The Surrentine Villa of Pollius Felix: Statius’ Silvae 2.2

Claudia J. Hough, C.I.C. Scholar - Summer, 2004

~ Dr. Richard C. Monti, Faculty Mentor

Abstract

In Silvae 2.2, “The Surrentine Villa of Pollius Felix,” P. Papinius Statius combines ekphrasis and encomium, creating a work of praise set within the framework of a vivid portrayal of villa culture prevalent on the Campanian coast. The visual aesthetic of locus amoenus is clearly set forth, not only through Statius’ description of the villa’s prospects on the Bay of Naples, but also in the description of the interior and exterior adornments of the villa. Comparison of Silvae 2.2 with archeological remains on the Italian coast and art historical scholarship confirms and strengthens our understanding of villa culture and demonstrates that Statius’ poem accurately depicts the villa life. In the course of the poem, Statius portrays Nature as submissive to the authority of its cultivated master as a means of praise for Pollius Felix and his learned lifestyle informed by Epicurean philosophy. Some scholars view Statius’ depiction of man’s relationship with nature in terms of “military metaphor” or the georgic tendency to tame.” This study demonstrates rather that Statius’ portrays Nature as cooperative and even joyful in its transformation from a wild to a cultivated terrain, an interpretation which is consistent with Statius’ purpose of praise. Finally, Statius artfully interweaves Epicurean ideals into the poem in order to magnify the virtues of his patron.

The Surrentine Villa of Pollius Felix: Statius’ Silvae 2.2 Claudia J. Hough The occasional poems of P. Papinius Statius, his Silvae, have over the centuries been received variously with alternating periods of acclaim, obscurity and even disfavor. 1 Statius called these poems Silvae, i.e., “raw material” or “timber” because he wanted his audience to believe that these poems were composed rapidly and without major revision. 2 Recently, scholars have recognized in the Silvae a wealth of information about life and society in the first century A.D. As a Greek native of Naples and as a court poet patronized by the emperor Domitian and members of the Roman elite, Statius’ work provides a “mirror” of society in the Flavian period. 3 The essential qualities of the Silvae are ecphrasis and encomium – description and praise. 4 In the Silvae as a whole, and particularly in Silvae 2.2, Statius fuses these elements in such a way that he is seen to be “creating something new and original.” 5 In fact, this poem may well be the first long poem to be devoted to the description of a villa. 6 This study focuses on Silvae 2.2, a poem which demonstrates clearly Statius’ ability to combine description and praise, a poem which describes a villa located on the shores of the Bay of Naples, “Graia arva,” or Greeks lands (v. 95-96). The poem illustrates the Roman aesthetic of visual pleasure, amoenitas, 7 and sheds light on the lifestyle of Statius’ patron, Pollius Felix – a lifestyle which was characterized by Roman “receptivity to Greek culture,” 8 one which valued Hellenistic art, the study of philosophy, as well as music and poetry. By comparing Statius’ description of Pollius’ villa to archeological remains in the region, this study will demonstrate that Silvae 2.2 accurately reflects the villa culture prevalent on the Campanian coast in the first century A.D. It is important to recognize that Statius composed these Silvae in response to particular occasions and that he worked within the context of the patronage system of the early Empire. Clearly, a published poem which purportedly celebrated the villa and lifestyle of one’s patron, which was not grounded in reality, would not gain the favor of one’s patron, and would easily be recognized by any guest of the villa as a fraud. Regardless of any seemingly fanciful embellishments, the recognition of the poem’s grounding in reality is essential for a sound interpretation of the poem, one which understands that Statius’ primary goal is to praise his patron, Pollius Felix. The poet accomplishes this by interweaving two major themes: man’s dominance over nature and praise of Pollius’ Epicurean lifestyle. Some scholars 1 Van Dam, p. 10 2 Bailey, p. 5; Hardie, p. 77 3 Bailey, p. 12 4 Van Dam, p. 6 5 Newmyer, p. 40 6 Bergman, p.51; Van Dam, p. 187 7 D’Arms, 1970: p. 47 8 ibid., p. 14

