it still possible to relate indie music to specific places, even
after the music was popularized beyond the boundaries of these locations?
Korean indie music: place and meaningOver this course of this article, I have made reference to the music of several Korean
indie bands, including Chang Kiha and the Faces, Broccoli, You Too?, and 9 and the
Numbers. I contend that these bands, among others, appeal to young audiences
in the 2000s through poignant and bittersweet lyrics that relate to the everyday
lives of the ‘hopeless’ younger generation. Some notable songs include Broccoli,
You Too?’s tracks ‘Janinhan Sawol’ (‘Cruel April’, 2009) and ‘Jol-eop’ (‘Graduation’,
2010), and 9 and the Numbers’ songs ‘Seokbyeol-ui Chum’(‘Farewell Dance’, 2009)
and ‘Kaliji Bugi’ (‘College Boogie’, 2009), among others. These songs describe the
plight of frustrated young Koreans in contemporary society, especially those who
are desperate to obtain a permanent job after graduating from university.14 Chang
14. Other songs by these artists are not explicitly about generational frustration, but are rather moving tunes with tongue-in-cheek lyrics about everyday life.
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