view Pollius’ mastery over nature as a metaphor evoking military conquest 9 or even empire-building. 10 The poem as a whole, however, does not seem to support this view. This paper argues that Statius seems rather to portray nature as cooperative in its transformation and willing to submit to Pollius’ authority and offers an alternative interpretation which is more in keeping with Statius’ central purpose, i.e., to praise the wisdom and temperance and cultured lifestyle of his wealthy patron. Locus Amoenus: The noun amoenitas and the adjective amoenus are used to describe the Roman idea of pleasure gained from things affecting the sense of sight. Amoenitas is attributed to beautiful things whether they are works of nature or works of man. A place of beauty is a locus amoenus, a term “particularly appropriate to a landscape, seascape or a Roman pleasure villa.” 11 As archeologists continue to discover and excavate the numerous villas along the Bay of Naples and other places on the Campanian and Latian coasts, the function of amoenitas in villa design becomes ever clearer. Porticus villas such as that of Pollius are noted for their “predilection for space, light, air and vistas,” 12 with living and reception areas arranged to enjoy the views more fully. 13 A villa mairitima, sea-side villa, was especially noted as a locus amoenus because it was conceived to blend the “natural excellence of the spot” 14 with cultured, artistic design reflecting the taste of the owners. Statius comments on this union of nature and artifice: 44/45 locine ingenium an domini mirer prius? “Should I marvel first at the places ingenuity or its master’s?15 Villae maritimae were constructed to take advantage of views of the sea and the rugged Italian coastline in an effort to create “perfect views of nature”, 16 Villa owners tried to create places of beauty in which the natural topography of the coast, the architecture of the villa and its artistic program would be joined around an appropriate theme. Perhaps the site which best exemplifies this blending of nature and artifice is the seaside Villa of Tiberius at Sperlonga north of Campania. The coast near Sperlonga was well known in antiquity for its association with the wanderings of Homer’s Odysseus. Thus, it is not surprising that the owner of the villa, believed to be the emperor Tiberius, conceived a plan to 9 Van Dam, p. 196, 226 ff; Newlands, p. 179 10 Newlands, p. 179 11 D’Arms, 2003: p. 56 12 McKay, p. 119 13 Maiuri, p. 38 14 Howard, p. 63 15 Bailey, trans. p. 127. Unless otherwise noted, all translations of the Latin are from Bailey, 2003. 16 Bergman, p.

incorporate the mythology of Odysseus into the artistic plan of his villa through the incorporation of a natural grotto which ...avec leur riche ornamentation, font partie intégrante de la demeure, et que le paysage rocheux est si harmonieusement utilisé que ses anfractuosités naturelles sont traitées a l’égal d’édifices humains pour constituer un ensemble où le nature et l’artifice confondent leurs effets. 17 “with its rich ornamentation formed an integral part of the residence and [it is apparent] that the rocky topography was so harmoniously utilized that its natural twists and turns was considered on a par with man-made structures in order to constitute an ensemble where nature and artifice would confuse their effects.” 18 Four monumental Hellenistic sculpture groups were found in the grotto which served as a triclinium or dining room for the villa: the Blinding of Polyphemus, the Capture of the Palladium, the Scylla devouring Odysseus’ men, and the presumed Rescue of Achilles. The placement of the Polyphemus group at the back of the cave is a powerful evocation of the story of Odysseus and his men who were trapped in the cave of the Cyclops only to escape after blinding the one-eyed giant with a heated spike. The sculptures are arranged in such a way that any guest reclining at table would be able to view, as he looked into the cave, each of these groups without any single one being obscured from view by another. The portrayal of multiple scenes of a single story within one framed perspective is reminiscent of Roman wall paintings. 19 Looking seaward, the guest would catch sight of Circe’s Island, where the witch had changed Odysseus’ men into pigs and where he and his men were held captive for a year’s time. The grotto seems not to have been conceived as a museum, but rather as a carefully elaborated arrangement of Hellenistic sculpture which ...prenant en compte les données du paysage naturel pour y intégrer les oeuvres d’art choisie selon un programme iconographique unitaire, sans hésiter à les modifier sensiblement au besoin. 20 ...takes into consideration the givens of the natural landscape and integrates works of art chosen according to a single iconographic program without reluctance to obviously modify them as needed. Here, the natural topography of the site and its mythological associations in combination with villa design and an artistic program conceived thematically are utilized to full effect to create a locus amoenus.

17 Lavagne, p. 518 18 All translations from the French are written by the author. 19 ibid., p. 532 20 ibid., p. 534

Tiberius’ villa, or at least a prominent part of his villa, was focused on the Homeric, Odyssean associations of the Tyrrhenian coast; the unifying theme of Pollius’ villa is the historical and cultural association of the Bay of Naples with Greek culture. Statius announces this visual program at the very beginning of his poem: 1 est inter notos Sirenum nomine muros 2 saxaque Tyrrhenae templis onerata Minervae 3 celsa Dicarchei speculatrix villa profundi Between the walls well-known by the Sirens’ name and the cliffs burdened with Tyrrhene Minerva’s temple there is a lofty villa looking out upon the Dicarchean deep... The lofty villa itself looks out upon the “Dicarchaean Deep”, i.e., the Bay of Naples. Statius recounts the “alternating views worth seeing” (visendi vices, v. 73) in a catalogue of specific prospects which were articulated by the villa’s architecture: 72 ..............quid mille revolvam 73 culmina visendique vices? sua cuique voluptas 74 atque omni proprium thalamo mare, transque iacentem 75 Nerea diversis servit sua terra fenestris. 76 haec videt Inarimen, illinc Prochyta aspera paret; 77 armiger hac magni patet Hectoris, inde malignum 78 aera respirat pelago circumflua Nesis; 79 inde vagis omen felix Euploea carinis, 80 quaeque ferit curvos exserta Megalia fluctus, 81 angitur et domino contra recubante proculque 82 Surrentina tuus spectat praetoria Limon. 83 una tamen cunctis, procul eminet una diaetis 84 quae tibi Parthenopen derecto limite ponti 85 ingerit. Why should I rehearse the thousand rooftops and the changing views? Every room has its own delight, each its peculiar sea; and beyond the expanse of Nereus each separate window commands its own landscape. One looks on Inarime, from another rugged Prochyta appears, this way great Hector’s armour-bearer spreads, that way seagirt Nesis breathes her unwholesome air; yonder is Euploea of happy omen for wandering keels and Megalia outthrust to strike the curving waves, and your own Limon is vexed that his lord rests opposite as from afar he views your Surrentine palace. But one room stands far out, one room from all the rest, which over the sea’s straight track presents you with Parthenope.

Just as the view of the sculptures at Sperlonga was framed by the limits of the grotto and the view of Circe’s island was framed by the entrance of the cave, so each of the views which Statius praises is framed distinctly, each view defined by the purposeful, separate arrangement of each of the windows. (v. 75) Important to note is that each of the place-names used in this passage is Greek. Nor is it insignificant that Statius begins his list of views (vs. 76 – 85), with that which looked out upon the island of Inarime, about 25 miles’ distance to the northwest. This name for the island, now called Ischia, was used in antiquity beginning with Vergil; it is his Latin version of a Greek phrase used by Homer, ειν αριµοις . 21

The use of Inarime thus serves as an allusion to the greatest of Greek poets. Perhaps even more important is the fact that this island was the site of the first Greek trading station off the Italian mainland established in the 8th century B.C. It was from there that the subsequent Greek settlements around the Bay arose, first at Cumae and later further east, including Naples. Other mythological allusions occur with the mention of Prochyta, Aeneas’ nurse and with “Hector’s arms-bearer”, a reference to Misenus whose traditional burial site is at Cape Misenum across the Bay from Pollius’ villa. Statius’ visual sweep across the Bay includes the Temple of Aphrodite of Good-Sailing at the old city of Naples and personifies Pollius’ other estate, Limon, located on the northern shore of the Bay. Just as the Surrentine villa gazes out over the Bay, so does Limon, anxious that its Master reclines not at Limon, but rather at Surrentum. As if concluding a great crescendo, Statius ends this passage with the room far above all the others (v. 84 - 85), perhaps the one on the highest elevation, perhaps higher because of its superior view. From here, the “view of Naples from the room that was so distinct that the city was, as it were, thrust upon the vision.” 22 Immediately upon extolling the sight of Naples from the best room of all, Statius then describes, in wonderful detail, the polychrome marbles which decorate the room. 85 . . . hic Grais penitus disecta metallis 86 saxa: quod Eoae respergit vena Syenes, 87 Synnade quod maesta Phrygiae fodere secures 88 per Cybeles lugentis agros, ubi marmore picto 89 candida purpureo distinguitur area gyro; 90 hic et Amyclaei caesum de monte Lycurgi 91 quod viret et molles imitantur rupibus herbas; 92 hic Nomadum lucent faventia saxa Thasosque 93 et Chios et gaudens fluctus aequare Carystos;

Here are marbles hewn from the depth of Grecian quarries: Here vein-splashed product of eastern Syene, here what Phrygian axes hewed in mournful Synnas amid the fields of wailing Cybele, where on painted

21 Bergman, p. 61 22 Howard, p. 65

stone the white space is picked out with purple circles. Here too is marble quarried from Amyclaean Lycurgus’ mountain – green, rocks mimicking soft grass – here glisten the yellow stones of Numidia and Thasos and Chios and Carystos that joys to match the waves. Statius tells us the countries from which the marbles were imported, none from Italy. Rather, they came from parts of Greece and Africa (Egypt and Tunisia), a testimony to the wealth of Pollius and the thriving marble trade in Puteoli (Dicaearchea), the largest, most active port at the time. 23 Statius takes particular note of the colors of the various marbles, describing how the green marble from Sparta imitates grass while the marble from Carystos, noted for its veining, seemed reminiscent of the waves of the sea. Statius emphasizes the blending of art and nature and in this case, natural stone imitating grass and sea. Everything seems to turn and salute Naples and Statius exclaims to Pollius: 95/96 macte animo quod Graia probas, quod Graia frequentas / arva... Bless your heart that you favor things Greek and spend your days in Grecian country! The villa’s architecture clearly emphasized the Greek history and culture of the Bay of Naples in its articulation of separate views and specific sites with Homeric, religious, personal and cultural associations which flattered Pollius’ philhellenic taste. Thus, Pollius’ villa was centered on a unified theme: the evocation of the Greek world – the Greek world which was the Bay of Naples, the Greek world of Hellenistic art, the Greek world of the mind which favored poetry and philosophy. Pollius’ villa design utilized the natural terrain, the association of the Bay of Naples with Greek culture and an artistic, sculptural program to produce amoenitas, a coherent visual aesthetic. Sculpture: Statius’ description of Pollius’ villa reveals an estate very like the Villa of the Papyri, also located on the Bay of Naples. The Villa of the Papyri has been partially excavated near the city of Herculaneum, a city buried in the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in 79 A.D., just eleven or twelve years prior to the composition of Silvae 2.2. 24 Gigante claims that the Villa of the Papyri is incomparable “because of its superb union and successful synthesis of theory and practice, of figurative arts and written culture.” 25 The similarities between these two villas are striking. First, both villas had prospects on the sea even though the Villa of the Papyri is considered a suburban rather than a maritime villa. Both villa owners subscribed to the Epicurean philosophy, which taught that one should

23 D’Arms, 1974: p. 119 24 Hardie, p. 129 25 Gigante, p. 2

aspire to a life of “enjoyment of tranquility.” 26 Finally, the artistic programs of both villas utilized similar types of Hellenistic sculpture. Smith states that the following categories of sculpture were typically found in Roman villas of this period: nobilia opera, copies or versions of famous works by noted artists, imagines illustrium, portraits of famous Greek writers and thinkers or the great cultural heroes of Hellas, and ornamenta or decorative sculpture; included in this last category are statues with Dionysian associations as well as other decorative items with or without practical uses. 27 All three types of Hellenistic sculpture were discovered during the excavations of the Villa of the Papyri; all three types of sculpture are described in Statius’ poem. 63 quid referam veteres ceraeque aerisque figuras, 64 si quid Apellei gaudent animasse colores, 65 si quid adhuc vacua tamen admirabile Pisa 66 Phidicae rasere manus, quod ab arte Myronis 67 aut Polycliteo iussum est quod vivere caelo, Why should I tell of ancient forms of wax or bronze, shapes animated by Apelles’ gay colours or planed by Phidias’ hands – wondrous work, though Pisa was still empty – or bidden to live by Myron’s or Polyclitos’ chisel, Verses 64-67 describe nobilia opera, i.e., those works which were copies of famous works by famous artists. Apelles was a noted Greek painter of the fourth century B.C. whose paintings were so life-lie that it was said that birds would fly toward the paintings to eat the grapes depicted. Phidias was one of the most renowned of the ancient sculptors. Polycliteus was also an esteemed sculptor of the fifth century B.C.; a bronze done in his style was among the busts discovered at the Villa of the Papyri. Myron, another famous sculptor, was known especially for his work in bronze. Nobilia opera found at the Villa of the Papyri include a copy of Lysippus’ Hermes and the “Doryphoros,” a work which the Romans considered the ideal representation of masculine beauty. 68 aeraque ab Isthmiacis auro potiora favillis, 69 ora ducum ac vatum sapientumque ora priorum, 70 quos tibi cura sequi, quos toto pectore sentis 71 expers curarum atque animum virtute quieta 72 compositus semperque tuus?. . . bronzes from Isthmian ash more precious than gold, faces of captains and poets, faces of olden sages, whom ‘tis your study to follow whom you feel in all your heart – free of cares as you are, mind composed in tranquil virtue, ever master of yourself? 26 Rist, p. 31 27 Smith, p. 258

The second category of sculpture described in this section of the poem is that of imagines illustrium, comprised as Statius says, of the busts of famous leaders (such as kings or generals), poets, and sages. Statius does not provide the names of the illustrious men whose busts were displayed, but the finds from the Villa of the Papyri again serve as examples of the men whose figures might have been included in Pollius’ sculptural program. An example of a Hellenistic king is Seleukos I Nikator (311-281 B.C.) The Greek general Archidamus, depicted in marble was a copy of a bronze original. A bronze bust, once identified as Seneca, now referred to as the “pseudo-Seneca,” is presently thought to be that of a great poet. Its identification with a particular person, however, has not been established; some suggestions include Hesiod, Callimachus, Philemon and Ennius. 28 The third category of statuary commonly associated with villa culture was what Smith has termed ornamenta. 29 Most prominent among this type of sculpture were works which sought to evoke the Arcadian world of Dionysus in which nymphs, satyrs, regularly frolicked and included sileni (older satyrs) along with stags and other animals. 30 Smith suggests, too, that Dionysian erotic sculpture often gives the impression that the satyrs’ desires remain unfulfilled. 31 Dionisian sculptures were often found in garden settings in the peristyles or atria of houses and villas. The garden of the Pompeiian house of M. Lucretius exemplifies this use of ornamenta. In this Pompeiian garden, the owner in effect created a tableau vivant which “summons the Dionysiac world of physical vitality ruled over by a drunken satyr.” 32 The drunken satyr who presides over this scene is used as a fountain – water pours from his wineskin. At the Villa of the Papyri large bronzes found in the garden of the large peristyle also include a drunken satyr and animals. Statius also evokes the Dionysian world in Silvae 2.2. (v. 98–106) Following Statius’ catalogue of marbles, (v. 85–93) Statius unexpectedly shifts his focus. 98 quid nunc ruris opes pontoque novalia dicam 99 iniecta et madidas Baccheo nectare rupes? 100 saepe per autumnum iam pubescente Lyaeo 101 conscendit scopulos noctisque occulta sub umbra 102 palmite maturo rorantia lumina tersit 103 Nereis et dulces rapuit de collibus uvas. 104 saepe et vicino sparsa est vindemia fluctu 105 et Satyri cecidere vadis nudamque per undas 106 Dorida montani cupierunt prendere Panes.

28 ibid., p. 289; Smith, p. 47 29 Smith, p. 258 30 ibid., p. 131 31 ibid., p. 130 32 D’Ambra, p. 133

Why now should I tell of rural wealth, plowlands cast upon the sea, cliffs awash in Bacchus’ nectar? Often in autumn when Lyaeus is burgeoning, a Naiad has climbed the rocks and in night’s secret shade wiped her dripping eyes with a ripened vineshoot and snatched sweet grapes from the hills. Often the vintage is sprayed by the adjoining flood. Satyrs fell into the shallows and the mountain pans lusted to catch Doris naked in the waves. Suddenly, it is night and a sea nymph is climbing the hillside to steal some of the grapes from Pollius’ vineyard. Satyrs and pans come down from the mountain and as the Nereid seeks shelter in the sea, the satyrs tumble into the shallows. The pans are left, lusting to catch the naked nymph. Clearly, this passage describes a Dionysian scene. Statius even evokes the satyrs’ frustrations as the Nereid escapes and the satyrs end up cooling their ardor in the waters of the Bay. (v. 105) The imagery of water also suggests that the statuary graced the margins of a pool or fountain, as did the statuary which adorned the garden of M. Lucretius mentioned above. Scholars have fretted over this particular passage, usually arguing over particular words which alter the details of the story only slightly. 33 Statius often uses mythological figures to “populate” his Silvae. In this instance, however, in Silvae 2.2, Statius is not simply using them as decorative topoi such as one might see in many extant wall paintings of villas. 34 In verses 68–106, in which Statius catalogues the delightful sights of the villa, one recognizes immediately that Statius’ view alternates between the villa’s interior and exterior. First he describes the interior artwork and sculptures including both nobilia opera and the imagines illustrium. Statius then directs his vision outward toward the separate, distinct views which each room of the villa affords. Statius follows this description of the exterior views of the villa with his catalogue of the polychrome marbles that graced the walls and floor of the room with the prospect on Naples. It is following this, interior, description that Statius once again turns his sight outside. It is at this point that he places this mythological, Dionysian scene. The readily apparent structure of this long passage is A-B-A-B. Statius, however, has overlain this scheme with a second, chiastic order, A-B-B-A, where A = sculpture and B = nature or natural stone. (See Table 1) This second arrangement suggests that the mythological scene (v. 98-106) depicts the Dionysian ornamenta of a garden outside the diaeta and acts to balance to Statius’ catalogue of the interior sculptural program (v. 63-72). It has been suggested that the sculptures Statius describes in the first catalogue, nobilia opera and imagines illustrium were most likely to have been found in the library 35 of the villa. Dionysian sculpture was most often found in garden settings. It is impossible to imagine that the villa of a man as wealthy as Pollius would not have included a garden as it was a standard element of Roman house design.

33 Hakanson, p. 59, 60 (Hakanson offers a detailed discussion of such questions on this passage.) 34 Bergman, p. 51 35 Van Dam, p. 234

Table 1: Structure of Statius’ Catalogues: A-B-A-B and A-B-B-A Visual focus Silvae 2.2 Artistic focus

Interior artistic program

A Vs. 63 – 72

A Hellenistic sculpture: Nobilia opera, imagines illustrium

Exterior views across the Bay

B Vs. 72 – 85

B Nature - Seascapes Views framed by windows

Interior decor of the diaeta

A Vs. 85 – 94

B Nature - Marbles diaeta paneled or floored with polychrome marbles

Exterior mythological scene: sea nymph and satyrs

B Vs. 98 – 106

A Hellenistic Sculpture: Ornamenta with Dionysian theme

The prevalence of this kind of sculpture in the gardens of villas and city residences supports the idea that what Statius describes here is not merely a fanciful, poetic illustration of the Dionysian theme. Rather it describes the villa’s garden in which the third category of Hellenistic sculpture completed Pollius’ collection. It can easily be imagined that the Nereid’s statue was placed near a vine-covered arbor, giving the impression that she was plucking grapes with the vine branch touching her brow. (v. 102-103) Statius, himself makes clear that viticulture was a prominent feature of the topography of the villa (v. 4, 99, 100) and it may be that Pollius derived his wealth, at least in part, from the production of wine. 36 It may even be the case that Statius’ vignette depicting a sea-nymph at Pollius’ baths (v. 19-20) is also a reference to decorative sculpture. 37 The unified visual and artistic program of Pollius’ villa focused on the evocation of the Greek world to be seen outside his windows, within his home, and within his mind and heart. Pollius’ philhellenism and its expression through his villa provided Statius the foundation for his poetic description of his visit during the summer of 90 A.D. Statius’ primary purpose is clearly the praise of his patron. Statius accomplishes this purpose against the backdrop of Pollius love of things Greek by intermingling two main motifs: The Domination of Man over Nature, and Pollius’ Epicureanism. The willing submission of Nature:

36 Hardie, p. 175 37 Bergman, p. 51: Bergman connects the two scenes as a depiction of a mythical meeting of land and sea. She does not, however, make a connection between possible sculptural programs either at the bath or in the garden outside the diaeta.

Some scholars view Statius’ portrayal of Pollius’ relationship to his natural surroundings as a military metaphor in which the villa owner wages war on a savage Nature or takes on the role of a wild animal tamer. 38 Newlands extends the military metaphor, combining it with the symbolic relationship of villa and owner into a “poetic of empire” in which Pollius’ “ordered lifestyle” and his villa are synecdochic of empire “as if the villa were a private colony or a state.” 39 Newlands imbues this poem with political and imperial significance and asserts that Statius purposely offered this poem as a “corrective to the potential abuse of [imperial] power.” 40 “dat Natura locum”, Statius reports. (v. 15) The Oxford Latin Dictionary, #15b defines the use of the verb dare in combination with this noun, i.e. dare locum, as a set phrase which means “to give place” or “to give way” 41 as one might give way to another out of deference to his authority or superior rank. Understood in this way, Nature offers Pollius authority over the land occupied by the villa, its baths and grounds. 26 ....ponunt his lassa furorem 27 aequora et insani spirant clementius austri. 28 hic praeceps minus audet hiems, nulloque tumultu 29 stagna modesta iacent dominique imitantia mores. The sea puts aside its fury, the winds breathe more gently, headlong winter dares less while the pool (i.e., the Bay) lies down, imitating the gentle habits of the master (Pollius). 42 Statius, beginning in verse 36 avers that his poetic skill is not equal to the task of doing justice to the “natural and artificial beauties” 43 (v. 41) of the villa. As he walks through the grounds, the poet “ponders ...the union of nature and human skill:” 44 44-45 locine / ingenium an domini mirer prius?...

Should I marvel first at the place’s ingenuity or it’s master’s?

Nature itself imbues some locations with their own natural amoenitas, while in other places Nature “yields to the developer” or “artist” 45 and grows gentle and

38 Van Dam, p. 196, 226 ff.; Newlands, p. 179 39 ibid., p. 179 40 ibid., p. 193 41 Van Dam, p. 203 translates, “Nature supplies a place.” ; Bailey, p. 123 translates, “Nature provides place.” These translations do not take into account the meaning of the set phrase and thus fail to give it its proper significance. 42 Author’s translation; Van Dam, p. 211 connects modesta with mores; Bailey, p. 125 uses modesta to modify stagna. 43 Howard, p. 63 44 Pavlovskis, p. 14 45 Bailey, p. 126; Pavlovskis, p. 14 states that “nature willingly gave in to her master.”

teachable, learning new ways. Van Dam 46 views verses 52-53 as examples of Nature needing to be tamed as if it were a wild animal, yet he also states in regard to these verses that Nature is ready and willing to subject herself to Pollius’ authority (p. 228) 47apparently contradicting himself. Newlands argues that “the land, rather than being innately cooperative with architectural design, is represented as an entity that needs to be reshaped and tamed.” 48 This seems to be contradicted by Statius’ use of docilis, mansuevit, and favit as well as his previous verses which emphasize Nature’s cooperative role. 32 qua prius obscuro permisti pulvere soles 33 et feritas inamoena viae, nunc ire voluptas 52 his favit Natura locis, his victa colenti 53 cessit et ignotos docilis mansuevit in usus. 54 mons erat hic ubi plana vides, et lustra fuerunt 55 quae nunc tecta subis; ubi nunc nemora ardua cernis, 56 hic nec terra fuit: domuit possessor, et illum 57 formantem rupes expugnantemque secuta 58 gaudet humus. nunc cerne iugum discentia saxa 59 intrantesque domos iussumque recedere montem.

Where formerly sunshine mingled with foggy dust and the path was wild and ugly, ‘tis a pleasure now to go Some spots Nature has favored, in others she has been overcome and yielded to the developer, letting herself be taught new and gentler ways. Where you see level ground, there used to be a hill; the building you now enter was wilderness; where now you see lofty woods, there was not even land. The occupant has tamed it all; the soil rejoices as he shapes rocks or expels them, following his lead. Now behold the cliffs as they learn the yoke, and the dwellings as they enter, and the mountains bidden to withdraw. In these verses, Statius emphasizes the role of Pollius in manipulating the terrain to suit the architectural plan of the villa. Pollius, in effect, turns the world topsy-turvy 49 as he builds a mountain where previously there was a plain, places buildings where wild beasts used to dwell. Here, there are trees where before there was not even soil. Yet in all of this re-shaping of the land, the soil rejoices to follow Pollius’ lead. The rocks learn to bear the yoke and the mountain withdraws as the dwelling enters the landscape. The occupant has tamed it all, (v. 56) creating amoenitas where wilderness and uncultivated ugliness once

46 Van Dam, p. 227 47 Van Dam, p. 228 48 Newlands, p. 156 49 Pavlovskis, p. 14

prevailed, (v. 33) nevertheless, it has been accomplished, not through military conquest, but through the charm of Pollius’ poetry a point made clear in v. 60-62. 60 iam Methymnaei vatis manus et chelys una 61 Thebais et Getici cedat tibi gloria plectri; 62 et tu saxa moves, et te nemora alta sequuntur. Let the hand of Methymna’s bard and therewith the Theban lyre and the glory of Getic quill give you best; you too move rocks and lofty forests follow you. Pollius is compared to the mythic bards, Arion, Amphion and Orpheus who charmed nature by their poetry and who are bidden to cede their glory to Pollius Newlands notes that Pollius “commands and refashions nature with the wonderful authority of Orpheus, Amphion and Arion so that the act of contesting nature is subsumed in elevated, poetic production.” 50 It is Statius purpose to praise his patron; by likening the construction of Pollius’ villa to the magical means of these mythic poets, Statius achieves his goal and furthers his imagery of Nature as a willing, happy co-worker in the production of amoenitas on Pollius’ estate. 112 hic ubi Pierias exercet Pollius artes, 113 seu volvit monitus quos dat Gargettius auctor, 114 seu nostram quatit ille chelyn, seu dissona nectit 115 carmina, sive minax ultorem stringit iambon, 116 hinc levis e scopulis meliora ad carmina Siren 117 advolat, hinc motis audit Tritonia cristis.

Here Pollius plies Pierian skills, whether meditating the precepts of the Gargettian teacher or striking my lyre or turning unequal verses or unsheathing the avenging iamb in threatening vein. From this side the Siren flits lightly to better songs than hers, from that Tritonia hearkens, nodding her crest. Pollius’ poetry is praised yet again as Statius himself gives place to Pollius as one skilled in epic, elegy and satire. Here, Statius evokes the opening lines of the poem in which the villa is located between the walls known by the Sirens’ name and the cliffs burdened by the temple of Tyrrhene Minerva (v. 1-3); he describes how at the sound of Pollius’ lyre the Siren flies to his villa to hear a song better than her own and Minerva in her nearby temple leans toward the sound. 118 tunc rapidi ponunt faltus, maria ipsa vetantur 119 obstrepere, emergunt pelago doctamque trahuntur 120 ad chelyn et blandi scopulis delphines aderrant. 50 Newlands, p. 156; Bergman, p. 59 notes Pollius’ “magical spell over nature.”

Then the swift winds subside, the very seas are forbidden to roar, winsome dolphins emerge from the water drawn to his accomplished harp, and wander by the cliffs. Neptune 51 orders the sea itself to cease its roar, the swift winds cease and charming dolphins emerge from the waters, drawn toward the lyre and wander near the cliffs. Statius again provides a vision of Nature taking pleasure in Pollius through his poetry. There is evidence of a military metaphor. 52 Van Dam lists the following words as those that “imply that civilizing consists of war”: victa, cessit, domuit, expugnantem, iugum discere, iussum, recedere, speculatrix, domat, praetoria, servit, servitium, domas. Yet within the context of a personified Nature who yields at every turn and rejoices in its transformation, it seems that the military theme is relegated to a secondary position at best. Some of the terms cited do not support the military motif. For instance, praetoria, once used to mean a general’s quarters or an imperial residence, was used in Statius’ time to mean merely a rich persons residence. 53 Servitium, too, can have a military meaning as bondage was regularly imposed upon defeated captives. Yet Statius modifies the term, calling it nobile. Earth is seen to be under a “noble bondage” to Pollius. This is not the bondage imposed by the will of a conquering enemy but is “noble” because it is a willing servitude, by which Statius implies that art is superior to nature. 54 The word speculatrix 55 is also offered as a military term. This is only the secondary meaning given in the Oxford Latin Dictionary; the first meaning is simply an observer. In the context of a villa maritima, the purpose of which was to enjoy the views, the military connotation seems out of place. In Statius’ poem, Man is dominant over Nature through the agency of civilization and culture. Yet Nature does not battle for supremacy, but instead, steps aside, ascribing authority to the villa owner. Nature even rejoices in its transformation from feritas inamoena to amoenitas and imitates the master’s habits, i.e., his character. This vision of a cooperating Nature furthers Statius’ primary goal of praising his patron by showing the Epicurean lifestyle as a better way. Pollius’ Epicurean philosophy:

Statius explicitly states that Pollius ascribes to Epicurean philosophy:

113 seu volvit monitus quos dat Gargettius auctor

51 Howard, p. 67; Van Dam, p. 263 52 Van Dam, p. 227 53 Howard, p. 53 states that praetorium originally meant a “general’s tent” or “official residence;” later, it meant the “fine residence” of some wealthy person. Van Dam, p. 226 also points out that it denotes any spacious mansion, yet it was he who infused a military meaning to its use in Silvae 2.2. 54 Van Dam, p. 228 55 Ibid, p. 196

Whether meditating on the precepts of the Gargettian teacher... Aspects of Epicurean philosophy are interwoven in Statius’ description of the villa, its construction and nature’s response to its own transformation at Pollius’ hands. Thus, the villa symbolizes its owner 56 and even represents him as a moral authority. 57 The Epicurean ideals of pleasure, tranquility, and freedom from the fear of death are all treated in the poem. ηδονη, pleasure –

For Epicureans, pleasure, ηδονη, was defined as freedom from bodily pain and mental affliction. The Latin word voluptas, (v. 32 - 33) is seen as an approximation 58 or even the equivalent of ηδονη. 59 32 qua prius obscuro permixti pulvere soles 33 et feritas in amoenia viae, nunc ire voluptas Where formerly sunshine mingled with foggy dust and the path was wild and ugly, ‘tis a pleasure now to go The path to which Statius refers in verse 33 is the way up to the villa, but Statius could well be hinting at Pollius’ path of life as well. There is a parallel to verse 33 later in the poem (v. 133-139) in which it becomes clear that earlier in life Pollius was fully engaged in civic affairs. At the beginning of the building project, the path was wild, obscured by dust and blinded by the dazzling sun; later, the ugliness was cleared away and transformed into a path of pleasure. In Pollius’ youth, he “was proud in mistaken values,” 60 but later the fog of things was cleared, and he saw the truth. Now, Pollius lives his life in tranquil retirement, 61 a lifestyle related to the Epicurean ideal of αταραξια, or “untroubledness. 62 The watch-tower

v. 3, celsa... speculatrix... villa - The lofty villa, an observer (from above) mirrors

v. 131-132 ... celsa tu mentis ab arce despicis errantes humanaque gaudia rides.

56 Van Dam, p. 190 57 Newlands, p. 158 58 Van Dam, p. 214 59 ibid., Van Dam notes that ηδονη was considered by Epicureans to be the beginning and ending of a happy life. 60 Bailey, p. 133 61 Van Dam, 209 states that Pollius’ retirement reflects a central precept of Epicureanism, i.e., “to live in a corner.” 62 Rist, p. 100, 138

You, from the lofty citadel of your mind, look down upon wandering souls and you laugh at human joys. Howard notes that this is a reference to Lucretius Book 2.16-19 in which the image is of “one who surveys the movements of men below,” i.e., of “one who is elevated above every fort by his inward strength.” 63 quies as αταραξια , i.e., quietude or tranquility −

Epicureanism is also implied by the comparison of the quiet and calm sea to the turbulent sea of the common life. 64 Quietude or tranquility seems to be a frequent motif: quies, v. 7, - quiet in Naples after the games placidi, v. 9 – Pollius is quiet, gentle placido, v. 13 – the recessed harbor is quiet, gentle amico...salo, v. 22, 23 – a friendly sea, implying a tranquil sea saevis fluctibus obstat, v. 124 – [Neptune] prevents the savage waves 65 mira quies pelagi, v. 26 – Wonderful the calm of the sea! ponunt hic lassa furorem aequora, v. 26,27 – The sea puts aside its fury insani spirant clementius austri, v. 27 – the winds breathe more gently hic praeceps minus audet hiems, v. 28 – headlong winter dares less 66 nulloque tumultu stagna modesta iacent, v. 28,29 – the pool lies down untroubled tunc rapidi ponunt flatus, v. 118 – the rapid winds subside maria ipsa ventantur obstrepere, v. 118 – the seas are forbidden to make noise Perhaps the strongest illustration of the Epicurean ideal of quiet rest is that seen in the following verses: 139 ...illo alii rursus iactantur in alto, 140 sed tua securos portus placidamque quietem 141 intravit non quassa ratis. sic perge, nec umquam 142 emeritam in nostoas puppem demitte procellas. Others in their turn are tossed upon that ocean, but your bark has made safe harbour and tranquil rest, unshaken. As Rist states, “For Epicureans, as we have seen, the chief aim of life is to secure tranquility of mind and to avoid bodily suffering. Living the good life is compared to sailing a quiet and calm sea.” 67

63 Howard, pp67, 92, 93 64 Rist, p. 138 65 Author’s translation. Most scholars use the term resist, but that does not seem to fit the context. Prevent is an alternate meaning in OLD. 66 Van Dam, p. 211 states that the “storm of the soul” is another Epicurean metaphor. 67 Rist, p. 138

No fear of death –

124 ......................................qui pectore magno 125 spemque metumque domas voto sublimior omni, 126 exemptus Fatis indignantemque refellens 127 Fortunam: dubio quem non in turbine rerum 128 deprendet suprema dies, sed abire paratum 129 ac plenum vita... ..for your great soul masters hope and fear, loftier than any desire, immune from the Fates and rebuffing indignant Fortune. Your final day shall not find you caught in the doubtful whirl of events, but ready to go, fed full with life. The putting aside of the fear of death is another important concept of Epicurean philosophy. Here, Statius is recalling the writings of Lucretius; in his De Rerum Natura, Book 3, 938, Lucretius uses the image of a dinner-guest sated from the banquet, ready to leave at the close of the festivities as a metaphor for the man who, plenum vita, full of life, is ready to depart. The Epicureans believed that the soul was destroyed at death and therefore they had no reason to fear death as there would be no after-life. Conclusion

Statius Silvae 2.2, “The Surrentine Villa of Pollius Felix,” is not merely a villa painting in verse, 68 for while a villa painting can depict the view from without, giving architectural detail and topographical location, it is necessarily limited to a single perspective. Statius, blending ekphrasis with encomium, brings to life not only the view of the villa from without but also the view from within. By this I mean the view from the perspective of the human soul which can conceive of beauty, the soul which seeks order in its surroundings and within itself. Silvae 2.2 confirms our understanding of the concept of the locus amoenus as it relates to Campanian villa culture in the first century A.D. as well as the means by which that amoenitas was achieved. Statius portrays Nature as cooperative and joyful in its transformation, and by means of the artful incorporation of Epicurean motifs and his praise for Pollius’ poetic skill, Statius shows himself worthy of his patron and worthy of our attention.

68 Newlands, p. 159

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